them But he sayes one greate hogge may doe as much mischiefe in a garden as many litle swine And it seemes that the like evill spirit as entred into the heard of swine hath possest this libeller and driven him on head long in his Rebellious impudence The King sayes he was some times prone to thinke that had he called this last Paâ—liament to any other place in England the sad consequences might have been prevented To shew that the place could have made noe change the libeller instances in his Majest first Parliament at oxford which was dissolved What doth that prove to contradict what his Majest sayes that if he had called the Parliament at another place these sad consequences might have been prevented Does the libeller thinke that because there was misvnderstanding betweene the King and some of his Parliaments that they would therefore have run to the same extreamities that the faction in this last did or that these factionists could have brought this mischeife vpon the kingdome by like Tumults in another place He goes on to say that the King called his last Parliament at Oxford a Mungrell Parliament consisting all of his friends Noe doubt there were in that Parliament many loyally affected to his Majest but it cannot be denyed for time hath tryed it that there were many among them that were spyes and disturbers corrupted by the Rebell faction at Westminster and their owne base inclinations who sought to disorder all Councells and consultations The libeller would comprehend the whole people of England within the Tumults interprett the Kings prayer against the tumults to be a prayer against his people Is it not God that stilleth the raging of the sea madnes of the people And is not a prayer for the people to pray they may be delivered from such madnes and yet this libeller sayes that the king praying to be delivered from the Tumults prayeth to be delivered from the people and blasphemously concludes God save the people from such intercessours And we cannot beleive that God is in his thoughts whose mouth soe often abuseth his name Vpon the Bill for TRIENNIALL PARLIAMENTS and for setling this c. HE sayes the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments was a good Bill and the other for setling this at that time very expedient And this he sayes in the kings owne words was noe more then what the world was fully confirmed he might in Iustice reason honour and conscience graunt them for to that end he affirmes to have done it This man hath a confirmed enmitie against truth cannot make a right recitall The kings words are that the world might be fully confirmed in my purposes at first to contribute what in Iustice reason honour and conscience I could to the happy succes of this Parliament I willingly past the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments The greatenes of the trust which his Majest put vpon the people by passing that Bill was a strong Argument that he would deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he might graunt not that the world was confirmed he might graunt that Bill in reason honour and conscience in respect of the matter of it for a greate part of the world was of opinion he might with better reason have denyed it had not his desire to shew his purposes of contributing what he could to the happy successe of the Parliament moved him And they might be confirmed thereby of his purposes to deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he could contribute to the happy successe of the Parliament It is the Kings manner to make vertues of his necessities and that neither prayse nor thankes are due to him for these beneficiall Acts. It cannot be expected that Rebells will retaine gratitude that have cast of loyaltie but let vs looke on his reasons and the first is that this first Bill graunts much lesse then two former statutes yet in force by Edw. the 3. that a Parliament should be called every yeare or oftner if neede were Either the libeller is vaine in producing this instance or in commending the Bill that gave much lesse then two former lawes in force and he must make the Parliament very inconsiderate that would soe much importune a law soe farr short of what former lawes had enacted His ancient law booke called the mirror and his late Treatise that Parliaments by our old lawes were to be twice a yeare at London carry as litle Authoritie as cleerenes what those Parliaments were they mention but neither the statutes nor law bookes did ever affirme the right of calling Parliaments in any other then the King or that he might not deferr the calling of them if he saw cause and these statutes were made to declare the subjects dutie to attend the King in his Parliament once a yeare or oftner if neede were and there was noe reason why oftner should have been inserted into the law if any obligation were intended thereby vpon the King And its contrary vnto the writt whereby Parliaments are called that the time of Parliaments should be defined for it is recited to be an Act of Councell to call a Parliament which needed not if it were necessary at a prefixed time The second Bill he sayes was soe necessary that nothing in the power of man more seemed to be the stay of all things from ruine then that Act. We are sure that nothing did more confirme the designes of the Traytours nor hasten that ruine of the Kingdome they have wrought then that Act. All men descerne the fraudulent artifices vsed to gaine that Bill by pretending publique debts which seditious faction had contracted and intended to encrease for the carrying on of their Rebellion and his Majest in graunting that Bill hoped to take of those occasions of it the Reports which they cast out among the people of his vnwillingnes to rayse money for discharge of the Armyes These charges were occasioned by the Kings ill stewardshipp but the world is satisfied it was from a trayterous conspiracie of the guides of this Rebellion He alleadges his needeles raysing of two Armies to withstand the Scotts which noe man but a profest Rebell can soe call for should he have raysed noe Army but left all to the mercy of the invader next he had beggerd both himselfe the publique When by this libellers owne confession the King had received noe supplies from the publique for raysing those Armies and these shameles Traytours blush not to talke of the Kings beggering of the people when the greate plentie his Government had enriched them with is soe visible in those vast leavies which the Rebells have since made vpon them The King left vs vpon the score of his needy Enemies If they had not been too much friends to the traytours of England there had been noe score to them for all men know whatever they received from England was by the contrivance of the Trayterous faction in Parliament to accomplish their ends To
circumlocution There is a greate difference betweene the sword of Rebellion and the sword of hostilitie betweene the sword of lawles violence the sword of justice Christians never thought that any sword drawne by subjects against their King did not violate their loyaltie Alleagiance much lesse that their professed loyaltie and Alleagiance led them to direct Armes against the Kings person If loyaltie leade to hostilitie it were an ill foundation of obedience Truth is not lesse wounded by lying then loyaltie by Armes against the King Some doubtles foresaw not the consequents of their beginnings and being deceived by wrong principles fel into vnhappy conclusions which they suspected not to follow from their premisses but as they are deceived that wil sever absurd conclusions from erroneous premisses so are they that wil hope to avoyde desperate consequents from ill grounded Actions Doth Iconoclastes hold it necessary that al they that have fallen into an impietie must be impenitent and because they have been sinners must they become Blasphemers and Apostats There have beene Examples of many Rebells that yet abhord the shedding of their Kings blood But Iconoclastes holds it a dishonour to be a smal villaine he that wil be wicked must act Crymes of the highest degree if he faile in the last Act he must be thrust from the stage The more impious the Actions of Traytours are the more evident the guilt of them the greater prayses they give them and most magnifie that which is most abominable they stile their most outragious crueltie vnsparing Iustice. As they will spare noe mans blood to passe to their ends soe they wil not be sparing in the Titles of their villanies If this shameles man had not been sensible of the vinversall detestation of the fact he mentions that it was acted in defiance of Religion law Justice he would never have chosē this expressiō of the vnsparing sword of Iustice. If Rebels may judge of Justice the cleerest Justice wil become the fowlest Cryme the Justice that inflicts punishment on their Rebellion the greatest Tyrany Lawes are oppression where Malefactours have got the Tribunall The vnsparing sword of Rebellion will noe more appeare the sword of Justice then the vnsparinge virulency of a lewde tongue appeare a legall condemnation of a lawfull Magistrate Is it vnsparing Iustice that gives the sword into every hand that would kill and reproachfull language into every false tongue If there be offenders they that without authoritie take one them to punish are more guiltie then the offender But wee may be assured where Rebels vsurpers are Judges innocence wil be the greatest Cryme and horrid Murthers vnsparing Justice But he proceedes to say which vndoubtedly soe much the lesse in vaine shee beares among men by how much greater and in highest place the offender This neede explication He spake but now of the sword of Iustice and now sayes shee beares this is fome new speculation St. Paul sayes the Magistrate beares not the sword in vaine and this man would have every man the Magistrate and the sword borne without an hand to strike with it Justice executed by a Metaphor He makes Iustice some wandring spirit that invisibly carries a sword Whence comes the sentence of this Iustice from the mouth of the Cryminall or the Judge for by those motions both may lay equall claime to it because justice ought to be administrated impartially such as are in highest place from whome alone the administration of Justice is derived to all others must be murthered by those that are subject to them Justice hath noe sword but the power of the lawfull Magistrate which is called the sword of Justice from the Magistrates duty becomes the sword of violence murther in the hands of another but the is men thinke they may vse the sword without a calling as preach and administer the Sacraments vncalled Would Iconoclastes be content that the Bayliffe of westminster should draw the impartiall sword of Justice against his new Masters that are in highest place Els Iustice whether morall or politicall were not Iustice but a false counterfeite of that impartiall and godlike vertue Iustice cannot become noe Iustice but the Acts of men may be just or vnjust as they follow or forsake the Rules of Iustice. And what greater contempt of Justice then to pretend it for the ruine of mankinde What grater reproach to that God-like vertue then to prostitute it to all the execrable Parricides of the world Doth the Image breaker thinke that having called it a Godlike vertue he hath well defined it by King killing for that is the sense of his highest place It s a part of his Method to insinuate an opinion of his esteeme of Justice by the prayse of it that such as he opposes were lesse Zealous of it but his context shewes that Iustice is defyed by him and he seekes to wash the bloody hands of the worst of Traytours by casting their odious acts on his imaginary Iustice. But whēce comes I conoclastes to assume the expressiō of a Godlike vertue and is soe angry with Iconbasilice Is there more warrant for his Godlike vertue of Justice then for the Godlike office of Kings And he is as much Iconoclastes of the one as the other for they that will wrest the sword out of the hands of Gods vicegerents will not sticke to wrest that Godlike vertue to their owne impieties The only greife is that the head was not strucke of to the best advantage and commoditie of them that held it by the haire Doubtles they that struke it of did it for their owne advantage and commoditie without respect to Justice or feare of God and sure if some were greived that it was not strucke of to their advantage they that strucke it of did it to that purpose and to the fatisfiction of their owne crueltie and laying the foundation of their Tyrany this followes from Iconoclastes for that commoditie which some had and others missed caused the Murther They that hold it by the haire and they that strucke it of have cause of greife though Iconoclastes and his Masters that have as they thinke the advantage and Commoditie of it now laugh at their partners whome they put by and at the wickednes they acted and himselfe gives stronger evidence that the ring-leaders of this horrid Rebellion sought their owne commoditie and advantage then can be supposed of Malignant designes in any of his Majest partie Which observation though made by a common Enemy may for the truth of it heereafter become a proverbe Wicked Actions are not the lesse odious for Companie and the observation which it seemes he intends that some of their partie that now forsake them were equally guiltie with them of the Kings death will noe way excuse them that proceeded to that high degree of impietie But why is the observator called a common Enemy Why is he more an Enemy then they
that reproach the present Murtherers as much as he Their Enemies are now all man kinde and such as beleived not their intentions nor Actions cannot be deceived of them now they are defended by this Author If that observation become a proverbe will not the wickednes of theis Murtherers become a Proverbe to denote the greatest degree of villany But as to the Author of those soliloquies where it were the late King as is vulgarly beleived or any secret Coadiutor and some sticke not to name him it can add nothing nor shall take from the weight if any be of reason which he brings How the Champion traverses his ground At first he looked with greate scorne to have such an Antagonist as a King then he condescends to take vp the gantlet then as an induction to his Trayterous reproaches craves excuse for not vsing Courts hip now he makes a doubt whether the King or some coadiutor be Author of those soliloquies and he sayes some sticke not to name him Truly it s noe secret or strange thing that there be not men wanting that would not sticke at any Action or word against the King Is it the neerer truth when some sticke not to name the man when Iconoclastes stickes not at soe many vntruths He that reades this Authors booke will rest assured that he will sticke at the affirmation of nothing that may dishonour his late Majest But its strange he thought his insinuation of any weight that some sticke not to name him when all men see the licence taken by so many lewde persons noe restraint from saying any thing against the King whereat should they sticke their impudence is commended and rewarded Would they sticke at truth that 's out of fashion in the new state But perhapps they sticke to name a man least they have a conviction from him or some els that could discover the Circumstances about it But since he makes a scruple if there be not reason in the booke why is he soe vnwilling to admit the King to be the Author surely it were for his advantage to make the King author of such a booke and if they were a Coadiutors why doth he lay his weakenes or errours as he pretends vpon the King The Author doth not add nor take away from the reason in the booke but the booke commends the Author and shames the answeare But allegations not reasons are the maine contents of this booke and neede noe more then other contrary allegations to lay the question before all men in an even ballance The allegations in his Majest booke are either such as are only knowne to himselfe or such as were evident to all men by the light of reason or notorietie of Actions And Iconoclastes vainely flatters himselfe that his contrary allegations wil be of any weight to move the scale Sober men take his ostentation of confidence rather as an effect of frensy then a perswasion of reason But through his whole booke he offers allegations against apparent rea◅ous Though it were supposed that the Testimony of one man in his owne case affirminge could be of any Moment to bring in doubt the authoritie of a Parliament denying a contrary allegation against this would weigh downe the ballance in most mens judgment The periuries impostures cruelties devastations of those he calls the Parliament are soe knowne common abroade that the mention of them is a name of infamy and takes away all credit from their Actions Their owne journalls tell the world that they never speake truth but for their advantage and omit noe falshood that will serve their turne But doth Iconoclastes thinke any Parliament infallible or that all men condemned by Parliament had Justice done them He wil then finde that they condemne one another and for this last misnamed Parliament their bloody executions have such apparent markes of Injustice and crueltie as themselves cannot deny it vnles they will deny the records themselves have made the Testimony of former Parliaments There are in his Majest booke many particulars that the Parliament neither did nor could deny and through the whole booke the Author hath produced few or none of their denyalls There hath been much vse made of the name of Parliament but the Author must thinke he hath an inchanting pen if after the murther of the king abolishing the Lords house plucking out the members from the lower house prostituting the very constitution of Parliament to the lawlesse multitude and packing the Roome with a few meane persons eyther terrified by power or flattered by promises he can perswade any that such a Company sitting on the vsuall seates of the lower house be the Parliament he may as well give the name of Parliament to a Parish vestry as that Convention all the odds is the place of their meetinge But if these his faire spoken words shal be heere fairly confronted and laid parallell to his owne farr differing deedes manifest visible to the whole nation then c. His Majest words he sayes are faire spoken and will appeare sincere against al the fowle spokē words of this author to confront them And his actions are soe wel knowne to the whole nation as he doth in vaine appeale to them as witnesses of the truth of those false and incongruous Calumnies that he hath produced His Majest Actions being laid parallell to this Authors different expressions shew the lewdnes of the Libellers impudence that will appeale for the truth of what he sayes to those that best know the contrary and in a case where the evidence of the fact excludes all appeale The Author concludes that wee may looke on them who notwithstandinge shall persist to give to bare words more credit then to open Actions as men whose judgment was not rationally evinced perswaded but fatally stupified bewitched into such a blinde and obstinate beleife for whose cure he sayes it may be doubted not whether any charme though never soe wisely murmured but whether any prayer can be availeable If after the reading of this Authors booke any man thinke him a modest man that he hath dealt ingeniously with his Majest booke or person he may be sure that such a person were not rationally evinced but eyther maliciously prepossest or stupidly infatuated and neither vnderstood words nor Actions And this Author meanes not to cure but to charme expressing his delight in the terme of murmuringe which was the Custome of witches in their Charmes never vsed by servants of God though wicked men are compared to the deafe adder whose eare is stopped to the murmuring Charmer as theirs to the holy advice But Iconoclastes may aswell hope to turne men into ftones by his absurd assertions or into serpents by his lewde reproaches as perswade men of his reason or honestie We know the prayers of the wicked are abominable aswell as their wilfull falhood and slander while he seekes to place those that will not be led by him among those that Charmes
not agree in the redresse of greivances and supply of the necessities of the Kingdome their continuance would prove ignominious not their dissolving Sometimes chusing rather to misse of his subfidies or to rayse them by illegall courses then that the people should not still misse of their hopes to be releived by Parliaments Iconoclastes in his Preface talked of laying parallel actions to words and heere he vses words of actions that never were for among those Parliaments of his late Majest where can he finde a number to make vp his Sometimes vsing a language as if the King had called as many Parliaments as he had raigned yeares And where can he finde that the King chose to misse his subsidies that the people should not be releived by Parliaments Two of the Parliaments are already mentioned In the third where he had non he was so farr from chusing to misse of his subsidies if he might have had them that his reiterated Messages to the then house of Commons to prepare their greivances that he migh◅ apply just remedies to them sufficiently prove that nothing was wanting of his part to have received the subsidies and releived the people It s well knowne that his Majest had at that time a warr with Spaine and France and that nothing but inevitable necessitie on his part could have made him decline the obtainnig of subsidies from that Parliament And after the house of Commons had declared that they would supply him in such a way and in so ample a measure as should make him safe at home and feared abroade they agreed vpon the number of subsidies but voted that the Bill should not come into the house till their greivances were answeared His Majest sent them there vpon severall Messages to hasten them to present the greivances which nothing wrought on them but without any reason after long expectatiō they denyed to have the bil of subsidies brought into the house It s wel known that no Kingdome had lesse greivances then that of England vnder his late Majest And the people were perswaded into an opinion of greivances not by sence of Suffering but the disputes of Pragmaticall Incendiaries and they would have rested quiet had they not been seduced by such Craftsmen and there is no on thing that this breaker can name for a greivance which his Masters that now Lord it do not encrease The first he broke of at his coming to the Crowne for no other cause then to protect the Duke of Buckingham against them who had accused him besides other hainous Crymes of no lesse then poysoning the deceased King his Father This Author takes himselfe not concerned in speaking Truth for the publike Records of the Kingdome and some late declarations of the pretended Parliament would have held his hand from this false assertion if he had valued Truth at the rate of perusing them for the Duke of Buckingham was not at all accused by the first Parliament of the King nor in any Parliament for poysoning the deceased King He might have found that in the second Parliament of the King Among other Articles against the Duke of Buckingham he was accused for a Transcendent Presumption and of dangerous consequence touching Phisicke applyed to the deceased King but the malice of such as hated the Duke of Duckingham did not extend to an accusation of poysoning the deceased King yet the venome of Treason in this Author makes him madd and say that a fact of presumption and of dangerous consequence was a poysoning If such were the wisedome of a house of Parliament to call poysoning of a King a presumption of dangerous consequence neither King nor people neede be troubled to want their Councell This is the first instance though not the first falshood of Iconoclastes but to the matter of what he sajes in that second Parliament wherein the Duke of Buckingham was accused his Majest by Message to the lower house told them he was well pleased they should proceede against the Duke of Buckingham they did accordingly give vp their Articles to the Lords the Duke of Buckingham made his answeare which was sent down to the Commons who being vnable to reply to it such as then swayed the house contrary to the Councell of a greate number of the most experienced amongst them resolved to hinder al proceedings and necessitate the King to a Dissolution of the Parliament This is no secret the journall bookes of that house sufficiently ◅vince it Still the latter breaking was with more affront and indignitie put vpon the house and her worthyest members then the former This appeares not by his subsequent reason but if this breaker had thought either the dissolving of Parliaments or indignitie and affront to members any offence why does he take on him the defence of those that have Ignominiously excluded the whole house of Lords and so many of the Commons and among them some whome he termes the worthiest persons in the Parliament he speakes of but his reasons and narrations are of the same stuffe And if any man compare the affronts and indiginties offered his Majest by some persons in parliament and his proceedings against them he will judge that their provacations exceeded his passion and their owne sufferings In so much that in the fifth yeare of his Raigne in a Proclamation he seemes offended at the very Rumour of a Parliament divulg'd among the people as if he had taken it for a kinde of slander that men should thinke him that way exorable much lesse inclined What strawes this man pickes vp If the King did seeme offended at a factious Rumour doth it follow that he held it a Scandall to act that which was Rumoured Because a King doth forbid Rumours of his intended Actions doth he not therefore intend them And must his Councells be the subject of common Rumour It is a factious practice to spreade a Rumour of a parliament before the King please to declare it and tends to the precipitation of his Councells by sedition But as his premisses are he seemes so his conclusions are as if and men may as well beleive him on his bare word as such inferences he appearing inexorable to speake Truth or forbeare slander And forbidds it as a presumption to prescribe him any time for Parliaments that is to say eyther by perswasion or petition or so much as the reporting of such a Rumour for other manner of Prescribing was at that time not suspected His Majest therein forbad no more then the law forbidds and accounts it a presumption to Prescribe him any time for Parliaments But such as have destroyed King and Parliament would have it esteemed strange that they should not prescribe what they list and the breaker that would have the King Prescribed will allow non to Prescribe his now masters His explanation signifies nothing for doth he thinke that the King ought to be petitioned or perswaded by every on that will or that the spreading of a Rumour is a fit
peece of English Divinitie that the shopps value The Authors of leiturgies and helpes to devotion have their memory blessed by the benefit which many devout soules have acknowledged to have received from their labours and the crueltie which bloody Rebells exercised on the person of the late Arch-bishopp and their other barbarismes towards the Prelates to please that kennell by whome they acted their Rebellion hath satisfied the world of the nature of Sectaries of whose bloody disposition many by sheepes-clothing were much deceived Quilting of Scripture Phrase was wont to be the prayse of their long winded Lecturers who vsed it more for sound then sense but it seemes their spirit is changed The libeller will hardly gett credit vnles with those for whose sake he doth not professe to write that is his wise and well principled men the Sectaries if he affirme that there is more neede of Christian diligence in the bold and extempore bablinge of their senseles zealots then the compiling of those Leiturgies and Manualls he mentions And such as have observed the presumption of this rabble in their prayers will beleive they hate diligence as much as they want judgment Why English or saleable should dininish the esteeme of Divinitie is not vnderstood but because they are common termes he would have his readers vnderstand that they signifie nothing but common matter and he expects that some will thinke English and saleable Divinitie of no regard though they vnderstand no other But he proceedes such a kinde of Psalmastry or other verball devotion without suteable deedes cannot perswade any of Zeale and righteousnes in the person But such as make Psalmastrie a word of contempt relish not the Zeale of the sweete singer of Israell and their deedes are odious to all good men that seeke matter of reproach vpon the devotions of others and make their malitious surmises positive truths The instances of Tyrants counterfeiting Religion are frequent and that hipocrisie is inseperable from Tyrants by vsurpation such as this libellers Masters whose want of right seekes protection from dissembled vertue but this seldome happens to Kings by just Title whose power wants not that support His comparing his late Majest to knowne vsurpers that confirmed their Crownes gained by robbery and kept with falshood blood shewes his odious shamelessnes in the dissimititude whoever observes the prophane assumption of the Titles of pietie by these Monsters their hipocriticall professions to maske their wicked ends shall finde that Andronicus Comnenus and our English Rich. 3. Came short of them not only in counterfeiting Religion and conscience but in falshood and crueltie Insteede of shake speares scene of Rich. 3. The libeller may take the Parliaments declaration of the 29. May where their words are The providing for the publique peace and prosperitie of his Majest and all his Realmes we protest in the presence of the all-seeing Deitie to have been and still to be the only end of all our Councells endeavours wherein wee have resolved to continue freed and enlarged from all private aimes personall respects or passions whatsoever and againe in their petition of the second of June they tell him that they have nothing in their thoughts and desires more pretious and of higher esteeme next to the honour and immediate service of God then the just and faithfull performance of their dutie to his Majest and the libeller will not finde in historie or poet words of a deeper hipoâ—…risie in the mouth of a villaine nor more contradicted by their Actions That which he adds from his Testimony out of shakespeare of the imagined vehemence of Rich. the 3. In his dissembled professions holds noe proportion with theis hipocrisies really acted not fancyed by a poet and this libeller hath learnt to act a part out of shakespeare and with Rich. 3. accusing loyaltie and innocency for high Crymes and crying out against their wickednes that sought to restore the disposessed heires of the Crowne to their right and amplifying their offence as the highest against God and man and wherein comes the libeller short of his patterne in this scene He sayes heerein the worst of Kings professing Christianisme have by farâ—… exceeded him and he gives his reason for that the King hath as it were vnhallowed and vnchristned by borrowing to a Christian vse prayers offred to a heathen God And doth saint Paul exceede the worst of Kings professing Christianisme by borrowing to a Christian vse the words of an heathen Philosopher and poet did he thereby vnhallow and vnchristen Scripture His meaning is as followes afterward that the King vsed a prayer taken out of S. Philip Sydnies Arcadia After the first Edition of his Majest booke the Printers finding the greate vent of them in the following Editions Printed prayers and other things in the Kings name not belonging to the booke Among these prayers there is a prayer taken out of the Arcadia That prayer is neither made by a heathen woman nor to a heathen God but is composed by the Author a Christian without reference to any heathen Deitie and the Author is not thought to vnchristen prayer by it the libeller himselfe saying the booke in its kinde is full of worth and wit but as his outcry hath noe cause from the matter so heere is no evidence of the fact that his Majest made vse of that prayer or popt into the Bishopps hands as a relique of his exercise though he might warrantably have vsed it and professed it But he goes on to shew what he can say vpon this occasion Who would have imagined so litle feare in him of the true alseeing Deitie so litle reverence of the holy Ghost whose office is to dictate and present our Christian prayers so litle care of truth in his last words or honour to himselfe or to his friends or sense of his afflictions or of that sad hower which was vpon him as immediately before his death to pop into the hand of that grave Bishopps who attended him as a speciall relique of his saintly exercises a prayer stolne c. All men that have observed this Authors practice hitherto rest assured that he hath so litle feare or reverence of the allseeing Deitie so litle care of truth or honour as he stickes not to charge his Majest with facts neverdone and innocent Actions with transcendent guilt If his Majest had vsed the prayer or delivered it as he imagines no man of Christian sobrietie could charge the fact with Cryme what one word or sentence is there in that prayer which a Christian may not vse but the Image breaker hath a greate quarrel to al formes of prayer and by the reason he produces that the office of the holy Ghost is to dictate and present our Christian prayers all set prayers want reverence to the holy Ghost so tender is he of the best reformed Churchs of whome he so often makes a propertie And whence concludes he no care of truth in his last words
is this man to call his Majest going to the house of Commons with an ordinary guard without Pike or Muskett an hostile March after the March of a compleate Army led by his Rebell Masters against that house But he vrges for proofe that his Majest confesses it to be an Act which most men cryed shame vpon which his Majest sayes not at all but that his Enemies loaded it with obloquy indifferent men grew jealous of fearefull and many of his friends resented as a motion rising rather from passion then reason The cryes of his Enemies prove nothing but their owne passion partialitie and the jealosies of men are oftner resolved into their owne mistakes then the truth of Actions The opinion of his Majest friends condemned not the Action as injurious though they might thinke it passionate and if this Author could set aside the malice and corruption of his heart he might justly learne from his Majest cleerenes in stating his owne Actions with observing all the Circumstances of them that make to his disadvantage to forbeare these fayned discourses of every Action he writes of That in one of his answeares to both houses he made profession that he was convinced that it was a plaine breach of the priviledge it was greater satisfaction then ever King gave his houses of Parliament and it must have been an inexcusable disloyaltie in them to presse him after such a profession and make it matter of complaint T is true his Majest denyed any intention to breake their Priviledges in that Act. But no man yet could assigne a reason to exclude the King from any of his Courts or Counsells and why he might not aswell come to the lower house as to the higher and speake to the Commons in their owne aswell as send for them to the higher house or els where as was both law Custome And as no priviledge of Parliament doth extend to Treason but that a Conestable may apprehend any member of that house being accused of that Cryme so why the King should be forbidden to come to the house to cause Traytours to be apprehended none but Traytours will finde a cause but heere he sayes he represents it fraudulently We have found already it hath been fraudulently expressed by the libeller He sayes the King would make some benificall vse of his worst Actions And surely his Actions which were most charged with guilt appeare just and shame his accusers These men meaning his friends knew not the just motives and pregnant grounds with which I thought my selfe furnished To these words of his Majest which he hath interlaced with meaning his friends he sayes his best friends knew not nor ever could know and it would have tended to his justifying to have named them in this place and to shew his owne impertinence the next words he cites of his Majest are that he had discovered as he thought vnlawfull Correspondencies which they had vsed and engagements to imbroyle his Kingdomes What more would he have had in this place But he sayes suppose them reall and knowne what was this to that violation and dishonour puâ—…t vpon the whole house whose doore was forcibly kept open all passages neere it besett with swords pistolls cockt menc'd in the hands of about three hundred swaggerers and Ruffians who but expected nay audibly called for the word of onseâ—…t to begin a slaughter But suppose them reall was it not a matter of more importance to apprehend such conspiratours then to omitt the opening the doore of the house of Commons Is it a dishonour to have Traytours taken from them There neede not any answeare to his pretended tendernes of the house that approves such open violence against them with Pikes and Musketts but reproves swords and Pistolls Doth not he thinke that all men looke vpon him as a common prostitute that vses such aggravations of a cause which himselfe defends though accompanied with outrage and violence A word of onset to begin a slaughter could never be expected by such an inconsiderable number armed only with swords and pistolls a strange preparation for a Massacre but there are men apt to be disordred by any rumours of danger and some are willing to have a pretence for vnwarrantable Actions thence proceede these onsets in the ayre He would willingly perswade the Rebell rowte that whatever the King may doe for the securing of himselfe Kingdome Rebells may doe to destroy him and vsurpe his Kingdome and therefore to that which his Majest sayes of the correspondencies and engagements which the accused members vsed to imbroyl his Kingdomes the Libeller answeares that he remembers not his owne conspiracies with the Irish and. French English and scotch Army to come against the Parliament the least of which attempts by whomesoever he sayes was no lesse then manifest Treason against the Common whealth To imagine a Monarchy and Commonwealth or Republique in the same state can enter into none that vnderstand eyther nor that a King can commit Treason with his subjects or against them Kings have been charged with Tyrany never with Treason till those brutish vndertakers If there had been any law to make such a Treason this libeller would never have added the word manifest for t is a sure Rule with him to add most vehement asseverations where he knowes there is no colour of truth He well knowes how carefull the people of England were that Treason should not be made Arbitrary and therefore they were confined into one positive law and in that law this Author findes not his fantasticall Treason Can any but mad men dreame that when the priviledge of Parliament extends not to Treason that they cannot committ Treason It s Treason by the law to leavy warr against the King and that this libellers Masters have acknowledged and can he finde it consistent in the same Government that there can be Treason in the King to leavy warr against the Parliament and because a King may have confederations and Alliances with Forraigne Princes can subjects have so too These are not the opinions but the Stratagems of Rebels The people of England are bound to assist their King against any without distinction and the law hath provided for their indemnitie though the King miscarry but lawes are chaffe when Rebells Raigne The particulars he mentions if they had been reall on his Majest part as they are only imaginary the Actions of the Rebells have given Testimonie to their Justice and necessitie To demaund Iustice against the five members there needed not so rough assistance But the successe tells vs there needed more for these members were guarded with an Army and a fleete and insteed of being committed on such an accusation which themselves resolved could not be denyed by law they protected them against law If he had resolved meaning the King to beare that repulse with patience wherefore did he provide against it with such an armed and vnusuall force Is a Kings guard any
King and Peeraes represent only themselves the Commons are the whole Kingdome Which is as apparently false as that the Common Councell of London are the whole kingdome the commons in Parliament have no power from the people to doe any thing without the king Lords Infinite mischeifes may grow while our safetie shall depend vpon the over weening reason of one man And we finde by experience that desperate ruine inevitably followes when our safetie depends vpon the agreement of a multitude It is the nature of sectaries to be wise in their owne conceite and thence come arrogance and contempt of Government it is a principall in their schisme to improve this naturall insolence and contemne all Estates and abilities of men dissenting from them though his Majest were of most eminent natural endowments this libeller cals him a man neither by nature nor nurture wise Which shewes he vnderstood not wisedome in others nor was sensible of his owne folly soe apparent to all his readers That a King should want breeding to make him wise is strange in the libellers owne judgment and that the experience breeding of the King was eminently extraordinary the world well knowes He calls the Kings negative his will the Parliaments demaunds advice May not their demaunds be willfull and his negative advised The nature and nurture of this libeller is disobedience and therefore will have the Kings wisedome to be will the Rebells rashnes wisedome and it is impossible that men who have sucked in such principles should ever be obedient to any Government studying only how they may disaffect subjects to it He sayes the Kings errour was imperious and force was vsed not to dispell errour out of his head but to drive it from of our neckes These Rebells sought to be imperious put the yoke vpon the neckes of the people and that which restrained them from an absolute arbitrary power which was the Kings negative they would take away by force and place negative and affirmative in themselves The libeller sayes well that force was not vsed to dispell errour which was vsed to enforce consent and to make errour and shewes their wickednes that tooke that course The King sayes the vprightnes of his intention will excuse the possible failings of his vnderstanding who seriously endeavours to see the best reason faithfully followes it This the libeller sayes is a position false in law Divinitie But for that we must take his word against all law Divinitie But he sayes its contrary to the Kings owne better principles who affirmes the goodnes of a mans intention will not excuse the scandall and contagion of his Example And doth it contradict what the king had said of the excuse of errour in judgment by the vprightnes of the intention because a man cannot excuse an evill Action by the intending a good end where there was noe errour of the fact but a knowne evill His not knowing through corruption of flattery Court principles will not excuse him But we are sure that this libellers willfull falshoods corrupt and Rebellious principles condemne him and make him odious to God and man and he is not like a Pilot mi'sled by a wandring starr that may be possible but like a Pilot that will not be giuded by starrs but maliciously destroyes the ship and men and this Author might sooner excuse a drunken Pilot then a savage Piratte and such are they who willfully practise doceites and cruelties vnder the name of nationall rights They vsed force to acqiut their owne reason and conscience from force That is they vsed force to Domineere over king and people and establish their owne will for law And to rebell against their king is to arqiut their reason and conscience The king sayes never thing pleased him more then when his judgment concurd with theirs The libeller to this sayes That was to the applause of his owne judgment and would aswell have pleased any selfe conceited man But could the king despise the judgment of the Parliament as this addle headed libeller continually exclaimes and make it matter of applause to himselfe that his judgment concurd with theirs Could he sleight their judgment and conceite his owne credited by their concurrence If he had noe other esteeme of their judgment then the libeller would have beleived doubtles he might have suspected his owne Judgment for concurring with theirs And whence comes itt that a selfe conceited man would be soe well pleased with such a concurrence A selfe conceited man scornes the concurrence of other mens judgments and preferrs his owne against all others but reason cannot be expected from this man being vse les to his vndertaking The king sayes in many things he chose rather to deny himselfe then them And sayes the libeller That is to say Trifles for of his owne interests and personall rights he conceives himselfe Master And who can deny itt but he is Master of them and yet he hath parted with these land could he part with any thing wereof he was not Master And were all these lawes which the libeller commends trifles To part with if he please saith the Libeller not to contest for against the Kingdome which is greater then hee whose rights are all subordinate to the Kingdomes good If he may not contest for them he must part with them though he please or not please but being for the Kingdomes good he is bound to contest for them and it is to ruine the Kingdome when subjects contest to take them away from the King Those rights are in compatible with subjects and inseperable from Governours and are noe more subordinate to the peoples good then Justice or law are but they are the peoples good and the people are subordinate to their Rulers in judging what is their good But he must part with them because the Kingdome is greater then he as the Libeller sayes That is noe reason but it is according to the Rebells principles that there is no right but force the weaker may not contest against the stronger The libeller is very copious in his declamations against Monarchy and it would be tedious to follow him in his verbofitie he excepts to these words of the King In what concernes truth Iústice the right of Church or his Crouwne noe man shall gaine his consent against his minde And sayes the libeller What can be left then for a Parliament but to sit like Images whilest he assumes the best abilitie of judging or restraynes all men from enjoyment of any good which his judgment thinkes not fit to graunt them And what were a King but an Image if he were bound to graunt whatsoever his subjects in Parliament demaund of him and to what end doe they take an oath of Alleagiance if he were bound to quit it when they aske it And are there any soe sunke in vnderstanding as to beleive that it is the office of a King to judge of nothing and the right
To folly or Blasphemy or both shall wee impute this shall the Iustice of God give place serve the mercies of a man all other men who know what they aske desire of God that their doings may tend to his glory And doth not he that prayes he may be able to shew mercy to his Enemies pray that his Actions may tend to Gods glory Is not God glorified in the mercies of men Is not mercy in men a guift of God and can this tri◅ler pretend sin in that prayer which desires of God that his Justice may not prevent their mercie to their Enemies May not men pray for their Enemies pray to have judgments diverted from them pray to have an occasion to shew them mercy But this libeller that esteemes soe litle to Blaspheame is careles how falsely he charge it on others Vpon the listing AND RAYSING ARMIES HE begins with the Kings mention of Tumults the demonstrations he calls them of the peoples love loyaltie to the Parliament Which in their nature more then the kings denomination were demonstrations of disobedience to law hatred of Government disloyaltie to the king Their petitioning was in the Authors owne judgment the height of violence Barbarisme which he compares to the Iron flaile those Armes which he cals defensive were so apparently a Trayterous histolitie that the ends which he assignes for them admit not the least colour for the appellation of defensive The King takes noe notice that those listed about him were the beginners of these Tumults Neither could he of soe strange an imagination The king sayes his recesse gave them confidence that he might be conquered The Libeller sayes other men supposed both that and all things els who knew him neither by nature warlike nor experienced nor fortunate yet such sayes he are readiest to imbroyle others How well he performes the first period of his booke not to descant on the kings misfortunes his readers may heere see that makes the kings misfortune his reproach and a ground of their wicked confidence to Rebell against him but that such men are readiest to imbroyle others is not soe certaine but vndoubted they are not readiest to imbroyle themselves and noe valour nor experience whereof his Majest is wel knowne to have had a greate measure can stopp a slandrous tongue The mischeifes brought vpon his Majest kingdomes sprung from such persons as sought their advantage by such broyles which all men see the King could never expect The King sayes he had a soule invincible And the Libeller sayes what prayse is that the vnteachable man hath a soule to all reason invincible And is an invincible courage noe prayse He seekes to shew his witt by applying invincible to vnteachable when as if he had cited the Kings next words as he ought he had lost his jest for the King sayes he had a soule invincible through Gods grace enabling him but he breaketh sentences and truth least he should breake for want of matter That the King labours to have it thought that his fearing God more then man was the ground of his sufferings The Libeller sayes he pretended to feare God more then the Parliament who never vrged him to doe otherwise And did they not vrge him to doe otherwise when they vrged him to doe that which was against his conscience But there neede not more be spoken of this for the Libeller calls that a narrow conscience which will not follow a multitude against its owne perswasion He shewes his levitie beyound that Creature he calls the vulgar who now affirmes the King was drawne by his Courtiers and Bishopps and yet in the beginning of his booke he sayes that the discourses and preachings of Courtiers and Prelates against the Parliament was but a Copy taken from his owne words and Actions that all remissenes in Religion issued originally from his owne authoritie all miscarriages in state may be imputed to noe other person cheifely then to himselfe He goes on to compare the words of Saul that he had performed the Commaundement of God to the Kings mention of his fearing God the kings vpholding the Prelates against the advice of the Parliament example of al reformations is not much vnlike if not much worse noe neerer like then this Authors writings to modestie loyaltie Is the advice of the Parliament and the example of all reformations equall to the expresse Commaund of God The examples of all Reformations himselfe tells afterward are not concurrent in the matter he mentions and if they were soe are all points of reformation equally necessary and of the same obligation with the commaund of God and was the Reformation of the Church of England noe reformation Why then doth he say all Reformation And is not the Church of England equall if not superiour to any part of the world that hath reformed But we see what account these hipocrites make of the Example of all Reformation that have set vp schismaticall confusions of Religion in contempt of all Reformation His Majest did noe more in vpholding the Prelates then what the example of the most primitive times Godly Emperours holy martyrs instructed him in which noe Reformation ever contradicted and he had no reason to hearken to the advice of such as then called themselves a Parliament who had broken all the lawes and priviledges of Parliament expelled the members and were governed by Tumults a company of Bedlam Sectaries against the doctrine and practice of the vinversall Church The practice of Saul in persecuting David wel sutes with the course of these Rebells but they have gone beyound him in malice and disobedience in the matter both of David and alsoe the Amalekites he brake the Commaundement of God in sparing Amaleke these traytours presumptuously breake the Commaund of God in destroying their King Church And this man exceedes Sauls presumption that makes the preservation of an order continued in the Church in all ages as bad or worse then the sin of Saul He sayes acts of grace are proud vnselfe knowing words in the mouth of any King who affects not to be a God Certainly this Libellers words shew him not only in affection but in Act a proud vnselfe knowing man Are there noe Acts of favour noe Acts of mercy in Kings but all of necessitie but enough hath been said to these brainesicke dreames Never King was lesse in danger of violence from his subjects till he vnsheathed his sword nay long after when he had spilt the blood of thousands they had still his person in a foolish veneratiō Should a Christian cal that which God Commaunded David practised foolish veneration but they whose wisedome is Rebellion hold Divine wisedome foolishnes And was he in so litle danger from those that held that veneration foolish were there none that held soe when they affronted him and threatned him every day To what end should multitudes come about his Pallace and cry Justice when they sought murder What
Authors descant vpon the Kings words of the incommunicable Iewell of his conscience discovers how he hath exposed his owne to the flatterie and slaverie of his Masters and had he thoughts of conscience he would not have valued it at the basest price The breeding of Most kings hath ever been sensuall and most humoured He speakes it of his owne sense and inclination to such base offices Kings have greatest cause to avoyde such breeding and persons of such condition The kings dissent from his whole kingdome is a supposition of that which never was and were impossible ever to happen but should it happen they that are governed must submitt to the governour and that by all the Rules of divine and humane law The Libeller saying the king preferrs his love of truth before the love of his people the Kings words are the love I have of my peoples place hath greate influence vpon me but the love of truth and inward peace hath more And who thinkes not that it ought to have soe For his search of truth he had gone amisse if he had rested on those propounders which the Libeller prescribes him And that vnaccountable Prerogative which the Libeller sayes is the truth he loves would have been judged a truth by the Libeller if he had reteined either feare of God or love to his Countrey It is our ill hap that three kingdomes should be pestred with one conscience which scrupled to graunt what the Parliament advised him But it was the miserie of the three kingdomes that a faction of depraved men that had cast away conscience should oversway the Parliament and demaund graunts for their owne ambition against the kingdome These scruples to many he sayes seeme pretended to others vpon as good grounds may seeme reall And to this it seemes the Libeller inclines for noe reason wil permitt that he should suffer soe much vpon a pretence of conscience It was the just judgment of God that he who was soe cruell and remorseles to other mens consciences should have a conscience soe cruell to himselfe And were not they that were soe cruell to his conscience condemned by their owne being heerein the instruments of hell to afflict the consciences of others but these miscreants can sport themselves with their owne siâ—…s and others sufferings Hath he made asmuch as a pretence of the Kings crueltie to any mans innocencie The Libeller recites that the King said he thought fit to deny some things in honour Policie though he could approve them which is not at al said by the King but that some things which a King might approve yet in honour Policie might be denyed at some time to some men And who doubts it can there be a want of such considerations in a King Good Princes thought it their happines to be allwayes graunting How could that be if it be true which he sayes they had nothing to graunt But good subjects never demaunded that which should make their King vnable to graunt any more He remembers himselfe now that good things were to be graunted for the things sake indifferent things for the peoples sake and he hath made it his continued Theame that the King could graunt nothing in favour but all was necessary in Justice and it is apparent that the kings large concessions invited these ingratefull Rebells to make those shameles demaunds which themselves knew noe king in honour Policie and Justice could graunt Vndoubtedly his Coronation oath bindes him to a generall and implicite consent to whatever the Parliament desired And then vndoubtedly the king must be in worse condition then any subject for noe man but he is bound to such a blinde obedience and it is a strange blindenes in this man to offer such a thing to be beleived which himselfe holds incredible for he sayes the Kings oath cannot binde him against necessary reformation And can it then binde him to make wicked lawes which must be reformed Is the Parliament infallible may they not make ill lawes What is the reason that the Libeller and his Sectaries would not give obedience to Acts of Parliament vpon pretence of conscience ought the king to consent to such lawes as the subjects ought not to obey The King ought not to vie wisedome with the Parliament and why then doe the Libeller and his Sectaries vie wisedome with all former Parliaments Any of the Parliament may as farr excell him in the guift of wisedome as he them in place and dignitie But it s very vnlike and neere to impossible especially if we looke to the experience of all times and it is often found that a King is wiser then all his Councell And though the libeller say sure it was not he meaning the King as wise men as any of his Councell or Parliament thought it was he never good subjects contended with their King for that comparison The king sayes that that were as if Sampson should have consented to put out his eyes that the Philistins might with more safetie mocke and abuse him And this sayes the Libeller out of an vnwise or pretended feare of scorne for yeilding to his Parliament he gives cause of suspition that he made a scorne of his Regall oath Could any man suspect that his Regall oath bound him to such a dispicable slavery that a king should be in greater bondage to his Parliament then any vassall to a Lord a king might justly scorne such an oath that would make him scorned by all when he had taken it but the Libeller had noe better answeare and therefore retreates to his Common refuge of insignificant repetition The King sayes to exclude him from all power of denyall seemes an arrogance The Libeller adds in the Parliament he meanes and askes what in him then to deny against the Parliament It is no arrogance to deny in him that is asked but arrogance in him that askes to receive noe denyall The king sayes its least of all becomminge those that make their addresses in a humble and loyall way of petitioning who by that confesse their inferioritie which oblidgeth them to rest if not satisfied yet quieted with such an answeare as the will and reason of the superiour thinkes fitt to give To this the Libeller sayes petitioning in better English is noe more then requesting or requiring And is it not good English to call our prayers pititions and is it better English to say wee require when we pray and is requesting and requiring the same in good English Is the petitioning of his new Masters requesting or requiring Men require not favours only but their due and that not only from superiours but equalls and inferiours It s the first time that such requiring of favours was heard of and a sorry inference that because men require of â—…qualls they may of superiours and that there is noe difference betweene superioritie of Government and superioritie in fortune or Title It was called petitio consulatus when the noblest Romans went about and
the Masse booke prescribed prayer aswell as reject formes of Devotion because they were in the masse booke It was the Carnall feare of divines and Politicians that modelled the Leiturgie noe further of from the old masse least they should incense the people This hath been the conceite of Schismaticall Politicians though the lightnes of it be very apparent for it cannot be thought that the people would be more incensed by an alteration of the prayer then an alteration of the language and the taking away of the externall superstitions was more likely to incense the people as it did then any alteration of the Leiturgie and it had been very easie to have made any alteration in the Matter when the language was changed and in the time of Queene Elizabeth when no such feare could be pretended the demaunds of the schismatickes for abolishing the leiturgie were held frivolous and seditious The Libeller sayes good desires rightly conceived in the heart wholesome words will follow of themselves But wholesome words will beget good desires and how publique prayer in the congregation can be vsed vnles a leiturgie be admitted noe true Christian can finde a way That the prescription of a Leiturgie was not imposed nor practised by the first founders of the Church is an apparent falshood The Lords prayer and the prescriptions of the Apostles to make prayers for all men for Kings al in authoritie that we might leade a quiet life in all godlines and honestie and the many leiturgies yet extant convince all but willfull gainsayers and it had been in vaine for the Apo◅le to commaund the people to obey such as had the oversight of them if they had noe authoritie to prescribe things lawfull and honest and this Libeller that hath been florishing with autho◅tie of the reformed Churches h◅re condemnes them all who none excepted vse Leiturgies Without whose meaning the first founders of the Church precept and example how constantly the Priest puts on his gowne and surplisses soe constantly doth his prayer put on a servile yoke of Leiturgie It seemes the mention of gowne and surplesse are instede of Arguments to his well principled men and soe is yoke of Leiturgie though by his owne confession that yoke is not in the Leiturgie it selfe but only for the supposed want of precept or example for if there had been either of them as both are apparent there had been noe yoke in his judgment neither can that be a yoke in Religion which is not sinfull and sin there cannot be without breach of a law and if the Libeller could reduce Leiturgies within that compasse he neede not vse those beggerly negatives and if the vsing of Leiturgie by the Priest be a yoke doe not the peoples prayers that put on the Priests extemporary words put on a yoke of Leiturgie For are not his words asmuch yoke to them as the publique Leiturgie of the Church to him And it is evident that they who vse noe set formes in publique prayer direct them more to the hearers then to God studying for expressions of their owne parts while others that vse set formes have their affections more enlarged and not yoked to the search of words Set formes are not rigorously forbidden to any mans private infirmitie But they are rigorously forbidden if they are thrust out of the Church and every mans prayers and spirit imprisoned in the pinfold of set words hastily shuffled togeather by a man often times as defective in wholesome words as sound Devotion whose doses of vnprepared words and matter leade the people into imprecations rather then prayers these men that would confine all publique devotions to the sudden raptures of every vnlearned Levite seeke to shutt heaven at their pleasure though their hands are as short as their vnderstanding and the spiri◅t of vtterance as it respects our prayers is not exercised in words but in the affections which are vtterances to God What we may doe in the same forme of words is not soe much the question as whether Leiturgie may be forced as he forced it And why doth he say forced it meaning the King when it was established by his Predecessours with consent of Parliament which the Libeller soe much pretends to reverence And he may easily answeare his question that would have the forme of words vsed by every Minister to be forced vpon all congregations and we may justly vse the same words allwayes that containe pititions of all things necessary The Leiturgie comprehends not all truth And doth he thinke that all truth should be comprehended in prayer or that any benifitt or vse of sacred expressions is de◅ed vs vnles all the expressions of Scripture are conteined in publique prayer We have the full benifit of all sacred expressions if our nece◅ties are fully represented but his spirit of vtterance is the vse of varietie in expression as if there were a necessitie to vse all expressions to the same sense and he would have ws beleive that the benifitt of sacred expressions is barralled vp in the new tub men whose prayers not only want salt but are besmeared with prophanes Though God raigne downe new expressions into our hearts yet it is not fitt for the whole Church to be yoaked to the fancies of every Levite who often mistake Satanicall injection for the dew of heaven and he is much mistakē in his comparison of retaining the forme of wholesome words to reserved Manna but the loathers of this Manna of wholesome words are the true offspring of these murmerers that loathed the Celestiall Manna and bread of Angles because they had it all wayes accounting it a light foode in regard of their sensuall appetite as these men now thinke the formes of the Church light in regard of the ordinary vse of their owne parts which they would expose to the people and therefore if Leiturgies were Manna it selfe yet if whorded vp and enjoined they will be found sayes the Libeller like reserved Manna rather to breede wormes and stinke For the varietie of words though God have given vs plentie and that we ought not to be nigardly of them to him alone yet we finde long prayers and vaine repetitions condemned by God and we are commaunded when we come before him that our words be few and the questing of Scripture Phrase in prayers is now found wanting in leiturgies that was soe lately scorned by the libeller for the lipp worke of every Prelaticall leiturgist Sectaries prayers though dressed with varietie of words are accompained with a nigardly devotion wherein God cheifely requires vs to be copious this libeller is copious in blasphemy that wil have the word of God if whorded vp and injoyn'd to breed wormes stinke The libeller would have his scoffes received for Argument to vilifie the vse of sett formes brings in the famine of the seidge of Ierusalem whē the Priests brought still the same loaves of the shewbread not being able to procure new he would give
wicked commaunds but detested by all Christians that vsed violence against their Pagan Governours and the reformed Churches may see what Communion can be had with those that professe those best Christians that were least subject to their King The King of Spaine may professe to have his Kingdome from Christ whatever his Religion be he hath a just Civill right which none ever doubted to acknowledge but these hell bred Sectaries that allow noe right but what is founded on their will his repetition of the Letter to the Pope vpon this occasiō shewes he is vnder a famine of reason that makes the Kings constācy to the doctrine of the Church of England to proceede from his letter to the Pope calling it enmitie to the true Church are any soe madd to thinke that the Pope was pleased with the doctrine of the Church of England Did the Libeller thinke there were a God would he write soe willfully against his owne vnderstanding that the King engaged himselfe to hazard life Estate for the Roman Religion he would then thinke that God were neere him writt downe those words which he will one day require an account of The King prayed against his hipocrisie and Pharisaicall washings whose prayer is thou who must give truth for hipocrisie suffer vs not to be miserably deluded by Pharisaicall washings Poeticall licence will not wash away willfull slander and malicious falsification but this man makes hipocrisie and Pharisaicall washings his cheife study and hates the prayers of others for his conversion from such wickednes Vpon his LETTERS taken and DIVULGED THE Publication of the Kings Letters had quite contrary effects to these which the publishers intended and insteede of discovering matter to their advantage cast shame on their false aspersions whereby they sought to withdraw the affections of his people from him they sett foorth both his judgment and affections opposite to Poperie the Irish Rebells and the peace made with them not out of favour but necessitie to divert the finall destruction of the Protestant partie there The endeavours to be assisted with forraigne forces when soe horrid a Rebellion had taken deepe roote was neither against any former professions nor any rules of Justice and pietie but naming of Papists and forraigne forces were the bugbeares wherewith the faction affrighted the silly people and vnder pretence of revenging the blood of Ireland sought to draw men inclinable to assist the King or vnwilling to fight against him into that imployment that he might be more exposed to their power and they might have the better meanes to weaken him and support their owne Rebellion These Letters have discovered their grosse impostures in representing the King wholy Governed by the Queene or others shewing cleerely that his owne judgment cheifely steered his owne affaires and it s like the faction long since saw their owne rashnes in that Publication and that the world tooke notice that they were soe farr from doubting the Kings affection to Popery that their designe was cheifely to declare his aversenes to it that they might prevent his succours from Princes of that Religion That it was done by them without honour Civilitie no man boubts vnles infected with Schismaticall or Rebellious malice and betweene King and subjects matters can never be in that condition that his honour and their dutie are trifling and superficall vanities and with whome they are soe we may not wonder at any brutish and inhumane Barbaritie when was there an example of such a Treason against nature and humanitie to divulge the Letters betweene man and wife touching conjugall privacie And honour and Civilitie being taken as he would have it for discretion honestie prudence and plaine truth the publishers of these Letters not only stand guiltie of the breach of those vertues but appeare the venemous and vnnaturall Traytours to mankinde To cover this base Act the Libeller sayes that such courses are familiar with none more then Kings and produces an Example out of Commines relating the discovery of a Letter by Lewes the eleventh written to him from the Dutchesse of Burgundy which he sayes the Historian doth not charge with incivili◅ie or dishonour And is that the case of publishing Letters that passed betweene man and wife and may subjects doe to their King what Enemies may one to another The Libeller will say yes for he holds noe subordination though the publishers professed the contrary and would not be thought to have abjured their Alleagiance or that they tooke their King for their Enemy but their practices were noe more consistent then the Libellers Arguments The injury offred to the Kings Mother was too well knowne to be a fained suspition or jealosie in him and if they had not been guiltie of that base aspersion they would have acquitted themselves some other way then by the publication and frequent repetition The Libeller appeares to glory more in recitall of it then in the argument which he can draw from pretence of saining a suspition and he that suckes any imputations vpon the King out of those letters must be a Beetle not a Bee and they that from placing constancy to his wife before the mention of Religion and law will spin a webb of determination for the prioritie of affection have more of the spiders venom then the Bees sweetenes They which esteemed their King though one man the breath of their nostrills thought the nation could not be happy without him And the late Parliament whereon the Libeller buildes his faith affirmed in their declarations the happines of the Kingdome did soc mainely depend on his Majest and the Royall branches of that roote as in an ordinary way of providence they would not except it from any other fountaine or streame And are they therefore a nation of Ideots and miserable as he sayes The happines of a nation consists in true Religion pietie Iustice prudence temperance fortitude contempt of avarice and ambition And how shall these be preserved in a nation by the rule of the rabble And bandying the Government with a racket betweene opposite factions but these Rebells with the madd men of Munster will introduce new Ierusalem with the destruction of their Kings and Rulers and the Libeller its like lookes to be a greate saint in this terrostriall Paradise who sayes they in whomesoever these vertues dwell eminently neede not Kings but are the Architects of their owne happines and whether to themselves or others are not lesse then Kings The world hath been well acquainted with these Architects of Treason and shall never want pretenders to those vertues whose practice shewes them the builders of Babell that place their happines in their power and other mens confusion the King appeares eminent in these vertues not only by his constant actions but in his lious hold which was admired for itts order amongst strangers above other Courts though by the Libeller traduced as all laudable things are To make reconciliation desperate the Libeller holds