delivered from such madnes and yet this libeller sayes that the king praying to be delivered from the Tumults prayeth to be delivered from the people and blasphemously concludes God save the people from such intercessours And we cannot beleive that God is in his thoughts whose mouth soe often abuseth his name Vpon the Bill for TRIENNIALL PARLIAMENTS and for setling this c. HE sayes the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments was a good Bill and the other for setling this at that time very expedient And this he sayes in the Kings owne words was noe more then what the world was full confirmed he might in Iustice reason honour and conscience graunt them for to that end he affirmes to have done it This man hath a confirmed enmitie against truth cannot make a right recitall The Kings words are that the world might be fully confirmed in my purposes at first to contribute what in Iustice reason honour and conscience I could to the happy succes of this Parliament I willingly past the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments The greatenes of the trust which his Majest put vpon the people by passing that Bill was a strong Argument that he would deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he might graunt not that the world was confirmed he might graunt that Bill in reason honour and conscience in respect of the matter of it for a greate part of the world was of opinion he might with better reason have denyed it had not his desire to shew his purposes of contributing what he could to the happy successe of the Parliament moved him And they might be confirmed thereby of his purposes to deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he could contribute to the happy successe of the Parliament It is the Kings manner to make vertues of his necessities and that neither prayse nor thankes are due to him for these beneficiall Acts. It cannot be expected that Rebells will retaine gratitude that have cast of loyaltie but let vs looke on his reasons and the first is that this first Bill graunts much lesse then two former statutes yet in force by Edw. the 3. that a Parliament should be called every yeare or oftner if neede were Either the libeller is vaine in producing this instance or in commending the Bill that gave much lesse then two former lawes in force and he must make the Parliament very inconsiderate that would soe much Importune a law soe farr short of what former lawes had enacted His ancient law booke called the mirror and his late Treatise that Parliaments by our old lawes were to be twice a yeare at London carry as litle Authoritie as cleerenes what those Parliaments were they mention but neither the statutes nor law bookes did ever affirme the right of calling Parliaments in any other then the King or that he might not deferr the calling of them if he saw cause and these statutes were made to declare the subjects dutie to attend the King in his Parliament once a yeare or oftner if neede were and there was noe reason why oftner should have been inserted into the law if any obligation were intended thereby vpon the King And its contrary vnto the writt whereby Parliaments are called that the time of Parliaments should be defined for it is recited to be an Act of Councell to call a Parliament which needed not if it were necessary at a prefixed time The second Bill he sayes was soe necessary that nothing in the power of man more seemed to be the stay of all things from ruine then that Act. We are sure that nothing did more confirme the designes of the Traytours nor hasten that ruine of the Kingdome they have wrought then that Act. All men descerne the fraudulent artifices vsed to gaine that Bill by pretending publique debts which seditious faction had contracted and intended to encrease for the carrying on of their Rebellion and his Majest in graunting that Bill hoped to take of those occasions of it the Reports which they cast out among the people of his vnwillingnes to rayse money for discharge of the Armyes These charges were occasioned by the Kings ill stewardshipp but the world satisfied it was from a trayterous conspiracie of the guides of this Rebellion He alleadges his needeles raysing of two Armies to withstand the Scotts which noe man but a profest Rebell can soe call for should he have raysed noe Army but left all to the mercy of the invader next he had beggerd both himselfe the publique When by this libellers owne confession the King had received noe supplies from the publique for raysing those Armies and these shameles Traytours blush not to talke of the Kings beggering of the people when the greate plentie his Government had enriched them with is soe visible in those vast leavies which the Rebells have since made vpon them The King left vs vpon the score of his needy Enemies If they had not been too much friends to the traytours of England there had been noe score to them for all men know whatever they received from England was by the contrivance of the Trayterous faction in Parliament to accomplish their ends To disengage him greate summs were borrowed Which its well knowne was not to disengage the King but to advance the designes of the Traytours who dealt vnder hand with some of the Scotts to protract the Treatie that the charges might be encreast The errours of his Government had brought the Kingdomes to such extreames as were incapable of recovery without the absolute continuance of this Parliament They never did one act after that Bill but in order to the Kingdomes confusion and all men saw there were noe extreames to be recovered at the time of passing that Bill but the returne of the Scotts and the disbanding the faction in Parliament and the only recovery had been by setting an end to the Parliament which they that made it their propertie could not endure The King past these Acts vnwillingly It cannot be doubted but the King foresaw the danger of both and the libeller might have seene in the first section of this Chapter that his Maj was not without doubt that what he intended for a remedy might prove a disease beyound all remedy and though to avoyde a Civill warr he made some concessions in hope to bring the people to see their owne good which might turne to his and their greater mischeife if by them ill applyed yet his Majest deserves prayse and thankes for such Acts of grace and the necessitie which this libeller soe impudently vrges to take of his Majest just thankes was the danger of a Civill warr which his Majest sought by these Act to prevent and might have entred into with lesse hazard before the passing of these Bills then after The libeller only encreases the infamy of the Rebells ingratitude and his owne impudence by obtruding necessities to take of the Kings grace in passing those Bills and it had not the
mans blood to passe to their ends soe they wil not be sparing in the Titles of their villanies If this shameles man had not been sensible of the vinversall detestation of the fact he mentions that it was acted in defiance of Religion law Justice he would never have chosē this expressiō of the vnsparing sword of Iustice If Rebels may judge of Justice the cleerest Justice wil become the fowlest Cryme the Justice that inflicts punishment on their Rebellion the greatest Tyrany Lawes are oppression where Malefactours have got the Tribunall The vnsparing sword of Rebellion will noe more appeare the sword of Justice then the vnsparinge virulency of a lewde tongue appeare a legall condemnation of a lawfull Magistrate Is it vnsparing Iustice that gives the sword into every hand that would kill and reproach full language into every false tongue If there be offenders they that without authoritie take one them to punish are more guiltie then the offender But wee may be assured where Rebels vsurpers are Judges innocence wil be the greatest Cryme and horrid Murthers vnsparing Justice But he proceedes to say which undoubtedly soe much the lesse in vaine shee beares among men by how much greater and in highest place the offender This neede explication He spake but now of the sword of Iustice and now sayes shee beares this if fome new speculation St. Paul sayes the Magistrate beares not the sword in vaine and this man would have every man the Magistrate and the sword borne without an hand to strike with it Justice executed by a Metaphor He makes Iustice some wandring spirit that invisibly carries a sword Whence comes the sentence of this Iustice from the mouth of the Cryminall or the Judge for by those motions both may lay equall claime to it because justice ought to be administrated impartially such as are in highest place from whome alone the administration of Justice is derived to all others must be murthered by those that are subject to them Justice hath noe sword but the power of the lawfull Magistrate which is called the sword of Justice from the Magistrates duty becomes the sword of violence murther in the hands of another but theis men thinke they may vse the sword without a calling as preach and administer the Sacraments vncalled Would Iconoclastes be content that the Bayliffe of westminster should draw the impartiall sword of Justice against his new Masters that are in highest place Els Instice whether morall or politicall were not Iustice but a false counterfeite of that impartiall and godlike vertue Iustice cannot become noe Iustice but the Acts of men may be just or vnjust as they follow or forsake the Rules of Iustice And what greater contempt of Justice then to pretend it for the ruine of mankinde What grater reproach to that God-like vertue then to prostitute it to all the execrable Parricides of the world Doth the Image breaker thinke that having called it a Godlike vertue he hath well defined it by King killing for that is the sense of his highest place It s a part of his Method to insinuate an opinion of his esteeme of Justice by the prayse of it that such as he opposes were lesse Zealous of it but his context shewes that Iustice is defyed by him and he seekes to wash the bloody hands of the worst of Traytours by casting their odious acts on his imaginary Iustice But whēce comes Iconoclastes to assume the expressiō of a Godlike vertue and is soe angry with Iconbasilice Is there more warrant for his Godlike vertue of Justice then for the Godlike office of Kings And he is as much Iconoclastes of the one as the other for they that will wrest the sword out of the hands of Gods vicegerents will not sticke to wrest that Godlike vertue to their owne impieties The only greife is that the head was not strucke of to the best advantage and commoditie of them that held it by the haire Doubtles they that struke it of did it for their owne advantage and commoditie without respect to Justice or feare of God and sure if some were greived that it was not strucke of to their advantage they that strucke it of did it to that purpose and to the fatisfiction of their owne crueltie and laying the foundation of their Tyrany this followes from Iconoclastes for that commoditie which some had and others missed caused the Murther They that hold it by the haire and they that strucke it of have cause of greife though Iconoclastes and his Masters that have as they thinke the advantage and Commoditie of it now laugh at their partners whome they put by and at the wickednes they acted and himselfe gives stronger evidence that the ring-leaders of this horrid Rebellion sought their owne commoditie and advantage then can be supposed of Malignant designes in any of his Majest partie Which observation though made by a common Enemy may for the truth of it heereafter become a proverbe Wicked Actions are not the lesse odious for Companie and the observation which it seemes he intends that some of their partie that now forsake them were equally guiltie with them of the Kings death will noe way excuse them that proceeded to that high degree of impietie But why is the observator called a common Enemy Why is he more an Enemy then they that reproach the present Murtherers as much as he Their Enemies are now all man kinde and such as beleived not their intentions nor Actions cannot be deceived of them now they are defended by this Author If that observation become a proverbe will not the wickednes of theis Murtherers become a Proverbe to denote the greatest degree of villany But as to the Author of those soliloquies where it were the late King as is vulgarly beleived or any secret Coadiutor and some sticke not to name him it can add nothing nor shall take from the weight if any be of reason which he brings How the Champion traverses his ground At first he looked with greate scorne to have such an Antagonist as a King then he condescends to take vp the gantlet then as an induction to his Trayterous reproaches craves excuse for not vsing Courtship now he makes a doubt whether the King or some coadiutor be Author of those soliloquies and he sayes some sticke not to name him Truly it s noe secret or strange thing that there be not men wanting that would not sticke at any Action or word against the King Is it the neerer truth when some sticke not to name the man when Iconoclastes stickes not at soe many vntruths He that reades this Authors booke will rest assured that he will sticke at the affirmation of nothing that may dishonour his late Majest But its strange he thought his insinuation of any weight that some sticke not to name him when all men see the licence taken by so many lewde persons noe restraint from saying any
thing against the King whereat should they sticke their impudence is commended and rewarded Would they sticke at truth that 's out of fashion in the new state But perhapps they sticke to name a man least they have a conviction from him or some els that could discover the Circumstances about it But since he makes a scruple if there be not reason in the booke why is he soe vnwilling to admit the King to be the Author surely it were for his advantage to make the King author of such a booke and if they were a Coadiutors why doth he lay his weakenes or errours as he pretends vpon the King The Author doth not add nor take away from the reason in the booke but the booke commends the Author and shames the answeare But allegations not reasons are the maine contents of this booke and neede noe more then other contrary allegations to lay the question before all men in an even ballance The allegations in his Majest booke are either such as are only knowne to himselfe or such as were evident to all men by the light of reason or notorietie of Actions And Iconoclastes vainely flatters himselfe that his contrary allegations wil be of any weight to move the scale Sober men take his ostentation of confidence rather as an effect of frensy then a perswasion of reason But through his whole booke he offers allegations against apparent reasons Though it were supposed that the Testimony of one man in his owne case affirminge could be of any Moment to bring in doubt the authoritie of a Parliament denying a contrary allegation against this would weigh downe the ballance in most mens judgment The periuries impostures cruelties devastations of those he calls the Parliament are soe knowne common abroade that the mention of them is a name of infamy and takes away all credit from their Actions Their owne journalls tell the world that they never speake truth but for their advantage and omit noe falshood that will serve their turne But doth Iconoclastes thinke any Parliament infallible or that all men condemned by Parliament had Justice done them He wil then finde that they condemne one another and for this last misnamed Parliament their bloody executions have such apparent markes of Injustice and cruelties as themselves cannot deny it vnles they will deny the records themselves have made the Testimony of former Parliaments There are in his Majest booke many particulars that the Parliament neither did nor could deny and through the whole booke the Author hath produced few or none of their denyalls There hath been much vse made of the name of Parliament but the Author must thinke he hath an inchanting pen if after the murther of the king abolishing the Lords house plucking out the members from the lower house prostituting the very constitution of Parliament to the lawlesse multitude and packing the Roome with a few meane persons eyther terrified by power or flattered by promises he can perswade any that such a Company sitting on the vsuall seates of the lower house be the Parliament he may as well give the name of Parliament to a Parish vestry as that Convention all the odds is the place of their meetinge But if these his faire spoken words shal be heere fairly confronted and laid parallell to his owne farr differing deedes manifest visible to the whole nation then c. His Majest words he sayes are faire spoken and will appeare sincere against al the fowle spokē words of this author to confront them And his actions are soe wel knowne to the whole nation as he doth in vaine appeale to them as witnesses of the truth of those false and incongruous Calumnies that he hath produced His Majest Actions being laid parallel to this Authors different expressions shew the lewdnes of the Libellers impudence that will appeale for the truth of what he sayes to those that best know the contrary and in a case where the evidence of the fact excludes all appeale The Author concludes that we may looke on them who notwithstandinge shall persist to give to bare words more credit then to open Actions as men whose judgment was not rationally evinced perswaded but fatally stupified bewitched into such a blinde and obstinate beleife for whose cure he sayes it may be doubted not whether any charme though never soe wisely murmured but whether any prayer can be availeable If after the reading of this Authors booke any man thinke him a modest man that he hath dealt ingeniously with his Majest booke or person he may be sure that such a person were not rationally evinced but eyther maliciously prepossest or stupidly infaetuated and neither vnderstood words nor Actions And this Author meanes not to cure but to charme expressing his delight in the terme of murmuringe which was the Custome of witches in their Charmes never vsed by servants of God though wicked men are compared to the deafe adder whose eare is stopped to the murmuring Charmer as theirs to the holy advice But Iconoclastes may aswell hope to turne men into stones by his absurd assertions or into serpents by his lewde reproaches and perswade men of his reason or honestie We know the prayers of the wicked are abominable aswell as their wilfull falhood and slander while he seekes to place those that will not be led by him among those that Charmes cannot cure nor prayers profit declares his prayers noe other then Charmes and himselfe a man that can neither cure nor pray and sets prayer among those things he scoffes at aswell as the Titles of him that is only to be prayed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vpon the KINGS Calling this last PARLIAMENT THat which the King lajes downe as his foundation that he called this last Parliament not more by others advice and the necessitie of his affaires then by his owne choice and inclination is to all knowing men so apparently vntrue that a more inauspicious Sentence could hardly have come into his minde That his Majest intention could be apparent to all knowing men must have better Authoritie then this Authors word to be beleived His Majest best knew his own intentions and ought to be credited against the Malicious conjectures of such as seeke matter of slander against him to shelter their owne impieties never King of England shewed greater affection to Parliaments then his Majest and never King found greater ingratitude His frequent coming to Parliaments in his Fathers Raigne His many good offices done the houses and the larg acknowledgments of their obligations to him are vpon the Records of both houses Vpon the death of his Father he instantly called a Parliament seeking to continue the same vnderstanding betweene him and his houses as there had been in the time of his Father He had then entred into a dangerous warr with Spaine vpon the Parliaments Councell was in preparation of a greate fleete stood charged with a greate debt left on him by his Father besides
of subsidies but voted that the Bill should not come into the house till their greivances were answeared His Majest sent them there vpon severall Messages to hasten them to present the greivances which nothing wrought on them but without any reason after long expectatiō they denyed to have the bil of subsidies brought into the house It s wel known that no Kingdome had lesse greivances then that of England vnder his late Majest And the people were perswaded into an opinion of greivances not by sence of Suffering but the disputes of Pragmaticall Incendiaries and they would have rested quiet had they not been seduced by such Craftsmen and there is no on thing that this breaker can name for a greivance which his Masters that now Lord it do not encrease The first he broke of at his coming to the Crowne for no other cause then to protect the Duke of Buckingham against them who had accused him besides other hainous Crymes of no lesse then poysoning the deceased King his Father This Author takes himselfe not concerned in speaking Truth for the publike Records of the Kingdome and some late declarations of the pretended Parliament would have held his hand from this false assertion if he had valued Truth at the rate of perusing them for the Duke of Buckingham was not at all accused by the first Parliament of the King nor in any Parliament for poysoning the deceased King He might have found that in the second Parliament of the King Among other Articles against the Duke of Buckingham he was accused for a Transcendent Presumption and of dangerous consequence touching Phisicke applyed to the deceased King but the malice of such as hated the Duke of Duckingham did not extend to an accusation of poysoning the deceased King yet the venome of Treason in this Author makes him madd and say that a fact of presumption and of dangerous consequence was a poysoning If such were the wisedome of a house of Parliament to call poysoning of a King a presumption of dangerous consequence neither King nor people neede be troubled to want their Councell This is the first instance though not the first falshood of Iconoclastes but to the matter of what he sajes in that second Parliament wherein in Duke of Buckingham was accused his Majest by Message to the lower house told them he was well pleased they should proceede against the Duke of Buckingham they did accordingly give vp their Articles to the Lords the Duke of Buckingham made his answeare which was sent down to the Commons who being vnable to reply to it such as then swayed the house contrary to the Councell of a greate number of the most experienced amongst them resolved to hinder al proceedings and necessitate the King to a Dissolution of the Parliament This is no secret the journall bookes of that house sufficiently evince it Still the latter breaking was with more affront and indignitie put vpon the house and her worthyest members then the former This appeares not by his subsequent reason but if this breaker had thought either the dissolving of Parliaments or indignitie and affront to members and offence why does he take on him the defence of those that have Ignominiously excluded the whole house of Lords and so many of the Commons and among them some whome he termes the worthiest persons in the Parliament he speakes of but his reasons and narrations are of the same stuffe And if any man compare the affronts and indiginties offered his Majest by some persons in parliament and his proceedings against them he will judge that their provacations exceeded his passion and their owne sufferings In so much that in the fifth yeare of his Raigne in a Proclamation he seemes offended at the very Rumour of a Parliament divulg'd among the people as if he had taken it for a kinde of slander that men should thinke him that way exorable much lesse inclined What strawes this man pickes vp If the King did seeme offended at a factious Rumour doth it follow that he held it a Scandall to act that which was Rumoured Because a King doth forbid Rumours of his intended Actions doth he not therefore intend them And must his Councells be the subject of common Rumour It is a factious practice to spreade a Rumour of a parliament before the King please to declare it and tends to the precipitation of his Councells by sedition But as his premisses are he seemes so his conclusions are as if and men may aswell beleive him on his bare word as such inferences he appearing inexorable to speake Truth or forbeare slander And forbidds it as a presumption to prescribe him any time for Parliaments that is to say eyther by perswasion or petition or so much as the reporting of such a Rumour for other manner of Prescribing was at that time not suspected His Majest therein forbad no more then the law forbidds and accounts it a presumption to Prescribe him any time for Parliaments But such as have destroyed King and Parliament would have it esteemed strange that they should not prescribe what they lift and the breaker that would have the King Prescribed will allow non to Prescribe his now masters His explanation signifies nothing for doth he thinke that the King ought to be petitioned or perswaded by every on that will or that the spreading of a Rumour is a fit meanes to induce him to call a Parliament He endeavours to defame the King for restrayning popular licence and Sedition and when he seekes to confirme the Tyranny of his Masters he reproaches the people with Levitie and violence And the wayes of Prescribing by him mentioned were vnorderly and by him particularised as Plausible not sound other manner of Prescribing was then not Suspected he intends the force of a scotts Army and though he commend that way of Prescribing and attribute the calling of the Parliament to it and accuse the King for resisting it yet he will charge the King with beginning the warr By which feirce Edict the people forbidden to complaine as well as forced to suffer began from thence foorth to despaire of Parliaments The people have now greater cause to dispaire of Parliaments then ever they had in the time of his late Majest for if these men prevaile they are sure never to have more for they professe to introduce a new form of Government which hath nothing of the Parliament of England however the people by seditious practices or false apprehensions despaired of Parliaments that proves nothing of his Majest inclination or aversenes to Parliaments How an edict can be called feirce where no punishment of the breach of it appeares to be denounced nor any severitie ensuing it cannot be imagined but it s well knowne what Titles this Author wil give to any of his Majest Actions respecting only the reproachfullnes of the Termes nor their proportion or congruitie to what they are applyed and whoever lookes on the time while Parliaments were intermitted the
But such as make Psalmastrie a word of contempt relish not the Zeale of the sweete singer of Israell and their deedes are odious to all good men that seeke matter of reproach vpon the devotions of others and make their malitious surmises positive truths The instances of Tyrants counterfeiting Religion are frequent and that hipocrisie is inseperable from Tyrants by vsurpation such as this libellers Masters whose want of right seekes protection from dissembled vertue but this seldome happens to Kings by just Title whose power wants not that support His comparing his late Majest to knowne vsurpers that confirmed their Crownes gained by robbery and kept with falshood blood shewes his odious shamelessnes in the dissimititude whoever observes the prophane assumption of the Titles of pietie by these Monsters their hipocriticall professions to maske their wicked ends shall finde that Andronicus Comnenus and our English Rich. 3. Came short of them not only in counterfeiting Religion and conscience but in falshood and crueltie Insteede of shake speares scene of Rich. 3. The libeller may take the Parliaments declaration of the 29. May where their words are The providing for the publique peace and prosperitie of his Majest and all his Realmes we protest in the presence of the all-seeing Deitie to have been and still to be the only end of all our Councells endeavours wherein wee have resolved to continue freed and enlarged from all private aimes personall respects or passions whatsoever and againe in their petition of the second of June they tell him that they have nothing in their thoughts and desires more pretious and of higher esteeme next to the honour and immediate service of God then the just and faithfull performance of their dutie to his Majest and the libeller will not finde in historie or poet words of a deeper hipocrisie in the mouth of a villaine nor more contradicted by their Actions That which he adds from his Testimony out of shakespeare of the imagined vehemence of Rich. the 3. In his dissembled professions holds noe proportion with theis hipocrisies really acted not fancyed by a poet and this libeller hath learnt to act a part out of shakespeare and with Rich. 3. accusing loyaltie and innocency for high Crymes and crying out against their wickednes that sought to restore the disposessed heires of the Crowne to their right and amplifying their offence as the highest against God and man and wherein comes the libeller short of his patterne in this scene He sayes heerein the worst of Kings professing Christianisme have by farr exceeded him and he gives his reason for that the King hath as it were vnhallowed and vnchristned by borrowing to a Christian vse prayers offred to a heathen God And doth saint Paul exceede the worst of Kings professing Christianisme by borrowing to a Christian vse the words of an heathen Philosopher and poet did he thereby vnhallow and vnchristen Scripture His meaning is as followes afterward that the King vsed a prayer taken out of S. Philip Sydnies Arcadia After the first Edition of his Majest booke the Printers finding the greate vent of them in the following Editions Printed prayers and other things in the Kings name not belonging to the booke Among these prayers there is a prayer taken out of the Arcadia That prayer is neither made by a heathen woman nor to a heathen God but is composed by the Author a Christian without reference to any heathen Deitie and the Author is not thought to vnchristen prayer by it the libeller himselfe saying the booke in its kinde is full of worth and wit but as his outcry hath noe cause from the matter so heere is no evidence of the fact that his Majest made vse of that prayer or popt into the Bishopps hands as a relique of his exercise though he might warrantably have vsed it and professed it But he goes on to shew what he can say vpon this occasion Who would have imagined so little feare in him of the true alseeing Deitie so litle reverence of the holy Ghost whose office is to dictate and presens our Christian prayers so litle care of truth in his last words or honour to himselfe or to his friends or sense of his afflictions or of that sad hower which was vpon him as immediately before his death to pop into the hand of that grave Bishopps who attended him as a speciall relique of his saintly exercises a prayer stolne c. All men that have observed this Authors practice hitherto rest assured that he hath so litle feare or reverence of the all seeing Deitie so litle care of truth or honour as he stickes not to charge his Majest with facts neverdone and innocent Actions with transcendent guilt If his Majest had vsed the prayer or delivered it as he imagines no man of Christian sobrietie could charge the fact with Cryme what one word or sentence is there in that prayer which a Christian may not vse but the Image breaker hath a greate quarrel to al formes of prayer and by the reason he produces that the office of the holy Ghost is to dictate and present our Christian prayers all set prayers want reverence to the holy Ghost so tender is he of the best reformed Churchs of whome he so often makes a propertie And whence concludes he no care of truth in his last words when the King never spake of it He aggravates this fact by the person of the grave Bishopp who had been a Prelaticall leiturgist had it not been to paint a slander The laughter which he conceives is caused by the thought of this that he which acted so Tragically should have such a ridiculous exit might rather strike horrour in the libeller for his malitious opposition to truth that will so contrary to his owne knowledge charge him to act tragically that had governed so mildly and to have a ridiculous exit that left the world with so greate pietie and such vniversall greife of the people for his sufferings but desperate wretches laugh at the wickednes they act His Majest friends have had good experience that his Enemies who have spared no paines to traduce him would not for beare any occasion of detraction His Majest enduring afflictions with admired patience his fuffering death with Christian fortitude his vertuous life holy Martyrdome cannot be blasted by an Atheists scorne nor a Rebells malice His conclusion in the begging of the question that it is cleere the King was not induced but constrained to call the last Parliament which by his owne shewing is apparently false for if there had been such a constraint the Lords in vaine petitioned and all the necessities that he hath supposed may concurr with the Kings inclination to call a Parliament and if necessitie had constrained him to call a Parliament what should hinder but he might avouch in the eares of God that he did it with an vpright intention to his glory and his peoples good If necessitie of his peoples
weakest capacities that can only suspect not prove nor descerne He concludes the King as Criminous as the Earle and therefore he sayes insteed of detesting his ambition evill Councell violence and oppression of the people he falls to prayse his greate a bilities It had been a Kinde of slander to forbeare the due commendation of such abilities as all men admired and an vnexcusable injustice to reproach the memory of the innocent with the false accusations of malicious Enemyes If his Majest had recounted any faults of the Earle it had byn no satisfaction to his conscience for consenting to his death but it had been a signe of an vnsound minde to seeke matter of excuse for an illegall sentence from the disposition of the suffering partie and such Actions as the law had not made the merit of such a sentence The world is well informed now that those Rebells account the due performance of just authoritie violence and oppression and that their cheife hatred against the Earle of Strafford was for his fidelitie to king and Kingdome and his opposition of Rebellion his evill Councell That beneath the decency of a King he compares him to the sun which in all figurative vse beares allusion to a King not to a subject If such be the Kingly Prerogative that the sun beares allusion only to Kings not to subjects then must this libeller confesse himselfe to be of that sordid generation which by that influence are raysed out of sinkes and puddles to obscure that gloryous luster and his observation of this allusion might justly make him reflect vpon himselfe with detestation contending against such cleere light and slandring truth it selfe But vertue in other persons besides Kings hath been set foorth by allusion to the sun and his triviall exception at the decency of that allusion shewes him as insignificant as will full He hath a conceite that the King Knitts contradictions as close as words can lie togeather not approving in his judgment and yet approving in his subsequent reason all that Stafford did as driven by the necessitie of times and the temper of that people The Kings words are I cannot in my judgment approve all he did driven it may be by the necessitie of times c. And let the reader judge whether this libellers falsification be not Knit as close and words can lie togeather and its like he knew it by his impertinent vse of the Phrase close Knit to his supposed contradictions Though the King justly excused some things which he could not approve doth he therefore approve all and doth the libeller thinke that what a man cannot approve he must thinke inexcusable and that Circumstances doe not alter the qualitie of Actions But he sayes it is the marvell and may be the astonishment of all that have a conscience how he durst with the same words of contrition wherewith David repented the murthering of Vriah repent his lawfull compliance to that just Act. It is noe marvell to men that know theis Rebells though heeretofore it might have been the astonishment of all that such should offer to perswade others of their esteeme of conscience that make it their common scoffe and while this libeller charges the King with no lesse then murder in consenting vnwillingly and consequently in him to an vnjust sentence makes an exclamation why he should repent in Davids words for the like Cryme The libeller well knowes that if it had been to a lawfull sentence of condemnation yet blood guiltines lies where consent with the tongue had not the perswasion of the heart when the King thought blood lay on him should he thinke to hide his sin from God this prophane Sectary wonders a sinner durst repent These miscreants are loath to behold their murders in those bloody colours which the truth of God gives them therefore they wil call that Act just against the cry of their Consciences as they stirred vp the people to cry justice without knowledge of the fact It would have taken much from the heavines of his sin to have told God in his confession how he laboured what darke plots he had contrived into what a League entred and with what conspiratours against his Parliament Kingdome to rescue so notable an instrument c. Doubtles the King would have taken that course if he could have charg'd himselfe with any sinfull labour in that kinde That he ought to have vsed all his power and skill to have rescued that Earle was his dutie to God and a person so cruelly shamelessely oppressed And all men know what false feares were pretended what ridiculous plots were imagined to disorder the people and when there is such apparent discovery of Trayterous plots and such avowing of Trayterous Actions there can be none so infatuated to beleive that all necessary prevention of such wicked designes was not to withstand the ruine of the Parliament and Kingdome It was feare which made him fayne both the scruple and the satisfacttion And what feare could make him fayne a scruple whome could he feare if he had not scrupled but God only and where doth in appeare that he fayned satisfaction but it s the libellers want of the fear of God and men that makes him thus feareles of slandering and contradicting Repentance came not on him till a long time after when he saw he could have suffred nothing more though he had denyed the Bill Though the King say he could have suffred nothing more though he had denyed the Bill he never finds that repentance came not from him till long after but knew very well his repentance followed the fact close at the heeles He askes a question how be could vnderstandingly repent of letting that be Treason which the Parliament and whole nation so judged He hath already told vs it was al most the whole nation and the greater part of the Parliament but he finds now that any diminution induces doubt and it must be the Parliament and whole nation May not a man vnderstandingly repent because the whole nation was in the same fault how many Acts of Parliament have been made whereof it had been happy for King and people they had repented there neede not an enumeration in so Knowne a truth It was a worldly repentance not a consciencious or els a strange Tyrany which his conscience had got over him to vex him like an evill spirit for doing one act of Iustice to fortefie his resolution from ever doing so any more We may see what account this man makes of sin or conscience that thus derides the terrours of conscience We may beleive their consciences cauterized that are such strangers to vexations of conscience and that sin and Rebellion have got a strange Mastery of them that fortifies their resolutions against all repentance and the approbation of it in others This libeller cannot perswade himselfe that when he calls murther Justice and Rebellion loyaltie that he is beleived though he professe admiration that men
from any of his Courts or Counsells and why he might not aswell come to the lower house as to the higher and speake to the Commons in their owne aswell as send for them to the higher house or els where as was both law Custome And as no priviledge of Parliament doth extend to Treason but that a Conestable may apprehend any member of that house being accused of that Cryme so why the King should be forbidden to come to the house to cause Traytours to be apprehended none but Traytours will finde a cause but heere he sayes he represents it fraudulently We have found already it hath been fraudulently expressed by the libeller He sayes the King would make some benificall vse of his worst Actions And surely his Actions which were most charged with guilt appeare just and shame his accusers These men meaning his friends knew not the just motives and pregnant grounds with which I thought my selfe furnished To these words of his Majest which he hath interlaced with meaning his friends he sayes his best friends knew not nor ever could know and it would have tended to his justifying to have named them in this place and to shew his owne impertinence the next words he cites of his Majest are that he had discovered as he thought vnlawfull Correspondencies which they had vsed and engagements to imbroyle his Kingdomes What more would he have had in this place But he sayes suppose them reall and knowne what was this to that violation and dishonour putt vpon the inhole house whose doore was forcibly kept open all passages neere it besett with swords pistolls cockt menc'd in the hands of about three hundred swaggerers and Ruffians who but expected nay audibly called for the word of onsett to begin a slaughter But suppose them reall was it not a matter of more importance to apprehend such conspiratours then to omitt the opening the doore of the house of Commons Is it a dishonour to have Traytours taken from them There neede not any answeare to his pretended tendernes of the house that approves such open violence against them with Pikes and Musketts but reproves swords and Pistolls Doth not he thinke that all men looke vpon him as a common prostitute that vses such aggravations of a cause which himselfe defends though accompanied with outrage and violence A word of onset to begin a slaughter could never be expected by such an inconsiderable number armed only with swords and pistolls a strange preparation for a Massacre but there are men apt to be disordred by any rumours of danger and some are willing to have a pretence for vnwarrantable Actions thence proceede these onsets in the ayre He would willingly perswade the Rebell rowte that whatever the King may doe for the securing of himselfe Kingdome Rebells may doe to destroy him and vsurpe his Kingdome and therefore to that which his Majest sayes of the correspondencies and engagements which the accused members vsed to imbroyl his Kingdomes the Libeller answeares that he remembers not his owne conspiracies with the Irish and. French English and scotch Army to come against the Parliament the least of which attempts by whomesoever he sayes was no lesse then manifest Treason against the Common whealth To imagine a Monarchy and Commonwealth or Republique in the same state can enter into none that vnderstand eyther nor that a King can commit Treason with his subjects or against them Kings have been charged with Tyrany never with Treason till those brutish vndertakers If there had been any law to make such a Treason this libeller would never have added the word manifest for t is a sure Rule with him to add most vehement asseverations where he knowes there is no colour of truth He well knowes how carefull the people of England were that Treason should not be made Arbitrary and therefore they were confined into one positive law and in that law this Author findes not his fantasticall Treason Can any but mad men dreame that when the priviledge of Parliament extends not to Treason that they cannot committ Treason It s Treason by the law to leavy warr against the King and that this libellers Masters have acknowledged and can he finde it consistent in the same Government that there can be Treason in the King to leavy warr against the Parliament and because a King may have confederations and Alliances with Forraigne Princes can subjects have so too These are not the opinions but the Stratagems of Rebels The people of England are bound to assist their King against any without distinction and the law hath provided for their indemnitie though the King miscarry but lawes are chaffe when Rebells Raigne The particulars he mentions if they had been reall on his Majest part as they are only imaginary the Actions of the Rebells have given Testimonie to their Justice and necessitie To demaund Iustice against the five members there needed not so rough assistance But the successe tells vs there needed more for these members were guarded with an Army and a fleete and insteed of being committed on such an accusation which themselves resolved could not be denyed by law they protected them against law If he had resolved meaning the King to beare that repulse with patience wherefore did he provide against it with such an armed and vnusuall force Is a Kings guard any vnusuall force and though he resolved to beare a repulse with patience he could not resolve to tempt the malice and insolence of those that wayted but opportunitie to destroy him But had he provided any force to secure himselfe against insolence does that condradict his bearing the repulse with patience and heere the libeller casts away his Argument that he may vse his scurrilitie that the Kings heart served him not for such a desperate Scuffle Soe the greate hostilitie and provisions for a Massacre is come to noe more then to have hazarded a desperate Scuffle with the vnarmed house of Commons The Kings heart served him for the highest hazards where he held his courses just and honourable but it never served him to act such violences as these Rebells have fayned he intended There were two statutes that declared he ought first to have acquainted the Parliament who were the accusers These statutes this Author nor any man els ever read and if there had been such statutes that men ought not to be accused before the Parliament be acquainted who were the Accusers they were much to blame that committed so many for Treason without any Accusers and that these two statutes should never be practised or knowne before now How comes it that the King nor his Attorney generall can accuse a man of high Treason when the meanest subject of the Kingdome may doe it It s well knowne that the house of Commons vpon the word of MR. Pym without the least knowledge of the fact or any accuser or witnes charged the Earle of Strafford of high Treason where were these
put the yoke vpon the neckes of the people and that which restrained them from an absolute arbitrary power which was the Kings negative they would take away by force and place negative and affirmative in themselves The libeller sayes well that force was not vsed to dispell errour which was vsed to enforce consent and to make errour and shewes their wickednes that tooke that course The King sayes the vprightnes of his intention will excuse the possible failings of his vnderstanding who seriously endeavours to see the best reason faithfully followes it This the libeller sayes is a position false in law Divinitie But for that we must take his word against all law Divinitie But he sayes its contrary to the Kings owne better principles who affirmes the goodnes of a mans intention will not excuse the scandall and contagion of his Example And doth it contradict what the king had said of the excuse of errour in judgment by the vprightnes of the intention because a man cannot excuse an evill Action by the intending a good end where there was noe errour of the fact but a knowne evill His not knowing through corruption of flattery Court principles will not excuse him But we are sure that this libellers willfull falshoods corrupt and Rebellious principles condemne him and make him odious to God and man and he is not like a Pilot mi'sled by a wandring starr that may be possible but like a Pilot that will not be giuded by starâ—s but maliciously destroyes the ship and men and this Author might sooner excuse a drunken Pilot then a savage Piratte and such are they who willfully practise deceites and cruelties vnder the name of nationall rights They vsed force to acqiut their owne reason and conscience from force That is they vsed force to Domineere over king and people and establish their owne will for law And to rebell against their king is to arqiut their reason and conscience The king sayes never thing pleased him more then when his judgment concurd with theirs The libeller to this sayes That was to the applause of his owne judgment and would aswell have pleased any selfe conceited man But could the king despise the judgment of the Parliament as this addle headed libeller continually exclaimes and make it matter of applause to himselfe that his judgment concurd with theirs Could he sleight their judgment and conceite his owne credited by their concurrence If he had noe other esteeme of their judgment then the libeller would have beleived doubtles he might have suspected his owne Judgment for concurring with theirs And whence comes itt that a selfe conceited man would be soe well pleased with such a concurrence A selfe conceited man scornes the concurrence of other mens judgments and preferrs his owne against all others but reason cannot be expected from this man being vse les to his vndertaking The king sayes in many things he chose rather to deny himselfe then them And sayes the libeller That is to say Trifles for of his owne interests and personall rights he conceives himselfe Master And who can deny itt but he is Master of them and yet he hath parted with these and could he part with any thing were of he was not Master And were all these lawes which the libeller commends trifles To part with if he please saith the Libeller not to contest for against the Kingdome which is greater thcn hee whose rights are all subordinate to the Kingdomes good If he may not contest for them he must part with them though he please or not please but being for the Kingdomes good he is bound to contest for them and it is to ruine the Kingdome when subjects contest to take them away from the King Those rights are in compatible with subjects and inseperable from Governours and are noe more subordinate to the peoples good then Justice or law are but they are the peoples good and the people are subordinate to their Rulers in judging what is their good But he must part with them because the Kingdome is greater then he as the Libeller sayes That is noe reason but it is according to the Rebells principles that there is no right but force the weaker may not contest against the stronger The libeller is very copious in his declamations against Monarchy and it would be tedious to follow him in his verbositie he excepts to these words of the King In what concernes truth Iustice the right of Church or his Crouwne noe man shall gaine his consent against his minde And sayes the libeller What can be left then for a Parliament but to sit like Images whilest he assumes the best abilitie of judging or restraynes all men from enjoyment of any good which his judgment thinkes not fit to graunt them And what were a King but an Image if he were bound to graunt whatsoever his subjects in Parliament demaund of him and to what end doe they take an oath of Alleagiance if he were bound to quit it when they aske it And are there any soe sunke in vnderstanding as to beleive that it is the office of a King to judge of nothing and the right of subjects in Parliament to commaund al things But this man is of Achitophells minde that if his Councell be not followed he will goe home hang himselfe Advice from subjects to a King is ordained by law but the subjection of a King to advise is monstrous and vnsupposable The Authors repetitions of rayling Epithites vpon what concernes the King or his Actions commendation of the wicked Actions against him will not alter the nature of one or other and his vehement asseveration that the law and Coronall oath require the Kings vndeniable assent to what lawes the Parliament agree vpon is not out of opinion of truth but the strength of his language himselfe shewing the contrary aswell as the Parliament The King sayes he had rather weare a Crowne of thornes with our saviour then to exchange that of gold for one of lead whose imbast flexiblenes shal be forced to binde and comply to the various oft contrary Dictates of any faction when insteede of reason publique concernement they obtrude nothing but what makes for the interest of parties and flowes from the partialitie of private wills passions The libeller sayes many would be all one with our saviour whome he will not know They who governe ill those Kingdomes which they have right to have to our saviours Crowne of thornes noe right at all Such as are Rebells to lawfull Princes vsurpe Kingdomes will never weare a Crowne of thornes with their saviour nor can hope to be knowne by him while they sucke the blood of his anointed and Tyranize over kingdomes soe wickedly gotten That Crowne of thornes which this libellers savage souldiers and others set vpon the last king is now his Crowne of rejoycing in heaven honour among men the infamy of these hellish miscreants The libeller
imbroyle others How well he performes the first period of his booke not to descant on the kings misfortunes his readers may heere see that makes the kings misfortune his reproach and a ground of their wicked confidence to Rebell against him but that such men are readiest to imbroyle others is not soe certaine but vndoubted they are not readiest to imbroyle themselves and noe valour nor experience whereof his Majest is wel knowne to have had a greate measure can stopp a slandrous tongue The mischeifes brought vpon his Majest kingdomes sprung from such persons as sought their advantage by such broyles which all men see the King could never expect The King sayes he had a soule invincible And the Libeller sayes what prayse is that the vnteachable man hath a soule to all reason invincible And is an invincible courage noe prayse He seekes to shew his witt by applying invincible to vnteachable when as if he had cited the Kings next words as he ought he had lost his jest for the King sayes he had a soule invincible through Gods grace enabling him but he breaketh sentences and truth least he should breake for want of matter That the King labours to have it thought that his fearing God more then man was the ground of his sufferings The Libeller sayes he pretended to feare God more then the Parliament who never vrged him to doe otherwise And did they not vrge him to doe otherwise when they vrged him to doe that which was against his conscience But there neede not more be spoken of this for the Libeller calls that a narrow conscience which will not follow a multitude against its owne perswasion He shewes his levitie beyound that Creature he calls the vulgar who now affirmes the King was drawne by his Courtiers and Bishopps and yet in the beginning of his booke he sayes that the discourses and preachings of Courtiers and Prelates against the Parliament was but a Copy taken from his owne words and Actions that all remissenes in Religion issued originally from his owne authoritie all miscarriages in state may be imputed to noe other person cheifely then to himselfe He goes on to compare the words of Saul that he had performed the Commaundement of God to the Kings mention of his fearing God the kings vpholding the Prelates against the advice of the Parliament example of al reformations is not much vnlike if not much worse noe neerer like then this Authors writings to modestie loyaltie Is the advice of the Parliament and the example of all reformations equall to the expresse Commaund of God The examples of all Reformations himselfe tells afterward are not concurrent in the matter he mentions and if they were soe are all points of reformation equally necessary and of the same obligation with the commaund of God and was the Reformation of the Church of England noe reformation Why then doth he say all Reformation And is not the Church of England equall if not superiour to any part of the world that hath reformed But we see what account these hipocrites make of the Example of all Reformation that have set vp schismaticall confusions of Religion in contempt of all Reformation His Majest did noe more in vpholding the Prelates then what the example of the most primitive times Godly Emperours holy martyrs instructed him in which noe Reformation ever contradicted and he had no reason to hearken to the advice of such as then called themselves a Parliament who had broken and the lawes and priviledges of Parliament expelled the members and were governed by Tumults a company of Bedlam Sectaries against de doctrine and practice of the vinversall Church The practice of Saul in persecuting David wel sutes with the course of these Rebells but they have gone beyound him in malice and disobedience in the matter both of David and alsoe the Amalekites he brake the Commaundement of God in sparing Amaleke these traytours presumptuously breake the Commaund of God in destroying their King Church And this man exceedes Sauls presumption that makes the preservation of an order continued in the Church in all ages as bad or worse then the sin of Saul He sayes acts of grace are proud vnselfe knowing words in the mouth of any King who affects not to be a God Certainly this Libellers words shew him not only in affection but in Act a proud vnselfe knowing man Are there noe Acts of favour noe Acts of mercy in Kings but all of necessitie but enough hath been said to these brainesicke dreames Never King was lesse in danger of violence from his subjects till he vnsheathed his sword nay long after when he had spilt the blood of thousands they had still his person in a foolish veneratiō Should a Christian cal that which God Commaunded David practised foolish veneration but they whose wisedome is Rebellion hold Divine wisedome foolishnes And was he in so litle danger from those that held that veneration foolish were there none that held soe when they affronted him and threatned him every day To what end should multitudes come about his Pallace and cry Justice when they sought murder What would they have done if he had denyed their demaunds shall we beleive they intended noe violence or shall wee beleive that they who had seised the forts and navy and vsurpt the Government would have used noe violence to his person when they had him if he plyed not with them It s true many were not wholy vnshamed at the first but the malice and ambition of others was sufficiently confirmed and the multitude easily falls by Example The King complaines that Civill warr must be the fruites of his seventeene yeares raigning with such a measure of Iustice peace plentie and Religion as all nations either admired or envyed The Libeller sayes for Iustice let the Councell table starr Chamber and high Commission speake the prayse of it Wee may be assured that malefactours will never prayse Court of justice we know Sectaries and seducers hated the high Commission and seditious Libellers the starr chamber conspiratours incendiaries the councells of Kings and there were noe Acts past in these places of such exception as the measure of justice which he enjoyed was not admired or envyed by all nations His mention of abolishing Parliaments detracts not from the measure of justice peace plentie and Religion we have found what injustice hath succeeded The displacing of honest Iudges he hath misplaced to detract from the justice of his Majest Government and as the placing of judges was in his Majest choise soe he might take notice whether their places might not be better supplyed by others and the change of two judges for that 's the number in seventeene yeares is beneath an exception his rayling declamation against corrupt Government being only in generall deserves not an answeare and the knowne prosperitie peace and plentie of the Kingdome are a sufficient confutation of such imaginary oppressions He sayes what
contradictions and absurdities soe obvious to the first sight His labour to declaime against persecution is not matter of fact and the impertinencie of it hath been already sufficiently detected The king sayes Many things are required of him nothing offred in requitall And the Libeller demaunds What could satiate the desires of this man who being King of England and Master of almost two millions yearely was still in want And yet the Masters in the new state affirme in their declaration that the constant Revenue of the Crowne exceeded not a hundred thousand pound a yeare And why should not the King expect contributions from his subjects aswell as al his Predecessours still had And why will this man deny him supplies that soe often obtrudes his wants and he will have the King content with Rebells Charitie and allowes them to take al from him when they list as the subjects money this is the supreame honour and Revenue that the king ought to content himselfe with It was for honours sake that they put the King vpon the giving part not that it belonged to him of right for he sayes all lawes are in the hands of the Parliament and King-shipp it selfe He sayes it and yet we must beleive him that England was a Monarchy if the Majestie were not in the king how was it other then a republique and it was for honours sake that they have been subjects these many hundred yeares wherefore would he have the world beleive warrs were made betweene competitours for the Crowne of England was it only to be a king in a play but we finde that what Rebells can attaine by power they will assert for right and they which have had soe many denialls and have professed conscientious subjection at last come to say it was for honours sake and of forme not necessitie that they were subjects The Libeller proceedes to shew that Monarchy cannot permit the requisites necessary to societie That the will of one man in Government is contrary to freedome And why not the will of five hundred to the freedome of the rest as much as that one These men thinke that their clamour against the power of one man hes a greate influence vpon the ignorant people which might have had some beleife before they had tryed their new Masters If we looke vpon the most ancient stories of the world we finde the people both in peace and warr commaunded by one man nature teaching the necessitie of one generall in an Army and the Government which God himselfe appointed to his people was by one man and as moyses was at first soe were his successours and the kings after Saul and David and this Libeller can speake nothing of this power of one man but must censure and vilifie Gods owne institution he offers nothing against Monarchy but what hes equall opposition to Parliament and all formes of Government for the peoples good for which he sayes the king hath his rights will assoone become a pretence for Rebellion against any Rulers as kings His denyall that the King is not greater then his Parliament is only opposinge his bare word to all sense and reason for doth the greater petition the lesse and yet the Parliament constantly petition the king He sayes the King can doe noe wrong And have not they then that pretend he had done wrong committed disobedience and wrong The King can doe noe right but in his Courts And if they be his Courts and his deputies and doe all in his name doth it not follow that it is his doing And though the kings sitt not ordinarily in their Courts yet they have often sate in severall Courts and in Parliament the King himselfe gives orders as appeares by the Presidents of all times and wherefore did the Parliament preferre their petition of right to the King and importuned his answeare if he had noe power to doe right but by his Courts But what concernes the administration of Justice by deputies is not peculiar to England but to all other Kingdomes Without his Courts he is noe King And yet they are his Courts and cannot sitt but by his graunt If the King doe wrong in the highest degree he must doe it as a Tyrant not as a King of England But he is still King of England though a Tyrant and if subjects may judge their King the ordinary acts of soveraigntie wil be wrong in the highest degree If he cannot as one greater give oft to the Parliament as the Libeller supposes and that it may be termed the Courtesie of England to aske any thing of the King They would not have importuned the Acts that have passed this Parliament nor have vsed their Iron flaile to obteine them and by his rule subjection is noe more the Courtesie of England then all other Countreyes We never forced him to part with his conscience but it is he that would have forced vs to part with ours and doth he that refuses the demaund of another force his conscience that demaunds Doth the Kings denyall force his subjects consciences because they force themselves to Rebell and enforce him to say what they will have him The Authors descant vpon the Kings words of the incommunicable Iewell of his conscience discovers how he hath exposed his owne to the flatterie and slaverie of his Masters and had he thoughts of conscience he would not have valued it at the basest price The breeding of Most kings hath ever been sensuall and most humoured He speakes it of his owne sense and inclination to such base offices Kings have greatest cause to avoyde such breeding and persons of such condition The kings dissent from his whole kingdome is a supposition of that which never was and were impossible ever to happen but should it happen they that are governed must submitt to the governour and that by all the Rules of divine and humane law The Libeller saying the king preferrs his love of truth before the love of his people the Kings words are the love I have of my peoples place hath greate influence vpon me but the love of truth and inward peace hath more And who thinkes not that it ought to have soe For his search of truth he had gone amisse if he had rested on those propounders which the Libeller prescribes him And that vnaccountable Prerogative which the Libeller sayes is the truth he loves would have been judged a truth by the Libeller if he had reteined either feare of God or love to his Countrey It is our ill hap that three kingdomes should be pestred with one conscience which scrupled to graunt what the Parliament advised him But it was the miserie of the three kingdomes that a faction of depraved men that had cast away conscience should oversway the Parliament and demaund graunts for their owne ambition against the kingdome These scruples to many he sayes seeme pretended to others vpon as good grounds may seeme reall And to this it seemes the Libeller inclines for noe reason wil
Church precept and example how constantly the Priest puts on his gowne and surplisses soe constantly doth his prayer put on a servile yoke of Leiturgie It seemes the mention of gowne and surplesse are instede of Arguments to his well principled men and soe is yoke of Leiturgie though by his owne confession that yoke is not in the Leiturgie it selfe but only for the supposed want of precept or example for if there had been either of them as both are apparent there had been noe yoke in his judgment neither can that be a yoke in Religion which is not sinfull and sin there cannot be without breach of a law and if the Libeller could reduce Leiturgies within that compasse he neede not vse those beggerly negatives and if the vsing of Leiturgie by the Priest be a yoke doe not the peoples prayers that put on the Priests extemporary words put on a yoke of Leiturgie For are not his words asmuch yoke to them as the publique Leiturgie of the Church to him And it is evident that they who vse noe set formes in publique prayer direct them more to the hearers then to God studying for expressions of their owne parts while others that vse set formes have their affections more enlarged and not yoked to the search of words Set formes are not rigorously forbidden to any mans private infirmitie But they are rigorously forbidden if they are thrust out of the Church and every mans prayers and spirit imprisoned in the pinfold of set words hastily shuffled togeather by a man often times as defective in wholesome words as found Devotion whose doses of vnprepared words and matter leade the people into imprecations rather then prayers these men that would confine all publique devotions to the sudden raptures of every vnlearned Levite seeke to shutt heaven at their pleasure though their hands are as short as their vnderstanding and the spiritt of vtterance as it respects our prayers is not exercised in words but in the affections which are vtterances to God What we may doe in the same forme of words is not soe much the question as whether Leiturgie may be forced as he forced it And why doth he say forced it meaning the King when it was established by his Predecessours with consent of Parliament which the Libeller soe much pretends to reverence And he may easily answeare his question that would have the forme of words vsed by every Minister to be forced vpon all congregations and we may justly vse the same words allwayes that containe pititions of all things necessary The Leiturgie comprehends not all truth And doth he thinke that all truth should be comprehended in prayer or that any benifitt or vse of sacred expressions is denyed vs vnles all the expressions of Scripture are conteined in publique prayer We have the full benifit of all sacred expressions if our necessities are fully represented but his spirit of vtterance is the vse of varietie in expression as if there were a necessitie to vse all expressions to the same sense and he would have ws beleive that the benifitt of sacred expressions is barralled vp in the new tub men whose prayers not only want salt but are besmeared with prophanes Though God raigne downe new expressions into our hearts yet it is not fitt for the whole Church to be yoaked to the fancies of every Levite who often mistake Satanicall injection for the dew of heaven and he is much mistakē in his comparison of retaining the forme of wholesome words to reserved Manna but the loathers of this Manna of wholesome words are the true offspring of these murmerers that loathed the Celestiall Manna and bread of Angles because they had it allwayes accounting it a light foode in regard of their sensuall appetite as these men now thinke the formes of the Church light in regard of the ordinary vse of their owne parts which they would expose to the people and therefore if Leiturgies were Manna it selfe yet if whorded vp and enjoined they will be found sayes the Libeller like reserved Manna rather to breede wormes and stinke For the varietie of words though God have given vs plentie and that we ought not to be nigardly of them to him alone yet we finde long prayers and vaine repetitions condemned by God and we are commaunded when we come before him that our words be few and the questing of Scripture Phrase in prayers is now found wanting in leiturgies that was soe lately scorned by the libeller for the lipp worke of every Prelaticall leiturgist Sectaries prayers though dressed with varietie of words are accompained with a nigardly devotion wherein God cheifely requires vs to be copious this libeller is copious in blasphemy that wil have the word of God if whorded vp and injoyn'd to breed wormes stinke The libeller would have his scoffes received for Argument to vilifie the vse of sett formes brings in the famine of the seidge of Ierusalem whē the Priests brought still the same loaves of the shewbread not being able to procure new he would give vs stones for bread the Pharisees still continue their old leaven of hipocrisie though their words be varyed If the Lords prayer had been a warrant for leiturgies why was neither that nor other set forme after vsed mentioned by the Apostles or commēded to our vse It had beē very needelesly prescribed by our saviour if it had never beē vsed afterwards it had been disobedience in the Apostles if they did not vse it being by our saviour commaunded It is the commō argumēt of heretickes to accuse God of improvidence vnles he proportiō his revelations to the measure of their fancies though the Counsel of God supernaturall truths to be beleived were fully revealed we may not beleive that nothing was left to Christian prudence in the Church of God and we cannot pretend want of revelation in this point where we have such expresse prescription of the Lords prayer and particular injunctions of the Apostle St. Paul and if we must expect such revelations where is it revealed that every congregation must vse only such words as the Minister thereof extemporally dictates in their prayers If God left our words to be putt into vs without premeditation why then doth the Libeller allow any mans private infirmitie to vse helpes will not God help private infirmitie that way Or is every one in the congregation without infirmitie How is any assured if the promise be vniversall Our saviour encouraged his disciples with promise of assistance without their premeditation And why doth he object want of Christian diligence to set formes if it be a fault to vse it and all must be done without premeditation And it s like his preachers pray sermonize without premeditation by the stuffe they vtter and we see what respect they beare to God that pressed diligence in their actions touching this life Rebellion exclude it from devotion that which concernes God what soever
the Divill as in their donation Let it be produced what good hath been done by synods since the reformation It s like not the good he meanes to authorise all manner of Lewde sects and Lunaticke opinions But synods are customary and have their set times in all the reformed Churches and if there be fraude and packing in synods as he sayes whence come Parliaments that are of like constitution to be free Is there a priviledge of Parliament to change nature and that the members cannot be guiltie of fraude faction and Treason There is not only fraude and packing by insinuations conspiracies and corruptions of the vulgar but violence and confusion to Church and state by tumultuary reformations and what is this doctrine of rejecting synods but the justifying of all licentious violence and Lewde Rebellion to introduce mens private opinions The pulling downe of Church windowes and Crosses which were but Civill not Religious markes defacing the Monuments and inscriptions of the dead mentioned by the King are the effects of a popular and deceitefull reformation in the account of all true protestants That Protestants were accused by Papists as these are charged by the King will not parallell guilt nor hide the present Actions of these Traytours from view and detestation The Libeller doth very preposterously produce the Example of Iob whose sinceritie was accused to God as a protection for the hipocrisie of Sectaries while himselfe acts the part of him that accused Job to God and omits not the traducing of all proofes of pietie Religion and Justice in the late King But the infirmities of best men and scandalls of hipocrites in times of reforming can lay noe just blemissi vpon the integritie of others nor purpose of reformation Noe man sayes it did but if the Reformation it selfe be a noveltie pretending not the consent of any times but their owne opinions of places of Scripture different from all others if that which is offred in the name of reformation be in it selfe confusion and scandalous imputing Antichristianisme to all the Churches of God that were before them and that the way of introducing it be with presumption blood and Rebellion we cannot thinke that any promoters of such an vnchristian deformitie can have any integritie or Religion and they are not blemished with the Crymes of others but their owne They that have no publique place nor authoritie to reforme the Church cannot be excused of presumption if they meddle with it and such busy bodies are moved with Carnall selfe seeking and private ambition not sense of dutie If any thing grew worse and worse in the Church of England it was the encrease of Sectaries who would cover their hipocrisie with censure of superiours and lawes These Reformers pretend to reforme lawes not corruptions for though they talke of the time of the Kings Raigne they pretend to reforme nothing that was particularly worse in his time then before and he might aswell have asked why Queene Elizabeth in her fortie yeares raigne had not reformed as peevishly talke that his Majest should not reforme in twentie yeares when it was held strange that the Schismatickes should be soe distempered to pretend a necessity of reformatiō there being greater neede of strengthning what was established It is a Diabolicall Method to change the order of the Church by destruction of the Civill state just reformation never opposes lawfull authoritie in setting vp a Governmēt over others Though Christians might reforme themselves they allwayes judged it an abomination to impose their Religion vpō the state they lived in Private reformations are of Christian right but publique are the prerogative of supreame power and though Princes ought to serve God in the first place the people are not to destroy Princes in the first place they may worshipp God though they be persecuted they cannot truly if they take the sword to subdue them that are in authoritie and they feare not God that feare not their King our feare of God bindes vs to vse noe violence against our King nor vpon others our Alleagiance to our King being a part of our dutie to God and as the Apostle convinces those that hate their brother not to love God soe in vaine doe they pretend to feare God that offer violence to their King Can a Christian breake all the lawes of the second table vpon pretence of keeping the first And did not he that Commaunded to have noe other Gods but him commaund the honour of Father Mother May a private Christian robb and kill because persons are not of his Religion The scripture sajes he that is guiltie of the breach of one commaundement is guiltie of all and though Christians may not obey Commaunds contrary to the commaund of God they may not vse violence force but these are the Pharisees that teach men by making a vow vpon pretence of Gods service to disobey Parents which our Saviour soe much condemnes Christs Kingdome is spiritual in the hearts of the faithful not in a papall consistory nor a congregationall pullpitt they were best Christians that obeyed not wicked commaunds but detested by all Christians that vsed violence against their Pagan Governours and the reformed Churches may see what Communion can be had with those that professe those best Christians that were least subject to their King The King of Spaine may professe to have his Kingdome from Christ whatever his Religion be he hath a just Civill right which none ever doubted to acknowledge but these hell bred Sectaries that allow noe right but what is founded on their will his repetition of the Letter to the Pope vpon this occasiō shewes he is vnder a famine of reason that makes the Kings constācy to the doctrine of the Church of England to proceede from his letter to the Pope calling it enmitie to the true Church are any soe madd to thinke that the Pope was pleased with the doctrine of the Church of England Did the Libeller thinke there were a God would he write soe willfully against his owne vnderstanding that the King engaged himselfe to hazard life Estate for the Roman Religion he would then thinke that God were neere him writt downe those words which he will one day require an account of The King prayed against his hipocrisie and Pharisaicall washings whose prayer is thou who must give truth for hipocrisie suffer vs not to be miserably deluded by Pharisaicall washings Poeticall licence will not wash away willfull slander and malicious falsification but this man makes hipocrisie and Pharisaicall washings his cheife study and hates the prayers of others for his conversion from such wickednes Vpon his LETTERS taken and DIVULGED THE Publication of the Kings Letters had quite contrary effects to these which the publishers intended and insteede of discovering matter to their advantage cast shame on their false aspersions whereby they sought to withdraw the affections of his people from him they sett foorth both his judgment and affections opposite