set aside these Witnesses and consult the Book it self of Isidore we must judge very favourably of it for it has not any mark of Forgery the stile of it is not different from that of his other Works it contains nothing but what agrees with History the Author 's mention'd in it are genuine the greatest part of the Books which it mentions are still extant It cannot be said to be the Work of an Author born in France since it appears that he chiefly insists upon the Writers of Spain and that the History and People of that Country are best known to him He relates also some Particulars concerning the Writers of his own time which no ways appear to be fabulous and which could not be known but by an Author of that time and Country You need only read the last Writers he mentions to be convinc'd of this Lastly the Manuscripts of this Work were found in Spain from which Garcias publish'd it There are many of them yet extant there was one at Coria into which was inserted by a mistake the Work of another Author who made a Catalogue of twelve Writers But the other Manuscripts contain nothing but the Books of Illustrious Men by Isidore and Ildephonsus with their Names at the beginning These are all the Proofs that can be had that any Work is genuine It seems that they had never call'd in question the Authority of Isidore but that they might have some pretence to reject the Writings of Facundus and the Chronicle of Victor of Tunona which are mention'd by Isidore They saw well enough that if the Book of Isidore was genuine they could not doubt but these Monuments were Authentical And for the same reason they should have carried on their Conjectures to Ildephonsus also but either they durst not or they forgot it and so the Authority of Isidore stands good still and consquently that of Victor of Tunona and Facundus cannot be question'd But tho we could imagine that Isidore's Book of Illustrious Men is supposititious yet I believe they dare not say the same of his Books call'd Origines Now in the last Chapter of the fifth Book of this Work he mentions the Chronicle of Victor of Tunona Ado Bishop of Vienna does also mention it in the beginning of his Chronicle and Otho Frisingensis in his History Book 5. cap. 4. But that which determines this matter is this That John Abbot of Biclarum an Author of the same time has continued the Chronicle of Victor of Tunona as he himself assures us at the beginning of his Chronicle There are no Witnesses more worthy of credit than those who give testimony to the Authors who wrote before them upon the same Subjects For they having carefully enquired about them speak not at a venture nor upon the Credit of another Gennadius gives testimony to St. Jerom by continuing his Work of Illustrious Men St. Isidore to Gennadius and Ildephonsus to St. Isidore St. Jerom also gave testimony to the Chronicle of Eusebius by continuing it Prosper followed them after him came Victor of Tunona and lastly John Abbot of Biclarum who gives testimony to those who preceded him Honorius of Autâ—â— and Ado of Vienna undertake after these Authors to write upon the same Subjects they follow them and give testimony to them as well as those who come after 'T is not easie to break this Chain and to give the Lie to so certain a Tradition Lastly If we should refer our selves wholly to the reading of the Chronicle of Victor of Tunona we shall find nothing in it which appears either feign'd or fabulous On the contrary we find in it the most notable Transactions related with their proper Circumstances which do perfectly agree with other Histories There are many things in it which concern the Church of Afric and particularly Victor of Tunona and every where there are Marks of Ingenuity and Sincerity which are not to be met with in the Works of Impostors We have now re-establish'd the Authority of two Witnesses who Depose in favour of the Books of Facundus for both Victor and Isidore of Sevil make honourable mention of them Cassiodorus also speaks of this Author in his Commentary upon Psalm 138. a Work which is excepted out of the number of those which are falsly attributed to Cassiodorus 'T is true he speaks not there of the Twelve Books but of two others addressed to Justinian which are probably the same that are mentioned in the Preface of the Twelve But this testimony however informs us that there was an African Bishop call'd Facundus who dedicated some Works to Justinian that this Author wrote briskly and subtilly Haereticorum penetrabili subtilitate destructor a Character which agrees very well to the Twelve Books of his which still remain But without searching for Witnesses we need only consult the Work it self to be perswaded that it is serious and genuine and that it cannot be the Fiction of an Impostor 'T is plain that he who was the Author of it wrote at such a time when the Controversie about the three Chapters was very fresh and warmly debated He speaks of it himself with much heat as a Person extreamly addicted to one side he appears to be throughly inform'd of all that pass'd and he takes a great deal of pains to gather together every thing that might justifie his Cause His Exhortation alone to the Emperor Justinian with which he concludes sufficiently discovers that this Emperor was then alive and that this Work is not a Fiction The Preface also confirms the same thing Lastly If ever a Work had the Infallible Marks of being genuine this is certainly such I know not whether they had also a design to question the Letter of the same Facundus to Mocianus or Mucianus but I can assure them that there is the strongest Evidence that this is not the Work of an Impostor It has the same stile with the Twelve Books and this stile is peculiar to this Author There is no Writer that came after him who resembles it it is an Original in its kind In a word it is as clear as the day that these Works are a Bishops of Africk who was banish'd into the East and liv'd in the time of Justinian and who was one of the most zealous Defenders of the three Chapters This Truth cannot be call'd in question but you must overturn all the Rules of good Criticism and render all things liable to doubts The very same almost is to be said of the Works of Marius Mercator and Liberatus 'T is true the Ancients have not mentioned these Works but they have such plain Marks of being genuine and contain some Transactions so particular and remarkable that no question can be made of Receiving them upon the credit of the ancient Manuscripts from which they were publish'd They have been made use of for clearing up many Points of Ecclesiastical History which were unknown before these Authors came to light The learned Criticks
Narration yet it may be called a Prophecy because that as there are three sorts of Prophecies the first of Writings the Second of Actions and the third of both So likewise there are three parts of each Prophecy That the first respects the present the Second what is to come and the third what is past Men Prophesie upon the present when they discover what is designed to be kept from them as Elisha did who knew Gehazis wickedness Men Prophesie upon the future when what is to come is foretold And there are also Prophecies of what is past when by Divine Inspiration things already passed are written whereof no knowledge was had otherwise In this Sence Severianus saith that Moses was a Prophet in the History of the World's Creation He observes further that Moses proposed to himself two things in his Writings to teach and to gives Laws That he began by Instruction in relating the Creation of the World to teach Men that God having created them had a right to give them Laws and Precepts For saith he had he not shewed at first that God is the Creator of the World he could not have justifyed that he was the Soveraign Lawgiver of Men because it is Tyranny to pretend to impose Laws upon those that do not belong to us whereas it is very natural to instruct such as depend upon us He endeth this Preface by shewing the Reason why Moses spake not of the Creation of Angels and Archangels First because it was not pertinent to his Subject Secondly because had he done it there was danger that Men would have worshipped them After this he explains the Text of Genesis about the World's Creation in a plain and literal way He doth not inlarge upon the spiritual Sence but rather finds fault with some Explications as being too much Allegorical But he maketh several trifling Reflections as when he observes in the Fifth Homily that the first Man was called Adam a word signifying Fire in the Hebrew because that as this Element easily spreads and Communicates it self so the World was to be peopled by this first Man Several other Notions of this Nature may be found in that Work which have neither Beauty nor Exactness nor Truth He Answers the Arians and Anomaeans He observes in the Fourth Homily that all Heresies bear the Names of their Authors whereas the true Church has none other Name than that of Catholick Church He inlargeth but little upon Morals yet at the Latter end of this Fourth Homily he recommends Fasting provided it be accompanied with Abstinence from Vices In a word One may say that this whole Work tho' full of Erudition yet is of no great use and deserveth not the Esteem of Men of true Judgment Father Combefis hath added to these Homilies some Fragments taken out of some Catena's upon the Scripture attributed to this Author and extracted out of his Commentaries upon Genesis Leviticus Numbers Deuteronomy and upon Joshua But if these passages did not shew themselves to be written in Severianus his Stile one could not affirm it upon the credit of these Catena's One might with greater Confidence produce two passages of Severianus of Gabala upon the Incarnation quoted by Gelasius in the Book of the two Natures where he observes That the first is taken out of a Discourse of this Bishop against Novatus ASTERIUS AMASENUS ASterius a Asterius There were several of that Name The oldest is an Heretick of Arius his Party mention'd in the first Volume There is another Asterius commended by Theodoret in Philotheo c. 2. but different from this as well as the Catholick Bishop of the same Name who lived in the time of S. Athanasius Bishop of Amasea a City of Pontus flourished at the latter end of the Fourth Century b Towards the latter end of the Fourth Century We have observed That in the Sermon upon New-Years-day he speaks of Ruffinus his Death and of Eutropius his Disgrace which he tells us happen'd the Year before which justifyeth that he lived at the same time with S. Chrysostom and in the beginning of the Fifth The Sermons of this Bishop have been Asterius Amasenus quoted with Commendation by the Ancients c The Sermons of this Bishop have been quoted with Commendation by the Ancients He is cited in the Second Council of Nice Act. 4. and 6. Photius made some Extracts out of his works Cod. 271. Hadrian in lib. de un quotes his Homilies and Nicephorus defends them against the Iconoclasts There are but a small number of them extant Collected by F. Combefis at the beginning of his first Volume of the Supplement to the Bibliotheca Patrum The Five first were Printed formerly by Rubenius who published them at Antwerp Ann. 1608. and afterwards inserted into the Bibliotheca Patrum The six following were lately published by F. Combefis who joyned to them the Extracts made by Photius out of the Homelies of Asterius Amasenus and a Discourse upon S. Steven the Proto-Martyr formerly published under the Name of Proclus The first Sermon is upon the Parable of Dives and Lazarus He begins it with this Reflection That our Saviour not only made use of Precepts to teach us Vertue and to forbid Vice but that he further proposed illustrious Examples to instruct us in that way of Life which we ought to follow Afterwards he sets down the Text of S. Luke's Gospel making moral Reflections upon each Verse Upon these words Verse 26. There was a rich Man which was cloathed with Purple and fine Liâ—… He observes that the Holy Scripture by these two words understands all Extravagancies of Riches That the only use of Garments is to cover our Bodies and defend them from the injuries of the Air That God hath provided for this by creating Beasts with hair and wooll whereof Stuffs are made to secure us against both cold weather and the Beams of the Sun That besides he hath given the use of Flax for a greater Conveniency that these things ought to be applyed to our use in giving God thanks not only because he made us but also because he has provided all necessaries to cover and defend us from the Injuries of the Season But saith he if you leave the use of Wooll and Linen if you despise what God hath prepared and to satisfie your Pride you will have silk Garments thin like Cobwebs if after this you hire a Man at a dear rate to take out of the Sea a small Fish that you may dye them in its Blood Do you not Act the parts of effeminate Men He reproves those afterwards whose Garments were painted with several Figures of Men Beasts and Flowers and spares not those who by a ridiculous Devotion Printed upon their clothes some Godly Histories As the Marriage of Cana in Galilee the Sick of the Palsie in his Bed the blind Man cured the Woman that had an Issue of Blood the Sinner at the feet of Jesus Christ Lazarus risen again
against this Expression Trina Deitas The three-fold Godhead where he says that S. Prosper by the Order of S. Coelestine did confute and overthrow the Heresie which began to spread among the French as well by the Authority of Scripture as by the Doctrine of S. Austin They suppose that it is of this Writing that Hincmarus speaks and conclude from thence That it was S. Prosper that wrote it by the Order of S. Coelestine But this Proof doth not seem to me to be solid 1. Because Hincmarus could not be a very good Author of a fact of this nature 2. Because the same Hincmarus attributes the Aphorisms to S. Coelestine 3. Because 't is not certain that the Work spoken of in that place is the Collection of Authorities nor is it indeed certain that he speaks of any particular Work 4. If he speaks of any particular 't is likely to be some other for what he says of it That S. Prosper did overthrow the Heresie which began to spread among the French by the Authority of Holy Scripture and the Doctrine of S. Austin doth not agree to our Aphorisms in which the Author contents himself to relate the Decisions of the Popes and Councils without disputing with the Enemies of S. Austin and where not so much as one Passage of S. Austin is alledged But say they it can't be said that any other Work of S. Prosper was written by the Order of Coelestine It appears by his Works themselves that he wrote them as a private Author and as a Person who defended the Doctrines he thought true without condemning any Man It cannot therefore be said That it was by the Order of the Pope and as Hincmarus says Ex delegatione Pontificis by the Pope's Commission that he wrote them There is none but the Aphorisms that it agrees to he speaks therefore of these This is the sum of the Objection They confirm it by a Passage of S. Prosper taken out of his Answers to the Objections of Vincentius where he says That he recites the very words of the Faith and Opinions which he defended against the â—elagians by the Authority of the Holy See Propositis sigillatim sexdâ—cim capitulis sub unoquoque eorum Sensus nostri Fidei quam contrâ— Pelagianos ex Apostolicae Sâ—dis Auctoritate defendimus verba ponemus Having propounded sixteen Heads severally we will set down under every one of them the words of our Sence and Faith which we have defended by the Authority of the Holy See Which referrs say they to the Aphorisms of Grace written against the Pelagians It may be answered to all this That they take the words of Hincmarus too strictly and perhaps S. Prosper's too The first never affirmed That S. Prosper had an express Command from S. Coelestine to write some particular Work about Grace His meaning only is That this Pope had approved what he wrote for the defence of S. Austin's Doctrine and this is evident from S. Coelestine's own Letter S. Prosper boasts so of defending S. Austin's Doctrine by the Authority of the Holy See because he was certain That it was approved by the Holy See and that the Semi-pelagians would destroy the Principles which he had 〈◊〉 against the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not necessary to â—â—derstand the Passage of the 〈◊〉 of the Answer 〈◊〉 the Objections of 〈◊〉 of any preceeding work It refers 〈…〉 Work of the Answer to Vincentius as the Passage 〈…〉 quoque eorum Sensus 〈…〉 defendimus 〈…〉 agnoscant impiarum profanarumque opinionum nullum 〈…〉 blasphemi◠〈…〉 debere puniri Having 〈…〉 down under every one of them the words of our Sence and Faith which we have defended by the Authoriâ—â— of the Holy See that they who will 〈…〉 in reading these things may openly acknowledge That there are 〈…〉 and prophane Opinions in our Hearts and may judge those Blasphemies which they seâ— condemned in our Confession worthy to be punished in the Inventors of them The 〈◊〉 of this Discourse makes it evident that when 〈…〉 against the Pelagians by the Authority of the Holy See he speaks of the 〈◊〉 things which he says in his Answers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not of those which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spoken of 〈◊〉 another Work He doth not send his 〈◊〉 to what he hath written else-where but he exhâ—râ—s him to read the Answers which he 〈◊〉 to the Objections of 〈◊〉 to know what is the true Doctrine approved by the Holy See which S. Austin â—… It must be confessed then That there is no probability that he speaks in that place of the Aphorisms attributed to S. Coelestine But they bring yet other 〈◊〉 to fasten 〈◊〉 â—pon S. Prosper They say That 't is his 〈◊〉 That no Person at that time had a 〈◊〉 opportunity to make this Collection than S. Prosper That 't is his Doctrine and lastly That there is so great an agreement between the Opinions and Expressions of the Author of these Aphorisms and S. Prosper's that 't is hard not to acknowledge him the Author of them Aâ—â— this a Modern Critick pretends to prove by comparing the Aphorisms wiâ—h 〈◊〉 Passages of S. Prosper's Works F. Quesnel also finding in S. Leo's Works some Expressions like to those which are met with in these Aphorisms scrupâ—es not to attribute them to this Father * And therefore hath printed them at the beginning of his Edition of S. Leo's Works at Paris 1675 which 〈◊〉 how the Judgments of Learned Men do sometimes differ about the 〈◊〉 of Style These two Criticks who had both of them read S. Leo S. Prosper and the Aphorisms well the one finds no two things more like than the Style of the Aphorisms and S. Prosper's the other can find no resemblance between them and thinks he perceives some Lines more like in S. Leo's Works They both produce Words and Expressions of their Author like those of the 〈◊〉 But to speak the Truth it is very â—ard in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and incoherenâ— a Work as these Aphorisms are to find out the Author certainly by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Style As for my 〈◊〉 I have much a do to leave the Testimony of the Ancients who attribute the Aphorisms to Pope Coelestine It is certain that they relate to his Letter That they were framed at the same time and evidently given to S. Prosper and from that time there hath been a Copy of them preserved in the Registry of Rome That an hundred years after they were quoted under 〈◊〉 Name of this Pope and have ever since continued under his Name to this our Age. But perhaps it may be said That it was not S. Coelestine that composed them himself but he caused them to be framed either by S. Prosper who was the Pope's Secretary as some say or S. Leo whom the Office of Archdeacon of the Church of Rome seems to have engaged in that Business But these are bare Conjectures which not being supported with the Testimony of any Author worthy of Credit cannot
22. The Archbishop of Rhemes was call'd Romulphus and not Flavius as he is here set down The Bishop of Soissons was call'd Droctegifilas in 592. Greg. Tur. B. 9 c. 37. Ansericus was in the time of the Synod of Rhemes under Sonnatius in 630. Lastly King Theodoricus whose Subscription is here was then but two years old and his Father Childebert was yet alive There is one Peter who sign'd and is said to have seal'd this Instrument whereas at that time no sealing was in use In fine the Year 594 is us'd for the date of this Lâ—tter but we do not see that St. Gregory ever us'd this date and that which renders it suspicious is that the Jurisdiction which is subjoyn'd answears to the Year 593 and not to 594. All these Reasons prove invincibly the Forgery of this Instrument which deserv'd not to be plac'd among the Works of St. Gregory The Letter which is at the beginning of St. Gregory's Morals on the Book of Job informs us of his Design in composing this Work of the method in which he manag'd it and how he put it in execution It is address'd to St. Leander Bishop of Sevil with whom he had contracted a very close Friendship at Constantinople when he was there about the Affairs of the Holy See and when St. Leander was sent thither as Ambassador by the King of the Wisigoths St. Gregory puts such Confidence in him that he acquaints him with the disposition of his heart and the troubles of mind he had endur'd and disco vers to him that tho God had inspir'd him with the desire of Heaven and he was perswaded that it was more advantageous to forsake the World yet he had delay'd his Conversion for many years That nevertheless he was at last deliver'd from the Entanglements of the World and retir'd into the happy Harbour of a Monastery but he was quickly drawn from thence to enter into Orders which engaged him anew in Secular Affairs and oblig'd him to go to the Court of the Emperor at Constantinople That nevertheless he had the comfort to be attended thither by many Monks with whom he had daily Spiritual Conferences Then it was that they urg'd him with much importunity and St. Leander did even force him to explain to them the Book of Job after such a manner as they desir'd i. e. by subjoyning to the Allegorical Explication of the Historoy a Morality supported by many other Testimonies of Holy Scripture This was the occasion which mov'd St. Gregory to undertake this Work He repeated the beginning of it in the presence of his Monks and dictated the rest in divers Treatises Afterwards having more leisure he added to it many things cut off some reduc'd the whole Work into better Order and made it uniform by changing the Discourses and Treatises to the same style He divided this Work into 35 Books which were distributed into six Tomes He confesses that he sometimes neglected the Order and Coherence of the Exposition which he undertook and apply'd himself wholly to Contemplation and Morality But he excuses himself by saying that whosoever speaks of God ought necessarily to enlarge upon that which is most instructive and edifying for the Lives of those that hear him and that he thought it the best method he could observe in his Work to make a Digression sometimes from its principal subject when an occasion presented it self of procuring the welfare and advantage of his Neighbour He adds that there are some things which he handles in a few words according to the truth of History other things whose allegorical and figurative senses he enquires after and others from which he only draws Morality and lastly others which he explains with great care in all these three ways He affirms also that there are some places which cannot be explain'd literally because if they should be taken precisely according to the sense of the words instead of instructing those who read them they would mislead them into Error or confirm things that are contradictory Lastly he excuses the defects of his Work from his continual Sickness and declares that he did not hunt after the Ornaments of Rhetorick to which the Interpreters of Scripture are never oblig'd At the conclusion of this Letter he remarks that he ordinarily follows the late Version of the Scripture but yet he takes the liberty when he thinks it necessary to quote passages sometimes according to the Old and sometimes according to the New-Version and that since the Holy See over which he presided us'd both the one and the other he also employ'd them both indifferently to authorize and confirm what he asserted in his Work In the Preface of this Work having said that some thought Moses to be the Author of the Book of Job and others attributed it to the Prophets he looks upon it as a thing very needless to enquire in what time Job liv'd and who wrote his History since 't is certain that the Holy Spirit dictated it altho 't is very probable that Job himself wrote it After these few Historical Remarks he enters upon General Reflexions of a Moral Nature about the Patience of Job the Afflictions of the Righteous the Pride of Job's Friends the Conformity of Job to Jesus Christ. This is what the Preface contains The Body of the Commentary is agreeable to the Idea which he gives of it i. e. that he does not insist upon the litteral Exposition but upon the Allegories and Moralities which he applies to the Text of Job whereof a great part may be applied to every other place of Holy Scripture But he does not so much labour to explain the Book of Job as to amass together in one Work an infinite number of Moral Thoughts And indeed it must be confess'd that altho these Books are not a very good Commentary upon the Book of Job yet they are a great Magazine of Morality 'T is incredible how many Principles Rules and proper Instructions are to be found there for all sorts of Persons Ecclesiastical as well as Secular for those who converse with the World as well as for those who live in Retirement for the Great and for the Small in a word for all sorts of States Ages and Conditions We shall not here undertake to give a particular account of them for if we should make Extracts from such kind of Allegorical and Moral Commentaries our Work would grow infinitely big This is written with much simplicity and clearness but it is not so very brisk and sublime yet it was very much esteem'd in the Life-time of St. Gregory and admir'd after his Death We learn from himself that the Bishops caus'd it to be read in the Church or at their Table altho he would not suffer it to be done in modesty and all those who have spoken of it since his death have commended it as a most excellent Work There is a Relation which says That sometime after his Death the Original which he had
intelligible to those that lived in the following Ages For example We find the Ancient Names of Cities are sometimes changed for those they received afterwards because they would have been no longer known by their Ancient Appellations There are likewise some short Explications inserted into these Sacred Books to illustrate what was said by the Author And in short some necessary Passages have been added to compleat the History These things are common and we find Examples of it in the Books of Homer Herodotus and almost all the Ancient Historians and yet no Body is inclined for all this to reject their Books as if they did not belong to those whose Names they bear Why then should we not say the same thing of the Books of the Pentateuch which have been more constantly assigned to Moses than the Poems of the Iliads or the Odysses to Homer or the Histories of Herodotus and Thucydides to those by whose Names they are known Let us examine all the Reasons that are alledged against the Antiquity of the Pentateuch since they imagine they are unanswerable which yet is very false as we shall make appear in these following Discourses and we shall see they only prove that some Names of Cities or Countries are changed some few Words inserted to explain some Difficulties and lastly that the account of Moses's Death has been put in since which was but necessary to finish the History of the Pentateuch We ought therefore to affirm it for a certain Truth That Moses was the Author of the first Five Books of the Bible called the Pentateuch There are given to each of these Five Books which have their Names in Hebrew from the first Word in each Book there are given 'em I say such Names as have a relation to the Subject The first is called Genesis because it begins with the History of the Creation of the World It contains besides that the Genealogy of the Patriarchs the History of the Flood a Catalogue of the Descendaâ—… of Noah doâ—n to Aâ—… 〈◊〉 the Life of Abrahâ—â— of Jacob and Joseph and the History of the Posâ—eâ—â—ty oâ— Jâ—â—oâ— down to the Death of Joseph So that this Book comprehends the History of 2369 Years or thereabouts following the account of the Years of the Patriarchs as we find them in the Hebrew Text. The Second is called Exodus because the principal Subject of it is the Departure of the Children of Israel out of Egypt and all that passed in the Wilderness under Moses's Conduct for an Hundred forty five Years viz. from the Death of Joseph to the Building of the Tabernacle We find there a Description of the Plagues wherewith Egypt was afflicted an Abridgment of the Religion and Laws of the Israelites together with the admirable Precepts of the Decalogue The third is called Leviticus because it contains the Laws the Ceremonies and Sacrifices of the Religion of the Jews All which has a particular Relation to the Levites to whom God gave the charge of all those things that concern'd the Ceremonial part of that Religion The fourth is called Numbers because it begins with the Numbring of the Children of Israel that came out of Egypt and concludes with the Laws that were given the People of Israel during the Thirty nine Years of their sojourning in the Wilderness Deuteronomy that is to say the second Law is so called because it is as it were a Repetition of the first Foâ— after Moses has described in a few Words the principal Actions of the Israelites in the Wilderness â—e recites abundance of the Precepts of the Law i We don't certainly know when these Books were composed by Moses or which was first written However 't is very certain that Deuteronomy was written last in the Fortieth Year of the Departure out of Egypt and a little before the Death of Moses We can't so certainly tell who are the Authors of the other Books of the Bible Some of 'em we only know by Conjecture and others there are of which we have no manner of Knowledge It is not certain that the Book of k Joshuah was written by himself for as it is observed by the Author of the Abridgment of the Scripture attributed to St. Athanasius this Title is set at the Head of that Book not so much to discover the Author as to make the Subject of it known because it treats of War and other things that happen'd under the Conduct of Joshuah after the same manner as the Books of Judges of Kings of Tobit of Judith are so called because they give an Account of the Lives and Actions of those whose Names they bear But though 't is commonly believed that this Book was written by Joshuah and this Opinion seems to be countenanced by some Words of the last Chapter where it is said that Joshuah wrote all these things in the Book of the Law Nevertheless we must affirm that 't is certain that Theodoret and some others among the Ancients are not of this Opinion and that we have Reasons strong enough to make us doubt whether he is the Author or no. However it is 't is a most unquestionable Truth that this Book is ancient and that if it is not Joshuah's it was written either by his particular Order or a little after his Death It carries the History of the People of Israel Seventeen Years beyond the Death of Moses or thereabout We yet know less of the Author of the Book of Judges Some with the Talmudical Doctors attribute it to Samuel some to Hezekiah others to Ezrah In short some Persons are of Opinion that every Judge wrote his own Memoirs which were afterward collected by Samuel or Ezrah Be it as it will the Book is certainly ancient and l admit it was put into the condition we now find it by Ezrah yet we cannot reasonably question its being composed from ancient Memoirs It contains the History of what happen'd to the Israelites from the Death of Joshuah to that of Sampson We cannot precisely tell what Number of Years it takes in tho' 't is commonly fixed to something above 300 Years The Book of Ruth is a kind of an Appendix to the Book of Judges which is the reason why the Jews made but one Book of these two and for the same reason 't is commonly believed that one Author composed both 'T is certain that the History of Ruth comes up to the times of the Judges but we don't know the time exactly We may assign it to the time of Samgar Eight and twenty Years or thereabouts after the Death of Joshuah The two first Books of Kings are called by the Hebrews the Book of Samuel which has occasioned the Opinion that they were in part written by that Prophet m that is to say that he composed the Four and twenty first Chapters and that the Prophets Gad and Nathan afterwards compleated the Work This is the Opinion of the Talmudists and Isidore and is founded upon these Words of the Chronicles
His mentioning the Destruction of Ninive makes some think that he lived in the Time of Sardanapalus under Jeash and Jehu which if it were so he wou'd be the most ancient of the Prophets Josephus is of Opinion that he lived in the Time of Jotham and that he foretold the Ruine of Ninive which happen'd many Years after the time of Josiah St. Jerome Theodoret and Theophylact say he Prophecied after the Captivity of the Israelites others say under Hezâ—kiah and some under Manasses The most received Opinion is that he Prophecied after the Captivity of the Ten Tribes by Shalmanezer before Sennacherib's Expedition against the Tribe of Judah which is foretold in the first Chapter of his Prophecy Nor have we any better Information either of the Country or time of the Prophet Habakkuk The Jews say that he Prophecied in the time of Manasses or Jehoiachim a little before the Captivity St. Epiphanius and the false Epiphanius make him Contemporary with Zedekiah and Jeremiah Others say he lived in Josiah's time St. Jerome in Daniel's confounding him with that Habakkuk who is mentioned by that Prophet The most probable Opinion is that he lived under the Reign of Manasses whose iniquities he seems to describe in his first Chapt. Vers. 13 and 14. and before the Expedition of the Chaldeans against the Jews which he foretells in the first Chapt. Vers. the 6th as well as their Destruction Chapt. the 2d Vers. the 3d. The time wherein Zephaniah Prophecied is exactly marked out to us in these Words at the beginning of his Prophecy The Word of the Lord came unto Zephaniah the Son of Cushi the Son of Gedaliah the Son of Amariah the Son of Hizkiah in the days of Josiah the Son of Amon King of Judah We don't know from what Country he came St. Cyril makes him to have been of Noble Extraction because he mentions his Ancestors Haggai and the two following Prophets Prophecied not till after the return of the Jews from the Captivity of Babylon It is said in the beginning of Haggai's Prophecy that it was written in the second Year of Darius tt the Son of Hystaspes and the sixth Month. Zechariah the Son of Barachiah Grand-Son of Iddo uu wrote his Prophecy in the same Year of Darius two Months after the Prophet Haggai as he himself has observed in the beginning of his Prophecy He is a different Person from that Zechariah of whom Isaiah speaks in his eighth Chapter xx and of him that was slain by the Command of King Joash between the Temple and the Altar 2 Chron 24. 20. Malachi whose Name in Hebrew signifies My Angel yy Prophecied since Haggai and Zechariah after the Rebuilding of the Temple For the two former exhort the People to build the Temple but he exhorts them to observe the Law and offer their Sacrifices with purity which does necessarily suppose that the Temple was already rebuilt Besides this the Disorders for which he reproves the Jews are the very same with those which Nehemiah lays to their charge which is a manifest Argument that they both lived in the same time Malachi is the last of the Prophets and as there was none other to succeed him till the coming of Jesus Christ so he concludes his Prophecy with an Exhortation to the Jews to observe the Law of Moses and wait for the great and dreadful Day of the Lord who should turn the Hearts of the Fathers to the Children and the Hearts of the Children to their Fathers All which clearly and expresly sets before us St. John Baptist and Jesus Christ. The two Books of the Maccabees were not written by the same Person as the sensible difference of the Style of the Chronology and the History sufficiently shew zz We don't know who is the Authour of the first 't is indeed very probable that it was Originally written in Hebrew and afterwards translated into Greek and Latin The second is an Abridgment or Epitome of Jason who was one of the Jews of Cyrene as it appears by the Preface of that Book which begins Chap. 2. Vers. 23. It is preceded by two Letters of the Jews at Jerusalem to the Jews inhabiting Egypt added by the Author of this Abridgment which he has made with a great deal of Liberty These two Books are called The Books of the Maccabees from the Name of Judas the Son of Mattathias Sir-named Maccabeus because he had placed in his Banner the first Hebrew Letters of the Words of a certain Sentence in Exodus aaa which being joyned together make that word These two Books contain the History of the Jews under the Government of the Greeks from the Reign of Alexander to that of Demetrius Soter whch comprehends the space of Forty Years or thereabouts and they conclude an Hundred and Thirty Years before the Coming of our Saviour Jesus Christ. NOTES a THere is no Paradox more dangerous than the Opinion of those who have presumed to deny that the Pentateuch was composed by Moses I have already observed in the first Edition that this Paradox was started by Rabbi Aben Ezra because he is the first that raised these Objections which have occasioned some Persons to believe that Moses was not the Author of the Pentateuch and though he durst not openly declare his Opinion in this Matter yet he expresses himself after such a Manner that it will evidently appear that he was not heartily perswaded that the Pentateuch was written by Moses For in his Explication of these Words in Deuteronomy Behold what Moses said to the Israelites that were beyond Jordan he not only makes use of this passage to shew that this Book was not Moses's but he musters up the most terrible Objections he could raise for this purpose You will know the Truth says he if you comprehend the Mystery of the Twelve Moses wrote the Law The Canaanites were then in the Land In the Mountain of the Lord it shall be seen Behold his Iron Bed Words which allude to some passages in the Pentateuch and which he uses to prove that it was not written by Moses And 't is principally upon the Authority and Reasons of this Rabbi that Hobbs Pererius and Spinosa established their Doctrine when they publickly maintain'd that the Pantateuch was not written by Moses To these Authors we may add Monsieur Simon who has wrote a Book called A Critical History of the Old Testament I was not willing to name him in the first Edition of this Volume though I took occasion then to confute his Reasons but since he has been pleased to declare that he was the Person whom I meant in a Letter to Monsieur Labbe a Doctor of the Faculty he ought not to resent it as an Injury if I attack him by name and endeavour to shew that his Hypothesis about the Books of Moses is a rash and dangerous as Spinosa's Monsieur Simon lays down his Opinion in the first Chapter of the first Book of his Critical History p. 3. of Leer's
Aesculapius Prometheus and the other Gods of the Graecians that Janus Faunus Vertumnus Evander of the Latins in a word that all these Fabulous Deities were taken out of the Books of Moses but disguised according to the Pagan manner and put into a new Dress But these Conjectures being only Probabilities and no more cannot serve to demonstrate a Truth which does not need such Supports as being clearly established upon indisputable Principles e And by the Authenâ—ick Testimonies of the most ancient Authors That is a continued Tradition of Authors from the Times that came nearest to Moses down to ours and as we cannot doubt that Homer's Poem is his because all Writers that have appeared since his Age have attributed it to him so neither can we reasonably doubt that these Books were written by Moses They commonly produce the Authority of Sanchoniathon who as they give out lived before the Trojan War and wrote the History of the Phoenicians Translated afterwards into Greek by Philo Byblius where he has borrowed several Passages out of the Books of Moses But 't is not certain that this Author is so ancient as they pretend They likewise affirm that Homer and Hesiod have taken many things out of him and 't is indeed extreamly probable The same thing has been observed of the Philosophers as Thales Pythagoras Anaxagoras Socrates and Plato but all this is said by Conjecture We ought therefore to rely principally upon the Testimony of those Authors who tell us positively that Moses was the Chief Leader and Law-giver of the Jews such as Manetho cited by Josephus in his first Book against Appion Philochorus the Athenian whom the Author of the Exhortation to the Gentiles commonly said to be St. Justin mentions Eupolemus cited by the same Author Eupolemus cited by Alexander Polyhistor mentioned by Eusebius Apollonius Molo cited by Josephus Castor cited by the Author of the Exhortation to the Gentiles Diodorus Siculus produced by the same Authors and by St. Cyril in his first Book against Julian though in our Copies he does not make mention of Moses but of Mnuës who is the Osiris of the Aegyptians Chaeremon Author of the Aegyptian History cited by Josephus Trogus Pompeius Epitomized by Justin who makes Moses the Author of the Jewish Laws Nicolaus Damascenus cited by Josephus Mendesius cited by the Author of the Exhortation to the Gentiles by Tatian by Eusebius and by St. Cyril Sâ—rabo who makes Moses the Author of the Religion and Laws of the Jews Appion who although an Enemy to the Jews yet supposes that Moses gave 'em their Laws Juvenal who speaks of the Volumes of Moses Sat. 14. Tradidit arcano quodcunque volumine Moses Ptolomy of Alexandria who calls him the Legislator of the Jews Pliny Tacitus and Justin who have observed the same thing Numenius who has taken notice that Plato was a Grecizing Moses Longinus who commends the beginning of Genesis and produces a Passage in it as an Example of Sublimeness calling the Author in these words The wise Law-giver of the Jews Porphyry and Julian who wrote against the Christian Religion yet acknowledged that the Books of the Pentateuch were written by Moses To these we may add several Authors who have delivered Histories down to Posterity that were undeniably taken out of the Pentateuch such as Hecataeus Berosus Abydenus Manetho Eupolemus Alexander Polyhistor Artapanus Demetrius the Jew and many others cited by Josephus in his first Book against Appion by the Author of the Exhortation to the Gentiles by Clemens Alexandrinus by Eusebius in his Books De Praep. Evang. I have not mentioned Philo Josephus and the other Jews because they all take it for granted that Moses is the Author of the Jewish Laws meaning by these words the five Books of the Pentateuch The Samaritan Pentateuch affords us yet more convincing Proofs for after the division of the People of Israel which happened under Rehoboam the Son of Salomon the ten Tribes preserved the Pentateuch written in the Samaritan Character which is the ancient Character of the Hebrews from whence we may rationally conclude that at that time they had the Pentateuch in the same condition as it is in at present which they constantly ascribe to Moses One cannot with any tolerable pretence question the Antiquity of the Samaritan Pentateuch since it is written in Characters which were not in use after the Babylonish Captivity The Version of the Septuagint which is assuredly very ancient is likewise another Proof that the Books of the Pentateuch are written by Moses In a word all those who have spoken of the Pentateuch whether Jews Christians or Pagâ—ns have taken it for granted that these Books were written by Moses And certainly 't is extravagant 〈◊〉 to oppose a few weak ill-grounded Conjectures to the Universal Consent of all Mankind f And consequently Ruine the Foundation of our Religion One of the great Proofs of the Truth of our Religion is its Antiquity which is principally supported by the Antiquity of the Books of the Law Now if they are not Moses's and if they carry a faâ—â—e Name what Proof can we give of their Antiquity This is the ready way to give occasion to Libertines to Ridicule 'em and consider 'em only as Fabulous Books composed at pleasure by the later Jews after the Captivity g If what they alledged were true yet they could only prove Here are the Objections which Rabbi Aben-Ezra Spinosa the Author of the Book of the Praeadomites 〈◊〉 Simon and some others propose against the Antiquity of the Books of Moses and the Answers to them from which we shall better discern their Weakness The first Objection is drawn from these words of Deuteronomy Behold the Words which Moses spoke before all the Congregation of Israel beyond Jordan This could not be written say they by Moses who never passed the Jordan no more than the Children of Israel did while he was alive Answer The Hebrew word as Vatablus observes may 〈◊〉 on this side as well as on the other side Pigninus Buxtorf and all Persons that are conversant in Hebrew are of the â—ame opinion It literally signifies In 〈◊〉 in transeundo In their passage being ready to pafs Thus this Objection that appeared so terrible at first sight carries indeed no difficulty with it Second Objection In the Pentateuch Moses is always spoken of in the third Person He is commended there in several places as in Numbers ch 12. where he is called The meekest man upon earth as also in Deuteronomy ch 34. And there arose not a Prophet since in Israel like unto Moses And is it credible that Moses would have thus commended himself Answer 'T is ordinary for those who compose a History where themselves are concerned to speak of themselves in the third Person Caesar in his Commentaries always speaks of his own Actions in the third Person Josephus does the same thing in his History of the Wars of the Jews St. John in his Gospel speaks likewise of
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 resembles that of Xerxes That Xerxes's Queen whose Name is Amestris according to Herodotus is the same with Hester That the Feast whereof mention is made in this Book is that which is related by the same Historian which Xerxes made before his Expedition against Greece This Opinion is easily confuted because from hence it would follow that Hester was very old when she was married to Xerxes and that her Uncle Mordecai was an Hundred and sixty Years old for being one of those who were carried away Captives into Babylon in the time of King Jeconiah when he was Ten Years old if we thereto add the Seventy Years of Captivity and the Years of the Kings of Persia after Cyrus it will by the least Computation make up an Hundred and fifty Years Secondly Amestris was married to Xerxes a long time before his Expedition into Greece as it appears by the joynt Testimonies of Herodotus and Ctesias The Father of Amestris was Onophes a Persian and no Jew In short that Queen was ill-natured and cruel The Opinion of those who place this History under Artaxerxes is confuted by the same reason that is urged against the former for 't is precisely said in the second Chapter Vers. 6. that Mordecai was of the Number of those who were carried away by the King of Babylon along with Jeconiah The third Opinion of those who believe it was Cyaxares is no less improbable For first of all the King who is mentioned in that Book is called King of the Persians and not of the Medes Secondly It is said that he Ruled from India to Aethiopia now the Medes were never so powerful Thirdly Ahasuerus commonly resided in the City of Susa which as Solinus Diodorus and Plutarch testifie was the place of residence of the Kings of Persia and not of the Median Kings Lastly It could not happen under Cyaxares the Father of Astyages as the Authors of this Opinion are agreed As for Cyaxares who is supposed to be the Son of Astyages he is altogether unknown to Herodotus and other ancient Historians None mention him but Xenophon and all the World knows he is no exact Historian in his Cyropaedia So that after all the Opinion of those who believe that Ahasuerus was the same with Darius the Son of Histaspes as it is by far the most probable so it carries no difficulty with it The first Reason alledged against the other Opinions makes it evident that it could not be any of the Persian Kings after Darius and as for what is said of him in this Book that he Ruled from India to Aethiopia it excludes all the Kings before Cambyses and at the same time excludes Cambyses himself who never conquered Egypt and consequently belongs to none but Darius It is said there that Ahasuerus resided in the City of Susa which agrees very well with Darius the Son of Histaspes because as Aelian has observed that King built himself a Palace in that City and besides Herodotus adds that he kept his Treasure there The same Historian tells us that he passionately loved one of his Wives whom he calls Artissone and that he put a Diadem upon her Head This passage suits mightily with the History of Hester and the Name too bears some Conformity for Hester is likewise called Hadassa King Ahasuerus made all the Isles of the Sea Tributary to him Now according to Thucydides Darius the Son of Histaspes conquered them as it is also observed by Plato in his Mâ—nexenus and after him none of the Persian Kings brought them under their Command They Object That Ahasuerus was descended of the Persian Kings as it appears in the 16th Chapter whereas Darius was the Son of Histaspes who was no King But Herodotus assures us that he was of the Royal Family They likewise tell us that it is written in the same Chapter that Haman would have translated the Empire to the Macedonians Now say they the Macedonians were not known till a long while after the time of Darius Some People say that Haman was no Macedonian and that in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we ought to read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because he was of the Race of Agag but this Conjecture is not solid Answer The History of Hester could not happen after this King as we have already shewn and the contrary Opinion is very weak It was Natural for Haman who was a Macedonian to endeavour to Translate the Empire to his own Nation which was very Famous and Powerful at this time as Justin has informed us Lastly they say That Ahasuerus is also called Artaxerxes in the 16th Chapter Now there were but three Kings of that Name viz. one Sirnamed Longimanus another Mnemon and the last Ochus Ahasuerus therefore was one of these three Answer Artaxerxes is a Name that might perhaps be given to all the Kings of Persia as Caesar to all the Roman Emperors t The greatest part make Mordecai the Author of it It seems that Mordecai was the Author of this Book by chap. 9. vers 20. and 23. and by chap. 12. vers 4. where it is said That he wrote down all that happened In the Septuagint chap. 9. Hester is joined to Mordecai which made Serrarius and some others believe that Hester and Mordecai composed it together Those that pretend it was done by the Synagogue draw their Conjecture from hence because the Original and Ceremonies of the Feast of the Jews called Purim are there largely described upon which occasion the Book seems to have been written u The Author of the Book that recounts the History of Job is no less uncertain Those that attribute it to Job ground their Opinion chiefly upon this that he twice wishes in the 19th and 31st Chapters that his Words were written down But 't is easie to observe that he does not here speak of an ordinary Book and that 't is only a Figure to shew how well he was satisfied of the Truth of them Quis mihi tribuat ut scribantur Sermones mei Quis miâ—i det ut exarentur in libro Stylo ferreo plumbi laminâ vel certè sculpantur in silice those that make Moses the Translator of it as particularly the Author of one of the Commentaries upon Job commonly ascribed to Origen does say That he Translated it out of the Arabick or Syriack The Talmudists and Rabbins make Moses the Author of it and this is likewise the Opinion of the Author of the second Commentary upon Job attributed to Origen of Methodius in Photius of Polychronius of Julianus Halicarnasseâ—s in the Catena and of Nicetas upon Job St. Jerome also seems to be of the same Judgment The only Reason they alledge to support this Opinion is the resemblance of the Style but for my part I profess 〈◊〉 cannot find it out The Style of the Book of Job is Figurative Poetical Obscure and full of Sentences One finds there an infinite number of Arabick or Syriack Terms and 't is
out of another Mans Book I own it but I thought they were suitable to the present occasion e It is very certain that at first this Language was not common to all the Jews This is abundantly proved against the common opinion by what is said in the Book of Nehemiah ch 13. v. 24. that the Children of the Jews who had Married strange Women spoke Asotice and not Judaice In the Hebrew the words are Ashdodith and Jehudith and this last word in the second Book of Kings ch 18. v. 26. is opposed to Aramith which signifies in Syriack Precamur loquaris nobis Syriace non Judaice in the first Book of Ezrah ch 4. v. 7. and in the Prophet Daniel ch 2. v. 4. Aramith has still the same signification On the contrary Jehudith signifies the Hebrew Tongue in opposition to the Syriack as we may see in the second Book of Chron. ch 32. v. 18. 2 Kings 18. 26. and in Isaiah ch 36. v. 11. There were several Jews therefore in the time of Ezrah that still spoke Hebrew And this is evidently proved by the Books of Ezrah that were made since the Captivity and yet were written in Hebrew and not in Chaldee except some Chapters of the first Book of Ezrah where he tells us of the opposition that the Officers of the King of Persia who spoke Chaldee gave to the Jews From whence it follows that the Jews both understood and spoke Hebrew For otherwise why should Ezrah if he designed to have his Books intelligible by all the Jews write them in a Language which was not natural to them The same consideration will hold good as to the Books of the latter Prophets who wrote in Hebrew after the Captivity and yet addressed their Prophecies to all the People But lastly that which admits of no reply is a remarkable passage in the Book of Nehemiah ch 8. and 9. where we find that the Law was read in Hebrew before the People and all the People hearkened to it and understood it These Remarks have been lately made by a very Ingenious and Learned Person Mr. Simon indeed brags that he has invincible Reasons to overthrow them When he has honoured the World with a Sight of them we shall see whether they are powerful enough to make us retract this opinion as he would willingly perswade us they are but in the mean time he ought not to take it amiss if till then we continue in the same mind f The Syriack Tongue mix'd with Hebrew Words became the vulgar Language of the Jews which was afterwards called the Hebrew Tongue The truth of this appears by the Hebrew Words that we find in the New Testament which are all as St. Jerome observes Syriack Words and what our blessed Saviour says That not one Iota of the Law of God shall pass away c. makes it evident that the Jews at that time used the present Hebrew Alphabet and not the ancient and it is demonstrated from hence that the of the Jews was a little Letter which is true of the Syriack and Hebrew Jâ—d and not of the Samaritan which has three Feet g The Chaldee Paraphrasâ—â— which we have seen to be of a lâ—ter date The Câ—â—ldee Paraphrase is divided into three Parts The first that contains the Pentateuch is attributed to Oâ—kelos the second that contains the Prophets to Jonathan the third to one Josephus the blind There is likewise another Paraphrase of the Pentateuch called that of Jerusalem and another of the Canticles but all these Paraphrases are imperfect as well as new Since that time the Jews having committed to writing abundance of Traditions in a Book which they call Misna they afterwards composed Commentaries upon it whereof the most celebrated is called the Gâ—mera But all these Books are full of ridiculous foolish Fictions and have nothing common with the Scripture The Masora that is a sort of a Critical Performance upon the Bible is of more use and advantage The Follies and Whimsies of the Cabala are impertinent and impious h About the year of our Lord 500 the Jews of Tiberias invented the Points These Points were not used in St. Jerom's time as may be easily proved from several Passages of this Father drawn out of his 22th Question upon Jeremiah and out of his Commentary upon Habakkuk in Chap. 3. Vers. 20. which abundantly shew that in his time the Pronunciation of the Hebrew Words was not determined by the Points as it has been since i I am of opinion that one cannot absolutely deny that there was a Greek Version of the Books of the Bible made in the time of Ptolomy Philadelphus It is not credible that the Authors of the Books attributed to Aristeas and Aristobulus entirely invented the whole History and that there is no part of it true 'T is sar more probable that they only added several Circumstances to the Matter of Fact which was assuredly certain Mr. Simon imagines that this Version was called the Septuagint beause it was approved by the Sanedrim but this is a Conjecture without any Foundation k Some of the Fathers have believed this Fiction of the Talmudists The Author of the Discourse against the Greeks attributed to St. Justin St. Irenaeus and St. Clement believed it St. Austin questioned and doubted the truth of it St. Jeroâ—â— laughs at it l Aquila the Jew A certain Syriack Auther â—ited by Monsieur Le Jâ—i the Publisher of the French Poâ—â—gâ—â—ot tells us that he was descended from Adrian and adds many other Passages 〈◊〉 are extremely improbable St. Jerom assures us that he was a Jew in his Commentary upon the third Chapter of Habakkuk upon the third of Isaiah and in his Epistle to Marcellus m Theodotion the Disciple of Tatian St. Jerom's Testimony confirms what we have said here St. Irenâ—â—s names him in his Book against Hâ—â—esy from whence it follows that he lived when Elutâ—erius was Pope n Symmachus c. What we say concerning this Man is taken out of St. Jerom in his Preface upon Job Eusebius also says l. 6. c. 7. that he was an Ebionite and this is the reason why Hilâ—ry the Deacon Author of The Commentary of St. Paul attributed to St. Ambrose calls the Ebionites Sâ—…machians o We yet find another Version of the Bible in the time of the Emperor Caracalla St. Epiphanius is of opinion that this fifth Version was found at Jericho the Author of The Abridgment attributed to St. Athanasius is of the same opinion But Eusebius following the Testimony of Origen tells us that the sixth was found at Nicopolis that we don't know where Origen found the fifth and that the seventh which was only a Version of the Psalms was found at Jericho Consult Euseb. l. 6. c. 16. St. Jerom assures us that all these Translations were made by Jews p Eusebius St. Jerom and several other Ancients make no distinction between the Octapla from the Hexapla They place the fifth sixth and seventh Version in what they
another of Theological Instructions a Treatise concerning the just Judgment of God i Lib. de Caelest Hier. c. 7. and another of those things that are understood by the Mind and of those that may be perceived by the Senses k C. 1 and 2. de Caelest Hier. but these are lost The others have been often Printed in Greek and in Latin separately l Often Printed in Greek and in Latin separately In Greek by Morellus in the year 1562 with the Scholia of Maximus and Pachymeres at Basil in 1539 and at Venice in 1558 in Latin of the Version of Ambrosius Camaldulensis at Strasburg in 1468 and in 1502 with the Notes of Jacobus Faber Stapulensis in 1504 at Alcala of the Translation of Ficinus at Colen by Quentelius in 1546. In this Edition they have put in the Version of Scotus Erigena Petrus Sarrasinus Ambrosius Camaldulensis and Marsilius Ficinus together with a Paraphrase by the Abbot de Verceil and the Annotations of Dionysius Carthusianus Perionius finding these Versions too obscure made a new Translation which was Printed at Colen at Paris in 1557 and 1567 and at Lyons in 1585. Clausarus likewise made another Translation that was Printed at Strasburg in 1546. The Book de Mystica Theologia was Printed with the Notes of a Divine at Paris in Quarto in the year 1626. and were published in Greek and Latin by Lanselius at Paris Anno Dom. 1615 afterwards at Antwerp in 1634 and again at Paris 1644 by the Jesuit Corderius together with the Commentaries of Pachymeres and Maximus St. IGNATIUS IGNATIUS Sirnamed Theophorus a Sirnamed Theophorus This is not an an Epithet but his Sirname Some have believed that he was that young Child whom Jesus Christ placed in the middle of his Apostles and that from thence he took the Name of Theophorus but this is a vain Imagination without any Ground not supported by the Testimony of any ancient Author and besides it contradicts the Opinion of S. Chrysostom who declares that S. Ignatius never saw our Saviour in the Flesh. was the Successor of Evodius b The Successor of Evodius S. Chrysostom Theodoret and the Author of the Chronicle of Alexandria affirm that he was ordained by S. Peter but Eusebius S. Jerom and the other ancient Ecclesiastical Writers place Evodius between S. Peter and S. Ignatius in the Episcopal See S. Ignatius of Antioch about the year of our Lord 70. He governed this Church for the space of almost Forty years with admirable Prudence and Constancy and at last suffered Martyrdom in the Tenth year of the Reign of Trajan when this Holy Prelate having professed the Faith even in the presence of the Emperor himself with great Courage if we may believe the Acts of his Martyrdom was condemned to be exposed to wild Beasts in the Amphitheatre at Rome And he is reputed to have wrote his Epistles to several Churches in the way as he was carried a Prisoner in Chains to that City for maintaining the truth of the Christian Religion but since there are very great difficulties concerning the number and different Editions of these Epistles it will be necessary to draw up their History and to produce the Testimony of Authors that have mentioned them since his time Immediately after the death of this holy Martyr Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna his Disciple collected these Epistles and sent them to the Christians of Philippi as appears from a Letter that he wrote to them and which cannot be questioned without contradicting not only Eusebius S. Jerom and Photius the most renowned Criticks of Antiquity but also S. Irenaeus himself the Disciple of S. Polycarp who cites this Epistle and commends it in these words There is an Epistle of Polycarp to the Christians of Philippi which is extremely accurate and very proper to shew the character of the Faith and the Doctrine of the Truth to those that take any care of their Salvation Moreover we have not only an approbation of S. Polycarp's Epistle by S. Irenaeus to prove the Authority of S. Ignatius's but it is likewise evident that this Father had read these Epistles Irenaeus says Eusebius was not ignorant of the Martyrdom of S. Ignatius and mentions his Epistles in these words Thus one of our Brethren being condemned for maintaining the Faith to be exposed to the wild Beasts said c Wild Beasts said In citing the Testimony of any Author we say as he says or as he writes without using any Choice and it ought not to be concluded from thence that S. Irenaeus only produced a remarkable Expression of S. Ignatius without taking it from any of his Works for it is much more probable that he took it from his Epistle to the Romans because it is found there word for word I am the Wheat of God and shall be ground by the Teeth of wild Beasts that I may become the Bread of Jesus Christ. The words recited by S. Irenaeus in Lib. 5. contra Haeres cap. 28. are also found at present in the Epistle of S. Ignatius to the Romans Origen hath cited the Epistles of S. Ignatius and that which he produceth in two several places is read in those that are now extant I have found it written says he in his 6th Homily on S. Luke in the Epistle of a certain Martyr I mean Ignatius Bishop of Antioch who was exposed to wild Beasts at Rome I have found it written I say very elegantly that the Virginity of Mary was unknown to the Prince of this World This passage is word for word in the Epistle of S. Ignatius to the Ephesians The Second passage quoted by Origen is in his Commentary on the Canticles We remember says he the Expression of a Saint named Ignatius in speaking concerning Jesus Christ my Love is Crucified and I do not believe that he ought to be reprehended on this Account These are the Testimonies taken from Authors who wrote in the Second and Third Centuries in the Fourt Eusebius cites the Epistles of S. Ignatius declares their number and gives us a Catalogue of them He says in the Third Book of his History chap. 36. that this Holy Martyr being carried from Asia into Italy confirmed the Churches of the several Cities through which he passed in the Faith and admonished them to avoid Heresies by constantly adhering to the Tradition of the Apostles and that being arrived at Smyrna where l Polycarp was then Bishop he wrote four Letters The first to the Church of Ephesus wherein he mentions Onesimus their Pastor The second to the Magnesians wherein he speaks of Damas their Bishop The third to the Trallians where he names Bishop Polybius And the last to the Church of Rome wherein he intreats the Romans not to deprive him through the fervour of their Prayers of the Crown of Martyrdom Afterwards he recites a large Fragment of this Epistle and adds that being departed from Smyrna and arrived at Troas he wrote to 〈◊〉 Philadelphians
which may signifie that the Word of God came not forth after Silence as that of Men. 2. Valentinus and his Disciples did not affirm that the Word came from Silence The Word according to their fantastical Imagination came from the Spirit and the Truth and not from the Deep and from Silence 3. The Opinion of Valentinus concerning Silence was devised and propagated before his time for all that speak of his Heresie observe that he revived the ancient Errors of the Gnosticks Eusebius declares in Lib. 2. de Theolog. Eccles. cap. 9. that Simon Magus often talked of Silence among his Followers Secundum impiu◠says he Haereticorum principem qui impia dogmatizans pronunciavit dicens erat Deus Sige which comes nearer to the Error that is supposed to be confuted by S. Ignatius S. Irenaeus attributes this Opinion to all the Gnosticks as also Tertullian S. Epiphanius and S. Augustin S. Gregory Nazianzen Orat. 23. and after him Ellas Cretensis charge it upon the Gnosticks This shews that tho' the Author of the Epistle to the Magnesians should have opposed the Error of those that maintain that the Word proceeded from Silence yet this doth not hinder but that it might have been written by S. Ignatius 4. It is not certainly known whether Valentinus had not already began to divulge his Errors even before the Death of S. Ignatius since it is evident that S. Polycarp survived this Arch-Heretick and tho' he was not declared to be the Ring-leader of this Party till afterwards yet he might even then have taught some of his pernicious Doctrines to which S. Ignatius might allude These four Answers are solid and every one of them separately might be sufficient to convince any Man but the first in my opinion is most natural Object 6. In the Epistle to the Christians of Smyrna mention is made of certain visible Princes that shall be judged if they do not believe in Jesus Christ. Now what probability is there say they that S. Ignatius should speak this of the Emperors and Kings of his time Ans. Why may not this be affirmed of the Unbelieving Emperors and Kings that were Con-temporary with S. Ignatius Since Tertullian and S. Justin have declared as much of the Emperors of their time and that too in the presence of the Emperors themselves Moreover it is not necessary to understand the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only of Emperors and Kings since it may signifie all that areinvested with any Authority Object 7. In the Epistle to the Romans we find this Expression That he was led by the Leopards which are Soldiers This Explication say they is needless and the Comparison is childish Ans. And I say that the Similitude is very natural and that the Explication was necessary Bochart indeed affirms that the word Leopard was not used untill the time of Constantine but how does he know it It is in the Acts of the Passion of S. Perpetua and S. Felicitas Aelius Spartianus in the Life of Geta thinks that it was an old Word at the time when he wrote his History Object 8. In the Epistle to the Philadelphians he speaks of Penitents that were publickly received by the Church whereas say they in the first Ages they that had once fallen were not afterward readmitted into the Communion of the Church neither was there any Penance that ended in Reconciliation Ans. There is nothing in the Epistle to the Philadelphians concerning publick Penitence who had committed enormous Crimes this is a mere Imagination It is only declared that they that had departed form the Church should obtain Pardon for their Fault if they repented thereof by re-entering into it that is to say if they re-united themselves to the Church from which they were separated It is certain that Hereticks and Schismaticks returning to the Church were always readmitted Beside the Example of the young Man who was reconciled by S. John after he had been for a long time Captain of a Troop of Highway-men and of many others shew that Penance was then in use and Morinus evidently proves that in the two first Centuries Absolution was granted more easily than in the third Object 9. Onesimus Bishop of Ephesus who died before S. Ignatius is cited by Name in this Epistle Ans. This Onesimus is not he that was the Disciple of S. Paul whom others affirm to have been Bishop of Beraea And besides even the Onesimus mentioned by S. Paul might be living when S. Ignatius wrote this Epistle since that of S. Paul to Philemon was written from Rome about the year of our Lord 64 therefore tho' Onesimus might be 26 years old then yet he could not have been above 70 years of Age about the year 107 or 108 when S. Ignatius Composed these Works which is no very extraordinary thing Object 10. The Author of the Epistles attributed to S. Ignatius cites as they say several Apocryphal Books He produceth in the Epistle to the Smyrneans a Sentence concerning Jesus Christ taken from the Gospel according to the Hebrews Who can believe this of S. Ignatius Ans. This is no unusal thing among the Ancients S. Jerom gives us the same passage of S. Ignatius and Papias hath likewise quoted the Gospel according to the Hebrews S. Clement in his Epistle to the Corinthians uses some Expressions as taken from the Holy Scriptures which are not there as is observed by Photius Cod. 126. S. Jude also cites the Book of Enoch And besides we cannot positively affirm that the Gospel according to the Hebrews is cited by S. Ignatius for he only produceth a Sentence as knowing by Tradition that it was uttered by Jesus Christ. Thus S. Clement and S. Barnabas set down the Words of our Saviour which they had either heard spoken by him or had received from those by whom he was seen in the Flesh. Lastly this Passage in S. Ignatius is quoted by S. Jerom as belonging to the Gospel according to the Hebrews but Origen produces it out of the Book entituled The Doctrine of S. Peter which shews that it was a very common Expression Object 11. The ardent desire of suffering Martyrdom expressed by S. Ignatius is according to their Judgment too excessive Ans. This hath been admired in the Epistle to the Romans by the ancient Christians the same Ardor appears likewise in S. Cyprian in Germanicus a Martyr of Smyrna and in many others Certainly they must needs have but a very little knowledge of Antiquity who deny that the Primitive Christians were inflamed with a fervent desire of suffering Martyrdom and a Man shews that he is but meanly skilled in Divinity if he blames this Passion when it neither does nor says any thing that is impudent or indecent And this is the case of S. Ignatius who in testifying an earnest desire of becoming a Martyr uttered no Expressions but such as were very prudent and very moderate Let us read his Epistle to the Romans with the same Spirit as he wrote it
in reckoning up a greater number of years of the Reign of this Emperor under whom he lived than were really passed which is not credible or that he did not write these Books until after this time under the beginning of the Reign of Commodus and then he could not have had Maximinus for his Successor until the year 182 of the Vulgar Account unless he was taken in his Life-time to be his Coadjutor There is more probability that Eusebius was deceived a year or two Nicephorus in his Chronography of the Patriarchs of Antioch allows 13 years to Theophilus which agrees with our Opinion that is to say until the Years of our Lord 181 or 182. This Bishop was noe of the most vigorous Opposers of the Hereticks of his time he wrote a considerable Book against Marcion and a Treatise against the Heresie of Hermogenes d And a Treatise against the Heresie of Hermogenes Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 St. Jerom Sub Imperatore M. Antonino Vero librum contra Marcionem composuit qui usque â—odie extat And Eusebius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S. Jerom Et contra Haeresim Hermogenes liber unus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S. Jerom Et alii breves elegantesque tractatus ad aedificationem Ecclesiae pertinentes wherein he cited the Apocalypse He likewise Composed other small Tracts for the Instruction and Edification of the Faithfull All these Works are entirely lost but we have Three Books still written by him to Autolycus a Learned Heathen of his Acquaintance who had undertaken to vindicate his Religion against that of the Christians In the first of these Books he answers the Request that had been made to him by that Heathen to teach him how to know the true God and after having declared that to attain to the knowledge of him we must be purified in mind and heart he proceeds to Treat of the Nature of God and of those things which the Divines call his Attributes as his Eternity Immensity Power Invisibility afterward he enlargeth on the Blessedness of the other Life and on the Resurrection of the Body he observes by the way that Princes ought to be honoured as having received their Authority from God and derives the Etymology of the word Christian from Unction This first Book is properly a Discourse between him and Autolycus in Answer to what this Heathen had said against the Religion of Jesus Christ. The second Book was written to convince him of the Falshood of his own Religion and of the truth of the Christians He begins with a Confutation of the Opinions that were maintained by the Pagans concerning their Gods and shews the Contradictions of the Philosophers and Poets on this Subject he explains at large the Creation of the World and that which happened in the succeeding Ages he Demonstrates that the History of Moses is the oldest and truest History that ever was and that the Poets have extracted many things from the Holy Scriptures particularly their Relations concerning the Torments of the Damned In the third Book after having proved that the Writings of the Heathens are full of an infinite number of Notions contrary to right Reason and good Manners he shews that the Doctrine and Lives of the Christians are very far from those Crimes that are laid to their Charge Lastly at the end of his Work he adds an Historical Chronology from the beginning of the World unto his Time to prove that the History of Moses is the ancientest and the truest It is apparent from this little Epitome how well this Author was acquainted with profane History These three Books are filled with a great Variety of curious Disquisitions concerning the Opinions of the Poets and Philosophers Tho' there are but few things that relate immediately to the Doctrines of the Christian Religion not that Theophilus was Ignorant of them for it appears from several passages that he was very skilfull in these Matters but in regard that he Composed this Book chiefly to convince a Pagan he insists rather in proving our Religion by Arguments from without than by expounding its Doctrines He is the first Author that hath applied the word Trinity e The word Trinity Lib. 2. p. 94. and 100. to the Three Persons of the Godhead but he calls the Third by the Name of Wisdom He asserts two things concerning the Word which seem to savour of the Arian Heresie the first is that the Word may be in a Place and the Second that he was begotten in Time but these Expressions which are common to him and many of the ancient Fathers had a different Signification f But these Expressions which are common to him with many of the ancient Fathers had a different signification They meant nothing else by the first Expression as hath been already observed but that God made himself manifest unto Men by the Word therefore when Theophilus affirms that the Word is in a place and that the Father cannot be there he intended only to declare that the Word appears unto Men in a place as he heretofore appeared unto Adam in the Terrestrial Paradise and that the Father doth not appear in that manner This is the System of the ancient Christians It would be more difficult to resolve the second Expression were it not that they themselves have explained it since they acknowledge that the Word is Eternal and that he remained in God from all Eternity as his Council Wisdom and Word But they say that the same Word who was in God in some manner went out from him when he undertook to Create the World because he began to make use of this Word in Exterior Operations and this is what they call the Procession Prolation and Co-generation of the Word which does not hinder but that the Word might be from all Eternity and eternally begotten of the Father after the same manner as we apprehend it but this is not that which they call Generation These Expressions are not only used by Theophilus but likewise by Athenagoras Tatian Tertullian the Author of the Book concerning the Trinity amongst the Works of this Father Lactantius the Compiler of the Homilies attributed to Zeno Veronensis and afterwards by Rupertus in his Commentaries on Genesis from that which was afterwards given them by the Arians Moreover these Books are full of Moral and Allegorical Expressions the style is elegant and the turn of the thoughts very agreeable that whoever reads them cannot doubt but that the Author was a very Eloquent Man They are entituled in the Greek Manuscripts The Books of Theophilus to Autolycus concerning the Faith of the Christians against the malicious Detracters of their Religion They have been published in Greek and Latin as also in Latin by Conradus Gesner and Printed at Zurich in the Year 1546 afterward they were inserted in the Orthodoxographa Printed at Basil in 1555. Fronto Ducaeus annexed them to the first Volume of the Supplement of the Bibliotheca
but can never be really so Christianus videri potest miser non potest esse He adds that they abstain from Pleasures from publick Sights and from the Pomps of the World because all these things are contrary to good Manners and that their Life is more unblameable than that of the Philosophers who seem to be wise by their Discourses and by their outward Appearance but were by no means sound at the Bottom After Octavius had thus answered all the Objections of Cecilius the last acknowledges himself convinced by his Arguments I do not expect says he the Determination of our Arbitrator we are equally victorious Octavius triumphs over me and I triumph over Error I submit my self therefore to God I acknowledge his Providence and I do publickly declare that the Religion of the Christians among the Number of whom I place my self from this present is the only way that discovers the Truth This Dialogue is Elegant the Expressions are Select the Words proper the Turn agreeable the Reasons are set forth to advantage and beautified with a great deal of Learning In a word this small Treatise shews as Lactantius has observed that Minutius had been a very excellent Defender of Religion and of the Truth had he entirely applied himself to this Study But this is rather the Production of one who would divert himself from Business than a Book written with great Assiduity and Diligence He flourishes upon his Subject without treating of it thoroughly He takes more pains in shewing how ridiculous the Opinions of the Heathens are and in confuting them by their own Authors than in explaining and proving the Doctrine of the Christians Besides he does not appear to be very well skilled in the Mysteries of Religion and he seems to have believed that the Soul should die with the Body d That the Soul shoulâ—…ie with the Body He says That there is nothing after Death as there was nothing before the Production and that being made of nothing it shall likewise be renewed of nothing This Discourse passed a long time for the Eighth Book of Arnobius for it being found together with the seven Books of Arnobius in an ancient Manuscript of the Vatican Library it was printed four times e Four times The first by Sabaeus according to the Manuscript of Rome in the Year 1542. The second in Germany by Gelenius The third in Holland at Leyden in the Year 1552. The fourth at Basil by Erasmus in 1560. under his Name before any Body knew its true Author The Learned Lawyer Balduinus was the first that found out this vulgar Error and caused this little Treatise to be printed by it self in the Year 1560 at Heidelberg with a learned Preface wherein he restores it to its true Author But though we owe to this famous Lawyer the Honour of having first made this Discovery yet 23 years after Ursinus causing Arnobius's Works to be printed at Rome whether he had not seen Balduinus's Edition or whether he had a mind to attribute all the Honour of this Observation to himself separated this Book of Minutius from those of Arnobius without taking any notice that it had been done before ascribing to himself by this means the whole Credit of the Discovery Some time after in the year 1603 Wowerius caused it to be printed at Basil by Frobenius with very useful Notes for the understanding of this Author In 1610 it was printed at Francfort in Octavo according to Balduinus's Edition Afterwards Elmenborstius caused it to be printed at Hambourg with some new Observations in the year 1612 adjoyning thereunto the Preface of Balduinus The Year following Heraldus the Lawyer published at Paris an Edition of Minutius in Quarto which was more correct than the others Lastly Rigaltius revising it very diligently from a Manuscript in the King's Library being the same which was in the Vatican put it forth in the Year 1643 with very learned and curious Notes and it was re-printed at Amsterdam in 1645 together with Julius Firmicus This Edition of Rigaltius was followed in the Edition of S. Cyprian of 1666 to whose Notes they have added part of those of Wowerius Elmenâ—orstius Oizelius and those lately made by Priorius Lastly All these Notes were printed together with the Text after the manner which they call Variorum in the Year 1672. S. Hierom says That in his Time there was a Book concerning Destiny attributed to Minutius Felix but though this might be the Work of an eloquent Author yet it was not written with the same Style with this Dialogue It is true that Cecilius promises in this Dialogue to treat more largely of Destiny upon another occasion but to tell whether he did it or no or whether this Treatise that was extant in S. Hierom's Time was the same which he promised or rather whether this Promise gave occasion to some other Author to forge a Discourse thereof under Minutius's Name are things which we cannot positively determine AMMONIUS Ammonius AMMONIUS a Christian Philosopher the Master of Plotinus and Origen a Master of Plotinus and Origen Porphyry says in Plotinus's Life That this Philosopher when he was twenty years old came to hear Ammonius that he was his Disciple for eleven years and that he had another Disciple named Origen But as we shall observe elsewhere this is a different Person from the famous Origen Nevertheless Eusebius assures us That our Origen was likewise his Scholar and it seems undeniable and we must needs confess that there were two Origens who were Disciples to Ammonius flourished in Alexandria b Flourished in Alexandria There was another Ammonius a Philosopher likewise who lived after the Council of Chalcedon He was somewhat older than Origen and a Platonist where he publickly taught Philosophy in Alexander Severus's Reign Porphyry falsly accuses him for having quitted the Christian Religion in which he had been educated for it is certain as Eusebius and S. Hierom observe That he always continued stedfast in the Doctrine and Precepts of Christianity Witness says Eusebius those excellent Works that he has left behind him which are so many authentick Monuments of his Faith and his Ability as the Book intituled The Agreement between Moses and Jesus Christ and all the other Pieces which may be found in the Hands of studious Persons In the Number of these Works we may reckon a Gospel composed out of all the Four which was a kind of Harmony and Concord which he had drawn up with a great deal of Pains and Study as is testified by Eusebius in his Epistle to Carpianus placed at the beginning of his Canons upon the Evangelists Which has given occasion to S. Hierom to affirm that Ammonius writ Canons like those of Eusebius But they were not properly speaking Canons which Ammonius composed for the Canons were no more than Indices of the Places of the Gospels which are contained in One Two Three or Four of the Evangelists whereas Ammonius's Harmony or Concord
but Impertinencies and Errors The first is a Treatise of the Mountains of Sion and Sina writ by some body who was wholly besotted with the dreaming Enthusiasms of the Rabbines and Cabalists The Supper is a ridiculous impertinent Book The Revelation of John Baptist ' s Head is a fabulous Story writ after the time of St. Athanasius St. Cyril 〈◊〉 the Vandals the Chronicle of Marcellinus and Pipin whom it mentions His Preface attributed to Celsus upon the dispute of Papiscus and Jason addressed to Vigilius and the Treatise against the Jews are two Books wherein there is nothing regular or solid The two Trearises directed to the Martyrs and the Confession or Repentance of St. Cyprian the Martyr are Books which the Modern Greeks have attributed to the Martyr Cyprian who perhaps is the Bishop of Carthage whose Life they have amplified The Secrets and Prayers of St. Cyprian are Treatises full of Superstition and Impiety There remains nothing behind but rr A Calendâ—… of Easter It has been cited under St. Cyprian's Name by Paulus Diaconus The Scripture is cited there according to the Version made use of by St. Cyprian but there are some words in it that have nothing of the Purity of St. Cyprian and the turn of the Phrase is wholly different To discover the Truth of this we need only set down the very first Period Multo quidem non modico tempore anxii sumus aestuantes 〈◊〉 in faecularibus sed in sanctis divinis scripturis quaerentes invenire quidnam sit primum diei non mensis in qâ—â— mense praescriptum est Judaeis in Egypto XIV Lunâ comedere Pascha Cyprian would have never used such a turn as this is to express his Thoughts This Author tell us That Jesus Christ celebrated the Passover five times and died the sixth in the 16th year of Tiberius after he had Preached for the space of an year only This System is ancient a Calendar upon Easter Printed under St. Cyprian's Name in the English Edition 'T is the Work of an ancient Author but the Style is wholly different from that of St. Cyprian I say nothing of the Poems that are attributed to him because they go likewise under Tertullian's Name and I spoke of them when I gave an Account of that Author A Man must have a very nice taste of Styles that can throw away a Book that is almost all Calculation from any Author to whom it is attributed if he has no other Reason to reject it St. Cyprian is the first of the Christian Authors that was truly Eloquent as Lactantius has observed and we may say that there has been never another since him * This can only be under stóod of the Latins if we except Lactantius who was Master of so much true and noble and genuine Eloquence He professed Rhetorick with mighty Reputation before he was Converted to Christianity and what he writ afterwards is admirable in its kind For as Lactantius adds He had an easie fertile agreeable Invention and what is more a Spirit of Perspicuity reigns throughout all his Works which is one of the best Qualities belonging to any Discourse He has a great deal of Ornament in his Narration an easie Turn in his Expressions and Force and Vigour in his Reasonings in such a manner that he had all the three Talents required in an Orator which are to please to teach and to perswade and it is not easie to say which of these three he possesses in the most eminent degree As St. Jerome said that his Discourse resembled a Fountain of pure Water having a sweet and gentle Stream so we may say that it does likewise very often resemble an impetuous Torrent that carries away with it every thing it meets since he was capable of raising what Passions he pleased and of perswading us to do whatever he had a mind to Whether he gives Consolation or whether he exhorts or disswades he does it with so much force that one cannot possibly avoid being sensibly comforted or encouraged or deterred by what he says His Eloquence is natural and far removed from the Style of a Declamer There is no insipid mean Railery no common Proverbs in short nothing that has the tincture of ordinary Literature in his Writings but the Christian and the Bishop speak all along A Man may see that his Tongue spoke out of the abundance of his Heart and that as he had searched into the deepest Christian Truths so he expressed them nobly and generously Though we must at the same time own that after all his endeavours to speak as distinctly and purely as was possible there is something of the African Genius in him and he could not forbear now and then to intermix ss Some harsh Terms Such as exambire remissa sanctificati magnanimitas mortalitas confundi abstinere to excommunicate Dominicum c. words which are not Latin He has likewise some harsh turns as for example he uses the Pronouns se sui instead of iste istic for hic quando for cum quamdiu for donec iâ—o for potius He has also some Allusions and Antitheses proper to the Africans some harsh terms So difficult a matter it is to vanquish Nature or to abstain from those words we daily hear from those with whom we converse His studying and reading of Tertullian whom he looked upon to be his Master might in some measure contribute to corrupt his Style But then on the other hand we must acknowledge that it furnished him with some Advantages and that he has borrowed several Thoughts out of him which he sets off and beautifies though he was Religiously careful to avoid all his Faults and Errors For at the bottom the Characters of these two Authors are exceeding different Tertullian is harsh and obscure St. Cyprian is polite and clear Tertullian is hot and fiery St. Cyprian though he does not want all necessary force upon occasion that requires it is soft and gentle Tertullian reproaches his Adversaries and insults over them in a bitter railing manner St. Cyprian is infinitely more moderate and if he is obliged at any time to speak some Truths that displease them he takes care to soften them by the agree bleness of his Narration Tertullian vents abundance of false Reasons and teaches several Errors on the contrary St. Cyprian argues almost every-where with a World of Justice and Solidity and is exempt I mean not only from gross Errors but even from those of small consequence commonly found in the Fathers of the Three first Conturies He says nothing concerning the Mysteries of the Trinity or the Incarnation that carries any difficulty with it or stands in need of an explication He rejects the Error of the Millenaries and that of the State of the Soul before the Day of Judgment He is the first that spoke clearly of Original Sin and the Necessity of the Grace of Jesus Christ. He plainly distinguishes between Baptism and Imposition of Hands
Philosophers believed the same things that are received by the Christians as for Instance The Immortality of the Soul the Resurrection of the Body and Hell Fire He takes occasion from thence to discourse of the Nature of Souls he pretends that they are of a middle quality between a Spirit and a Body that they are by Nature Mortal but that God of his Goodness immortalizes the Souls of those who repose their Considence in him He confutes Plato's Notions concerning the Soul's Immortality and it's Excellency Dignity Exile or Imprisonment in the Body He supposes that it is Corporeal and extraduce That Man is but very little different from the Beasts That his Soul is mortal by Nature but that it becomes immortal by the Grace of God Opinions unworthy of a Man that had been perfectly instructed in the true Religion What he at the same time observes that in the Matters of Religion we ought not to indulge a fond Curiosity not endeavour to penetrate into the Reasons of God Almighty's Conduct nor judge of it by our own Light is infinitely more worthy of a Christian Jesus Christ says he was God and I ought to tell you so though you are not willing to understand it yet he is God and speaks unto us from God He has commanded us not to perplex our selves with unprofitable Questions let us therefore leave the Knowledge of these things to God and not amuse our selves in a vain pursuit after them And yet he does not forget to answer those Questions that were ordinarily proposed by the Pagans concerning Jesus Christ. Now they often demanded the reason why our Blessed Saviour since his Coming was so absolutely necessary for the Saving of Souls from Death would suffer so long an Interval of time to pass before he came to deliver them Arnobius replies Is it possible for Man to know after what manner God dealt with the Ancients Who has told you that he never relieved them any other way Do you know how long it is since Men have been upon the Earth or in what place the Souls of the Ancients are reserved Who has informed you that Jesus Christ did not deliver them by his coming Forbear then to torment your selves about these things and meddle not with those Questions which 't is impossible for Humane Reason to resolve Be perswaded that God has shown Mercy to them Jesus Christ perhaps had taught you how and when and after what manner it was done if it would not have afforded matter to your Pride But wherefore continued the Pagans did not Jesus Christ deliver all Mankind He invites he calls upon all the World says Arnobius he rejects no body he readily receives those that come to him he only requires that Men would desire and wish for him but he constrains and forces no Man for otherwise it would be Violence and not Grace But are none but Christians delivered from Death No assuredly for Jesus Christ alone has Power to effect it But say the Pagans this is a new upstart Religion and why should we quit that of our Ancestors for it Why not reply'd Arnobius provided it is better Did we never change our Ancient Customs Did we never alter our old Laws Is there any thing in the World which had not a beginning at first Ought we to esteem a Religion for the Antiquity of it or rather for the sake of the Divinity which we honour Within less than Two Thousand Years none of the Gods that are now worshipped by the Pagans were in being whereas God and his true Religion has been from all Ages Jesus Christ had his Reasons why he appeared when he did though they are unknown to us But why does he suffer those that worship him to be Persecuted And why replies Arnobius do your Gods suffer you to be afflicted with Wars with Pestilence and Famine c. As for us 't is not to be admired that we suffer in this Life for nothing is promised to us in this World On the contrary all the Evils and Calamities which we suffer here make way only for our Deliverance In the Three following Books Arnobius falls upon the Pagan Religion and shows that the Christians had very great reason to reject a way of Worship so very foolish Extravagant and Impious In his Sixth and Seventh Books he demonstrates that the Christians did very wisely not to Build Temples or trouble themselves with the Pageantry of Statues Images and Sacrifices and that it is a ridiculous piece of Folly to imagine that God dwells in Temples that the Images are Gods or that the Divinities are contained in them Or lastly That we honour the true God when we Sacrifice Beasts burn Incense or pour out Wine in Adoration of him Thus we have considered the Subject of the Seven Books of Arnobius that are written in a manner worthy of a Professor of Rhetorick The turn of his Thoughts very much resembles that of an Orator but his Style is a little African that is to say his Words harsh ill-placed unpolisht and sometimes scarce Latin and 't is likewise evident that he was not perfectly acquainted with the Mysteries of our Religion He attaques Paganism with a greater share of Skill and Vigour than he defends Christianity and discovers the Folly of That better than he proves the Truth of This. But we ought not to be surprized at it for 't is the ordinary Fate of all new Converts who being as yet full of their former Religion know the weakness and blind-side of it better than they understand the Proofs and Excellencies of that Perswasion which they have newly embraced I will say nothing concerning the Latin Commentary upon the Psalms that carries the Name of Arnobius because it is a certain truth in which all the Learned World agrees that this Arnobius is a different Person from him of whom we have been speaking that he is of a later Date and lived after the Council of Chalcedon since he mentions the Pelagians and Predestinarians The Books of the Senior Arnobius were first published by Faustus Sabaeus and Printed at Rome by Theodorus Priscianensis in the Year 1542. out of a Manuscript belonging to the Vatican Library but with abundance of Faults that were to be found in that Manuscript Galenius who afterwards set out another Edition of them at Basil in 1546. and 1560. by Frobenius took the liberty to Correct them upon his own bare Conjecture and to insert his own Emendations into the Text. Thomasinus printed them at Paris 1570. Canterus Corrected the Edition of Gelenius and was the first Man that wrote Annotations upon Arnobius His Edition was Printed by Plantin at Antwerp 1582. in Octavo Elmenhorstius published a larger Comment upon him and reviewed his Seven Books out of an ancient Manuscript They are likewise Printed with Heraldus's Notes in the Year 1583 and 1603 at Paris 1605 and at Hamburgh 1610 Stewechius a Learned Man took pains also with the same Author and Printed him at Doway
them away from Vice and his Remonstrances concerning the corrupt Manners of the Christians and the Irregularities of his own time carry a very near resemblance to those of our Age. JULIUS FIRMICUS MATERNUS THIS Author of whom none of the Ancients have made mention has written a Treatise Intituled Julius Firmicus Maternus Of the Errours of Prophane Religions which he has addressed to the Emperours Constantius and Constans the Sonâ— of Constantine The Stile and Matter of this Book abundantly convince us that it is no Spurious Piece and the Title it carries gives us an occasion to Conjecture that it was writ after the Death of Constantine the Eldest Son of Constantine the Great which happened in the Year 340 and before that of Constans who was Slain by Magnentius in the Year 350 for it being addressed to Constantius and Constans there is reason to believe that Constantine their Eldest Brother was already dead and 't is very evident that Constans was then alive We don't know what the Author was of what Country or of what Profession a Baronius believes that he was Bishop of Milan Baronius imagines that he was Bishop of Milan in the time of Julius and that he assisted at a Council held at Rome under that Pope There is indeed mention made of one Maternus a Bishop of Milan who suffered in Dioclesian's time in the Martyrologies of the 18th of July But he that was the Author of this Treatise never took upon him the Quality of a Bishop and we don't find it related in any Authors of Credit and Reputation in the World that there ever was a Bishop of Milan of that Name On the contrary it appears by St. Athanasius That in the time of Julius there was no Bishop of that Name at Milan And the Roman Council of which Baronius is to be understood is a Chimerical Council invented by Isidorus Baronius believes that he was Bishop of Milan but without any solid Foundation There are Eight Books of Astronomy that bear the same Name Now some Persons are of Opinion that they were composed by another Author b Labbè maintains that they belong to the same Man Possevinus and Simlerus distinguish them and call the last the Younger of the two Labbè pretends that he lived in the Years 334 and 337 and according to this Computation he might perhaps be the Author of the Treatise De errore Profanâ— Religionis Labbé maintains that they belong to the same Man but we cannot positively assert either one or the other This Treatise De Errore Prophanae Religionis was Printed at Venice in the Year 1499. At Basil by Hervagius in 1533. At Strasbourgh in 1562. And afterwards with Wouverus's Notes by Frobenius in 1603. Afterwards it was joined with Minutius Felix and Printed at Amsterdam in 1645. And in 1652. At Leyden in 1562 in Quarto 'T is likewise to be found in the Bibliotheca Patrum And lastly it was put at the end of the last Edition of St. Cyprian which was Printed at Paris 1666. The Author of it discovers the Original of all the several Religions amongst the Pagans and shows the absurdity of them In the first place he shows how prodigiously Men have debased themselves in making Gods of the Four Elements Secondly he lays open the Extract and Rise of the fabulous Deities giving an Historical Account of those things which the Poets have so disguised in Fiction In the Third place he demonstrates the Absurdity and Impiety of the Pagan Theology where several Persons have had the good luck to drop into an Almightyship only for being more exquisiâ—ely villainous than the rest of their Fellow-Creatures In the fourth place he takes occasion to refresh their Memories with several particulars relating to their Gods as how they have been slain wounded and ill-used by Men. Fifthly he pretends that the Religion of the Aegyptians derived its Original from Joseph and that their God Serapis is the same with the above-mentioned Patriarch who is so called because he was the Son of Sarah This Reason in my Opinion appears to be weak and ill-grounded Sixthly he observes that Men have Deified abundance of things which they either love or have frequent occasion for and thus they call Eating and Drinking their Dii Penâ—tes or their Houshold Gods Thus Vesta is the Domestick Fire we daily use and the same Judgment may be passed of several others and for this Reason it has happened that the Names of their Gods denote the Proprieties of Natural Things In a word he Describes and Enumerates the Prophane Signs or Mysterious Words that are used by the Pagans in their Way of Worship and he applies them to Jesus Christ with a great deal of Wit To say the truth This Treatise is exceeding Elegant and is abundantly stored with a great deal of Profound Learning the Author of it shows a considerable Stock of Knowledge Wit and Eloquence he frequently Exhorts the Emperours to destroy the Pagan Temples to suppress their Religion and to make use of strong and violent Remedies to cure Men of their Maladies and retrieve them from their Extravagancies and Errours At the same time he Exhorts all Men to feed and nourish themselves with the Bread of Jesus Christ which is his Word and his Doctrine for he does not speak of the Eucharist in this place as some Persons have vainly imagined to embrace the Light and come to the Marriage of the Celestial Bridegroom He tells us there that God made himself Man to save us and restore us to that Immortality which we lost and forfeited by the Fall of Adam that if he had not assumed a Body in the Womb of the Virgin and suffered an Ignominious Death for the sake of Mankind all the Jews even those of the Old Testament had never been in a Capacity of obtaining Salvation He teaches us that the Soul is Immortal and Spiritual and that the Daemons were frequently disturbed and ejected out of the Bodies of those Persons whom they had possessed by the powerful Prayers and Intercessions of the Christians He acquaints us with several Figures or Types of the Cross drawn out of the Old Testament Lastly to speak a Word or Two concerning his Morals he severely declaims and inveighs against those that disguise themselves in Female Habits These are the Principal and most considerable Heads that are discoursed of in this Treatise As for his Astronomical and Mathematical Books they are divided into Eight Parts That Work was first Printed by Aldus Manutius at Venice in the Year 1499. Reveiwed by one who calls himself Pascennius and afterwards Printed in the same place in 1501. Lastly It was Published at Basil by Hervagius and Corrected by Bucherius in the Year 1551. Of the COUNCILS that were Held in the First Ages of the Church THE Canons and Acts of the Councils ought to be reckoned amongst the Works of the Councils Ecclesiastical Authors since they are the Works of several Persons
Theoteâ—nus of Caesarea without mentioning an Infinite Number of others as well Bishops as Priests He says That St. Dionysius of Alexandria being invited to this Synod could not come thither but that he acquainted them with his Judgment concerning this Matter by way of Letter where he disdain'd to salute the Author of that Heresie In all appearance Firmilian presided in this Synod for the Bishops of the Second Council say in their Letter That Paul having Promised to renounce his Opinion Firmilian gave Credit to his Protestation and hoping that this Affair might terminate calmly without any prejudice or dishonour done to the Church judged it convenient to deferr passing Judgment And this plainly proves that Firmilian held the chief place in the Synod and that they followed his Advice Now they did not pass Sentence against Paulus Samosatenus in this Synod because he had promised to quit his Erroneous Doctrine but it seems he kept not his Word but relapsed a little time after into his old Errour So a Second Council was held against him in the City of Antioch in the Year 270 where we find Seventy two Bishops Paulus Samosatenus was here convinced of his Errour by a Priest whose Name was Malchion and afterwards he was deposed by the Council and Domâ—us Elected into his Place The Bishops of this Council soon after wrote a Synodal Letter to Dionysius Bishop of Rome and to all the other Bishops in the World to give an Account of their Condemning Paulus and Electing Domnus in his Room This Letter is to be seen in Eusebius Lib. 7. Hist. Cap. 30. They there give an ample Relation of what pass'd in the First Synod in which Paulus Samosatenus having solemnly Promised to change his Opinion Firmilian thought it convenient to deferr passing Judgment upon him That the aforesaid Bishop was upon his Journey with a Design to come to the Synod but died by the way After this they proceed to lay open the Manners of Paulus and accuse him of enriching himself by Publick Extortion Rapine and Sacrilege they reproach him for his insupportable Arrogance and Cruel Temper they complained of him for taking upon him the State of a great Lord as appeared by his numerous Retinue by his sitting in an high Tribunal by his ill Treatment of those Persons that did not make their Court to him and would not commend him when they sang Praises to God by his commanding Hymns to be sung in his own Praise and ordering himself to be publickly commended in the Sermons by his living too familiarly with Women and using his Clergy and People after a tyrannical insolent manner In short After they have accused him of all those Vices that are ordinary and common to Bishops of great Sees they say they condemned him principally because he revived the Errour of Artemas teaching That Jesus Christ was a mere Man and that he did not exist before he was born of the Virgin Mary and that having deposed him they chose Domnus in his room All which they take notice of that for the time to come all Communicatory Letters might be addressed to him only There is also another Letter attributed to this Council addressed to Paulus Samosatenus which contains a Profession of Faith Baronius ascribes it to the first Council but it being writ a little before Paulus's Deposition as manifestly appears by the Title and by its carrying the Name of Himenaeus in the Front who presided in the Second Council and not Firmilian who presided in the First we ought to conclude that it belongs to the Second Council But we have a great deal of reason to believe that the Letter published by Tâ—rrianus is Supposititious as well as that of St. Dionysius of Alexandria to Paulus Samosatenus as we have already shown in another place Baronius attributes besides to this Council a Profession of Faith set down in the Council of Ephesus in the Third Part and assigned in that place to the Council of Nice I don't know what reasons Baronius had to incline him to this Opinion but it seems past dispute to me that it does not belong to this Council at Antioch for certain it is that the word Consubstantial was there rejected whereas it is to be found in this Profession as it is set down in the Council of Ephesus under the Name of the Nicene Council although it no more belongs to that than it does to the former But the truth is 'T is a Profession of Faith drawn up by some Bishops to reconcile the Decisions of those two Councils and to explain in what sence the word Consubstantial was rejected by the First and approved by the Second Thus I have given a Catalogue of the Councils held in the Three first Ages of the Church that are mentioned by Authors that deserve Credit I don 't in the least question but that there were abundance of other Assemblies convened in this time but then there is no reason to admit those that are only spoken of by Modern Authors such as the Praedestinatus published by Sirmondus the Author of the Synodical Book Bedâ— and some others of the same Character Of false Decretals Attributed to the first Popes THE Falsity of the Decretals that are attributed to the first Popes before Siricius is so well known at present that it would not be necessary to speak any thing concerning them in this Of False Decretals c. place If the Subject of my Book did not oblige me in a few words to run over the Principal Reasons which prove them to be supposititious I begin with them that are general and common to all the Decretals and I shall afterwards descend to those that are more particular 1. a All these Decretals were unknown to the Ancient Fathers Except that of St. Clement to St. James Translated by Ruffinus all the rest were absolutely unknown and no Author ever cited any of them before the Ninth Age of the Church All these Decretals were unknown to all the Ancient Fathers to all the Popes and all the Ecclesiastical Authors that wrote before the Ninth Century Now what rational Man can believe that so vast a Number of Letters composed by so many holy Popes that contained so many important Points in Relation to the Discipline of the Church cou'd be unknown to Eusebius to St. Jerome to St. Augustin to St. Basil and in short to all those Authors that have spoken of the Writings of the Popes or have written concerning the Discipline of the Church Cou'd it possibly happen that the Popes to whom these Letters are so very favourable wou'd never have cited and alledged them to raise their Reputation Who wou'd ever imagine that the Decisione of these Decretals should be never so much as quoted in any Council or in any Canon He that will seriously consider with himself that since these Decretals have been imposed upon the World they have been cited in an infinite number of places by Popes by Councils
truly the Church had no reason to complain of his Conduct till the latter end of his Life when he gave ear to the Accusations that were brought to him against St. Athanasius by those Bishops that favour'd Arius's Faction For they being offended with him because he would not appear at a Council held at Caesarea whither he had been cited to come mov'd the Emperour to Summon a Synod in the City of Tyre to Judge his Cause There St. Athanasius appear'd and finding that his Enemies had injuriously oppress'd him he had recourse to the Emperour and went to him at Constantinople Constantine although prejudic'd against him yet heard him favourably and commanded the Bishops of the Council of Tyre who had called another afterwards at Jerusalem to come to him and render an account of their Proceedings They deputed Six Bishops to go to the Emperour and accuse St. Athanasius but those Deputies durst not alledge the Facts of which they had accus'd him at the Council of Tyre for fear lest the Emperour being a lover of Justice should discover their Falsity and declare him Innocent They consult therefore how they might charge him with a Crime against the State by saying that he threatned to hinder the Transportation of Corn from Alexandria to Constantinople This Accusation made such Impression upon the Emperor's Mind and so stirred him up against St. Athanasius that he immediately Banish'd him to Triers a City of Gaule The Enemies of St. Athanasius having thus procur'd his Banishment who was the great Opposer of Arius they call'd back again this Heretick and us'd all the Endeavours to restore him to the Communion of the Church But Constantine would not hear of it till after he had drawn up a Confession of Faith which appear'd contrary to his Errors and had Sworn and Protested that this was his Doctrine yet even after he had done this the Emperour being always jealous of the Man said to him If thy Faith be right as thou would'st make us believe thou hast done well to Swear but if not then let God condemn thee to some Punishment for this false Oath Which words were follow'd with a suitable Effect for in a little time after Arius perish'd miserably the day before he should have been admitted to the Communion of the Church at Constantinople The Reader no doubt may wonder that I have not spoke a word all this while of the Baptism of this Emperour for it seems very strange that one who took so great care of the Affairs of Christians one who was convinc'd of the Truth of their Religion and was ignorant in no Point of their Doctrine should continue so long a time without initiating himself into the Church by the Sacrament of Baptism And yet this was certainly so either because he waited to receive Baptism when he should be near his Death that by this Sacrament he might throughly expiate his Sins and so appear Innocent before God or else because he had some other reason for this delay However it came to pass he never thought of preparing himself for Baptism until he felt himself Sick nor had he ever the Imposition of the Bishops hands to make him a Catechumen till the Year 337 d To make him a Catechumen till the Tear 337. Eusebius says expresly That Constantine then first received Imposition of Hands and that he assisted at the Solemn Prayers of the Church which plainly shews that he was not a Catechumen before Neither does the Title of the First Book Chap. 32. of the Life of Constantine contradict this Observation for there it is only said that Constantine was Catechized 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the meaning of which is only that he was instructed in the Christian Doctrine which does not prove that he was a Catechumen and we never read before this time that he assisted at the Publick Prayers of the Church a few days before his Death being then at Helenopolis as Eusebius observes in the Fourth Book of this Emperour's Life Chap. 61. After this he receiv'd Baptism from the hands of Eusebius of Nicomedia in the Suburbs of that City as Eusebius of Caesarea St. Athanasius St. Jerom and St. Ambrose Socrates Sozomen Theodoret Evagrius and all the rest of the Ancients unanimously affirm e All the Ancients unanimously affirm Eusebius B. I. Of the Life of Constantine Ch. 32. St. Jerom in his Chronicle says Constantinus ultimo vitae suae tempore baptizatus est St. Ambrose in his Funeral Oration upon Theodosius says of Constantine Cui licet baptismatis gratia in extremis constituto omnia peccata dimiserit The Fathers of the Council of Ariminum in a Letter written at the beginning of that Synod say That he died a little after he was baptiz'd which is certainly spoken of Constantine the Great after they had mention'd in the same place his assisting at the Council of Nice I might add to this many other unquestionable Witnesses such as Socrates B. I. Ch. 39. Sozomen B. II. Ch. 34. Theodoret B. I. Ch. 32. Evagrius B. III. Ch. 42. the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicle c. It is therefore a fabulous Story which is related in the Acts falsly attributed to Pope Sylvester That the Baptism of Constantine was celebrated at Rome And indeed nothing can be more fabulous than the Account set down in those Acts For there it is feign'd that Constantine being an Enemy to the Christian Religion and desiring to Persecute it was smitten with Leprosie That the Soothsayers said unto him the only way to cure him was to bath himself in the Blood of New-born Infants That many of them were sought out to have their Throats cut but Constantine being mov'd by their Tears and the Cries of their Mothers restor'd them again without putting them to Death That he was afterwards admonish'd in a Dream by St. Peter and St. Paul that he should be cur'd if he were baptiz'd by Sylvester which having done he was presently Purified by Baptism both from his Sins and from his Leprosie What Forgeries what Fables are here What inconsistent Ravings of Madmen Constantine was never an Enemy to the Christian Religion he did never Persecute it he was always a Christian from his heart before he came to Rome There is no Historian that speaks of his having a Leprosie or that he was cur'd of it by Baptism How came Eusebius to forget so considerable a Miracle in the Life of Constantine With what Face could Julian the Apostate object to the Christians that Baptism never cleans'd any person from the Leprosie if his own Grandfather had been cur'd by it St. Cyril to confute this Falshood never alledg'd an Example so Illustrious as this of the Emperour had been But I forbear to mention any more of the many Absurdities and Impertinencies which are contain'd in those Acts f I forbear to mention any more of the many Absurdities and Impertinencies which are contain'd in those Acts. There 't is said That St. Sylvester
Timotheus which it very much favour'd But this Letter has been rejected by Hypatius in a Conference at Constantinople with the Acephali by Facundus B. VII Ch. 1. By Eulogius in his Third Discourse and by Leontius of Constantinople Book of Sects Ch. 8. who have all affirmed That 't was written by Apollinarius and by the Eutychians and falsly attributed to Pope Julius There is another Letter of Julius about the Incarnation to Docus which is also cited in the Council of Ephesus Art 1. Facundus has acknowledg'd it for Genuine and Vincentius Lirinensis says that in that Council The Faith of the Church was confirm'd by the Testimony of Pope Julius Ephrem has also acknowledg'd it for Genuine as appears by an Extract out of his Third Book of Laws related by Photius Anastasius has cited it in his Collections about the Incarnation as written by Acacius Leontius only has rejected it in his Treatise of Sects where he affirms That 't is the Work of Timotheus a Disciple of Apollinarius as was prov'd then by many Copies He adds nevertheless That 't is not at all contrary to the Faith and that 't is no great matter whose it is In short the same Leontius affirms That there were no Writings of Julius in his time which must be understood with an exception to those that are extant in St. Athanasius and that the Seven Epistles which bear his Name were Apollinarius's And truly there is no probability that Julius wrote Letters about the Incarnation at a time when there was no Question but about the Trinity Besides 't is known that the Eutychians were wont to attribute the Works of Apollinarius to the Fathers who had the Reputation of Catholicks as St. Athanasius St. Gregory and St. Cyril that so they might deceive the People and engage them unto their Heresy I say nothing of the two Decretal Epistles attributed to Pope Julius because they are plainly supposititious This Pope died in the Year 352 and was succeeded by Liberius The Author of Damaâ—us's Pontifical Usuardus Ado and some others relate That he was Banish'd for the space of Ten Months till the Death of Constantius But this cannot be maintain'd for Julius never suffer'd any Persecution nor any Banishment for the Defence of St. Athanasius since this Father says not one word of it in his Books who would never have fail'd to charge the Arians with the Banishment of Julius as well as with that of Liberius and other Bishops of his Party ASTERIUS ST JEROM places this Arian Philosopher among the Number of Ecclesiastical Writers not because he wrote a Book against the Faith of the Church about the Trinity but because of his Commentaries Asterius upon the Epistle to the Romans upon the Gospels upon the Psalms and many other Books which shows That a Heretick may be plac'd amongst Ecclesiastical Authors when he writes such Learned Books as may be serviceable to the Church St. Athanasius gives a very different Character of this Asterius from that which Eusebius had given of him in his Book against Marcellus One Asterius says he in his Book of the Two Synods a Sophist of Cappadocia is a Partizan of the Eusebians and when he could not enter into the Order of the Clergy because he had Sacrific'd to Idols during the Persecution of Maximian he was advis'd to write a Book for the Opinions of Eusebius the Impiety of which is equal to that of his Idolatry For there he compares Jesus Christ to a Locust and a Worm of the Earth nay and seems to preferr these Insects before him He affirms That the Word which is in Jesus Christ is different from the Word which created the World He runs through all Syria and enters into all the Churches by the Favour of Eusebius's Recommendation to teach others to deny Jesus Christ. He insolently opposes the Truth and goes into those places which are appointed only for the Clergy and there he rehearses very loudly his impious Book Thus St. Athanasius describes the Man and his Work There are some Fragments preserved in his Writings which expresly contain the impious Opinions of the Arians I am only now to tell you That this Asterius is different from the Bishop of Amasea THEODORUS THEODORUS Bishop of Perinthus a City of Thrace who was also call'd Heracleus was a Bishop of the Eusebian Party St. Athanasius in his Letter to the Bishops of Egypt places him Theodorus among the Number of those that were condemned being Priests and afterwards promoted to Episcopal Dignity by the Intrigues of the Arians He assisted at the Council of Tyre and was one of the Deputies that were sent to Mareotis to Inform against St. Athanasius He assisted also at the Council of Antioch and came to that of Sardica and having retir'd from thence with the Bishops of the East he was Depos'd and Excommunicated in a Synod of the Western Bishops St. Jerom and Theodoret Testify that he was very Learned and compos'd in the Reign of the Emperour Constantius very Elegant and Clear Commentaries upon the Gospel of St. Matthew and St. John upon the Epistles of St. Paul and the Psalms in which he endeavours particularly to explain the Historical Sence of them We have in the Catena upon St. Matthew publish'd by Corderius and printed at Antwerp in the Year 1642 some Fragments attributed to this Theodorus But one cannot be certain upon the Credit of this Catena that they are truly his TRYPHILIUS TRYPHILIUS Bishop of a City in the Isle of Cyprus call'd Ledra was according to St. Jerom one of the most Eloquent Writers of his Age and was in great Reputation under Tryphilius the Reign of Constantius St. Jerom had read his Commentary upon the Canticles and says That he wrote many other Books that never came to his Hands HELIODORUS GENNADIUS informs us of this Author in this manner Heliodorus a Priest has written a Book of the nature of Principles wherein he shews That there is but one Principle Heliodorus only That there is nothing Eternal but God That God is not the Author of Evil That all he does is Good That he created the Matter which the Malice of Men makes use of to do Evil That nothing was created without him and that he having foreseen that Nature would become subject to Corruption by Sin he forewarned Man of this Punishment I have read nothing else that concerns this Author Gennadius places him among those Writers that liv'd in the time of Constantius DONATUS and Vitellius and Macrobius his Disciples ST JEROM places among the Number of Ecclesiastical Writers Donatus Head of the Party of the Donatists in Africa which in all probability is to be understood of the Bishop of Carthage a Which is to be understood of the Bishop of Carthage There were Two Donati of the same Party as St. Austin observes B. I. Retract ch 12. The First was Donatus Bishop of Casae nigrae or Calame who never was Bishop of
Commentaries and that he added many things of his own as the same St. Jerom has also observ'd We have his Commentaries upon St. Matthew we have also more of his Commentaries upon the Psalms than St. Jerem had seen for this Father mentions only the Commentaries upon the 1st and 2d Psalms upon the 51st and those that follow until the 62d and upon the 118th and those that follow unto the last and we have besides thâ—se Commentaries the Commentaries upon the 14th and 15th Psalms and upon the 63 64 65 66 67 68 Psalms which bear the Name of St. Hilary and are written in his Stile But we have none of his Commentaries upon Job which are cited by St. Jerom whereof St. Austin relates a Passage in his 2d Book against Julian to prove Original Sin There was also attributed to him in St. Jerom's Time a Commentary upon the Canticles but this Father says that he had never seen it St. Jerom mentions also a Collection of Hymns compos'd by St. Hilary a Book Entituled Mysteries and many Letters I place not the Letter and Hymn to his Daughter Apra in the Number of St. Hilary's Works because I doubt not but these piâ—ces were the Work of him that wrote his Life which are not at all like this Father's way of Writing Some have attributed to him the Hymn Pange Lingua and that of St. John the Baptist Ut quâ—â—nt laxis but without any Ground The Books of the Unity of the Essence of the Father and the Son were Rhapsodies taken out of the Genuine Works of St. Hilary St. Jerom in his Apology to Pammachius speaks of a Book of St. Hilary address'd to Fortunatus which was concerning the Number Seven Some have confounded this Treatise with St. Cyprian's Books of Exhortation to Martyrdom being address'd to a Person of the same Name But that which St. Jerom attributes to St. Hilary must be different from those of St. Cyprian and therefore if there be no Mistake in this place of St. Jerom we must say that St. Hilary wrote a Treatise address'd to his Friend Fortunatus concerning the mysterious Significations of the Number Seven And this Work may very well be one of those Treatises of Mysteries which St. Jerom mentions in his Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers The Twelve Books of the Trinity compos'd by St. Hilary in Imitation of Quintilian's Books as St. Jerom has observ'd are an excellent Work which contains the Explication and the Proofs of this Mystery He has there establish'd the Faith of the Church in a demonstrative Manner he has clearly detected the Errors of the Hereticks refuted them solidly and answered all their Objections So that this is the largest and most methodical Work of any that we have in all Antiquity upon this Subject The First Book is a Preface to the Whole wherein he describes very pleasantly after what manner a Man arrives at Happiness and the Knowledge of the Truth and then gives an Account of the Subject of the Eleven following Books He begins with observing that Happiness does not consist in Abundance nor in Repose as common People imagine nor yet in the bare Knowledge of the First Principles of Good and Evil as many wise Men among the Pagans thought but in the Knowledge of the true God He adds that Man having an ardent Desire after this Knowledge meets with some Persons that give him low and mean Idea's unworthy of the Divinity Some would persuade him that there are many Gods of different Sexes Others take the Representations of Men of Beasts and Birds for Divinities Others acknowledge no God at all and some in short confess That there is a God but deny that he has any Knowledge or takes any Care of things here below But the Reason of a Man discovers these Notions to be false and so by the Light of Nature he comes to know That there can be but one God Almighty Eternal and Infinite who is in all places who Knows all things and Orders all things and afterwards by reading the Books of Mosâ—â— and the Prophets where he found these Truths explain'd he was fully convinc'd of them and studied with the greatest Application of mind to know this Sovereign Being who is the Fountain of all kind of Beauty and Perfection Neither did he stop here but upon further Enquiry he came to understand That 't was unworthy of God to suppose that Man to whom he had given so much Knowledge should be annihilated for ever for if this were true to what purpose would his Knowledge serve since Death would one Day deprive him of all Understanding But then as on the one side Reason discovers it to be fit that Man should be Immortal so on the other side the Sense of his present Weakness and the Apprehension of Death which he sees is unavoidable fill him with anxious Fears In this State he has recourse to the Gospel which perfects all the Knowledge he had before and resolves all the Doubts that yet remain with him There he learns That there is an Eternal Word the Son of God who was made Man and came into the World to communicate to it the Fulness of Grace and Truth This gives him hopes infinitely above all that he could have before for now he presently perceives the Excellency and Greatness of these Gifts by understanding That since the Son of God was made Man nothing can hinder but Men may become the Sons of God and so when a Man joyfully receives this Doctrine he perfects the Knowledge he had of the Divinity by the Knowledge of the Humanity of Jesus Christ. He renews his Spirit by Faith He acknowledges the Providence of one God over him and begins to be fully persuaded that he who created him will not annihilate him In short he understands That Faith is the only infallible means of coming to the Knowledge of the Truth That it rejects unprofitable Questions and resolves the captious Difficulties of humane Philosophy That it judges not of the Conduct of God according to the Thoughts of Men nor of that of Jesus Christ according to the Maxims of this World That 't was by this Faith whereof the Law was only a Shadow and Type that Jesus Christ having rais'd our Minds to that which is most Sublime and Divine prescrib'd to us instead of the Circumcision of the Flesh the Circumcision of the Spirit which consists in the Reformation of our Lives and the Renovation of our Hearts That as we die to Sin in Baptism that we may live a Spiritual and Immortal Life so Jesus Christ died for us that we might rise again together with him and so the Death of him who is Immortal procur'd Immortality to us Mortals Now when once the Soul is fully possess'd with these Thoughts she rests satisfied with this Hope without fearing Death or being wearied of Life For she considers Death as the beginning of Eternal Life and looks upon this present Life as the means of obtaining a happy Immortality
a Zeal that he might deserve to be accus'd of too violent a Passion if it were not otherwise certain that he was acted only from a principle of Love to the Truth * The best Excuse that can be made for St. Hilary is That Oppression may make a Wise Man mad and St. Athanasius needs it as much as he for in his Letter to all those that lead a Monastick Life he shews as great Marks of Rage and Anger against Constantius as St. Hilary does here and yet St. Gregory Nazianzen a Man that was never suspected of Arianism has said very great Things of that Prince when he set him against Julian the Apostate He begins with these Words which are all Sparks of Fire 'T is time to Speak since the time to be Silent is past we must wait upon Jesus Christ since Anti-Christ Governs Let the True Pastors cry aloud since the Hirelings are fled Let us die for the Sheep since the Thieves are entered and the Lion full of Rage goes about the Sheepfold After he has exhorted the Pastors in these Words and many others of the same Nature to Defend the Truths of the Gospel with Courage and Boldness He gives an Account of the Conduct which he had observ'd since his Banishment He says That he kept Silence in Modesty hoping that things would change for the better but there being now no further place for hope he found himself oblig'd to speak He declares That he wishes he had rather been in the time of Decius or Nero than in that wherein he liv'd That neither Tortures nor the Fire nor the Cross could have made him afraid but he would boldly have maintain'd the Combate against his declared Enemies and suffer'd with Constancy in this publick Persecution But now adds he we oppose a Persecutor that deceives us with false appearances an Enemy that puts on a Friendly Countenance to us Constantius the Anti-Christ who Persecutes the Church under a mask of designing its advancement He professes says he to be a Christian that he may deny Jesus Christ He procures Union to hinder Peace He stifles Heresies to ruine Christianity He honours the Bishops that he may make them lose the Title of the Ministers of Jesus Christ He builds up Churches that he may destroy the Faith Let him not imagine adds he that I Charge him falsly That I Reproach him The Ministers of Jesus Christ ought to speak the Truth If what I have propos'd be a Calumny I am willing to pass for an infamous Person but if it be true and publickly known I use the freedom of an Apostle in reproving it after a long Silence After this He Justifies his calling Constantius Anti-Christ by giving a horrible Representation of the Persecution that he raised He adds That it was neither through Indiscretion nor Rashness nor Anger that he spoke so of him but that his Reason his Constancy and his Faith oblig'd him to say these things Yes says he addressing himself to Constantius I tell you what I should have told Nero what Dioclesian and Maximian should have heard from my Mouth You fight against God You use Cruelties to the Church You Persecute the Saints You hate those that Preach Jesus Christ You utterly abolish Religion In a word You are a Tyrant I speak not with reference to the Things of this World but with reference to the Things of God This is what is common to you with the Pagan Emperours Let us now come to that which is peculiar to your self You feign your self to be a Christian and you are the Enemy of Jesus Christ You are become Anti-Christ and have begun his Work You intrude into the Office of procuring New Creeds to be made and you live like a Pagan You teach things Profane and are ignorant of Piety and Religion You give Bishopricks to those of your own Faction and take them away from the good Bishops that you may bestow them upon the Bad. You put the Bishops in Prison You keep your Armies in the Field to terrify the Church You assemble Councils to establish Impiety in them and you compel the Western Bishops to renounce the Faith that they may embrace Error You shut them up in a City to weaken them by Famine to kill them with the Rigor of the Winter and to corrupt them by your Dissimulation You foment the Dissentions of the East by your Artifices He adds also many other Accusations of the same Nature and to compleat all he says That the Church never suffer'd so much under Nero under Decius and Maximianus as it has done under Constantius who is more cruel than all those Tyrants because the former gave Martyrs to the Church who overcame Devils whereas Constantius makes an Infinite number of Prevaricators who cannot so much as comfort themselves by saying that they were overcome by the violence of their Torments I should never have done if I should relate all that St. Hilary says in this place of the Persecution of Constantius He charges him particularly with the Banishment of Paulinus and Liberius and the Troubles wherewith he exercis'd the Church of Tholouse and concludes with saying That all those things that he had accus'd him of were publick and certain and therefore he had Just Cause to call him Anti-Christ He shows afterwards the Impiety of those Bishops that Assisted at the Council of Seleucia who maintain'd that the Father was not like in Substance to the Son and condemn'd the Words Consubstantial and like in Substance He answers what Constantius alledges as the Reason of condemning these Terms That we must not make use of any but Scripture Expressions He answers I say That these Terms agree with the Doctrine of the Gospel That Constantius and those of his Party are also forc'd to make use of such Terms as are not to be found in Scripture and in short That the Scripture makes use of Terms more Emphatical since it establishes the Equality and Unity of the Father and the Son He blames Constantius for the variety and contrariety of those Creeds that were made after that of the Council of Nice He explains the Faith of the Church concerning the Majesty of God and proves by many Examples That we are not to wonder if the Eternal Generation of the Son is Incomprehensible This Book is also imperfect The Book of Fragments is a Collection of many Pieces taken out of two Books of St. Hilary and likewise of some Passages out of his other Works 'T is not known who is the Author of this Abridgment nor when he liv'd The Passages that are cited in it are certainly St. Hilary's and for the most part the Pieces that are collected in it are ancient but he does not observe any Order in this Collection He begins with a Fragment of St. Hilary's Preface wherein after he had spoken of the Excellency of Faith Hope and Charity he declares That he had undertaken to publish a Work of great Importance and vast
the Declaration which they make having obtain'd Pardon of their Sins shall be bound and loosed in Heaven according to the Apostolical Judgment In the 19th after he has spoken of those that voluntarily make themselves Eunuchs to preserve their Chastity he speaks of Riches and the use we should make of them He says That 't is no Crime to enjoy them but that we should observe Moderation and employ them innocently That 't is dangerous to desire to enrich our selves and that an innocent Man finds himself overcharg'd when he is taken up in purchasing in preserving and encreasing his Riches From whence he concludes That tho' 't is not absolutely impossible for a rich Man to be sav'd yet very few of them shall be sav'd because it is so difficult a thing to make use of the Goods of this World as we ought In the 20th he affirms That Moses and Elias shall come with Jesus Christ at the last Judgment and that they shall be put to Death by Anti-Christ he rejects the Opinion of those who thought that Enoch or Jeremy should come before Jesus Christ. In the 23d he says That Spiritual Persons ought not to entangle themselves in the Affairs of this World but that they ought to render unto God that which is due that is to say their Heart their Soul their Will He shows the Necessity of Loving God in Order to Salvation In the 25th he observes That Nicholas one of the Seven Deacons was a false Prophet and a Heretick and that the last Judgment shall be given in the place where Christ suffer'd In the 26th he speaks of the uncertainty of the time of the last Judgment and observes That 't is useful to keep all Men upon their Guard In the 27th he observes That tho' all Christians are oblig'd to Watchfulness yet the Princes of People and the Bishops are more particularly oblig'd to Watch over themselves and their Flocks In the 30th he asserts That Judas was not present when Jesus Christ distributed the Sacrament because he was unworthy of those Eternal Sacraments He says That when St. Peter said so boldly that he would not be offended because of Christ he did not consider the weakness of the Flesh. In the 31st he thinks that Jesus Christ had no fear of Death at all He says He was Consecrated in the Sacrament of that Blood which he was to shed for the Remission of Sins This Opinion seems not easily reconcileable with the Account which the Evangelists give of the Agonies of our Saviour in the Garden and upon the Cross. In the 32d he observes That St. Peter's Denials were still more and more Criminal At first says he he only answered That he knew not what she meant then he deny'd that he was of the number of Christ's Disciples and at last he said That he knew him not But presently he wept after that Fault which he could not avoid tho' he was fore-warned of it In the 33d he says That the Words of Jesus Christ upon the Cross My God my God why hast thâ—â— forsaken me Belong'd to his Body which complain'd of its Separation from the Divine Word He compares the Crime of those who abuse the Gifts given to the Church with that of the Scribes and Pharisees who gave Money to Judas to betray Jesus Christ and with the Souldiers who Guarded his Sepulchre that they might say He was not risen Lastly He observes upon the Words of Jesus Christ Go and teach all Nations baptizing them c. He observes I say That Instruction ought to precede Baptism because the Body ought not to receive the Sacrament of Baptism unless the Soul has receiv'd the Truth of Faith There is a Preface prefix'd to the Commentaries of St. Hilary upon the Psalms wherein he treats of some Critical Questions He says That some Jews have divided the Psalms into Five Books and that others have entituled them The Psalms but for his part he gives them the Title of The Book of Psalms He maintains That they are written by the Persons whose Names they bear at the beginning and is of Opinion That those that carry no Name are written by the same Author with the last foregoing Psalm where the Name of some Author is to be found He says There are some that are falsly attributed to Jeremy Haggai and Zachary since those Names are not found in those Copies of the Version of the Septuagint which he thinks to be authentick He objects to himself That there is a Psalm which bears the Name of Moses wherein Samuel is mention'd who liv'd many Ages after He contents himself with answering this difficulty by saying That Moses nam'd Samuel by the Spirit of Prophecy He attributes to Ezrah that Collection of the Psalms which we have at present He maintains That all the Psalms ought to be Expounded with a reference to Jesus Christ and the Gospel He observes that the Hebrews call the Psaltry Nabla and he thinks that they never distinguished the Psalms at all He makes the LXX Interpreters Authors of their Distinction and observes that they have not always follow'd the Order of Time From this Distribution he passes on to the number of Canonical Books He reckons 22 of them according to the Hebrews and says that some have added Tobit and Judith He observes That the Lord's Day is a Day of Prayer and of Rest for Christians and that they are forbidden to Prostrate themselves or Fast on that Day He explains afterwards the Titles of the Psalms in general * This Distinction of the Titles of the Psalms is according to the LXX in that Translation some Psalms are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psalms Others ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Songs Others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psalms of a Song Others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Songs of a Psalm Others again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Psalms or Hymns He says That those which are called Songs were made to be sung without any Instrument of Musick That those which are entituled Psalms were made to be Play'd upon Instruments of Musick without Singing That those which are call'd Songs of a Psalm were such as the Chorister Sung after the Instrument but those which are call'd Psalms of a Song are such as the Chorister Sung before the Instrument of Musick Lastly That those which are call'd in Psalms are such wherein there is a change both of the Person and the Voice He gives also some Moral Interpretations of those Titles which are too useless to be repeated After all he says That the Key for understanding the Psalms is to enquire what Person it is to whom they agree for some of them agree to David and others to Jesus Christ and others to some Prophet and so of the rest In his Commentary upon the First Psalm he says That there are three or four degrees of Happiness mark'd in those words Blessed is the Man who hath not stood in the Counsel of the
appears That Silvanus who ordain'd Majorinus had given up the Holy Books to the Heathens Zenophilus there examines a Grammarian nam'd Victor a Deacon nam'd Castus and a Sub-Deacon call'd Crescentianus and makes them confess That Silvanus had deliver'd up the Ornaments of the Church and the Holy Books according to the Deposition of Nundinarius the Deacon who was present He causes also the Verbal Process made in the Year 363. to be read by Munatius Felix Judge of the Colony of Cirtha who further confirm'd the Deposition of Nundinarius The Letters written to Silvanus by the Bishops of his own Party are set down wherein they reprehend him for his outrageous manner of treating his Deacon Nundinarius He is accus'd also of making a Simonaical Ordination of appropriating to his own use the Alms that were given for the Poor and of being ordain'd himself by the Sollicitation of some Country Fellows There are many things very remarkable in this Act For there one may see That at the Beginning of the 3d. Age of the Church they us'd Chalices of Silver and Gold Cups Lamps and Candlesticks of Silver and Copper That they kept in the Church Garments for the Poor That the Readers who were very numerous had the Holy Books That the Christians had a Library near the Church where they put their Books The Third Record is also part of a Verbal Process concerning the Justification of Felix of Aptungis made by Aelianus the Proconsul in the Year 314 in the Month of February as appears by St. Augustin There he examines one nam'd Ingentius and Convicts him of making an Addition to a Letter of Caecilian that he might falsly accuse Felix of being a Traditor The Fourth is a Letter of the Emperour Constantine to Ablabius wherein he orders him to send Caecilian to Arles with some Bishops of his Party as well as some of his Accusers that he might receive Judgment from the Council which was to assemble there The Fifth is a Letter from the Council of Arles of which we have spoken in its place The Sixth is the Letter which Constantine wrote against the Donatists when they appeal'd to his Judgment after they had been condemn'd in the Council of Arles The Seventh is another Letter of the same Emperour wherein he acquaints the Bishops of Donatus's Party That he once design'd to send Judges into Africk to determine their Differences with Caecilian but that he judg'd it more proper to make him come before himself The Eighth is a 4th Letter of the same Emperour written to Celsus wherein he acquaints him That he will quickly come into Africk to decide the Differences between Donatus and Caecilian himself The Ninth is a 5th Letter of Constantine wherein he gives the Donatist Bishops leave to return into Africk The Tenth is a 6th Letter of this Emperour about the Cause of the Donatists address'd to the Catholicks of Africk He tells them That he had done all that lay in his Power to re-establish Peace but since the Obstinacy of some Men had frustrated his good Intentions they must now wait upon God only for the Remedy of this Mischief and that till it pleas'd the Divine Mercy to remedy it they must proceed with Moderation and bear with Patience the Insolence of the Enemies of the Church That they must not render Evil for Evil since Vengeance is reserv'd to God only and that by suffering patiently the Fury of these Insolent Men they should certainly merit the Glory of Martyrdom For says he Is not this to Fight and Conquer for God to bear with Patience the Outrages and Injuries of the Enemies of God's People At last he assures the Catholicks That if they observe this Method they will quickly see their Enemies Party weakned and that God will give Grace to many to acknowledge their Error and do Penance The following Letter is a further Indication of the Meekness of this Emperour and the Moderation of the Catholicks The Donatists had invaded the Church which Constantine had caus'd to be built in Constantina a City of Numidia which the Catholicks demanded back again but they refus'd it The Catholicks to avoid all further Contention pray'd the Emperour to give them a Place in the Dependances of his Demesnes thereabouts where they might Build another Church To which Constantine answer'd That he did not only grant their Desire but he had also written to the Receiver of his Revenues to furnish them with so much Money as was necessary for the Building of this Church In this Letter he praises the Moderation of the Catholicks and condemns the Obstinacy of the Donatists and ordains That the Laws which he had made for Exemption of the Clergy from all Publick Taxes should be put in Execution The last of these Records which are added to the Books of Optatus is a Fragment of the Acts of the Passion of the Saints Dativus Saturninus Felix Ampelius and of some other African Martyrs made in the time of Anulinus and written by a Donatist This Piece contains some part of the Calumnies of the Donatists against Mensurius and Caecilian The Author of these Acts accuses them of hindring the Faithful from carrying Food to the Christians that were in Prison and of beating them back with blows of Whips and Cudgels He adds That these Martyrs would never communicate with Mensurius nor Caecilian because they had deliver'd up the Holy Books to the Heathens and that the Church of Christ being Holy ought not to hold Communion with those that are defil'd with a Crime of this heinous Nature At last he says That those Martyrs who wanted Food by the Cruelty of Mensurius and Caecilian died of Famine in Prison and went to Heaven there to receive the Crown of Martyrdom The Stile of Optatus's Books is noble vehement and close but not enough Polite or Neat. He presses briskly upon those against whom he Disputes and describes very sensibly the Transactions which he relates and explains the Passages which he produces with a great deal of Wit He gives his Thoughts a fine and delicate turn his Expressions signifie very perfectly what he means to say his Reasonings are subtile and his Relations pleasant In a word It appears that the Author of this little Book was Master of much Learning and Wit The Doctrine which he teaches is and always will be of much use to the Church for there is not the same Reason of those Questions which concern the Truth of the Church as of those that concern only some particular Doctrines These continue only so long as the Sect subsists which opposes these Doctrines and the Books which treat of them become almost useless whenever the Heresie is extinct But all Heresies all Schisms having one common Principle of opposing the Church the Books which are written in its Defence are contrary to all Heresies and will be useful as long as there shall be any Hereticks in the World whosoever they be The Books of Optatus teach us also a
his Pomps are Shows Plays and profane Feasts There is in this first Lecture a Passage expresly for Transubstantiation For says he as the Bread and Wine of the Eucarist which are nothing before the Invocation of the most Holy Trinity but Bread and Wine become after this Invocation the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ. So those Meats which serve for the Pomp of the Devil tho' they be pure of their own Nature become impure by the Invocation of Devils All these Passages are necessarily to be understood according to those Notions wherein the Christians of that Age had been usually Instructed In the Second he treats of the Ceremonies and Effects of Baptism He says That the Catechumens after they were unclothed were anointed from the Feet unto the Head with exorcised Oyl That after this they were conducted to the Laver That they were ask'd if they believed in the Father the Son and the Holy Spirit That after they had made Profession of this Faith they were plunged three times into the Water and that they retir'd out of it by degrees at three times likewise He teaches them That the Baptism of Jesus Christ does not only remit Sins as that of John the Baptist did but also fills the Soul with the Gifts of the Holy Spirit and makes us the Children of God by Adoption The Third is of Holy Chrism wherewith the Faithful were anointed immediately after they came out of the Waters of Baptism He declares to them That we ought not to imagine this to be common Oyl For says he as the Bread of the Eucharist after the Invocation of the Holy Spirit is no more common Bread but the Body of Jesus Christ. So the Holy Chrism after Consecration is no more common Oyl but it is a Gift of the Holy Spirit which has the Virtue to procure the presence of the Divinity So while the Forehead and other Parts of the Body are anointed with this visible Oyl the Soul is sanctified by this holy and quickning Spirit He observes afterwards That they anointed the Forehead the Ears the Nostrils and the Breast The Fourth Lecture is of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ and the Fifth of the Celebration of the Eucharist These two Catechetical Lectures are so clear and so strong for establishing the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church about the Eucharist That we cannot excuse our selves from setting them down almost entire Take then as follows the Translation of them which has been printed in the Office of the Holy Sacrament The Doctrine of the blessed St. Paul alone is sufficient to give certain proofs of the Truth of the Divine Mysteries and the Church having judged you worthy to partake of them ye are by this means so closely united to Jesus Christ that ye are no more as one may say but one and the same Body and Blood with him For this great Apostle says in the place which we have already read That our Lord in the same Night wherein he was delivered up to his Enemies having taken Bread and given Thanks to God his Father broke it and gave it to his Disciples saying to them Take and Eat This is my Body Afterwards he took the Cup and having given Thanks he said unto them Take and Drink This is my Blood Seeing then that he speaking of the Bread declared That it was his Body Who shall ever dare to call in question this Truth And since that he speaking of the Wine has assured us so positively That it was his Blood Who can ever doubt of it And who shall dare to say 'T is not true that it was his Blood Jesus Christ being at a certain time in Cana of Galilee changed there the Water into Wine by his Will only and shall we think that it is not as worthy of Credit upon his own Word that he changed the Wine into his own Blood If he being invited to a humane and earthly Marriage wrought there this Miracle tho' no Person expected it from him there ought not we much rather to acknowledge that he has given to the Children of the heavenly Spouse his Body to Eat and his Blood to Drink that his Body and Blood may be nourishment to their Souls For under the species of Bread he has given us his Body and under the species of Wine he has given us his Blood that so being made partakers of this Body and Blood ye may become one Body and one Blood with him For by this means we become as one may say Christiferi that is to say we carry Jesus Christ in our Body when we receive into our Mouth and into our Stomach his Body and his Blood And thus according to St. Peter we are made partakers of the Divine Nature Jesus Christ speaking at another time to the Jews says to them Unless ye Eat my Flesh and drink my Blood ye shall have no Life in you But these gross and carnal Men not understanding the Words spiritually were offended with them and withdrew from him because they imagined that he would make them eat humane Flesh by morcels These Words do so fully explain St. Cyril s Sence that they need no Comment If the Jews were offended because they did not spiritually understand those Words of Jesus Christ when he talked to them in the 6th of St. John how much more according to this Father's way of Reasoning Would the Disciples have been offended if they had understood Jesus Christ literally when he Instituted the Sacrament of the Eucharist There were in the Old Dispensation Loaves of Bread which were offer'd before God and because they pertain'd to that Old Dispensation they have ceas'd with it But now in the New Dispensation there is Bread from Heaven and a Cup of Salvation which Sanctisies Soul and Body For as the Bread is the Nourishment which is proper to the Body so the Word is the Nourishment which is proper to the Soul Wherefore I conjure you my Brethren not to consider them any more as common Bread and Wine since they are the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ according to his Word For tho' your Sense inform you that 't is not so yet Faith should perswade and assure you that 't is so Judge not therefore of this Truth by your Taste but let Faith make you believe with an entire certainty that you have been made worthy to partake of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ. Let your Soul rejoyce in the Lord being perswaded of it as a thing most certain that the Bread which appears to our Eyes is not Bread tho' our taste do judge it to be so but that it is the Body of Jesus Christ and that the Wine which appears to our Eyes is not Wine tho' our Sense of Taste takes it for Wine but that it is the Blood of Jesus Christ. Ye have seen that a Deacon gives Water to wash the Hands to the Priest that officiates and to the Priests that are about the Altar of God
Consideration of Death and of Judgment to beg Pardon of his Fault to Turn and Repent The Fourth of these Letters is address'd to a Virgin who being consecrated to God by a Vow of Virginity had suffer'd her self to be corrupted by a Miserable Man He represents to her the Enormity of her Crime He endeavours to terrifie her by the Fear of Judgment and of Hell and gives her hopes that she shall obtain Mercy if she will change her Life and Repent The 411. Letter ought to be joyn'd to this It contains many Precepts of a MonastickLife which for the most part are drawn out of the Holy Scripture The 165. Letter to Eustathius the Philosopher was written some time after St. Basil's Retirement He acquaints him That since his return from Athens he had search'd for him in all places but could not meet with him which Unhappiness he Attributes to the Providence of God and not to Fortune The 166. to one nam'd Julianus seems to have been written about the same time He says That 't is in a Man's Power to lead a happy and quiet Liâ—e by governing his Passions and submitting his Mind to all Events that can happen Neither Loss of Goods says he nor Sickness of Body nor any other troublesome Accidents of this Life can hurt a Vertuous Man while he designs to walk in the Ways of God and Meditates upon another Life who submits to all the Troubles and Crosses of this World For those who are wholly taken up with the Cares of this Life are like those Carnivorous Birds who stoop down to the Earth with the Beasts though they have Wings to fly in the Air. The 167. Letter to Diodorus a Priest of Antioch was also written about the same time In it he commends the Two Books which this Author had sent him He says That the Second was very acceptable to him not only because of its Brevity but because of the many Thoughts Arguments and Answers which it contain'd in a very good Method He commends the plainness of its Stile which is agreeable says he to the Profession of a Christian who ought much rather to write for the Publick Good than to acquire Glory to himself As to the First Book which was compos'd by way of Dialogue he says That though it was more adorn'd with Figures and had greater Variety of Matter yet he found it tedious to read and difficult to understand He takes notice That the Calumnies of Hereticks and the Defences of the Catholicks are very useless and interrupt the Thread of his Discourse To this we may joyn the 168. Letter to Eunomius wherein he rallies this Heretick who boasted of understanding all things by putting to him many difficult Questions about things Natural to which 't was impossible to Answer The 41. and 42. Letters to Maximus the Philosopher who is in all probability the same that got himself Ordain'd Archbishop of Constantinople were also written by St. Basil when he was in his Solitude The 1st is concerning the Opinions of Dionysius of Alexandria He accuses him of Writing some things in his Books which seemed to be the Seeds of the Error of the Anomaeans yet he confesses that he did it not designedly but that in disputing against the Heresy of Sabellius he had too much inclin'd to the opposite Error and in proving the Distinction of the Persons he seem'd to admit a Difference of Nature between the Three Divine Persons After this St. Basil explains his own Judgment concerning the Trinity He does not condemn the Opinion of those who say That the Word is like to God the Father in Substance nor even of those who say simply That he is like to his Father Provided they add That he is in nothing unlike to him because this Sence falls in with their Opinion who call him Consubstantial He adds That this last term is less capable of an ill sence He condemns the Bishops of the Council of Constantinople who contented themselves with declaring That the Son was the Image of the Father without adding That he was in nothing unlike At last St. Basil invites Maximus to come and see him and directly charges him with having too great an Affection for the City and the Grandeur of this World This Letter was written after the Council of Constantinople in 360. In the 2d Letter to the same Philosopher he commends him and recommends to him the love of Vertue The 2d 3d and 33d Letters address'd to St. Gregory who was gone to Nazianzum were much about the same time In the 2d he observes That no words are capable of expressing our Thoughts of God and Admonishes St. Gregory to use all his Eloquence in the Defence of the Truth In the 3d. Letter he pleasantly rebukes St. Gregory for writing none but Laconick Letters to him that is to say such as were short and concise 'T is plain That the Letters of St. Basil to the Emperour Julian if they are Genuine were written by this Saint in his Retirement since the Death of Julian happened before he came out of his Solitude He had known this Prince at Athens where they had Studied together under Libanius After he was return'd to his own Country he received a very obliging Letter from this Prince who had not yet forsaken the Christian Religion This Letter is the 206. But after he had renounc'd Christianity he did no longer treat St. Basil after the same manner but on the contrary he wrote a Proud Letter to him and commanded him to send him 1000 l. of Gold for restoring of the Temples This Letter is the 207th among those of St. Basil to which is subjoyn'd the Answer that Julian made when he had read the Book of Apollinarius I have read it understood it and condemn'd it But it appears that those words were added to the rest of the Letter to which they have no reference at all The Two following Letters contain the Answer of St. Basil to this Letter of Julian yet they are not two Answers nor two different Letters but one and the same Answer of which some have made too Cotelerius hath publish'd a little while ago the whole entire and in one Letter only from a Manuscript of the King's Library It is in his Second Volume of the Monuments of the Greek Church This Sentence which is put at the beginning of the First You did not understand what you read for if you had understood it you would never have condemn'd it was added after the writing of this Letter as that was which is at the end of Julian's Letter I doubt also whether the Answer that is attributed to St. Basil be truly his and I know not but it may be written by some other Person who would make a trial how he could Answer Julian's Letter to this Father And indeed the Stile of this Letter is not so Elegant as that of the Letters of St. Basil. He writes to Julian That he is horribly vex'd when he
was call'd to the place That be only followed the Guidâ—… of the Holy Spirit and that after he 〈◊〉 to Constantinople 〈◊〉 did not 〈◊〉 those who were â—…bly Covetous That 〈◊〉 had commenc'd no Law-suit against the Arians neither for their Châ—… nor for the Ecclesiastical Revenues tho' they were 〈◊〉 possess'd both of the one and the other That he had Persecuted no Body That â—e had Suffered paâ—…tly all manner of Injuries and 〈◊〉 Treatment After he has shown these things he makes an Elegant Comparison between the Arians and the Catholicks of Constantinople They have says he the Temples but we have the God that dwells in them and we our selves are the Temples They have the People for them we have the Angels for us They have for their Portion Assurance and Rashness we have the Faith on our side They have Threâ—… we have Prayers They Persecute and we Suffer They have Gold and Silver and we are in possession of the Holy Doctrine But our Flock is little Yes but it does not go to throw it self upon Precipices our Sheep fold is narrow but it is well guarded against Wolves it does not 〈◊〉 open to Robbers and Strangers cannot enter into it This-little Flock which will every Day grow greater by the Grace of God gives me no Cause to fear I see it I count it easily I know my Sheep and they know me they hear my Voice they answer me I call them and they follow me and they will not follow Strangers they will not follow Valentinus Montanus Manes Donatus Sabellius Arius Photinus and they continue stedfast in the Faith of the Trinity in whose Name they were baptiz'd This Discourse was spoken by St. Gregory some time after he was come to Constantinople In the 26th Discourse he exhorts those of his Party to observe Moderation in their Disputes with Hereticks He there lays down a great many very Wise and useful Maxims He observes That Peace is the greatest Good that can be enjoy'd That Schisms and Heresies have been raised up by Men of great Wit but turbulent and designing That those Men are the Cause of Wars Seditions and other Mischiefs both to the Ecclesiastical and Civil Society That we ought neither to be too hot nor too remiss in the Defence of the Faith That upon the whole Matter the Order established in the Church between the Pastors and their Sheep between the Clergy and the Laity must be inviolably observed That 't is often much better to be silent than to speak of Mysteries because it is very Difficult to comprehend and explain them and that 't is very rare to find Ears fit to hear them and Minds capable of bearing them That when we are obliged to speak we should do it with much Humility and Modesty That the common People should content themselves with believing and leave Disputes to the Learned That Faith and Religion are for the Ignorant as well as for the Learned and for the Poor as well as the Rich That the Learned themselves ought to shun useless Questions and Disputes That among the Hebrews it was not allow'd to all the Jews indifferently to Discourse of the Law but they chose such to do it as were judg'd Capable of it That some Men had one Gift some another in short That those who take upon them to Dispute and Teach others being push'd on by a Zeal for the Faith should not condemn those who by a reasonable Precaution and wholesome Fear are hindred from adventuring to do the like He concludes all these Reflections in these Words If you will all obey me as well Young as Old as well Clergy as Laity as well Monks as those that are barely the Faithful you will give over this vain Ostentation of showing your Knowledge by Disputes and you will rather take Care to draw near to God by an upright and prudent Conversation by the Purity of your Manners by your edifying Discourses that so at last you may obtain Eternal Life 'T is not necessary here to observe that this Discourse was spoken at Constantinople In the 27th Discourse St. Gregory vindicates himself against those who accused him of Ambition In his Exordium he enquires after the Reasons why the People of Constantinople were entic'd and as it were charm'd by his Preaching He says That it could not be his Learning which allur'd them for they were satisfied that he had but little of it That it could not be the Doctrine which he taught them since he was not the First who had preach'd it to them neither had he preached any thing to them which they had not learn'd formerly from St. Alexander their Bishop That neither can they say That he had gained them by Artificial and Flattering Discourses as for the most part says he they do now a-Days who are of the Priestly Function who have made an Art of Preaching the Word of God who have brought the Arts of the Bar into the Church and the Ornaments of the Theatre into the Chair of Truth You know adds he and God is my Witness That we are so great Strangers to this Fault that they rather accuse me of Rusticity and of not knowing the World than of being a Flatterer and seeking to please Men since I sometimes Reprove too severely even those who are most Affectionate to me when they do any thing that I think not reasonable You know how I mourn'd how I cry'd when ye plac'd me against my Will upon the Throne violating the Laws of the Church for the Love that you show'd me I used so great Freedom with those who appeared most zealous for me that they withdrew in Anger and changed their ancient Friendship all of the sudden into hatred against me Why then have you so great a Passion for me but only First Because you chose me your selves and called me to your Assistance and Secondly Because you have acknowledged that I was neither Ambitious nor Fierce nor Passionate nor Proud nor given to Flattery and Thirdly Because you have seen how I have suffered for you all both from those that openly attack'd me and from those that so cruelly laid secret Sâ—…s for me After this he vindicates himself from the Charge which his Enemies drew up against him upon the account of his Eloquence He says That 't is Envy which makes them speak thus He justifies himself also from the Ambition whereof he was accus'd and shows That he did not ambitiously aspire after the See of Constantinople That he had met with nothing there but Labour and Fatigue That if he had been free to choose he should have preferr'd his Solitude before so painful an Employment That he was not engaged in it for any other Reason but only to assist the Church of Constantinople which was then without an Orthodox Bishop That he would not trouble himself tho' Men should Censure him for having other Motives than really he had That God knows what his true Intention was That he never sought
the same Flesh which we now carry about with us shall be rais'd again If he be persuaded of a future Judgment of future Punishments and Glory If he does not condemn Marriage and second Marriages If he does not blame the use of Meats If he communicates with Penitents that are reconcil'd and if he holds that Baptism blots out Actual and Original Sin These are the things about which the Fathers of this Council would have him to be examin'd who is to be ordain'd and they add that if he be found well-instructed in all these Points he may be ordain'd Bishop with the Consent of the Clergy and the Laity in the Assembly of the Bishops of the Province by the Authority and in the Presence of the Metropolitan That after he has received the Holy Orders of Bishop he ought not to govern himself according to his Passion or Fancy but according to the Canons of Councils They add That Care should be taken that none be ordain'd but such as are arriv'd at the Age which the Holy Fathers require for the Ordination of a Bishop The 2d ordains That when a Bishop is ordain'd two Bishops ought to lay the Book of the Gospels upon his Head and Neck and hold it there and that while one of the Bishops who are present pronounces the Blessing upon him all the other Bishops who are present must touch his Head with their Hands The 3d. That at the Ordination of a Priest all the other Priests should lay their Hands upon his Head while the Bishop Consecrates him and lays Hands upon him The 4th That none but the Bishop shall lay Hands upon a Deacon when he is ordain'd because he is not ordain'd for the Priesthood but for the Ministry The 5th That the Sub-Deacon who does not receive Imposition of Hands at his Ordination ought to receive the Pattin and Chalice empty from the Hand of the Bishop and the Flaggons with Water and the Bason and Towel from the Hand of the Arch-Deacon The 6th That the Acolyth at his Ordination ought to learn from the Bishop after what manner he should behave himself in his Ministry That he receive from the Archdeacon a Candlestick with a Wax-Candle to instruct him that he is design'd for lighting the Wax-Candles in the Church and that he also receive an empty Flagon to give Wine for the Eucharist of the Blood of Jesus Christ. The 7th That the Exorcist receive at his Ordination from the Hand of the Bishop a Book wherein are written Exorcisms and that the Bishop speak to him these Words Receive these and get them by heart and have thou the Power of laying hands upon the possess'd and Catechumens The 8th concerns the Ordination of a Reader which was made in Africk by giving him the Book of the Gospels and saying to him Be thou a Reader of the Word of God The 9th concerns the Ordination of a Porter to whom the Bishop gave the Keys saying unto him Behave your self as one that must give an account to God of those things which are lock'd up under these Keys The 10th commands That Virgins who would be consecrated by the Bishop should present themselves in Habits agreeable to their Profession and Vocation like to those which they are to use for the future The 11th declares That Widows and Nuns who are employ'd about the Baptism of Women ought to be capable of instructing others and giving an account of their own Faith The 12th That those who are contracted and present themselves to receive the Benediction of Marriage ought to be accompanied with their Kindred and to abstain from the use of Marriage the Night after the Benediction The 13th That the Bishop ought to have a Lodging near the Church The 14th That his Houshold-Stuff should be of little worth his Table and Diet mean and that he ought to acquire Authority by his Faith and his Merit and not by external Pomp. The 15th That he ought not to read the Books of Pagans nor those of Hereticks but in case of necessity and when occasion requires it The 16th and 17th That he must not take upon him the Care of Widows of Orphans and Strangers but that he discharge this Care upon his Arch-Priest or Arch-Deacon The 18th That a Bishop ought not to be Executor of a Last Will and Testament The 19th That he ought not to plead a Cause The 20th That he ought not to trouble himself with Domestick Affairs but apply himself wholly to Reading Prayer and Preaching of the Word of God The 21st That he ought not to dispense with his going to the Synod unless there be great necessity and that if he does not go he must send a Deputy to approve every thing that shall be ordain'd by the Synod without prejudice to the Truths of Faith The 22d That a Bishop shall not ordain Ecclesiasticks without the Consent of his Clergy and that he shall desire the Testimony and Approbation of the Laity The 23d That he shall hear no Cause but in the presence of his Clergy and that the Sentences which he shall give in the absence of his Clergy shall be null and void The 24th That he shall be excommunicated who goes out of the Church in Sermon-time The 25th That if the fear of God does not reconcile the Bishops they ought to be reconciled together by the Synod The 26th enjoyns Bishops to exhort the People of their Diocesses to live in Peace The 27th forbids the Translations of Bishops which are made through Ambition and as for those which are made for the Good of the Church it says they ought to be made upon the Request of the Clergy and People by Order of the Synod Neither does it permit Clergy-men to remove unto another Church without the leave of their Bishops The 28th declares That the Synod may examine a-new the Condemnation of a Bishop The 29th That a Bishop who accuses a Clergy-man or Lay-man ought to exhibit his Information against him to the Synod The 30th forbids Ecclesiastical Judges to judge in the absence of the Party accus'd The 31st declares That Bishops ought to use the Goods of the Church not as their own proper Goods but as such of which they have only the use The 32d declares all Sale or Exchange of Ecclesiastical Goods to be null and void which is made without the Consent of the Clergy The 33d declares That the Bishops and Priests who are forc'd to go into their Neighbour's Churches shall be received and that they shall be invited to Preach and to Celebrate the Eucharist there The 34th That a Bishop being seated shall not suffer a Priest to continue standing before him The 35th That a Bishop shall sit on a Seat rais'd on high in the Church or in the Assembly of his Priests but in his House he shall converse with them as his Collegues and Brethren The 36th That the Priests who govern the Churches shall send for the Holy Chrism before Easter The 37th That
were preached at Antioch In the 21st Homily upon the Epistle to the Corinthians he plainly says that he was preaching at Antioch In the 3d Homily upon the Epistle to Titus he makes mention of Daphne a Suburb of Antioch as belonging to the Town where he preached The Sermons upon the Epistle to the Colossians were preached at Constantinople for in the 3d Homily he speaks with Episcopal Authority threatning Sinners to deny them the Peace of the Church he also mentions the Episcopal Throne whereon he was sitting and calls himself Bishop Of the same time are the Homilies upon the Epistles to the Thessalonians In the eleventh upon the first Epistle he says that he presided over them that heard him The same is to be taken notice of in the 4th Homily upon the second Epistle In the 4th upon the Epistle to the Hebrews he threatens to put those out of the Church who should hire Mourners at the Funerals of their Relations which justifies his being Bishop In the 26th Homily upon the second Epistle to the Corinthians there are these words That the Son of Constantine caused his Father to be buried in this City As to the rest there is no certain proof from what he says to tell us where they were preached but the style of the Homilies upon the Epistles to the Romans and to the Galatians being smoother and more polished whereas that of the Homilies upon the Epistles to the Ephesians Philippians and Philemon being careless and without Art we may believe according to Photius his Rule that the former were preached at Antioch and the latter at Constantinople These Homilies consist of two parts The first contains a Commentary upon the Gospel the other a moral Exhortation to the People In the Commentary he gives a reason of the Contents of the Gospel examines all the circumstances thereof weighs the words and discovers in those places which seem most plain great Numbers of fine things to which no attention would have been given had he not taken notice of them He keeps still to the literal Sence and of all Explications he always chuses not the most subtle but the most natural He seeks for no allegorical or figurative Sence He useth no far fetched notions to prove his opinions avoids all intangled and hard Questions contenting himself to make clear and usefull Observations upon the History and upon the Text of St. Paul He gives a perfect light to all the places of this Apostle's Epistles which seem most difficult and particularly to those which are thought to speak of Predestination and of Grace His expositions remove all that which at the first view makes them appear terrible and fearfull Every-where God is represented as a good and mercifull Being and willing to save all Men and who affords them all necessary means of Salvation Men are exhorted to answer that Call of God since it is their own fault if they be not saved for those that are damned damn themselves He tells them often that God requireth no impossible thing of them That with God's help they may keep the Commandments and practice Vertue S. Chrysostom finds these comfortable Thoughts in the passages of S. Paul which seem most terrifying and endeavours to prove that they are not contrary to the mind of this Apostle The Exposition he gives of the most difficult places is no ways forced yea it seemeth very often to be the most simple and natural However to my thinking it is always the most profitable and edifying and the fittest to be preached to the People which are much edified by such Remonstrances as tend to practice but can reap little or no fruit from Speculations about God s eternal Decrees and other abstracted matters that have but little Relation to the Government of Life and Manners All the Exhortations that conclude S. Chrysostom's Homilies are ordinarily about some points of Morality as about the fear that men ought to stand in of God's Judgments the Necessity of Repentance the Contempt of Riches forgiving of Enemies Humility Abstraction of the Heart from worldly things diligent Meditation upon the Holy Scriptures and God's Laws an Abhorrency of Plays and Shows Charity towards the Poor Alms and Hospitality brotherly Reproof the Duties of Husbands to their Wives of Parents to their Children of Masters to their Servants of Lay-men towards their Pastours Patience in Afflictions that Holiness wherewith Men should come to the Sacraments the Benefit of Prayer and the Conditions required therein of Fasting and the Advantages of a monastical and solitary Life Assiduity in divine Offices Attention to preaching Sobriety Purity Modesty Meekness Clemency Contempt of Death and many other like Subjects which he handleth with such familiar and yet such solid and convincing Reasons that there are no Discourses more capable of inspiring Notions of Piety and Vertue He does not go about as most Preachers do to set forth studied Notions which divert the Understanding but do not touch the Heart He goes to the bottom of things searches the secret solds of Man's Heart and not contented to have discovered and described Vice he begets an horrour of it He sets forth the most powerfull Motives to deter Christians from it and the most proper means to correct it and to practice true and solid Vertue He stretches nothing too far but distinguishes exactly the matter of a precept from the Advice therein contained He is neither too meek nor too severe He is neither too familiar nor keeps too much distance never complies beyond what is meet nor terrifies to discouragement In a word his Exhortations are an excellent pattern of preaching to the People The Sermons in the Fifth Volume upon several Texts of the New Testament are not Commentaries but moral Instructions or Homilies upon different Subjects The First is of Forgiveness of our Enemies upon the parable of that Debtour to whom his Master remitted Ten thousand Talents and yet afterwards exacted the hundred Pence from him that owed them to him He speaks of the exact Account that Men must render to God Rich Men saith he must give account for the use of their Riches poor Men of their patience Judges of the Discharge of their Office but above all Church-men shall account for their Ministery they shall be more strictly examined It shall be asked of him to whom the Word of God was committed whether out of Idleness or Flattery he omitted none of those necessary things which his Ministery obliged him to speak if he explained all and concealed no truth A Bishop charged with the direction of a Diocess hath yet a far greater Account to give his Examination will be not only about his Doctrine and his helping of the Poor but especially about the Orders which he shall have conferred and a Thousand other obligations of the Priesthood S. Chrysostom speaking of S. Peter in that Homily calleth him the Head of the Body of the Apostles the Mouth of the Disciples the Firmament of the Faith the
Variety of Conceptions and Figures He extendeth his Matters by an infinite Variety of Expressions He is very ingenious in finding out Similitudes between things abundant in Examples and Comparisons His Eloquence is popular and very proper for Preaching His Style is natural easie and grave He equally avoideth Negligence and Affectation He is neither too plain nor too florid He is smooth yet not effeminate He useth all the Figures that are usual to good Orators very properly without employing false strokes of Wit and he never introduces into his Discourses any Notions of Poets or prophane Authors neither does he divert his Auditory with Jests His Composition is Noble his Expressions Elegant his Method Just and his Thoughts Sublime He speaks like a good Father and a good Pastor He often directs his words to the People and expresses them with a Tenderness and Charity becoming an holy Bishop He teacheth the principal Truths of Christianity with wonderful Clearness and diverts with a marvellous Art and an agreeable way of ranging his Notions and persuades by the strength and solidity of his Reasons His Instructions are easie His Descriptions and Relations pleasant His Inducements so meek and insinuating that one is pleased to be so persuaded His Discourses how long soever are not tedious there are still some new things which keep the Reader awake and yet he hath no false Beauties nor useless Figures His only Aim is to convert his Auditors or to instruct them in necessary Truths He neglects all Reflections that have more subtilty than profit He never busies himself to resolve hard Questions nor to give mystical Sences to make a shew of his Wit or Eloquence He searcheth not into Mysteries neither endeavours to comprehend them He is contented to propose after an easie way palpable and sensible Truths which none can be ignorant of without danger of failing of Salvation He particularly applies himself to moral Heads and very seldom handleth speculative Truths He affects not to appear Learned and never boasts of his Erudition and yet whatever the Subject be he speaks with Terms so strong so proper and so well chosen that one may easily perceive he had a profound Knowledge of all sorts of Matters and particularly of true Divinity He proveth the truth of the Christian Religion by the strongest the most probable and sensible In lib. Quod Christus sit Deus In Orat de S. Babylâ contra Gentes In exposit Ps. xliv Hom. contra Judaeos Hom. 4. in illud Vid. Dominum lib. Quod unus Christus sit Deus Reasons He urgeth Miracles Prophecies and other Proofs of the truth of Religion but particularly insists upon the miraculous Establishment of the Church and in this Argument he triumphs He shews that it is impossible that the Doctrine of Jesus Christ could have been received and believed all the world over notwithstanding the opposition of Secular Powers the Contradictions of the Wise men in the World and the endeavours of Devils had it not been supported by the power of God himself For says he there is need of more than humane Ability to produce such wonderful Effects both in the Earth and upon the Sea and to oblige Men already prejudiced by extravagant Opinions and prepossessed with prodigious Malice to such Actions yet Jesus Christ delivered all mankind not only Romans but Persians also and all other barbarous Nations from their Calamities And to bring about these Wonders he made use of no Arms and was at no expence raised no Armies and fought no Battles but by eleven Men who at first were unknown despicable ignorant Ideots poor naked and without Arms He persuaded different Nations and made them embrace an high Philosophy not only relating to the Government of this present Life but also to things to come and Eternity self His power over all minkind was such as that it made them abolish the Laws of their Fathers renounce their ancient Customs and follow new ones He spoiled them even of the love of those things they were most fond of to fasten their Affections upon such things as are most difficult and painful But the Promulgation of the Gospel and the setling of the Church are not the only Proofs of the truth of our Religion the Stedfastness and perpetuity of the Church is also in S. * In Ps. xliv Chrysostom's Opinion an invincible Argument of it For he addeth that it is not only a thing worthy of Admiration that Jesus Christ should settle his Church over all the Earth but also that he should render it invincible against so great numbers of Enemies as assaulted it on every side The Gates of Hell that cannot prevail against it are the Dangers which seem to hurry it to the very Gates of Hell Doe you not perceive the truth of that prediction of Jesus Christ .... Tho' Tyrants took up Arms against it tho' Soldiers conspired her Destruction tho' the People raged furiously tho' a contrary Custom opposed it self tho' Preachers Philosophers Magistrates and rich Men stood up to destroy it The Divine word breaking with greater force than fire it self consumed these Thorns cleansed these Fields and disseminated the Seed of preaching over the whole Earth And though such as believed the Gospel were shut up in Prisons sent into Banishment spoiled of their Goods thrown into the Fire cast into the Sea and exposed to all manner of Torments Reproaches and Persecutions and tho' they were treated every where as publick Enemies yet they multiplyed daily their being persecuted increased their Zeal ..... Those Rivers of Blood caused by the Massacres of the Faithful before their Eyes excited their Piety and the Pains they endured inflamed their Zeal This same Saint observes in another place that Christians are never so disorderly in their Behaviour Orat. contra Gentiles de S. Babyla and so cold in their Devotion as when he that sits on the Throne is of their Religion Which saith he justifies that this Religion is not established by the Powers of the World and is not upheld and preserved by Earthly force S. Chrysostom's way of dealing with Hereticks is not less rational than that which he useth towards Heathens and Jews He expoundeth the Mysteries very plainly and proveth them by Testimonies of Holy Scripture and the Authority of the Church not pretending to penetrate or give the Reasons of them and to answer those Difficulties which have no other Foundation but humane Reasonings He confesses that he does not understand the Reasons of what he believes Orat. 1. de incompreh Homil. 24. in Joannem I know saith he that God is every where and entire in every part of the World but I know not how this can be I doubt not but that God is without beginning but I conceive not how that is for humane Reason cannot comprehend a thing that hath no beginning I know that the Son is begotten of God the Father but I cannot imagine how that was done He believes that
Recreations affirming That God's Curse will light upon their Labours and dissipate what they get by neglecting his Service In several places he encourageth Ibid. the Faithfull to frequent Divine Service and the Publick Prayers of the Church and shews that they are more powerfull and of greater efficacy than private ones He reproves those that gave attention to Sermons but would go out as soon as the Sermon was ended When I preach says he in the Third Discourse of the incomprehensible Nature of God I Hom. 3. de Incompreh that am Christ's Servant as you are you come in throngs to hear me you hearken to my words and exhort one another and attend with patience unto the end but when Jesus Christ appeareth in the Mysteries the Church is empty you go out as soon as you have heard the Sermon which is a sign that you have profited nothing for had the Truths preached unto you made any impression upon your Minds you would have stay'd in the Church and have partaken of these stupendious Mysteries with reverence and devotion but alas you depart immediately after the Sermon as if you came only to hear a Consort of Musick Some to excuse themselves use this weak reason We can pray at home but can hear no Sermons but at Church You deceive your selves for tho' ye may pray at home yet your Prayer cannot have the efficacy of that in the Church where so many Priests join their Prayers with yours and where a common Voice crieth to Heaven to implore God's mercy Common Prayer is a wonderfull Consort proceeding from a Concord of Charity To which we are to add the Prayers of the Priests who are set over the Assemblies that the Prayers of the People tho' weaker of themselves may gather strength by being joined to those of God's Ministers The Fast of Lent was exactly observed with Abstinence from Meats but for any Bodily Infirmity it might be dispensed with Two days of the week were exempt from Fasting that the Body might have some Respite S. Chrysostom looks upon the Holy Scripture As the ground and Rule of all the truths of Religion He exhorts all the Faithful to read it exactly and this Advice he presses an infinite Hom. 3 4. de Statuis Hom. 11. in Genes Serm 3. 4. de Lazaro Hom. 1. 2. in Matth. Hom. 10. 30 32 58. in Joannem Hom. 11. 31. in Eundem Hom. 1. in ep ad Rom. Hom. 9. in ep ad Colos. Hom. 19. in Acta number of times He expounds it Litterally and draws from it edifying moral Instructions but he never proposes any forced Allegories nor resolveth those Questions that have more of Curiosity than Profit as most Writers of Commentaries whether Ancient or Modern very frequently do I should never make an end if I should Collect all the common places of S. Chrysostom upon moral Subjects I shall only mention two or three of the most considerable upon every Subject and point at some others Opinions of S. Chrysostom upon several moral Principles Of the Love of God MOST Men have taken up a false Notion of the Love of God looking upon it as an Act of the mind which thinks it has a Love for God and expresses it with words S. Chrysostom to undeceive them of this Error proves by a comparison with the love men have for the Creature that the love which they ought to have for God is a strong cleaving of the Heart to God which is the Rule Principle and Motive of all their Actions and which begets in them a contempt of all that is not God If those saith he in his Comment upon Psalm 91. that are in love with Corporeal Beauties have no Sense for all other things in the World and follow no business but that of beholding continually an Object which is so dear and so acceptable to them Can a man that loveth God as God ought to be loved have any Sense afterwards of the good and evil of the Pleasures and Afflictions of this Life No truly for he is above all these things and his delight is only in good things that are Immortal and of the same Nature with him whom he loveth those that love the Creatures do quickly change ' tho unwillingly their Affection for Oblivion because the things which they love decay and corrupt but this spiritual love hath neither end nor bounds but contains in it self more Pleasure and Profit than any thing else and nothing is able to extinguish it He compareth the love that we ought to have for God with that which covetou sMen have for riches in the Sixth Homily upon the Second Epistle to Timothy It is a shameful thing saith he that Men possessed with a violent Passion for riches should shew nothing of that love which they ought to have for God and that we have less Consideration for God than covetous Men have for wealth For to get Money they watch much undertake long Journeys expose themselves to Dangers Hatred and Ambushes and undergo all Extremities but we refuse to bear with the least word for God or to expose our selves to the least hatred for his Service c. In the Third Homily upon 1 Cor. he tells Christians That they love Jesus Christ less than their Friends Many saith he have endured the loss of their Goods for the Service of their Friends but none are willing I will not say to be deprived of their Goods for Jesus Christ but even to be reduced to mere Necessaries for his sake or to content themselves with what they have at present We often bear with Affronts and make our selves Enemies for our Friends but none will incurr the Hatred of any for the Service of Jesus Christ and both this Hatred and Love are looked upon as unprofitable things we never despise a Friend when we see him hungry but would not give a Morsel of bread to Jesus Christ who cometh to us daily ..... if our Friend be sick we visit him immediately but tho' Christ is often detained in Prison in the Persons of his Members we come not at him When a Friend is going a Journey we melt into tears but tho' Christ daily departeth from us or rather we daily put him away by our sins yet we are not affected with Grief upon that Account Last of all S. Chrysostom observeth Hom. 52. upon the Acts That Whosoever loveth God truly will despise all the things of this World even those that are the most precious and illustrious Glory and Shame are indifferent things to him he is no more Sollicitous than if he were left alone in the World He despiseth Temptations Scourgings Dungeons with as much Courage as if all these were endured by another or as if his Body were a Diamond he laughs at the Pleasures of this Life and is not in the least susceptible of Passions See the Twentieth Homily upon S. Matthew where he shews that God is to be loved not in Words but in
disapproved upon S. Jerom's Word In his management of his Quarrel he is deserted by the Papists because they condemn the Errors of Origen as well as he and therefore they cannot with any Decency excuse his Carriage towards Rufinus but in his Controversies with Jovinian and Vigilantius concerning Virginity and Invocation of Saints he is applauded by them only the wiser men amongst them are a little out of Countenance at his Heat It is a Misfortune that Jovinian's and Vigilantius's Books are lost and there is Reason to believe from those other Disputes wherein S. Jerom was ingaged that if we knew what they said for themselves instead of thinking them Hereticks we should esteem them illustrious Defenders of the Christian Religion against that Superstition which an immoderate Zeal for a Monastical Life did at that time introduce into the Church Jovinian indeed is accused of maintaining That a Christian who is baptized cannot fall away from Grace which is a very great Error but it had no relation to his other Opinions and since Obstinacy is necessary to make a man a Heretick it would be rashness to call Jovinian a Heretick of whom we know nothing but what we have from his Enemies And now to return to our Subject S. Jerom going on to justifie himself of those things which they reproached him withal namely of commending Origen sets forth some Examples of great Men that might be commended for their Learning who did hold very remarkable Errors S. Cyprian saith he took Tertullian for his Tutor as appears by his Writings and yet did not approve the Dreams of Montanus and Maximilla as he did Apollinarius hath written very convincing Books against Porphyrius and Eusebius writ a most useful History of the Church The former erred concerning the Mystery of the Incarnation and the latter defends the Opinions of Arius He owns that he was Apollinaris's Disciple Didymus's Scholar yea that he hath had a Jew for his Master that he collected carefully all Origen's Works and read them exactly but affirms that he never followed his Errors Lastly to make short he saith that if he may be believed he never was an Origenist and that tho he had been yet now he ceaseth to be so Upon this Principle he exhorts others to imitate him and to condemn his Errors after that he gives Origen high Commendations rejecting his Opinions He refutes what Rufinus had asserted that the Errors which were found in Origen's Works had been added and laughs at the Liberty which he had taken to expunge what he thought fit Last of all he affirms that the first Book of the Apology for Origen which bore the Name of Pamphilus was not that Martyrs but Didymus's or at least some other Author's This Letter is written near 150 years after Origen's Death that is in the year 399. The Sixty sixth Letter to Rufinus wherein he complains of his Preface is written at the same time He speaks to him as to a person with whom he would not quite fall out he telleth him that he knew not with what Spirit he writ that Preface but that all the World saw how it was to be understood that he might have been even with him by commending him after the like malicious Manner but that he chose rather to justify himself of the Crime laid to his Charge than offend his Friend that he intreated him to cite him no more after the same manner that he undertook to write to him about it as to his Friend rather than to ingage with him publickly To let him know that he would do nothing that might check that sincere Reconciliation which he had made with him he exhorts him on his part to do the same least saith he that biting one another we do not mutually consume one another Rufinus who was not of a Temper to lie still without replying immediately put pen to Paper to write against S. Jerom. Paulinianus who was then in the West having found a Way to get the Extracts of Rufinus his Book before it was quite published sent them to his Brother who besides was informed by Pammachius and Marcellinus of the principal Heads contained in Rufinus's Answer and so he composed immediately his first Apology divided into two Books In the First he answers Rufinus's Calumnies The First was that he had translated into Latin the Books of Origen's Principles without altering S. Jerom answers that he did it to show the falsity of Rufinus his Translation and to shew Origen's Errors and so his Translation could hurt no body since it appeared that it was made only to condemn the Errors of that Book To justifie Origen's Doctrine about the Trinity Rufinus had quoted the First Book of Pamphilus's Apology S. Jerom affirms that it was not composed by that Martyr Rufinus laid before him the Praises which he had given to Origen He answers as he did before that he had commended his Learning but not his Doctrine as he had commended Eusebius and Apollinaris without approving their Errors Rufinus charged him with publishing Errors and Contradictions in his Commentaries He says that he did it without approving of them that he has collected in his Commentaries the Notions and Words of others observing that some understood those passages in one Sence and others in another that so the prudent Reader may chuse what is truth and reject what is false and that in this Case none can Tax him with Errors and Contradictions who barely relates the Notions and different Expositions of others This he proves by the Example of the ablest Commentators of profane Authors Rufinus had found fault that he had variously translated the Twelth Verse of the second Psalm where the vulgar Translation saith Embrace the Discipline by rendring it according to the Hebrew sometimes worship the Son sometimes worship ye only S. Jerom tells him That he had kept to the Sence rather than to the Letter translating the Hebrew word Nashecu which signifieth Kiss or Embrace by this term Worship ye That as to the other word Bar which hath several Significations for it signifies the Son or a handful of pickt Ears of Corn he had followed the former Signification in his Commentary and that in his Version to prevent the Jews accusing Christians of falsifying the Holy Scripture he adher'd to the latter Signification which both Aquila and Symmachus followed Rufinus found fault likewise with several passages in S. Jerom's Commentary upon the Epistle to the Ephesians in which he had abridged the Commentaries of Origen S. Jerom defends himself by saying that he produced Origen's Opinions without approving of them since he observes at the same time that those Explications were not his own Lastly Rufinus upbraided S. Jerom that he was naturally given to Calumniating and speaking evil of every Body That he reproved other Mens works out of Envy Yea he laid Perjury to his Charge because having protested before the Judgment Seat of Christ as he says in his Book of the Instruction of Virgin
Prayers of those that shall read his Confessions Having set forth in the foregoing Books what he was before his Conversion he sheweth in the Tenth what he was at the time of his writing He finds that his Conscience gave an unquestionable Testimony of his love to God He explains the Reasons that oblige Men to love God reckoning up all the Faculties of his Soul that can lead him to know God especially Memory whereof he makes a wonderful Description He says amongst other things that it serves to teach us many things which entred not into the Mind by the Senses and that it may lift us up to God He occasionally speaks of Happiness and of the Idea that Men have of God afterwards he examineth himself about the three main Passions of Man the love of Pleasures of Knowledge and of Glory He sincerely confesseth what was his disposition with respect to these Passions prescribing at the same time excellent Rules to keep our selves from them Lastly He discovers the knowledge of the true Mediatour and of the Graces which he merited for us The Three last Books are about less sensible Matters He waves the History of his Life to speak of the love which he had for the Sacred Books and of the Knowledge that God had given him of them which to show he undertakes to explain the beginning of Genesis upon which occasion he starts several very subtil Questions In the Eleventh he refuteth those that asked what God was doing before he created the World and how God on a sudden formed the design of creating any thing whereupon he enters into a long Discourse concerning the Nature of Time In the Twelfth Book he treateth of the first Matter He pretends that by the Heavens and the Earth which God is said to have created in the beginning we are to understand spiritual Substances and the shapeless Matter of corporeal things that the Scripture speaking of the Creation of these two sorts of Beings makes no mention of days because there is no time with respect to them He affirms That whatsoever he hath said concerning the World's Creation cannot be denied though the beginning of Genesis were otherwise expounded because these are undoubted Truths He treateth here of the different Explications which may be made of the Holy Scripture affirming That there is sufficient reason to believe that the Canonical Authors foresaw all the Truths that might be drawn from their words and though they had not foreseen these Truths yet the Holy Ghost foresaw them Whence he seems to conclude that we are not to reject any sence that may be given to the holy Scripture provided it is conformable to the Truth At last having admired the Goodness of God who standing in no need of the Creatures had given them not only a Being but also all the Perfections of that Being he discovereth in the last Book the Mystery of the Trinity in the first words of Genesis and even the Personal Property of the Holy Ghost which gives him an admirable opportunity of describing the Actions of Charity in our selves He concludes with a curious Allegory upon the beginning of Genesis and finds in the Creation the System and Oeconomy of whatsoever God hath done for the Establishment of his Church and the Sanctification of Men the only end which he proposed to himself in all his Works St. Augustin placeth the Books of Confessions before those against Faustus which were written about the Year 400 in his Retractations from whence we may conclude that these were both written about the same time After these two which serve as we have said for a Preface to all St. Augustin's Works you find in this first Volume the Books that St. Augustin writ in his Youth before he was a Priest in the same order in which they were written The three Books against the Academici are the first after the Treatise of Beauty and Comeliness which is lost He composed them in the Year 386 in his solitude when he prepared himself for Baptism They are written in imitation of Cicero in the form of a Dialogue and directed to Romanianus his Countryman whom he adviseth to Study Philosophy The dispute beginneth betwixt Licentius Son to Romanianus and Trygetius after them Alypius and St. Augustin begin to speak Having observed in the first Book that the good things of Fortune do not render men happy he exhorts Romanianus to the Study of Wisdom whose sweetness he then tasted He afterwards gives an Account of three Conferences which Licentius and Trygetius had had about Happiness Licentius held with the Academici That to be happy it was enough to seek after the Truth but Trygetius pretended That it was necessary to know it perfectly both being agreed That Wisdom is that which makes Men happy they begin to dispute about the definition of Wisdom Trygetius gives several all disapproved by Licentius who asserts That Wisdom consisted not only in Knowledge but also in the pursuit of the Truth whereupon St. Augustin concludes That since we cannot be happy without knowing and enquiring after the Truth our only application should be to seek for it In the Second Book having again exhorted Romanianus to the Study of Philosophy he sets down three other Conferences wherein Alypius produces the several Opinions of both the Ancient and Modern Academicks And because the latter said That some things were probable though the Truth was not known they laughed at that Opinion it being impossible say they to know whether a thing is like the Truth without knowing the Truth it self And this very thing obligeth Men to enquire the more carefully after likely and probable things according to the Principles of the Academicks The Third Book begins with Reflections upon Fortune St. Augustin shews That the Goods of Fortune are of no use to get Wisdom and that the Wise Man ought at least to know Wisdom refuting withall the Principles both of Cicero and of the other Academicks who affirmed That we know nothing and that nothing ought to be asserted He blames the damnable Maxim of those who permitted Men to follow every thing that seemed probable without being certain of any thing He shews the dangerous Consequences of such Principles and endeavours to prove that neither the ancient Academicks nor Cicero himself were of that Opinion These three Books are written with all imaginable Elegance and Purity The Method and Reasonings are just The Matter treated of is well cleared and made intelligible for all Men it is beautified with agreeable Suppositions and pleasant Stories It may be said That these Dialogues are not much inferior to Tully's for stile but much above them for the exactness and solidity of the Arguments and Notions In his Retractations he findeth fault with several places in them which seemed not to him sufficiently to savour of Christianity but might be born with in a Philosophical Work The Book of a Happy Life or of Felicity is a Work of the same Nature written
after his return into Africa about the Year 389. In the First Book he speaks of Musick in general In the Second of Syllables and Feet In the Three following he discourses of Measure Harmony and Verses In the Last he shows That Musick ought to raise up the Mind and Heart to a Divine and Heavenly Harmony St. Augustin's Discourse of a Master was written about the Year 395. It is a Dialogue betwixt himself and his Son Adeodatus wherein he shews That it is not by Men's Words that we receive Instruction but from the eternal Truth viz. Jesus Christ the Word of God who informeth us inwardly of all Truth The First of the Three Books of Free-Will was composed at Rome in 387. and the Two others in Africa in 395. In the First St. Augustin resolves that hard Question touching the original of Evil And having explained what it is to do Evil he shews That all manner of Evil comes from the Free-Will which readily followeth the Suggestions of Lust adding That our Will makes us either happy or unhappy That if we are not happy though we desire to be so it is because we will not live conformably to the Law of God without which it is impossible to be Happy In the Second Book the Difficulty alledged by Evodius VVhy God hath left in Man a Liberty of Sinning which is so prejudicial to him hath started these Three other Questions How we are sure that there is a God Doth all Good come from him Is the VVill free to do Good as well as Evil St. Augustin clears all these Difficulties proving That Free-VVill was given for a good End and that we received it of God that there is a Being more perfect than our Soul that this Being is Truth it self Goodness VVisdom it self that every good and perfect Thing cometh from it and that Free-VVill is to be reckoned among the good Things That there are Three sorts of Goods The greatest are the Vertues that make us live VVell the Idea's of Corporeal Objects without which we cannot live VVell are the least and the Power of the Soul are the middle Ones That the First cannot be abused but both the Second and the Last may be put to ill Uses That Free-VVill is of the Number of these middle Goods When the VVill adheres to the sovereign Good it renders Man Happy but when it departeth from that to cleave to other Objects then Man becometh Criminal and so Unhappy VVherefore neither the VVill nor the Objects it embraceth are Evil but it is a Separation from God that makes all Evil and Sin but God is not the Author of this Separation From whence then is this Principle of Aversion This St. Augustin clears in the Third Book It is not Natural since it is Guilty It is Free and Voluntary and it is enough to say That we may chuse whether we will follow it or no to justifie God's Justice But how can this Liberty agree with the fore-knowledge of God Nothing is more easie according to St. Augustin in this Place VVe are Free when we do what we please But Prescience doth not take away our Will on the contrary it supposes it since it is a Knowledge of our Will But are not the Creature 's Faults to be imputed to the Creator Why did he not make it impeccable Had not Men been more perfect if they had been created at first in the same condition with the Angels and the glorified Saints that cannot be separated from the love of God But St. Augustin replies Doth it therefore follow That because we may conceive a more Perfect State therefore God was obliged to create us in that State Should we not rather believe that he had his Reasons why he did not create us more Perfect There are several sorts of Perfections If the State of a Creature that enjoyeth God makes Soveraign Felicity then the State of a Creature that is subject to Sin which liveth in hope of recovering the Happiness which it lost is also in God's Order and exceedingly above that of a Creature that lies under the necessity of sinning eternally The Condition of these last is the worst of all and yet God cannot be accused of Injustice for giving a Being to Creatures which he knew would be eternally miserable He is not the Cause of their Sin That Being which he gave them is still a Perfection their Sins and their Misery contribute to the Perfection of the Universe and to exalt the Justice of God by the Punishment of their Sins What then is the Cause of Sins There is none but the Will it self which freely and knowingly inclineth to do Evil. For if Sin could not be resisted it were impossible to know or to avoid it and then there would be no Sin Wherefore then doth God punish Sins of Ignorance How cometh it to pass that he blameth those Actions that are done out of Necessity What mean those words of the Apostle I do not the Good that I would but the evil that I would not All that saith St. Augustin is spoken of Men born since Mankind was condemned to Death because of the First Man's Sin For were this Natural to Man and not a Punishment for his Sin it is certain there would be no Sin of Ignorance nor Necessity But when we speak here of Liberty we speak of that which Man had when God created him Here St. Augustin answers the greatest Objection that can be urged against Original Sin Though say they both Adam and Eve have sinned yet what had we done wretched Persons that we are to be thus abandoned to Ignorance and to Lust Must we therefore be deprived of the knowledge of the Precepts of Righteousness and when we begin to know them Must we see our selves under a kind of Necessity not to keep them by reason of the resistance of Lust St. Augustin confesseth That this Complaint were just if Men were under an impossibility of overcoming their Ignorance and Lust. But God being present every where to call his Creature to his Service to teach him what he ought to believe to Comfort him in his hopes to confirm him in his Love to help his Endeavours and to hear his Prayers man cannot complain That that is imputed to him which he is unavoidably ignorant of but then that he must blame himself if he neglects to seek after that which he knows not It is none of his fault that he cannot use his broken Members but he is guilty if he despiseth the Physician that proffers to cure him for none can be ignorant that Man may profitably seek for the Knowledge of what he knows not and which he thinks to be necessary And it is well enough known that Men ought humbly to acknowledge their Weakness to obtain Help In a word If Men do that which is Evil out of Ignorance or if it so happens that they cannot do the Good which they would there is Sin in that because it is in consequence
Cyprian St. Ambrose St. Maximus St. Leo Faustus St. Gregory Alcuinus and Ivo Carnutensis St. Augustin's Sermons are written neither Artificially nor Methodically They are not regular Orations composed of all their Parts They are familiar Discourses spoken without much Preparation Most of them are very short and made up of concise Sentences and Phrases He doth not go to the depth of Points either of Doctrine or Morality as the Greek Fathers do but contents himself to speak of them succinctly and in few words Interrogations Antitheses and Quibbles are almost all the Figures that he beautifies his Discourse withal He doth not assert the Truth strongly nor inculcate it Pathetically but barely proposes it with agreeable Expressions and impresses it with some pleasant Thoughts This kind of Eloquence is much inferior to that of the Greek Orators but it may be that it relished best with the Men of St. Augustin's Age and agreed with the Genius of the Africans who not only admired his Sermons but were moved by them It would not be so now and I question whether a Sermon of St. Augustin's preached in our Pulpits would draw many Auditors Yet it must be confessed That few Latin Preachers are to be compared with him and that if he be much inferior to the St. Basils or the St. Chrysostomes he is much above the St. Maximus's the St. Chrysologus's and several other Latins that came after him I shall not enter into particulars upon his Sermons which were both a tedious and an endless Work The SIXTH TOME THE Sixth Tome of St. Augustin's Works contains his Dogmatical Books upon several Tome VI. Points both of Morality and Discipline He begins with some small Treatises containing Answers to several Questions upon various Subjects The First Is a Collection of Answers to 83 Questions which he resolved after his return into Africa about the Year 388. and which he Collected after he was a Bishop These are the Resolutions contained in those 83 Questions with most of the Principles from whence they are taken I. The Soul is not of its self nor by its self since it is not essentially the Truth II. God did not make Man like himself He is not good by Nature but by Will therefore he must be free III. If a Wise Man's Advice never makes another man worse than he was before Is it credible That God should make Men more wicked IV. What then may be the Cause of Man's Wickedness We must seek for it either in himself or in others or in nothing Consider it well and you will find That the Will of Man is the Cause of his Depravation V. Animals have no Knowledge and therefore cannot be Happy VI. All Corporeal and Spiritual Beings have a Perfection which makes their Essence Evil hath none therefore it is no Being VII Sometimes we confound the Soul with the Spirit and sometimes we distinguish them when the Actions of Man that are common to him with Beasts are attributed to his Soul the Spirit cannot be meant by that term for Beasts have no Reason and Reason is a necessary Adjunct of a Spirit VIII The Soul hath no other Motion besides its Will and its Actions It makes the Body change its place but changes not her self IX Our Senses only acquaint us with those Things that are in a perpetual change Therefore they cannot give us the Knowledge of Eternal and Immoveable Truth X. Whatsoever hath any Perfection cometh from God Bodies have Therefore God is the Author of them XI Jesus Christ was Man but he is Born of a Virgin Who can doubt then of his being come to save both Sexes XII God may be present indeed yet a defiled Soul cannot see him This Notion is not St. Augustin's but an Heathen's called Fonteius who was afterwards Baptized and died a St. Augustin Tome VI. Christian as St. Augustin assures us in his Retractations XIII Man can tame and dress a Beast but do we find that Beasts can do the same to Man XIV If Christ's Body had been but a Phantome Christ had deceived us but he is not capable of so doing XV. The Spirit of Man comprehends it self and knows no infinite Perfection in it self wherefore it is finite XVI The Time past is no more The Future is not yet Every thing is present with God XVII There should be three Causes of a Creature That which gives it a Being That which gives it such a sort of Being and that which gives it a Love to its Being Therefore the Cause of it is a Trinity This Argument is not the most convincing XVIII In Eternity there is neither time past nor to come all is present XIX God is no where and comprehends all things without being the place of any thing for he could not be in a place nor be a place without being Corporeal XX. Since God is the Author of Being he cannot be the Author of what tends to nothing Evil tends to nothing therefore God is not the Author of Evil. XXI The only reason why we need any thing is a defect in our selves God therefore needs nothing XXII Man is wise because he partaketh of wisdom but God is wise through Wisdom it self It is the same in all other Perfections XXIII If any thing should happen in the World by chance then there would be no longer Prudence but there is a necessity of Prudence for all Beings are perfect but can no further be so than as they participate of the Goodness and Perfection of God God and Man are the Authors of all that is done in the VVorld Good and Evil depend upon our own VVills XXIV It was the part of VVisdom to show that the most shameful Death is not to be feared And that 's one of the Reasons for which Christ endured such a one XXV There are Sins of Weakness Ignorance and Malice Weakness is contrary to the Strength of God Ignorance to his VVisdom and Malice to his Goodness Thus whosoever knows what God's Strength and VVisdom are may know which are Venial Sins And whosoever knows God's Goodness knoweth also what those Sins are which deserve to be punished both in this VVorld and in the next This well understood ought to be a Rule whereby to judge what sort of Sinners should be obliged to do Publick Penance though they confess their Sins Yet this Rule is very general and very equivocal XXVI God makes use of the VViâ—ked both to punish and to help Afflictions are an Exercise to the Righteous and a Punishment to the VVicked Rest and Peace corrupt the VVicked and sanctifie the Righteous God makes use of Men to accomplish the designs of his Providence though they know it not VVe act our selves when we follow God's Commandments but in all other things God guides us by the Springs of his Providence and we have no share in the Events XXVII VVe should not ask why God would create the VVorld that were to seek after a Cause of that which is the
whatsoever because whatsoever is Sin in its own Nature can never be rectified by any good Intention He shews by the Examples of David and Lot that we are not always to imitate the Actions of Righteous Men. He excuseth Abraham and Isaac from Lying As for Jacob's Action he saith it was no Lye but a Mystery That there is no Example of any Lye in the New Testament because Tropes Parables and Figures cannot be called Lyes no more than what is said of Jesus Christ that in his Discourse with the Pilgrims who went to Emmaus he made as though he would have gone further that we are no more to imitate Thamar's Lye than Juda's Fornication that God rewarded not the Lye of the Egyptian Midwives but their Compassion towards the Israelites Children The same must be said of Rahab's Action In one word These Examples of Lyes taken out of the Old Testament are no Lyes or if they be they cannot be excused Lastly Whatsoever Pretence they may have Men are never permitted to betray the Truth for any Advantage how great soever it may be because they are never allowed to sin And indeed as St. Augustin observes once again It is a very dangerous thing to allow Lying upon some occasions because this Maxim may be stretched too far and upon the same Principles Perjury and Blasphemy may in time be allowed St. Augustin confesses in his Retractations that both these Treatises are very intricate and that he had a Design himself to suppress them The Book Of the Business of Monks is an excellent Satyr against some Monks who thought themselves exempted from working with their Hands because Christ hath said That we should take no care for the Morrow and so contented themselves with Praying Reading and Singing St. Augustin opposes to them both the Example and the Authority of St. Paul who plainly says That whosoever will not Work ought not to Eat He refutes the false Distinctions which they made to shift it of He proves That the true Sence of that Passage of the Gospel which they quoted did not exempt Men from Working but only banished the Ingratitude of worldly Men that to labour with ones Hands is not inconsistent with Prayer that it is so far from being unworthy of the Monastical State that it is part of it For saith he if a Rich Man makes himself a Monk what can there be more perfect than having quitted great Estates to be obliged to Labour to get Necessaries And if this new Convert be Poor and of mean Condition would not that be a criminal Nicety to desire to live more at Ease in a Monastery than he did before in the World Afterwards he draws the Picture of those idle Monks whom he calls Hypocrites in Monastical Habits with whom the Devil hath over-spread the World They travel saith he from Province to Province without any Mission they have no fix'd Habitation and abide in no place they continually alter their Station Some carry Relicks about if they be Relicks and make an Advantage of them Others take much upon them by reason of their Habit and Profession Some say they are going to see their Kindred who as they have heard dwell in such a Countrey But they all beg and take it ill if you give them not either to supply the Wants of such a Poverty as enricheth them or to Recompence a seeming and counterfeit Honesty EXIGUNT AUT SUMPTUS LUCROSAE EGESTATIS AUT SIMULATAE PRETIUM SANCTITATIS Lastly St. Augustin compares his own Condition with that of the Monks affirming That he would chuse the Life of a Regular Monastery to work at certain hours with his Hands and to have others for Prayer and pious Reading rather than to be subject to the Fatigues of Office and to be continually entangled with the secular Businesses of other Men. Towards the latter end he laughs at the fancy of those Monks who would never cut their Hair Nothing is more pleasant than the Answer which they made to that Passage of the Apostle where he forbids Men to let their Hair grow This said they is spoken for Ordinary Men but not for those that have made themselves Eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven St. Augustin makes Sport with that ridiculous Notion of the Monks shewing them That they are Men as well as others This Book is in the Retractations among those that were written about the Year 400. The next Book is concerning the Predictions of Daemons wherein St. Augustin explains how they may Imagine and Foretell things and how they often Mistake shewing at the same time That Religion permits us not to Consult with them He supposes that Daemons have very subtile Bodies This small Treatise was composed in an Easter-Week of some of the Years betwixt 406 and 411. The Book of the Care which they ought to have of the Dead was written to answer that Question which St. Paulinus Bishop of Nola had proposed to St. Augustin in the Year 421. namely Whether a dead Man was any thing the better for being buried in the Church of some holy Martyr To this Question is added another To what purpose are the Church's Prayers for the Dead seeing that according to the Apostle's Maxim All Men shall be judged according to what they have done in this Life St. Augustin answereth That the Book of Maccabees establishes the Custom of Praying for the Dead and That though nothing of it were found in the Old Testament yet the Custom of the Church is sufficient to authorize that Practice which is done in the Administration of the Eucharist He is persuaded That the Honour of Burial doth neither Good nor Hurt to the Soul of the dead Person but yet that this Duty is to be pay'd to the Dead as a Testimony of the Respect which is due to the Memory of pious Persons That to be buried in a Martyrs Church doth nothing of it self but it serves to put the Faithful in mind of Praying for the Dead because the Devotion for the Martyr encreaseth the Fervency of Prayer But that commonly the Care of decent Burial proceeds from the Respect which Men have for the Body That Martyrs had Reason to lay aside that Care That the Scripture commends those that are careful to bury the Dead because it is a Token oâ— their Tenderness and Affection towards their Brethren St. Augustin speaks afterwards concerning Apparitions of the Dead by Dreams or otherwise and having mention'd several Examples he examineth how they come to pass He thinks it more rational to attribute them to the working of Angels who form those Idea's in the Imagination than to the Souls of the Dead He does not believe that they are present or that they take any notice at that time of the things that are done but that they are acquainted with them afterwards either by Angels or by the Souls of those that are dead or last of all by the Inspiration of God And by this last means he believes that the
6th Chapter of Zachar. Excevir oriens Ed. L. p. 619. Homilies upon whole BOOKS of the New Testament Genuine BOOKS FOurscore and Ten Homilies upon St. Matthew Ed. En. v. 2. from p. 1. to 555. Ed. P. v. 1. in N. T. Eighty seven Homilies upon St. John v. 2. Ed. En. p. 555. v. 2. Ed. P. in N. T. Fifty and four Homilies upon the Acts Ed. En. v. 4. p. 607. Thirty two Homilies upon the Epistle to the Romans Ed. En. v. 3. p. 1. Ed. P. v. 3. in N. T. Forty four Homilies upon the First Epistle to the Corinthians with a Preface and Thirty upon the Second Edit En. v. 3. 243. Edit P. v. 5. in N. T. A Commentary upon the Epistle to the Galatians Ed. En. v. 3. p. 763. and Ed. P. v. 5. in N. T. p. 776. Four and twenty Homilies upon the Epistle to the Ephesians Ed. En. v. 3. p. 763. Ed. P. v. 5. in N. T. p. 864. Fifteen Homilies upon the Epistle to the Philippians Ed. En. v. 4. p. 1. Ed. P. in N. T. v. 6. p. 1. Twelve Homilies upon the Epist. to the Colossians Ed. En. v. 4. p. 89. Ed. P. v. 5. in N. T. p. 147. Eighteen Homilies upon 1 Thess. and Five upon the Second Ed. En. v. 4. p. 161. Ed. P. v. 6. in N. T. p. 262. Eighteen Homilies upon 1 Tim. with a Preface and Ten upon the Second Ed. Eton. v. 4. p. 249. Ed. P. in N. T. v. 6. p. 402. Six Homilies upon the Epistle to Titus Ed. En. v. 4. p. 381. Ed. P. in N. T. v. 6. p. 619. Three Homilies upon the Ep. to Philemon Ed. En. v. 4. p. 411. Ed. P. in N. T. v. 6. p. 770. Four and thirty Homilies upon the Epistle to the Hebrews Ed. Eton. v. 4. p. 427. Ed. P. in N. T. v. 6. p. 692. which are said to have been Collected after his Death by a Presbyter of his Acquaintance Books Spurious An imperfect Commentary upon St. Matth. Ed. P. v. 2. in N. T. from p. 3. to 196. Seven and twenty Latin Homilies upon St. Matthew whereof the 13th and 17th are among St. Chrysologus's Works Ed. L. v. 2. p. 465 c. to p. 502. Fourteen Homilies in Latin upon St. Mark ibid. from p. 513. to p. 551. Six Homilies upon the Gospel of St. Luke p. 519. 529. and that of Zaccheus p. 551. Five Homilies upon St. John p. 164 c. Distinct Sermons upon particular Texts of the New Testament Genuine Books A Sermon upon the Man that was sick of the Palsy spoken of in St. Matth. ch 9. vol. 5. Ed. P. p. 814. An Homily upon St. Matth. ch 13. v. 7. Enter in at the straight gate Ed. Eng. v. 5. p. 175. Ed. P. v. 5. p. 125. An Homily upon the Parable of the Servant who owed Ten thousand Talents Matth. ch 18. Ed. En. v. 5. p. 196. Ed. P. v. 5. p. 1. An Homily upon St. Matth. ch 26. v. 39. Father if it be possible c. Ed. Eng. v. 5. p. 203. Ed. P. v. 5. p. 114. Five Sermons upon the Parable of Dives and Lazarus Luk. 16. Ed. Eng. v. 5. p. 196. 220. 234. 242. 253. Ed. P. v. 5. p. 18 c. An Homily upon the History of the impotent Man related John ch 5. v. 3. Ed. Eng. v. 5. p. 264. Ed. P. v. 5. p. 102. An Homily of the Usefulness of reading the Holy Scripture upon the beginning of the Acts Ed. Eng. v. 8. p. 111. P. v. 5. p. 582. An Homily upon the Title to the Acts Ed. Eng. v. 5. p. 274. P. v. 5. p. 151. An Homily why the Book of the Acts is read in the time of Pentecost Ed. P. v. 5. p. 831. An Homily upon St. Paul's Conversion and changing of his Name Ed. Eng. v. 5. p. 282. P. v. 5. p. 164. An Homily upon the beginning of Ch. 9. of the Acts Ed. Eng. v. 8. p. 60. P. v. 5. p. 544. An Homily upon the Inscription of the Altar at Athens To the unknown God Acts Ch. 17. Ed. Eng. v. 6. p. 722. P. v. 5. p. 556. An Homily upon changing the Name of Saul into that of Paul Ed. P. v. 5. p. 850. An Homily upon Rom. 5. of glorying in Tribulations Ed. Eng. v. 5. p. 292. P. v. 5. p. 180. An Homily upon these words Rom. 8. All things work together for good to those that love God c. Ed. Eng. v. 5. p. 299. P. v. 5. p. 192. An Homily upon the words Ch. 12. of the Rom. If your Enemy hunger Ed. Eton. v. 5. p. 304. P. v. 5. p. 199. Two Homilies upon Rom. Ch. 16. Salute Priscilla c. Ed. Eton. v. 5. p. 314. and 321. P. v. 5. p. 216. and 226. An Homily upon the beginning of 1 Cor. Ch. 1. ed. eng v. 8. 111. P. v. 5. p. 568. An Homily upon these words ch 7. 1 Cor. Let every one have his Wife c. Ed. Eton. v. 5. p. 330. ed. P. v. 5. p. 240. An Homily upon Chap. 7. 1 Cor. about the Bill of Divorce ed. eng v. 5. p. 337. ed. P. v. 5. p. 251. An Homily upon these words Ch. 10. 1 Cor I would not brethren that ye should be ignorant c. ed. eng v. 5. p. 343. ed. P. v. 5. p. 260. An Homily upon these words Ch. 11. 1 Cor. It is convenient that there be Heresies ed. Eton. v. 5. p. 362. ed. P v. 5. p. 273. Three Homilies upon 2 Cor. ch 4. Having the same spirit of Faith ed. eng v. 5. p. 368. P. v. 5. p. 296. An Homily upon these words Ch. 11. 2. Cor Would to God you would bear with my folly a little ed. eng v. 5. p. 392. P. v. 5. p. 332. An Homily upon these words Ch. 2. Gal. I withstood him to his face ed. eng v. 5. p. 398. P. v. 5. p. 705. An Homily upon these words Ch. 1. to the Philip whether Christ be preached under a pretence or in truth c. ed. eng v. 5. p. 410. P. v. 5. p. 343. An Homily upon that Ch. 4. 1 Thess. Concerning the dead ed. eng v. 5. p. 418. P. v. 5. p. 375. An Homily upon these words 1 Tim. Chap. 5. Let a Widow be chosen above sixty years c. ed. eng v. 5. p. 425. P. v. 5. p. 387. Books Spurious A Sermon upon Herod and the Innocents Matth. Ch. 2. Ed. Eton. vol. 7. p. 318. A â—ermon upon these words of the Devil to Jesus Christ If thou beest the Son of God cast thy self down which is attributed to St. Ephrem in some Manuscripts Ed. Eng. v. 7. p. 301. A Sermon upon these words Matth. ch 6. Take heed ye do not your Alms before men c. Ed. En. v. 7. p. 486. A Sermon upon St. Matth. ch 7. v. 14 and 15. and upon the Lord's Prayer Ed. Eng. v. 5. p. 183. Ed. P. v. 5. p. 137. A Sermon upon these words of Jesus Christ in St. Matth. ch 6. See that you do not your Alms before
French but retracted it in Africa In the Second and Third Book he proves That Jesus Christ is God and Man and the Virgin may be called the Mother of God In the Fourth he endeavours to shew That there is but only one Hypostasis or Person in Jesus Christ. In the Fifth he comes to a close Examination of the Error of Nestorius He confutes his Theses and shews That the Union of the Two Natures in one Person alone makes it lawful to attribute to the Person of Jesus Christ whatsoever agree to both Natures In the Last Place he proves That the Union of the two Natures is not a Moral Union only nor a Dwelling of the Divinity in the Human Nature as in a Temple as Nestorius asserts but it is a real Union of the two Natures in one Person In the Sixth he falls upon Nestorius with the Creed of the Church of Antioch where he was brought up taught and baptized Some have needlessly enquired by what Council of Antioch that Creed was made Cassian speaks of the Creed which was usually recited in the Church of Antioch and not of a Creed composed by any Council of Antioch But we must not forget here what Cassian observes That the Creed * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to joyn together c. Symbolum is so called because it is a short Collection of all the Doctrine contained in Holy Scripture He urges Nestorius extreamly with the Authority of the Creed of his Church which contained the Faith which he had embraced when he was baptized and which he had always professed If you were saith he to him an Arrian or a Sabellian and I could not use your own Creed against you I would then convince you by the Authority of the Testimonies of Holy Scripture by the Words of the Law and by the Truth of the Creed acknowledged by all the World I would tell you That tho' you had neither Sense nor Judgment you ought to yield to the Consent of all Mankind and that it is unreasonable to preferr the Opinions of some particular Men before the Faith of the Church That Faith say I which having been taught by Jesus Christ and preach'd by the Apostles ought to be received as the Word and Law of God If I should deal thus with you what would you say what would you answer You could certainly have no other Evasion but to say I was not brought up in this Faith I was not so instructed my Parents my Masters taught me otherwise I have heard another thing in my Church I have learned another Creed into which I was baptized I live in that Faith of which I have made Profession from my Baptism You would think that you had brought a very strong Argument against the Truth upon this Occasion And I must freely own 'T is the best Defence that can be used in a bad Cause It discovers at least the Original of the Error And this Disposition were excusable if it were not accompanied with Obstinacy If you were of the same Opinions which you had imbibed in your Infancy we ought to make use of Arguments and Perswasions to bring you from your Error rather than severity to punish what is passed but being born as you were in an Orthodox City instructed in the Catholick Faith and baptized with a true Baptism we must not deal with you as an Arian or a Sabellian I have no more to say but this Follow the Instructions you have received of your Parents depart not from the Truth of the Creed which you have learned remain firm in the Faith which you have professed in your Baptism 'T is the Faith of this Creed which hath gained you admittance to Baptism 't is by that that you have been regenerated 't is by this Faith that you have received the Eucharist and the Lord's Supper Lastly I speak it with Sorrow 'T is that which hath raised you to the Holy Ministery to be a Deacon and Priest and made you capable of the Episcopal Dignity What have you done Into what a sad Condition have you cast your self By losing the Faith of the Creed you have lost all the Sacraments of your Priesthood and Episcopacy are grounded upon the Truth of the Creed One of these two things you must do either you must confess That he is God that is born of a Virgin and so detest your Error or if you will not make such a Confession you must renounce your Priesthood there 's no middle way if you have been Orthodox you are now an Apostate and if you are at present Orthodox how can you be a Deacon Priest or Bishop Why were you so long in an Error Why did you stay so long without contradicting others Lastly he exhorts Nestorius to reflect upon himself to acknowledge his Error to make Profession of the Faith into which he was baptized and have recourse to the Sacraments That they may regenerate him by Repentance they are Cassian's very Words as they have heretofore begat him by Baptism With this Discourse he mingles Arguments against the Error of Nestorius whom he undertakes to confute in the last Book by answering the Objections which he proposed and by alledging the Testimonies of the Greek and Latin Church against him He concludes with a Lamentation of the miserable Condition of Constantinople exhorting the Faithful of that Church to continue stedfast in the Orthodox Faith which had been so learnedly and eloquently explained to them by S. Chrysostom He seems to be much troubled for the Misery of that Church Altho' I am very little known saith he am of no worth and dare not rank my self with the great Bishop of Constantinople nor assume the Title of a Master I have the Zeal and Affection of a Scholar having been Ordained and Presented to God by S. John of blessed Memory And altho' I am far distant from the Body of that Church yet I am united in Heart and Spirit which makes me to sympathize in her Grief and Sufferings and pour out my self in Complaints and Lamentations This and the foregoing Place teach us That this Treatise of Cassian's was composed before the Deposition of Nestorius or at least before it was known in the West They also give us ground to conjecture That the Reason why S. Leo imposed this Task upon him to write against Nestorius was this That being known at Constantinople to be S. Chrysostom's Scholar his Work might have more Weight and be more effectual than if any other had written on the same Subject The Institutions of Cassian saith the learned Photius are very useful especially for those who have embraced a Monastick Life It may likewise be said That they have something so Powerful and Divine that the Monasteries which observe that Rule are flourishing and make themselves eminent for their singular Vertues but they that do not observe it have much-a-do to uphold themselves and are always near a Dissolution And indeed of all the Rules for Monks there are
him wherein he tells that he was grieved to hear that he was angry with him for the Letter which he wrote to the Monks of Aegypt but he ought to consider that it was not that Letter that had raised such disturbances in the Church but the Papers which went about under his Name that had caused so great a Scandal that some Persons would not call Jesus Christ God but the Organ and Instrument of the Divinity that it was this that obliged him to write That he had been sent to from Rome to know who was the Author of those Writings that all the West was in an Uproar about them that he might appease the disturbances by explaining himself and retracting what was attributed to him that he ought not to refuse to give the Virgin Mary the title of the Mother of God because by this means he would restore the Churches Peace This Letter was carried to Nestorius by one of S. Cyril's Priests who was very urgent with him for an answer to it He gave him one but without an Explication of his Doctrine and telling p. 1. c. 7. St. Cyril that though he had acted contrary to the Rules of Brotherly Charity yet he would forget it and did by this Letter give him the tokens of Union and Peace Saint Cyril having informed Nestorius that his Writings were carried as far as Rome and that they met with an unwelcome reception there Nestorius thought it his Duty to write to St. Caelestine about it And to do it the more handsomely he took an Occasion to write to him about four Pelagian Bishops Julian Florus Orontius and Fabius who had fled to Constantinople and had presented their Petitions to the Emperor in which they complained of the ill usage they had received in the West He assures the Pope that he had answered them according to his Office and p. 1. c. 16. Duty although he was not informed of their Case but that he ought to make it clear that they may have no cause to importunt the Emperor and 〈◊〉 him up 〈◊〉 have compassion on them for if it be true that they were Condemned fâ—â— endeavouring to maâ—… a new Sect they deserved no manner of Pity He adds that having found at Constantinople some Persons who corrupted the Orthodox Faith he laboured to recover them by 〈◊〉 means although their Heresie came very near Arius and Apollinarâ—…s for they confounded and mixed the two Natures in Jesus Christ making the Divine Nature to be born of Mary and the Flesh of Jesus Christ to be changed into his Godhead that upon this ground they gave the Virgin the Mother of Christ the Title of the Mother of God that this term although it be improper might be endured upon the account of the Union of the Word with the Manhood if it be not understood of the Divine Nature and if we do not suppose that the Virgin Mary is the Mother of the Word of God which is intollerable He sent this Letter with the Copies of his Sermons by Antiochus Saint Cyril not being satisfied with Nestorius's answer wrote another Letter to him wherein he delivers to him his own and the Churches Doctrine And to gain the greater Credit to his p. 1. c. 3. Explication he grounded it upon the Creed made by the Nicene Council where it is said That the only Son of God begotten of his Father from all Eternity came down from Heaven was made Man suffered rose again from the Dead and is ascended into Heaven He says that we ought to be contented with this Decision and believe that the Word of God was Incarnate and was made Man That he saith not that the Nature of the Word was changed into Flesh nor the Flesh into the Nature of the Word but that the Word was United by an Hypostatick Union to the Manhood insomuch that the same Jesus Christ is both the Son of God and Son of Man yet without any confusion of the Natures That it may not be said that the Virgin hath brought forth a Man into the World into whom the Godhead is since descended but that from the instant of his Conception the Godhead was United to the Manhood insomuch that it may be said that God is born according to the Flesh and in the same sense that he hath suffered and is dead not as though the Word hath suffered in him but because the Body which he assumed hath suffered and was laid in the Sepulchre In fine that it is in this sense that we say that the Virgin is the Mother of God because she brought into the World the Body of Jesus Christ to which the Godhead is Hypostatically United Saint Cyril having thus explain'd himself exhorts Nestorius to embrace these Sentiments that he may preserve the Peace of the Church and an uninterrupted Union among the Bishops This Letter raised the Dispute Nestorius was highly offended and in his answer to it accuses p. 1. c. 9. St. Cyril of putting a false interpretation upon the words of the Council of Nice and broaching several Errors He says that he Explains the Council of Nice ill because this Council doth not say that the Word was born suffered or is Dead but it says this of our Lord Jesus Christ the only Son of God words which equally agree to the Humanity and Divinity He commends St. Cyril for acknowledging the distinction of the two Natures in Jesus Christ but he accuses him of destroying this truth consequentially and making the Godhead passible and mortal He owns the Union of the two Natures but he holds that upon the account of that Union we may not attribute to either of them the Qualities that belong to the other only and he affirms that as often as the Scripture speaks of the Death and Passion of Jesus Christ it appropriates them to the Humane and never to the Divine Nature Lastly He tells him that he hath been surprized by the Clergy infected with the Heresie of the Manichees who were at Constantinople and had been deposed in a Synod for it Upon this occasion it was that the Adherents of Nestorius published the Book which Photius wrote against St. Cyril's Letters to the Monks with another Piece bearing this Title Against those who upon the Account of the Union debase the Godhead of the Son by Deifying the Manhood These Writings were sent to St. Cyril by Buphas Martyrius a Deacon of Alexandria and Saint Cyril's Agent at Constantinople Nevertheless Anastasius the Priest pretended not to disapprove wholly of St. Cyril's Letter to the Monks and alledged this Reason that he confessed in that Letter that no Council had mentioned Act 1. p. c. 12. the term of the Mother of God Saint Cyril being afraid that those of his Party who were at Constantinople should be ensnared by this Artifice wrote a large Letter upon that subject wherein he labours to prove that Nestorius and his party divided Jesus Christ into two Persons He advises them to
an whole Session How could they throughly examine S. Cyril's 12 Propositions in so small a time which need so much Explication and have caused so many disputes How could they compare so many passages of Nestorius's Sermons with what went before and came after to find the true Sense How could they be sure of the Judgment of the Ancient Fathers in so short a time All these things required a long and serious Examination for several days together but the Bishops of the Council were afraid that they should not finish it at one Session and therefore sat close to it from Morning to Night to judge this matter only for fear that things should happen otherwise if they should stay till to morrow The Sentence which they caused to be delivered to Nestorius was made up of such Words which discover the Passion they were in To Nestorius another Judas Was it not enough to Condemn and Depose him but they must insult over him with abusive Words Lastly This Council was so far from bringing Peace that it brought nothing but trouble divisions and scandals in to the Church of Jesus Christ so that that may be said of this Council with a great deal more truth which S. Gregory of Nazianzene said of the Councils of his time That he never saw an Assembly of of Bishops that had a good and happy Conclusion That they always increased the Distemper rather than cured it That the obstinate Contests and the ambition of Overcoming and Domineering which ordinarily reigns among them renders them prejudicial and ordinarily they who are concerned to judge others are moved thereto by ill-will rather than by a design to restrain the faults of others This seems to agree to the Council of Ephesus better than any other Assembly of Bishops The History of the Troubles that followed this Council makes this sufficiently evident and we may say that these Troubles were not appeased but because the Transactions of this Council were buried in silence These are the Objections which may be made against the form of the Council of Ephesus I have neither dissembled them nor weakned them that I may shew that nothing which can be said on this Argument is unanswerable At present I shall offer these Answers to the former Objections viz. The Council of Ephesus was called in the Usual forms The Bishops of all Countrys of the Roman Empire were summoned to it The Days appointed being come the Bishops who were come to the City where it was to be held waited some days after They did not begin it till they knew that the Men whom they waited for would soon arrive and that they were willing that the Council should be begun without them That though several Bishops were not at first of that Opinion and therefore opposed it yet they yielded at last and were present at the Council That there remained no more than ten with Nestorius That the Emperor's Commissioner having read the Letter for the Calling of the Council had done his Duty and after that was free for the Bishops to meet That though the Pope's Legats were not come yet it was Lawful to begin the Council without them since the day appointed for the beginning of it was over That these Legats having read what was done in their absence had approved it That John Bishop of Antioch and the other Eastern Bishops ought to have come to the Council according to their Summons That they might have Read and Examined a New what had passed and ought not to have made a Schism or separated upon that account That though they did judge Nestorius at one Session and in one Day he must blame himself for it because he would not appear That he deserved to be Condemned for his Obstinacy That it was evident that he had denied that the Virgin Mary might be called The Mother of God and that he used such Expressions as seemed to divide the Person of Jesus Christ into two That he was cited three times according to the Order of the Canons That it was not necessary by the Laws of the Church to perform these Citations on several days That it was Zeal and not Passion that made Saint Cyril to act so That although he had had some differences with Nestorius that was no just impediment that he might not be his Judge in the Council especially discussing a matter of Faith That in the business of S. Chrysostom there was nothing meddled with that concerned the Faith That it was not a General Council but a private Synod called together by the contentious humour of Theophilus That S. Isidore and Gennadius were mistaken through the false Reports that S. Cyril's Enemies had spread abroad of him That afterward they themselves acknowledged the Falshood of them That there were in the Council many Bishops of Macedonia Epirus Achaia Thracia and Thessaly which could not be said to be devoted to the Egyptian Faction That Juvenal Bishop of Jerusalem and the other Bishops of Palestine could not be suspected of holding Intelligence with them That it is not credible that Memnon was so much Master of the Asian Bishops as to make them to yield to his Will against Justice and Innocence That Judgment was pronounced after cognizance of the Cause That they read the Nicene Creed and examined the Doctrine of the Holy Fathers of the Church to which because Nestorius's Opinions were evidently contrary they Condemned him That it is very rare to find a longer time allowed in any of the Ancient Council for the Examination of a single point of Faith That they did neither approve nor examine S. Cyril's twelve Chapters because the Question was not about them but only to inquire whether Nestorius had Preached any Errors and whether he deserved to be Condemned That they never after meddled with it That on the Contrary his Condemnation was approved by almost all Orthodox Bishops That the Doctrine which the Council condemned as his was unanimously rejected by all the World That the troubles which followed the Council proceeded from nothing but the Headiness of the Eastern Bishops who would at first right or wrong maintain their bad proceedings That they have been happily appeased by the Peace in which they have followed the Judgment of the Council concerning the Person and Doctrine of Nestorius Lastly That the following Councils and the Universal Church have received the Council of Ephesus and have acknowledge it for a General Council From the Form let us come to the Matter it self Was Nestorius in an Error Had S. Cyril delivered nothing contrary to the truth Did not his twelve Chapters contain in them the Errors of Arius or Apollinaris or at least the same Error which was after maintained by Eutyches Were not the Eastern Bishops of Nestorius's Judgment If John Bishop of Antioch were not yet were not Theodoret Andrew of Samosata Hilladius Bishop of Tarsus Eutherius Bishop of Tyana and above all Alexander Bishop of Hierapolis and all the Bishops who were
Conference with the Arian Bishops The King told him with a stern Countenance If your Religion be good why do not you hinder the King of the Franks your Soveraign from making War upon me Avitus answer'd That he did not know the Reasons which his Prince had to make War upon him butif he would submit to the Law of God he did not doubt to obtain a Peace for him The King answer'd That he did acknowledge the Law of God but he would not acknowledge three Gods Avitus gave him to understand that the Catholicks do not acknowledge but one God only and then he fell prostrate at his Feet The next day the King told them That his Bishops were ready to enter into a Conference with them but that it must not be held before the People but only in his presence and before such Senators as he should choose To Morrow is appointed for the day The same Night the Lessons were read which mention'd the hardning of Pharaoh's heart and of the Jews which was a bad Omen When the time for the Conference was come the Bishops of both Parties were present at the Place appointed Avitus explain'd the Faith of the Church about the Mystery of the Trinity and prov'd it by Testimonies of the Holy Scripture Boniface being the Arian Bishop that was to speak answer'd nothing to Avitus's Discourse but only propos'd many subtil and entangling Questions about the Mystery of the Trinity and then broke forth into reproachful Language The King respited the Answer of Boniface till to morrow An Officer call'd Aredius would have perswaded the Catholicks to retire telling them That this sort of Conferences did nothing but exasperate mens minds Bishop Stephen answer'd him That on the contrary it was the only means to clear up the truth and to reconcile men to one another and bring them to a good understanding But notwithstanding this Admonition the Catholick Bishops entred into the Place King Gondebaud seeing them came to meet them and spoke reproachfully of the King of the Franks whom he accused of solliciting his Brother against him The Bishops answer'd him That the way to make Peace was to agree about the Faith and that they themselves would be Mediators for it and then every one took his place Avitus being desirous to wipe off the Calumnies of Boniface who had accus'd the Catholiks of worshipping many Gods prov'd that the Catholicks acknowledg'd one God only Boniface instead of answering continued still to reproach them The King seeing that this would not put an end to the difference rose up with indignation Avitus insisted that he should either answer his Reasons or yield But to shew clearly on whose side the Truth was he propos'd That he should go immediately to the Monument of St. Justus and ask the Saint about the truth of the one and the other's Belief and then report what he had said The King approv'd this Proposal but the Arians refus'd it saying They would not do as Saul did who had recourse to Charms and Divination that the Scripture was sufficient for them which was much more powerful then all other means The King going away carried with him to his Chamber Stephen and Avitus and bidding them farewel he embraced them and intreated them to pray to God for him Which discover'd to them says the Author of this Relation what a perplexity he was in But because the heavenly Father had not drawn him he could not come to the Son that this word of truth might be fulfill'd 'T is not he that willeth nor he that runneth but God that sheweth mercy After this day many Arians were converted and baptiz'd some days after and God exalted our Faith by the Intercession of St. Justus These are the very words of the Acts of this Conference ENNODIUS Bishop of PAVIA MAgnus Felix Ennodius descended of an illustrious Family among the Gauls a Descended of an illustrious Family among the Gauls says in many places of his Works that his Parents were Gauls He was a Kinsman to the greatest Lords in his time as to Faustus â—oetius Avienus Olybrius Senarius Florianus c. was born in Italy b In Italy 'T is certain that he pass'd his first years in Italy in the Year 473 c In the Year 473. In the Panegyrick which he made upon Theodoric he declares that he was sixteen years old when that King entred into Italy in the Year 489. Having lost at the Age of Sixteen an Aunt who gave him Maintenance and Education he was reduc'd to low Circumstances in the World but by marriage to a rich Fortune he was restor'd to a plentiful Estate He enjoy'd for some time the Advantages and Pleasures which Riches afford but knowing the danger of them he resolv'd to lead a more Christian Life He entred into Orders with the consent of his wife who for her part embrac'd a chast and religious Life 'T was at this time that he became famous for his Letters and other Writings He was chosen to make a Panegyrick upon King Theodoric and undertook the Defence of the Council of Rome which acquitted Pope Symmachus For his Merits he was promoted to the See of Pavia about the Year 510 d About the Year 510 Father Labbe says that he was made Bishop of Pavia in 490 but this cannot be since he was not then seventeeen years old He was not yet Bishop when his Book was approv'd in the Synod of Rome in 503 for the Title of Bishop is not given him After this he was made choice of to endeavour the Re-union of the Eastern to the Western Church Upon which occasion he made two Journeys into the East the first in the Year 515 with Fortunatus Bishop of Catana and the second in 517 with Peregrinus Bishop of Misena These Journeys had not the success which he desir'd but they discover'd his Prudence and Courage For the Emperor Anastasius did all he could to seduce or corrupt him but not being able to compass his design after many affronts at last he caus'd him to put to Sea in an old rotten Vessel and forbad all persons to suffer him to land at any Port of Greece whereby he was expos'd to manifest danger Nevertheless he arriv'd safe in Italy and return'd to Pavia where he died a little time after on the first day of August in the Year 521 aged 48 years There are many Writings of this Author which have no relation to Ecclesiastical Matters Among his 297 Letters which are divided into nine Books there are but very few from whence any weighty observation can be made about the Doctrine or Discipline of the Church The fourteenth Letter of the second Book is one of this number It is written to the Christians of Africk whom he comforts under the Persecution which they had suffer'd for a long time and the loss of their Bishops Fear not says he to them because you see your selves destitute of Bishops you have amongst you him who is both
had accused him He shows that these Hereticks calumniate this holy Pope and charge him with such Doctrines as he never held by taking out some words out of the places where they were and cutting off that which might serve to justifie them This is prov'd at large in the Extract related by Photius Vol. 225. He did undertake the Defence of St. Leo in another Work against Theodosius and Severus wherein he also explains the sense of this Expression of St. Cyril That there is but one Nature of the Word Incarnate Lastly Photius speaks also of an Invective which this Author wrote against one of the Disciples of Theodosius and the Gaianites wherein he shows that the Agreement they had made amongst themselves was falsâ— and indefensible because it tended only to oppose the Truth There was also in this Tome a Letter which Eulogius wrote when he was yet a Priest to Eutychius Archbishop of John the Faster Constantinople which contains an Exposition of the Orthodox Faith JOHN the Faster John of Cappadocia surnam'd the Faster upon the account of his great Abstinence was Ordain'd Bishop of Constantinople in the Year â—8â— and govern'd that Church until the Year 596. St. Isidore of Sevil assures us That he wrote a Letter about Baptism to his Predecessor Leander wherein he said nothing that was new but only collected and repeated the Opinions of his Ancestors about the three Dippings He compos'd also some Homilies which perhaps are among those of St. Chrysostom That about Penance is the most famous Father Morinus has publish'd two Penitential Books of this Bishop He was not a Man of a very sublime Wit but he was one of great Piety and Charity and lov'd Order and Discipline He was sharply reprov'd by St. Gregory for taking upon him the name of Oecumenical Patriarch because this Pope look'd upon this Title as a sign of Ambition altho in the sense of the Greeks it was innocent and signified nothing less then St. Gregory thought The Greeks perhaps reprov'd this Bishop more justly for contributing to the Relaxation of Discipline by moderating the Rigor of the Canons This is objected to him by the Bishops of a Council held in the time of Alexâ—s Comnenus yet it does not appear that he fell into any Excess of Relaxation for he only permitted the time of Penance to be shortned in favour of those who were more servent and appear'd more contrite JOHN of Biclarum John Abbot of Biclarum originally of the Race of the Goths of the Province of Portugal after he had studied at Constantinople came to Spain where he was persecuted by King Leuvigildus who John of Biclarum being an Arian would force him to embrace his Religion He was banish'd to Barcelona where he suffer'd very much for the space of ten years When this was ended he settled a Monastery call'd Biclarum situated in the Valleys of the Pyrenees and afterwards he was chosen Bishop of Gironda He wrote a Chronicon which begins at the Year 566 and ends at 590 and which serves as a Continuation to that of Victor of Tunona He made also a Rule for his Monks which is very useful for all the World if we may believe Isidore ANASTASIUS SINAITA ANastasius a Monk of Mount Sinâ— ascended the Throne of the Church of Ancioch in the Year 561. He was forced from it and banish'd in the Year 572 by the Emperor Justinus the Anastasius Sinaita Younger but at last he was restor'd under the Emperor Mauricius in the Year 595. He died about the Year 599. He had another for his Successor who went under the same Name which gave occasion to confound them 'T was the first of these two who was the Author of some Treatises The first and most assured Work of his is a Treatise entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or a Guide to the True Way written against the Acephali Anastasius begins this Book which was compos'd for an Inâ—truction about the Faith with laying down some Maxims and Rules which the Faithful ought to follow for their good Conduct and to prevent Falling into Error These Rules are useful and rational Here follows the Translation of them 'T is necessary for a Man above all things to lead a pure and innocent Life and to have the Holy Spirit in him After this he must know the Definitions that are most necessary and have an exact Knowledge of the Doctrines of his Adversaries and read their Writings that he may be able to oppose them and confound them from themselves He must not amuse himself with disputing about the Faith every moment against the first Comer but read the whole Scripture with a Spirit of Submission and Fear with simplicity of Heart and without crafty Designs he must not desire to conceive what surpasses our Understanding or to distinguish that which is to be understood litterally from that which is a Metaphor He must be perswaded that the Church has Traditions about these things which are not in the Holy Scripture as for instance That one ought to be fasting when he receives the Holy Eucharist that he should turn towards the East in the time of Prayer that the Mother of Christ continued a Virgin after she had brought forth a Child that she brought forth Christ in a Cave Besides this he must accustom himself to two ways of Disputing against the Hereticks one by proposing the passages of Holy Scripture and another by making use of the Proofs drawn from the thing it self This last way of Disputing is solid if we may believe him and more effectual for 't is easie to corrupt the sense of the words of Scripture and to oppose anâ—ther passage of it as the Hereticks and Jews do every day 'T is better therefore to make use of Internal Proofs 'T is necessary to be skill'd in Chronology to know at what time the Father liv'd and when such and such a Hereâ—â—â— arose He must take good heed leâ—t when his Adversary is nonpluss'd and cannot answer he make a transition to another Question 'T is convenient before the Dispute to require of his Adversary an Oath that he will say nothing against his Conscience and also to purge your self from all the Suspicions he may have of you by condemning the Errors that may be charg'd upon you He must tell the Mâ—â—â—physites that he must not insist upon the Council of Chalcedon but engage to dispute from the more ancient Fathers whom they themselves acknowledge for Catholicks He must observe that the Mâ—â—â—physites may be reprehended from the Oblation of the Chalice because they offer only * Here the Cup is called Wine after Consâ—cration Wine without any mixture of Water Anastasius the Siâ—â—ita having laid down these Maxims practises according to them in his Work For having said that the Catholicks acknowledge two Wills and two sorts of Operations in Jesus Christ in the second Chapter he gives many Definitions of Terms which he uses for explaining the Mysteries of the
prove these two Points by passages of holy Scripture and the Fathers he labâ—â—â—'s to show that the Sacrifices and Oblations which the Priests make for those who die in the faith of the Church as well as the Prayers and Alms which are made for them are profitable to the Salvation and Pardon of their Sins for whom they are offer'd That the Custom is to offer them at the end of three days after Death in memory of the Resurrection of Jesus Christ at the end of nine days because Jesus Christ discover'd himself to his Disciples on the ninth day after his Resurrection and lastly at the end of forty days because after this number of days Jesus Christ ascended into Heaven This Work was publish'd by Allatius in his Treatise of Purgatory ANDRONICIANUS Andronicianus I Have read says Photius in Code 45. two Books of Andronicianus against the Eunomians He promises very much in his Prefaces but he does not perform what he promises particularly in the second Book He had the Civility the Wit and way of writing of a Philosopher and was a Christian by Religion There is no Work of his now remaining LUCIUS CHARINUS THis Author wrote a Book entituled The Travels of the Apostles containing the Actions of St. Peter St. John St. Andrew St. Thomas and St. Paul whose style and relation do equally deserve contempt Lucius Charinus in the Judgment of Photius Code 144. His Style was unequal his Words vulgar and his Discourse very remote from the native candor and simplicity of Apostolical Relations He was full of Stories stuff'd with folly and impiety He seigns that the God of the Jews was a God of wickedness to whom Simon the Magician was a Minister That on the contrary Christ is a God of Goodness He gives him some times the Title of Father some times that of Son He imagines that he was not truly made Man but only in appearance He says that he appear'd to his Disciples under different shapes sometimes as an old Man sometimes as a young Man sometimes as an Infant sometimes great and sometimes little sometimes as high as Heaven and sometimes creeping upon the Earth He vents many fooleries concerning the Cross and affirms that another was crucified for Jesus Christ. He condemns Marriage and looks upon Generation as the Work of the Devil He reckons up several Resurrections of Men of Oxen c. He seems to blame the use of Images as did the Iconoclasts In a word says Photius the whole Book contains nothing but things childish and prodigious malicious Fables Falsities Follies Contradictions and Impieties insomuch that one may say without deviating from the Truth that this Book is the origine and sourse of all Heresies He should rather have call'd it a Collection of the Follies and Impieties of the Ancient Hereticks METRODORUS THis Author had made a Cycle for the Celebration of the Feast of Easter consisting of eight and twenty Cycles nineteen Years a piece beginning at Dioclesian and continuing it for the Metrodorus space of five hundred thirty three years to 〈◊〉 the Feasts of Easter according to the Calculation of the fourteenth 〈◊〉 altho neither the Ancient Church nor the Modern says Photius did always so exactly determine it He did not know who this Author was and when he wrote HERACLIANUS Bishop of Chalcedon THis Author compos'd twenty Books against the Manicheans His style was concise free from useless words sublime and of a neatness supported by the Majesty of the Expressions because Heraclinus Bishop of Chalcedon he mix'd the Attick Dialect with ordinary Discourse He overthrows the Book which the Manichees call their Gospel the Treatise of Gyants and their Treasure He mentions those who had written against these Hereticks before him viz. Egemenius who had written the Dispute of Archelaus against Manes Titus who thinking to refute Manicheus had written against Addas George of Laodicea who had us'd the same Arguments with Titus Serapion Bishop of Thumis and Diodorus of Tarsus who had opposed the Manicheans in a Work of five and twenty Books in the seven first whereof he thought to attack their Gospel altho he refuted the Book of Addas to which they Leontius Bishop of Arabissa gave the Title of Measures Heraclianus confirm'd in a few words what seem'd to him most weak in the Works of these Authors supplied what appear'd to him forgotten and repeated the best things they had said adding to them what came into his own mind This Author was nervous in his Reasons which he improv'd by the help of other Sciences He overthrew the Fables of the Manicheans and refuted solidly their Errors This Work was address'd to a Christian call'd Achillius by whom he was desir'd to refute in publick Writings the Heresie of the Manicheans which spread in the World Photius has noted the Emperor under whom this Author liv'd but he is not to be found among those that are printed His Work is lost we have taken what we have said out of Photius in Code 85. LEONTIUS Bishop of Arabissa PHotius relates in Code 172. a part of this Author's Homily which was entituled Of the Creation and of Lazarus The Fall of Adam and his Punishment are there described to show the necessity of the Incarnation and the Resurrection of Lazarus is there compar'd to the Joy which John felt in his Mother 's Womb. OF THE 〈…〉 under Pope Symmachus COUNCILS HELD In the Sixth Age. Of the COUNCILS at ROME under Pope Symmachus THE Pontificat of Pope Symmachus being very much embroil'd he was forc'd to assemble many Councils Immediately after his Promotion he held one the first day of March in the Year 499. to make Canons forbidding for the future such Canvassings as were us'd after the death of Pope Anastasius This Council was compos'd of more then sixty Italian Bishops and as many Priests who had all their Titles Five Deacons of Rome were there present and sign'd the Regulation of the Council after the Bishops and Priests It contains first That for hindring such frequent Canvassings for the future as were us'd by those who had a mind to be promoted to the Bishoprick of Rome which caus'd a great Scandal to the Church and Commotions among the People the Council Orders That if any Priest Deacon or any other Person of the Clergy shall dare during the Life of the Pope to make any Promise in writing for the Pontificat or give any Notes or make any Oath about it or promise his Suffrage by any way whatsoever or do so much as hold Meetâ—â—â—s to consult about it and make Propositions he shall be depriv'd of his Office and of the Communion of the Church 2. That if the Pope happen to die suddenly without being able to look after the Election of a Successor he shall be Consecrated who shall be chosen with a common Consent or by the far greater number 3. That those shall be rewarded who shall discover the Intrigues and
time of Divine Service they that have spoken roughly and frowardly shall receive fifty Lashes as well as they that have answered again to their Superior There are other Penances enjoyned besides Whipping as Fasting Silence Separation from the Table Humiliation These Penances seem to be more rational and fitter to correct Men than Whipping and yet they are not the most common and usual There was found in the Manuscript of Bobio with S. Columbanus's Rule and Penitential some Spiritual Instructions fathered upon this Saint agreeable enough to the Style of his Rule They contain some Exhortations to Piety and a Spiritual Life fit for Monks the Titles whereof are as follows 1. Of the Trinity 2. Of the Mortification of Vices and the Acquisition of Vertues 3. Of the Contempt of the World and the love of heavenly Things 4. That we ought to work and labor in this Life to rest in the next 5. That this Life should not be called Vita but Via 6. That this Life is like a Shadow 7. Of the blindness of those who serve the Flesh and neglect the Spirit 8. That we ought to tend to our Heavenly Country the End of this present Life 9. Of the last Judgment 10. Of the means of fleeing from the dreadful Wrath of him who is to judge us 11. Of the Love of God and of our Neighbour 12. Of Remorse and of the Vigilancy wherewith we ought to wait for the coming of the Final Judgment 13. That we must have Recourse to Christ the Fountain of Life 14. Several Advices for the Spiritual Life The 15th which was not in the Bobio Manuscripts is of The Fervency wherewith we ought to serve God There is mention made there of Grace according to S. Austin's Principles but it does not seem to be of the same Style with the rest The 16th was not in the said Bobio Manuscript neither but it hath more of S. Columbanus's Style It is very short and is entituled What is that which is and which shall be In it he compares this Life with that which is to come The 17th Instruction is A Discourse of Faustus Bishop of Ries to some Monks After the 13th Instruction in the Bobio Manuscript there is a small Tract of the Eight principal Vices which are Gluttony Fornication Covetousness Wrath Sorrow Idleness Vain-glory and Pride and sets down in a few Words some Remedies against these Vices Some produce also some Letters of S. Columbanus taken out of another Manuscript of Bobio of the Truth of which Letters there can be no doubt The 1st is directed to Boniface Bishop of Rome the Third or Fourth of that Name S. Columbanus says in that Letter he had already written to the Pope S. Gregory concerning the Difference between his own Church and that of Rome about the Day on which Easter ought to be celebrated and intreats Boniface to let him keep to the Custom he had of celebrating that Festival as the Ancients of his Country did tho' he now lived in France He propounds the Example of S. Polycarp and of Anicetus to shew that Men may differ in their Practice about the keeping of Easter without any Breach of Unity and Peace and annexes the Canon of the first Council of Constantinople whereby it is order'd That Christian People living among barbarous Nations shall live after their Customs Which is an Argument that S. Columbanus was not unacquainted with Ecclesiastical History and the Canons of the Church The next Letter is to a Council of French Bishops assembled upon his account It is written with a great deal of Wisdom and Elegancy is very Witty Judicious and Learned He thanks them at first for having met together about his Concerns and intimates to them That he could wish they would meet oftner and that according to the Canons they would hold Councils once or twice in the Year to put a Stop to the Divisions and Disorders of their Time He prays to God That their Meeting may be for the Church's good and that they would not only treat of the Celebration of Easter but moreover make all necessary Provisions to restore the Discipline to its former State He does earnestly press their own Duty upon them and gives them Lessons of Humility and Charitableness and then coming to the matter in hand he sets forth the Difference between the French and the English Bishops about the Time of the Celebration of Easter He observes That the Western Churches were not agreed upon the Day of that Festival 〈◊〉 mâ—ny always 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 Day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Moon to the Twentieth so that when the â—… â—â—ey 〈◊〉 Feast of the Resurrection on the very 〈◊〉 Day 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Celebration of it to the Sunday 〈◊〉 He 〈◊〉 That the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Wâ—stern Churches in the Writing he seâ—ds 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tracts directed 〈◊〉 Pope 〈◊〉 and in a Boo◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 But without engaging in that Disâ—… the only prayâ—… Bishops 〈◊〉 him 〈◊〉 obseâ—ve a â—ustom of which he is not the 〈◊〉 and which is practised 〈◊〉 the Coâ—â—try from 〈◊〉 he comeâ— and intreats theâ—◠〈◊〉 they would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 live in Peace and in Siâ—â—nce in his Solitude near the Bones of seventeen of his Brethren as he 〈◊〉 lived thesâ— twelve Years that he may continue praying for them He tells 〈◊〉 Thâ—t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—â—â—er 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 them to comfort poor old Men and 〈◊〉 â—han to trouble and molest them He adds That he durst not go to the Council 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be 〈◊〉 to engage in the Dispute but that he cannot forbear declaring sâ—â—câ—rely 〈◊〉 That he gives more Credit to the Tradition of his Country to the ancient Cycle of Fourscore and four Years 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Anatolius to Eusebiuâ— and S. Hierom than to Victorius 〈◊〉 Testimony a new Author who hath written very obscurely Nevertheless he would not have them to think that he says this our of a contentious Spirit he desires only that every one might keep his own Custom and follow his own Tradition Then he exhorts them to the Practice of Humility and Charity He makes a Comparison of the Monks and Bishopâ— and says S. Hierom advises these to imitate the Apostles and those to follow the Holy Fathers because Clerks and Monks have very different Practices and Obligations That every one is to follow his Calling and perform his Duty He prays to God That through his free Grace he would cause his Commandments to be kept by all In the end he does beseech them to pray to God for him and his Fellows as they pray for them and not to look upon them as Strangers seeing all Christians are Members of one Body It is not known what this Council is it must have been held towards the Year 600. because it is Twelve Years after S. Columbanus's coming into France a little before S. Gregory's Death Some believe it to be the Council held at
on in the reading of the Council they found that in the Definition there was no mention of one Operation The reading of the Acts of the Council being finished the Bishops and the Judges declared That they had not found it defined that there was but one Operation and one will in Christ. The fourth Action was held the 15th of the same Month In it the Letters of Agatho and Act. iv of the Council of Rome to the Emperors Constantine Heraclius and Tiberius were read The first contains very large Proofs of the Doctrine of the two Wills taken out of the Holy Scripture and the Fathers He does plainly condem the Monothelites and particularly Theodorus Cyrus Sergius Pyrrhus Paul and Peter He speaks very respectfully of the Emperors and very advantagiously of his own See He says The Apostolick Church of Rome never fell into Error that it never was depraved by Heresy That the Fathers and Synods have followed her Decisions and that his Predecessors have always confirmed their Brethren in the Faith They might have opposed to him the late Instance of Honorius who seemed to be as guilty as those he did so severely condemn and who was not spared in the Council of Constantinople The Letter of the Roman Council contains a Confession of Faith in which they acknowledg two Operations and two Wills in Christ After that they condemn the Doctrine of the Monothelites and the Bishops condemn'd in Agatho's Letter and they approve what was done in the Synod held under Martin I. This Letter is subscribed by 25 Bishops most of them of Italy there be some of France also and Wilfride subscribes in the Name of the Bishops of England They tell us That they hoped that Theodorus of Canterbury and several other Bishops would have come thither but could not and that they might be assured that all the Bishops of the West and the North were in the same Opinion and held the same Faith The fifth Action was held the 7th of December Macarius presented two Sheets of Quotations Act. v. of the Fathers which were read in the Council He presented also a third in the next Action which was held the 12th of February The Act. vi Emperor ordered all the three Sheets to be sealed with the Seals of the Judges of the Church of Rome and the Church of Constantinople The Pope's Deputies maintained That none of those Testimonies proved one Will or one Operation in Christ that they had falsified most of them and that some of them were only to be understood of the Will of the three Persons in the Trinity They required them to produce the Authentick Books out of which those Passages were taken that they might lay open the Cheat and that they might be permitted to peruse the Collection of the Passages they had made to prove two Wills and two Operations in Christ. In the seventh Action of the 13th of February of the Year 681. Agatho's Deputies presented Act. vii a Sheet containing the Testimonies of the Fathers confirming the Doctrine of the two Wills They asked Macarius if he received Agatho's Letter and the Definition of the Council of Rome Macarius and George required the Sheet containing the Passages of the Fathers might be communicated to them to compare them with the Originals which were in the Patriarch of Constantinople's Library In the eighth Action of the 7th of March the Bishop of Constantinople having examined Act. viii Agatho's Letter and the Passages of the Fathers declared that he was of the same Mind with the Pope and the other Bishops of the West All the Bishops of his Patriarchate made the same Declarations except Theodorus Bishop of Melitina who presented a Memoir in the Name of himself and three Bishops more of some Officers of the Church of Constantinople and of Steven a Presbyter and Monk of Antioch wherein he requested That neither Party might be condemned seeing the general Councils had pronounced nothing hitherto about the two Wills This Memoir was disowned by those in whose Name it was presented excepting Stephen the Monk of Antioch Nevertheless Constantine told them That for the full Satisfaction of the Council they ought to bring a Profession of Faith in the next Action Hereupon George came near the Emperor and prayed him to order Vitalian's Name to be put into the Dypticks again which had been crossed out only by reason of the Delay of the Apocrisiarii of Rome sent to Constantinople The Emperor ordered it to be done forthwith and his Order was approved by the Exclamations of the Bishops who wished him a long Life as also to Pope Agatho and to George Patriarch of Constantinople There remained none but Macarius and those of his Patriarchate who had not declared themselves The Council having obliged this Patriarch to deliver his Opinion he declared That he did not own two Wills nor two Operations in Christ but one only Operation and one Will Deivirile After that Declaration he was ordered to rise up out of his Place to make answer Four Bishops of his Patriarchate forsook him and received Agatho's Letter and Doctrine They produced two Professions of Faith of Macarius In the latter which is the longer after having explained himself very clearly about the distinction of the two Natures he says it is the same Person that acts and suffers that it is God that acts and suffers by the Manhood and according to his divine Will which only acts in Jesus Christ it being impossible there should be in him two contrary or like Wills He adds for a Proof of his Assertion that in the celebration of the unbloody Mysteries in our Churches we are made Partakers of Christ's Body and Blood which is not a Man's Flesh but the quickning Flesh of the Word He condemns all Hereticks till Honorius Sergius and Paul which he commends as Teachers of the Truth Macarius owns in the Council these Professions of Faith and protests he will suffer himself to be torn in pieces or thrown into the Sea rather than own two Wills and two natural Operations in Christ Then they examined all the Testimonies which he had alledged and it was found that he had falsified them which provoked the Bishop's Indignation against him insomuch that they deposed him In the next Action held the eighth of March they went on in the Examination of the Quorations alledged by Macarius and received the Declaration of Theodorus of Melitina and Act. ix of the Bishops and Clerks that had approved his Memoir wherein they promised to give a Profession of Faith in the next Action The tenth Action was held the 18th of March They read the Fathers Testimonies alledged by Pope Agatho which were found right quoted They received also the Profession of Act. x. Faith of the four Bishops suspected of favouring Macarius's Party In the eleventh Action which was more numerous than the former the Deputy of the Act. xi Church of Jerusalem required That the Synodical Letter of
Iconoclasts HEre are some Authors of whose Works we will speak more at large when we treat of the Acts of the seventh Council Some Greek Authors Tarasius Photius's great Uncle who from the Emperor's Secretary was made Patriarch of Constantinople anno 785. and died in 806. wrote a Circular Letter about Images two Letters directed to Pope Adrian and an Apologetick Oration upon his Election Epiphanius Deacon of Catana in Sicily recited a Panegyrick in the seventh Council Basil of Ancyra offered a Confession of Faith to the same Synod Theodosius Bishop of Ammorium made a Writing upon the same Subject ELIAS Cretensis THis Author made some Commentaries upon S. Gregory Nazianzen's Works which are printed in the second Volume of that Father's Works He hath done the same also upon the Works Elias of some other Greek Fathers which are found Manuscript in Libraries He wrote Answers to Dionysius the Monk's 8 Questions which are extant in Greek and Latin in the fifth Book of the Greek and Roman Law l. 5. p. 194. GEORGE SYNCELLUS and THEOPHANES GEORGE SYNCELLUS of the Patriarch Tarasius made a Chronicon from the Creation of the World to the Reign of Maximinus and Maximinianus anno 300 which hath George c. been continued by Theophanes a Monk to the Reign of Leo Armericus anno 813. they are printed the one at Paris 1652. and the other 1655. Councils held in the Eighth Century The Assembly of Barkhamstead in the Kingdom of Kent WIGHTHRED King of Kent held an Assembly Anno 697. which Birchwald Bishop of Canterbury assisted at and Gebmond Bishop of Rochester with Assembly of Barkhamstead several of the Clergy and Laity which made some Ecclesiastical and Civil Laws The 1st ordains That the Church shall be free and enjoy her Courts of Justice Revenues and Pensions that they shall pray for the Prince and voluntarily submit to his Orders The 2d That the Fine for infringing the Justice of the Church shall be 50 Pence as that of the King's Justice is The 3d ordains That the Adulterers of the Laity shall be put to Penance and they of the Clergy shall be deposed The 4th That Foreigners guilty of that crime shall be expelled the Realm The 5th and 6th That those of the Nobility overtaken in that sin shall be fined in 100 Pence and the Peasant in 50. The 7th permits an Ecclesiastical Person guilty of Adultery if he break off that habit to continue in the Priesthood provided that he have not maliciously refused to administer Baptism or that he be not a Drunkard The 8th imports That if one with the Tonsure that is a Monk do not keep his Rule he shall retire into an hospitium with permission The 9th That the Slaves affranchised before the Altar shall enjoy their liberty and be capable of Succession and of the other Rights of Free Persons The three next Canons punish with pecuniary Mulcts those who set their Slaves to work or to go a Journey on a Sunday The four following appoint Corporal Punishments or Fines against those who sacrifice to Devils The 17th imports That the Bishop's and the King's word ought to be believed without any Oath The 18th That Abbots shall swear as Priests do and that the Priests shall swear before the Altar by saying simply I speak the truth in Jesus Christ and I lie not that the Deacons shall take the same Oath The 19th That other Clerks shall take four persons more with them to clear themselves by Oath and that they shall lay one of their hands upon the Altar The 20th That strangers shall not be obliged to bring other persons with them The 21st That the Peasants shall present themselves with four persons more and shall bow the head before the Altar The 22d declares That the Causes of the Bishops Clients belong to the Ecclesiastical Court The 23d ordains That if any body impeach a Slave his Master may purge him with his bare Oath provided he take the Eucharist but if he taketh it not he must put in Bail or submit to the Penalty The 24th That a Clergy-man shall purge his Slave with his bare Oath The 25th That he that kills a Robber is not liable to pay any Sum for that Death The 26th That he that shall be catched carrying something away shall be punished with Death Banishment or Fine according to the King's will That he that got hold on him shall have half the Fine but if he kills him he shall be fined in 70 Pence The 27th That he that helps the flight of a Slave who hath robbed his Master shall be fined in 70 Pence and he that killeth him shall pay the worth of him The 28th That the Strangers and Vagabonds which run up and down the Country without blowing the Horn or crying aloud shall be used as High-way-men These Laws are followed with some Canons concerning the Pecuniary Compensation of the Wrongs done to the Church or the Priesthood They were found in the same Monument but it is not known whose they are nor at what time they were written Councils held in England about the matter of Wilfrid FEW Men have been more molested and cross'd in their Life than Wilfrid Abbot of Rippon and afterwards Bishop of York He was a Native of Northumberland born towards the year Councils of England 634. He left his Country to go to Rome where he was instructed in the discipline of that Church Thence he returned to Lyons and there he received the Tonsure from Delphin Bishop of that City who was murder'd soon after by Ebroin's order After his death Wilfrid was called home by Alfrid eldest Son of Oswi King of Northumberland who gave him the Monastery of Rippon founded by him in the Bishoprick of York He was ordain'd Priest by Hagilbert Bishop of Dorcester He was present at the Conference held at Streneshall before the King about the difference between the Church of Rome and the ancient British and Irish Churches about Easter-day and there he maintain'd the usage of the Roman Church against Colman an Irish Man Afterward he was nominated to the Arch-bishoprick of York and passed over into France to get himself ordain'd there being then but one Bishop in England He was consecrated by Angilbert Bishop of Paris and Eleven Bishops assisted at that Ceremony During his absence they that stood for the usage of the Irish Churches perswaded King Oswi to put into the Church of York Ceadde Abbot of Listinguen who was consecrated by one English and two British Bishops S. Wilfrid after his return did immediately retire into his Monastery and after that he was called out into Mercia where the King gave him Lichfield to erect a Bishoprick or a Monastery there After the death of Adeodatus Bishop of Canterbury he perform'd for some time the Episcopal Functions in that Church till Theodorus obtained that See This Man re-established S. Wilfrid in the Arch-bishoprick of York and deprived Ceadde who did very patiently bear
thought that the principal Regard ought to be had to the Text of the Gospel for fear it should cause a Scandal in the Church of God if the Opinions of the Fathers should not be well understood or the Passages taken out of them should be corrupted That it was after this manner that the disturbance which happen'd at Tours in the Presence of Gerald and in the same City in the presence of Hildebrand was appeas'd and that this Plague which began to spread it self afresh had been stop'd by the Command of the Prince and by the Authority of the Arch-bishop of Besanzon That thereupon he had taken up a Resolution to hold no more Conferences nor to enter into any Dispute upon that Subject and that he would never give his Consent for the holding of any Assembly upon that Affair That if any such should be holden he would not be at it That he would not give Audience to the Disputants and would exclude such as continu'd obstinate from the Communion because this Business had been determin'd thrice in the Province and four times by the Sentence of the Holy See At last Gregory VII willing to put an end to what he had begun whilst Legat cited Berenger to a Council held at Rome in December 1078. and gave him time to consider what The Council of Rome in 1078. under Gregory vii against Berenger he had to do till the next Council which was held the next Year in February Berenger did still adhere to his Opinion and maintain'd it very vigorously Bruno afterwards Bishop of Signi and Abbot Wolphelmus oppos'd him The Question was debated between them for three Days and at last Berenger was forc'd to make his Recantation drawn up in these Terms I Berenger believe in my Heart and confess with my Mouth That the Bread and Wine which are upon the Altar are substantially chang'd by the Mystery of the Priest and by the Words of our Saviour into the true proper and quickening Body and Blood of our The second Profession of Faith made by Berenger Lord JESUS CHRIST which came out of his Side And not only figuratively and by virtue of the Sacrament but truly properly and substantially according to the Intention of these Presents and as I have read and you understand it This is my Faith contrary to which I will not for the future broach any Doctrin So help me God and the Holy Evangelists After this the Pope conjur'd Berenger by the Almighty God and by the Holy Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul never to dispute again with any Person about the Body and Blood of JESUS CHRIST unless to undeceive those on whom he had impos'd Upon this Declaration he granted Berenger a Letter directed to the Arch-bishop of Tours and to the Bishop of Anger 's wherein he declar'd to them That he had taken Berenger into his Protection and enjoin'd them to defend him against Fulcus Richinus the Count of Anger 's who bore him an ill Will and against all his Enemies He likewise granted him a Bull which excommunicates those who should attempt any thing against his Person or Estate or should call him Heretick These Favours granted by Gregory VII to Berenger gave an Occasion to the Bishops who exhibited a Decree against this Pope in a Council held at Bresse in the Year 1080. to accuse him of being a Disciple or at least a Favourer of that Heretick But this Charge against this Pope was groundless and unjust since he had not entertain'd Berenger till after he had abjur'd his Heresy Tho' perhaps he was too easy in giving Credit to the Words of so unconstant a Man In Truth it appears that Berenger did persist in teaching his Heresy since he was forc'd to appear at a Council held at Bordeaux The Council of Bordeaux in 1080. against Berenger in the Year 1080. by Hugh the Pope's Legat at first Bishop of Dia and afterwards Arch-bishop of Lions and there to give an Account of his Faith as 't is recorded in the Chronicon of S. Maixant This is the last Scene wherein Berenger appear'd He spent the rest of his Life in the Isle of S. Cosmus near the City of Tours to which Place he retir'd after the Council of Rome and dy'd there Jan. 6. 1088. An ancient Author to be met with in the Library of Fleury William of Malmsbury Of Berenger's Repentance Matthew of Paris Vincent of Beauvais and several other more modern Authors tell us That Berenger was a real Convert and that he died a sincere Penitent being heartily sorry for having infected so many with his Error Clarius a Monk of Fleury and the Authors of the Chronicon of S. Peter the Lively of Sens and of the Chronicon of S. Martin of Tours speak very much in his Praise We have likewise two noble Epitaphs made in his Praise the one by Baudry Abbot of Bourgneil and afterwards Bishop of Dol and the other by Hildebert Arch-deacon of Mans who was afterwards Bishop of that City and at last Arch-bishop of Tours In a Word his Memory is still had in veneration at Tours where they say that the Prebendaries of S. Martins have a Custom of paying him their Respects every Year 'T is probable that these Authors who believe the real Presence would never have bestow'd so many Encomiums on Berenger if they had not been fully convinc'd of his Conversion And yet we find that Lanfrank in his Fiftieth Letter written since the Year 1080. to Reginald Abbot of S. Cyprian of Poitiers and the anonymous Author of a Treatise written in the Year 1088. and publish'd by Father Chifflet speak of him still as an Heretick without mentioning his Conversion in the least We find that after his return from Rome he was oblig'd to give an Account of his Faith to the Council of Bordeaux But that which raises the greatest cause of suspecting his Conversion is That after his second Return from Rome to France he compos'd a Treatise in opposition to his last Profession of Faith as Father Mabillon who had seen the Manuscript assures us The which being joined to the Testimony of Berthol Priest of Constance who says positively That Berenger had not chang'd his Opinion seems to destroy all that has been said about his Repentance or at least shews that it was very late and that he did not change his Opinion till a little before his Death Notwithstanding his Retractations and Repentance several of his Followers persisted in The Followers of Berenger their Error but by degrees this Heresie was extirpated One Anastasius a Monk of S. Sergius of Anger 's was forc'd to abjure it and to deliver a Profession of his Faith to Gerald Abbot of S. Aubin of that City related by Father Luke Dachery in his Notes upon the Life of Lanfrank The Fathers of the Council of Placentia in the Year 1095. condemn'd the Heresie of Berenger afresh And lastly Bruno Arch-bishop of Treves drove out of
private Converse with ignorant Men and at the same time to own the Orthodox Truth before the Councils rather out of fear of Death than for the sake of Truth he avoided Persons of clearer Heads who could pass a sound Judgment upon his Discourses That if he could once Discourse with him in the presence of sensible Men he would convince him what an ill use he made of several Passages of the Fathers which were either false or corrupted or ill explain'd That not being content to Teach his Errors with his Mouth he likewise spread them through the World by the Writings which his Disciples publish'd That his first Writings had been Examin'd and Condemn'd by Pope Nicholas of blessed Memory in a Council at Rome of One hundred and thirteen Bishops in which Council Berenger himself had thrown them into the Fire and promis'd upon Oath that he would never swerve from the Faith of the Fathers nor Teach any more the Doctrin which he had advanc'd about the Body and Blood of JESUS CHRIST That he had since that broke his Oath by Writing against that Synod against the Catholick Faith and the Doctrin of all the Churches That this is the Treatise which he undertakes to refute by repeating his own Words and giving them an Answer afterwards Berenger gave out that the Confession which they had made him sign at Rome under Pope Nicholas was prepared contrary to the Catholick Faith by Humbert whom by way of Contempt he calls the Burgundian Lanfrank asserts That this Confession was not Humbert's but His the Pope's and the Council's who all had approv'd of it He likewise recites Berenger's other Confession under Pope Gregory VII and defends Humbert Berenger said That this Man was of the Opinion or rather of the Fooleries of the Mob of Pascasius and of Lanfrank who believe that after Consecration the substance of the Bread and Wine were no longer upon the Altar Lanfrank shews him that this was not any particular Opinion but the Doctrin of the Church of the Councils and of the Popes who had condemn'd him Berenger adds That tho' Humbert was of this Opinion yet he had destroy'd his own Argument before he was aware because in saying that the Bread and Wine which are on the Altar are either only the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of JESUS CHRIST or are only the Body and Blood of JESUS CHRIST he supposed that there was both Bread and Wine upon the Altar After Lanfrank had taken notice that if there were any Ambiguity or Contradiction in the Words of that Confession the Blame lay at Berenger's Door since he had approv'd of and Sworn to it and was not allow'd to Swear that he would hold two Contraries he observes that the two Propositions which he starts are neither the Councils nor Cardinal Humbert's That the first belongs to Berenger and his Followers and that the second is maintain'd by none for tho' the Church believes that the Bread and Wine are chang'd into the Body and Blood of our Saviour yet it acknowledges that this Mystery is the Sacrament of the Passion of our Lord of his Mercy of the Concord and Union and of the Incarnation That besides when the name of Bread is given to the Body of JESUS CHRIST 't is a figurative and mystical way of Speaking and that 't is so call'd because 't is made of Bread and retains the Qualities of Bread and because it nourishes the Soul after an incomprehensible manner as the Bread nourishes the Body 'T is upon this Principle that he answers the logical Evasions which Berenger makes about these terms of Bread and Wine He replies likewise to the Passages of the Fathers which he alledges to prove that the Bread and Wine still remain in this Sacrament by shewing that 't is the external Appearance of Bread and Wine which is the Sacrament and the Sign of the invisible Body and Blood of JESUS CHRIST Berenger asks how it can be said That the Body of JESUS CHRIST which is incorruptible is broken and eat in this Bread Lanfrank replies That the Just who live by Faith need not concern themselves how the Bread and Wine become the Body and Blood of JESUS CHRIST by an essential change of its Nature That the Belief of the Church is That the Body of JESUS CHRIST is so Broken and Eat in the Eucharist that it does not hinder it from being incorruptible and impassible in the Heavens That we eat it Corporeally when we receive it from the Hand of the Priest and that we likewise eat it Spiritually by Faith He moreover produces the Passage out of the Council of Ephesus which says that this Flesh which we Eat in the Eucharist is the proper quickening Flesh of the Divine LOGOS After he had thus Answer'd Berenger he explains his own Sentiments in these Terms We believe that the terrestrial Substances which are Sanctified at the holy Table by the divine Efficacy and Ministry of the Priest are converted after an Ineffable Incomprehensible and Miraculous manner by the Operation of the supreme Power into the essential Body of our Saviour their Appearances remaining with their Qualities for fear Men should be struck with Horror if they were to Eat raw and bloody Flesh and that they believing what they did not see their Faith merited the greater Reward That notwithstanding this the Body of JESUS CHRIST remains still in Heaven at the Right Hand of his Father Immortal Entire without Defect and Impassible So that we may truly say that we do and do not receive the same Body which is Born of the Virgin because 't is the same with respect to the Essence Propriety and Efficacy of its Nature And 't is not the same if we consider the Appearances of Bread and Wine and the other Qualities This says he is the Doctrine which the whole Catholick Church has always held and does still hold He recites a great many Passages out of S. Ambrose and S. Augustin to strengthen this He explains in what Sense it may be said that the Eucharist is an Appearance a Figure or a Sacrament That 't is the Appearance of the Bread and Wine which were there before the Consecration and which are chang'd into the Body and Blood of JESUS CHRIST That we beg of God in a Prayer that we may comprehend according to the Truth and Reality of Things that which we perform under Types and Figures thereby taking the Word Truth for a clear manifestation of those very Things without a Type and without a Figure That the Eucharist is likewise a Sign and Sacrament of the Passion of our Lord and Saviour That lastly 't is call'd Bread and Wine because 't is customary to call Things by the name of those Things out of which they are made and to which they are like The Berengerians objected That if the Bread were chang'd into the Body of JESUS CHRIST It was necessary for this Change that either the Bread should be carry'd up
baptiz'd by a Laick under this form I Baptize you in the Name of God and of the Holy and true Cross whether the Baptism had been Valid or whether providing the Child had liv'd it must have been Baptiz'd again St. Bernard is of the mind that it had been well Baptiz'd because he cannot think that the difference in words can prejudice the Truth of the Faith and the good Intention of him that Baptiz'd it His reason is because under the word God the Trinity is comprehended and by Adding the Holy and True Cross he had made mention of our Saviour That when one is baptiz'd according to the Custom of the Church in the Name of the Father Son and Holy Ghost and as we may read in the Acts of the Apostles that some were baptiz'd in the Name of Jesus Christ only it cannot be doubted but that those who have been baptiz'd in the Name of the Holy Cross have been sufficiently sanctify'd insomuch that the Confession of the Cross implys the Confession of Jesus Christ Crucify'd Moreover that in respect of him who had baptiz'd his simplicity and good Intention excus'd him but nevertheless that if any should endeavour to Introduce this manner of Baptism they would be Inexcusable This Opinion of St. Bernard disagrees with that of the Divines who maintain that Baptism of this kind is ipso facto Null and Void The Four Hundred and Fourth is Address'd to Albert a Recluse Monk who desir'd of St. Bernard that he might fast after his own fashion and Permit Women to enter into his Cell St. Bernard Answers that he has no power to Command him but that he has several times Advis'd him to Eat at least once a day to receive no visits from Women and to live by hard Labour In the Four Hundred and Fifth he takes Notice to an Abbot that one of his Monks was qualify'd to be Profess'd and therefore he ought not to dispense with him The Four Hundred and Sixth is Address'd to the Abbot of St. Nicholas in the Woods to whom he recommends a certain Monk In the Four Hundred and Seventh he blames Odon Abbot of Beaulieu for not having paid a Legacy to a Poor Man and tells him he had better have Sold a Chalice from the Altar than have suffer'd this Person to want In the Four Hundred and Eighth he recommends to William Abbot of the Regular Canons of St. Martin of Troyes a Clerk who had a mind to retire from the World and who was not able to undergo the way of Living at Clairvaux In the Four Hundred and Ninth Address'd to Rorgon Abbot of Abbeville he makes him a compliment upon his desiring to see him and desires him to bestow a spare piece of Ground belonging to his Abby to the Monks of Alchy In the Four Hundred and Tenth he recommends to Gilduin Abbot of St. Victor of Paris Peter Lombard who was come from Bulloign in France and had been recommended to St. Bernard by the Bishop of Lucca The Four Hundred and Eleventh is written to Thomas Provost of Beverlake in England and contains Exhortations to a Holy Life The Letter following is written upon the same subject to a young Man who had enter'd into a Vow to embrace a Monastick Life In the Four Hundred and Thirteenth he recommends a Probationary Monk to Rainaud Abbot of Foigny Advising him to send him back after he had corrected his Faults In the Letter following he blames a Monk of this Monastery for having Oppos'd the return of this Person By the Four Hundred and Fifteenth he exhorts a Man to perform the Vow he had made to become a Monk of Clairvaux In the Four Hundred and Sixteenth he Answers a certain Person who had complain'd to him that he had had no share of the Alms given by Count Thibaud that he was not concern'd in the Distribution of them The Two following Letters contain nothing remarkable These are all the Letters which are most commonly Ascrib'd to St. Bernard tho' Father Mabillon has Added some others which are doubtful and might very probably have been written by other Persons He also adds some Charters which may reasonably admit of the same doubt all which nevertheless continue the foregoing Numbers The Four Hundred and Nineteenth is An Exhortation to Probationers the which Father Mabillon believes does not belong to St. Bernard by reason that the Stile is more restrain'd and contains Maxims unlike those of St. Bernard such as this That we must Praise God even for our Damnation It likewise appears to me that this Letter differs in stile from those of St. Bernard The Two following Letters are also Unlike the stile of St. Bernard The Four Hundred and Twenty Second is only a short Billet Address'd to King Lewis The Four Hundred and Twenty Third is a draught of a Letter concerning the Croisade which might probably be his as well as the Letter following He therein recommends the Son of Count Thibaud going to the Holy War to Emanuel Commenes Emperour of Constantinople The Four Hundred and Twenty Fifth is a Copy of the Twenty Sixth Letter of St. Bernard The Four Hundred and Twenty Sixth is a Judgment by Arbitration pronounc'd by St. Bernard between Hugh Bishop of Auxerre and William Count of that City The Four Hundred and Twenty Seventh is a Letter from Geofrey Bishop of Chartres to Stephen Bishop of Paris by which he advises him to Refer himself to St. Bernard touching the dispute he had with Stephen de Guarlande The Four Hundred and Twenty Eighth from Bernard Abbot of St. Anastasius to St. Bernard Abbot of Clairvaux concerning a disobedient and haughty Monk The Four Hundred and Twenty Ninth is an Elogium of St. Bernard sent to him by Hugh Metellus a Regular Canon of St. Leon. The Four Hundred and Thirtieth is a Letter from the same written to St. Bernard which contains an Apology for his Monastery The Four Hundred and Thirty First is also from the same written in the Name of Siebaud Abbot of St. Leon to Abbot William to excuse him for having Answer'd the Calumnies of Herbert with too great severity The Two following Letters are written by Haimon Arch-Deacon of Chalons to St. Bernard In the First he acquaints him with his sickness and in the other he sends to him for his Sermons The Four Hundred and Thirty Fourth is a Letter Address'd to St. Bernard to excuse Thierri Bishop of Amiens from his Voyage to the Holy Land The Four Hundred and Thirty Fifth is a Charter by which Sampson Arch-Bishop of Rheims gives to the the Congregation of Clairvaux the Church of Mores which he had Obtain'd from the Monks of St. Denys there to Build a Monastery of his Order By the Four Hundred and Thirty Sixth Henry Bishop of Troyes makes the like Gifts of the Church of Billencourt to the Abby of Clairvaux The Four Hundred and Thirty Seventh is a Letter of Hugh Cardinal Bishop of Ostia to the general Chapter of Cisteaux concerning
insight both into Logick and Sophistry to discern good Argumentations from false Ones He maintains that without Logick 't is very difficult to refute Hereticks The Fifth is writ to St. Bernard about the Intelligence which Abaelard had received from Heloissa Abbess of Paraclete that that Saint coming to that Monastery had observed them to repeat the Lord's Prayer quite different from what was done in other Churches and looked upon it as a Novelty which he though Abaelard had introduc'd All the difference consisted in that they said our Super-substantial Bread instead of our Daily Bread Abaelard observes that the first Phrase being in the Text of St. Matthew who has given us the Lord's Prayer more entire and compleat than Saint Luke and whose Phrases are follow'd except in this it seem'd more reasonable to change nothing in the Text and to make use of the Phrase which St. Matthew has used than to insert into St. Matthew's Text a Phrase taken out of St. Luke's Gospel That therefore one ought not to accuse those of a Novelty who in repeating the Lord's-Prayer say Give us our Super-substantial Bread instead of our Daily Bread since they are the very Words used by St. Matthew whose Form was follow'd That however he did not blame the contrary Usage but that he did not believe this Usâ—ge was to be preferâ—'d to the Truth and the rather because the Greek Church had retain'd the proper Terms of St. Matthew's Gospel That St. Bernard had the least reason of any Man to find fault with this Alteration since there were in his Order a great many Novelties contrary to the Ancient Customs and Usages of the Monks and Clerks even in the Divine Service such as for instance the Singing of New Hymns the Singing of the same Hymn on different Festivals the not repeating the Suffrages which were elsewhere said after the Lord's Prayer the omitting the Commemoration of the Virgin and of the Saints at the End of the Office the having excluded almost entirely the Usage of Processions the Singing Allelujah even to Quinquagesima-Sunday the not reciting the Apostles Creed at Prime and the Vespers and the Singing of the Invitatory the Hymn and the Gloria Patri the last three days in the holy Week Tho' those Practices were contrary to the common Usage of the Church yet Saint Bernard did not think himself oblig'd to leave them because he esteem'd them more reasonable and more Conformable to the Rule From hence Abaelard concludes that upon a stronger Reason one could not well disapprove the Alteration which he had made in the Lord's Prayer tho' it might seem a Novelty and the Rather because the Novelties which are prohibited are not those of Expressions but those of Opinions since the Church has invented new Phrases to explain our Mysteries That Lastly there be a World of different Customs in the Church with respect to Ceremonies That in Rome no Church beside the Lateran observes the ancient Usage of the holy See That in Milan only the Cathedral Church observes its ancient Rites That the Church of Lions is the only Church which has retain'd it's Ancient Office and that the Diversity of Ceremonies has likewise it's Advantages Lastly he concludes by saying that every one might abound in his own Sense and repeat the Lord's Prayer in the way which he should think most proper That he does not pretend to perswade others to imitate him therein That he left those who would at their Liberty to change the Words of Jesus Christ but for his part he would endeavour all he could to keep to the proper Terms of Jesus Christ as well as to his Words The sixth Letter is an Exhortation to the Religious of Paraclete to study that they might be capable of Reading and understanding the Holy Scriptures It hardly consists of any thing else but passages out of Saint Jerom upon that Subject He congratulates their Happiness in having such a Learned Abbess as was able to teach them Latin Greek and Hebrew the Languages which were necessary for their rightly understanding of the Scriptures He recommends to them the having recourse to the Original Text which is the foundation of all Versions and to study Hebrew and Greek the Study whereof he complains was very much neglected in his Time He wishes that those Nuns would recover that Learning which the Men had suffer'd to be lost And takes notice that they might apply themselves to it the more easily because they were less Capable of working with their Hands than Men and were the more oblig'd to it by the Quietness and Sedateness of their Lives and because the Weakness of their Sex render'd them more liable to temptations which they might divert by being thus employ'd The Seventh is a Panegyrick on Saint Stephen dedicated to the Nuns of Paraclete From the year 1121. wherein Abaelard was forc'd in the Council of Soissons to cast his Book The Charge brought agaiâ—st Abaelard of Theology into the Fire he had met with no disturbance about his Doctrine tho' he had still continu'd to write and teach the same things as before The first who renew'd the Charge of Errors against him was Wiliam Abbot of Saint Thierry who having read two Books of Theology compos'd by Peter Abaelard and therein found such Propositions as put him to some disturbance and which he thought to be contrary to sound Doctrine sent an account of them to Geofrey Bishop of Chartres and to Saint Bernard Abbot of Clairvaux exhorting them to declare themselves against those Novelties and to get them to be condemn'd His Letter is the three hundred and twenty sixth among the Letters of Saint Bernard He therein says that he is very much abash'd to speak his mind at a time wherein those whose duty it was to do it held their Peace but that he could not be silent when he saw the Faith of the Church corrupted by Very Dangerous Errors and the rather because the Contest was about the Faith which related to the Trinity the Person of our Mediator the Holy Ghost the Grace of Jesus Christ and the Sacrament of our Redemption and because the New Notions which Peter Abaelard taught and writ were spread through the World and taught and Maintain'd publickly and had as 't is said some repute even in the Court of Rome He exhorts Geofrey and Saint Bernard to undertake the Defence of the Faith and tells them that he apply'd himself more particularly to them because Abaelard fear'd them more than all the World beside He afterwards relates thirteen Propositions which he said he had taken out of the Writings of Abaelard viz. 1. That the defin'd Faith to be the Idea of things not seen 2. That he asserts that the Names of Father Son and Holy Ghost are not properly applicable to God But that 't is only a Description of the Plentitude of the Soveraign Good 3. That the Father is a full Power the Son a Certain Power and the holy Ghost no
attributed to such as do not deserve to be look'd upon as Pupils who without adhering to the Rules of Art employ themselves in setting Words in order and devising Sophisms with which they surprize ignorant and unthinking People after the same manner as silly Flies are soon catch'd in a Cobweb Philosophy may well cry out that her Garments are snatch'd away and that her Body is torn in Pieces so that there is no Elder left to comfort her neither is she any longer capable of administring comfort to any Elder These Abuses most Holy Father require your powerful Hand to reform them and that you should establish by your sovereign Authority an Uniformity of Teaching Learning and Disputing lest the most noble Science of Divinity should become contemptible lest it should be said that JESUS CHRIST is here or there or lest Holy Things should be thrown to Dogs and Pearls cast before Swine In the Two hundred fifty fifth Letter he inveighs against another Abuse that is to say Appeals made to the Holy See by Inferiors to avoid the correction of their Superiors and requires that Prelates and Abbots should be invested with an absolute Power to correct their Inferiors and to change the Officers that depend on their Jurisdiction without any manner of obstruction made by the means of Appeals to the Court of Rome In the Two hundred sixty second Letter he enlarges on the Commendation of Queen Ingelburga the Wife of Philip King of France and advises her in the following not to suffer her Marriage to be dissolv'd The other Letters do not contain any thing very remarkable The whole number of them amounts to Two hundred eighty and seven in the last Edition set forth by Father du Moulinet and Printed at Paris A. D. 1689. altho' there were only Two hundred and forty in that of Masson in 1611. The Style of these Letters is concise and close but the Terms are not always pure nor well Chosen nevertheless they afford much satisfaction to the Reader by reason that the Conceptions are regular and natural The Authors who wrote against the Albigeois and Vaudois GRETSER brought to light A. D. 1614. three Authors who wrote against the Albigeois and Vaudois in the end of the Twelfth Century These three Writers are Ebrard of Bethune in the Province of Artois Bernard Abbot of Fontcaud and Ermengard or Ermengaud Ebrard of Bethune EBRARD OF BETHUNE confutes in his Work 1. The Error of the Manichees concerning the Law of Moses and the Prophets by shewing That the Law ought not to be rejected that the Patriarchs and the Prophets were Saved and that it is the true God who gave the Law and created the World Afterwards he passes to other Errors common to all the Hereticks of that time about the Sacraments and the Customs of the Church and establishes against them the following Doctrines viz. That Children ought to be baptiz'd that it is lawful to marry that the Sacrifice of the Eucharist contains the Body of JESUS CHRIST that none but Priests have the Power or Right of offering and that they ought to do it in the Churches That the Unction of the Sick is profitable that Pilgrimages upon account of Devotion are commendable that it is lawful to take a true Oath that Malefactors may be punished and even put to Death that we shall rise again in the the future State with the same Body that we now have that Faith ought to be preferr'd to good Works that Crosses ought to be honour'd that Women shall be Saved and rise again with the distinction of their Sex that Salvation may be obtain'd by different means and in different States and that it is lawful to eat Flesh Lastly he shews that those Hereticks are culpable in regard that they conceal themselves and that altho' they boast of renouncing the Possessions of this World yet they endeavour to enrich themselves by other means that they mistake the meaning of Holy Scripture and that all the Characters of Hereticks agree with them He adds That some of them call themselves Valois and others Xabatates that they are wont to tear off their Shoos and that they continually expose themselves during the whole Day to the heat of the Sun till Supper-time when they appear in the publick Places He concludes this Treatise with a Catalogue of all the Hereticks taken out of Isidorus and with the Resolution of divers Questions propos'd by him Bernard Abbot of Fontcaud The second Author who is BERNARD Abbot of Fontcaud dedicated his Book to Pope Lucius III. and consutes the Vaudois whom Bernard Arch-bishop of Narbonne had twice condemned after having heard their several Pleas. He makes particular mention of the Obedience due to Popes and Prelates He declaims against the permission that those People allow Lay-men and even Women to Preach against their Assertion that the Alms Fastings Sacrifices and Prayers of the Living do not avail any thing with respect to the Dead against those who deny Purgatory and maintain that Humane Souls are neither in Heaven nor Hell till the Day of Judgment and against their Asseverations that the People ought not to meet in the Churches to pray Thus this Author positively opposes none but the Vaudois Ermengard The Third nam'd ERMENGARD at first impugns the Errors of the Manichees about the old Law Marriage the Incarnation Passion Death and Resurrection of JESUS CHRIST and afterwards passes to other Errors concerning the Sacraments and Church-Discipline He proves that it is requisite to have Churches and Altars That the singing of the praises of God is useful and reasonable That the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of JESUS CHRIST ought to be celebrated in the Church and that the Words of its Institution ought to be understood in a proper and not in a figurative Sense That Baptism is necessary for Salvation and that it ought even to be administer'd to young Children That Repentance is likewise necessary for those who have fallen into Sin and that it is composed of three Parts viz. Contrition Confession and Satisfaction and that it is requisite to make Confession to a Priest He refutes in particular the Custom that was in use among those Hereticks in the imposition of Hands which they call Consolation and which they administer'd in the following manner The Superior amongst those People after having wash'd his Hands took the Book of the Gospels and exhorted those who came to receive the Consolation to put their whole trust and hope of their Salvation therein and afterwards laying the Book of the Gospels on their Head repeated Seven times the Lord's Prayer and the beginning of St. John's Gospel from In principio to these Words Gratia Veritas per Jesum Christum facta est i. e. Grace and Truth came by Jesus Christ. Thus ended the Ceremony of their Consolation but if it should happen that no Superior is present then one of the Comforted performs the same Ceremony and even Women do
the same Subject And in the sixtieth he declar'd That all the Presentations made in the Archbishoprick of York without the consent of that Archbishop upon pretence of his being suspended were nothing In the sixty first he determin'd That an excommunicate Person who before he died acknowledged his fault and designed to come to Rome to receive Absolution ought not to be denied Ecclesiastical Burial Here are the words of his Answer which may very well deserve your attention The Judgment of God is always founded on infallible Truth but the Judgment of the Church often depends upon an opinion which may be under a mistake Upon this account it sometimes happens that he who is bound before God is free before the Church and he that is free before God is bound by an Ecclesiastical Sentence The Chain wherewith the Sinner is bound before God is loosened by a Remission of the Fault but that wherewith he is bound in respect of the Church is loosen'd only by Absolution from the Sentence which appears in the Resurrection of Lazarus whom our Saviour first raises again and then orders the Apostles to untie him So the Man concerning whom he is talking having promised with an Oath to obey the Church and to give signs of his penitence might very well be absolved in the sight of God but not having received Absolution he is not so in respect of the Church Yet the Church could and ought to remedy this that is because his penitence was true by the plain marks he gave thereof while he lived it could give him Absolution after his Death And it signifies nothing that the power of binding and unbinding was not granted the Church in respect of dead men so that it cannot bind or unbind any but what are upon the Earth or as it is written cannot communicate with a man that is dead with whom it did not communicate while he was living for although it did not communicate with him yet it ought to have done it it not being any ill will to Religion but an inevitable accident which hindred him from receiving absolution And we read in the Canons that the Church has bound and unbound the dead He order'd that this Absolution be desired of the Holy See the case for which he was to be absolved being a reserved case that it should be performed with a penitential Psalm the Lord's Prayer and the Prayer used upon that occasion and that his Heirs should make satisfaction In the sixty second he order'd a certain Lord to reserve a Treasure which had been found in a Country of the Patrimony of St. Peter as belonging of right to the Holy See The sixty third is written to the Archbishop of Sens about the Dean of Nevers whom having been suspected of Heresy he sends back to him with orders to reestablish him after he had canonically cleared himself by the witness of fourteen Priests In the sixty fourth he confirm'd the Order made by the Bishop of Osma in Spain to have none but Regular Canons in his Church and some other Constitutions which he had made In the sixty fifth he wrote to the same Bishop and determin'd that such of the Clergy as were notoriously scandalous in keeping Concubines ought to be condemned without Witnesses or Accusers but that such whose Crime was not so notorious but that it might admit of some doubt could not be condemned but upon the deposition of Witnesses and not on simple Declarations In the sixty sixth he declar'd That those Laicks who keep any of the Clergy in prison incur excommunication as well as those who give them ill treatment That such as communicate with an excommunicated Person so as to partake of or contribute to his Crimes cannot be absolved of the Excommunication which they incur but by him who excommunicated the Person with whom they communicated or by his Superiour But if they communicated with them only so as to eat or drink with them or in any other manner without partaking of their Crimes then they might be absolved by their own Bishop or any other Priest Lastly he determin'd that not only those who have contracted two valid Marriages are to be accounted Bigamous but those too who have contracted such as were nulled because that although they were not in facto Bigamous for want of the Sacrament yet the Intention of being so was the same and there was a Fault committed besides therefore he would not have a Dispensation granted such as there is to other Bigamous Persons By the sixty seventh he confirm'd the Dean of Toledo in his Benefice and puts him under the protection of the Holy See By the next he confirm'd an Archdeacon in his Benefices The sixty ninth is a Confirmation of the establishment of the Abbey of St. Michael of the Order of Premontre In the seventieth he order'd that the Saracens should be forced to pay their Tithes to the Parishes By the seventy first he nam'd the Bishops of Lincoln and Ely with the Abbot of St. Edmund to make up the difference between the Archbishop and Monks of Canterbury or to give Judgment in it The 72d 73d 74th 76th 79th 89th 90th 92d 93d 98th 100th 101st 102d 108th 109th 110th 116th 153d and 274th are Confirmations of the Privileges of Monastries By the seventy fifth he order'd the Archbishop of Compostella to make use of Ecclesiastical Censures to oblige the King of Leon to put away the Daughter of the King of Castille whom he had married tho she was his kin within the prohibited degrees In the seventy seventh to the Archbishop of Tours he determin'd That a Metropolitan who is infirm or has any other reasonable excuse may commission another Bishop to consecrate his Suffragans In the seventy eighth he order'd the Bishop of Castellane to take off the Interdict pronounced against the Inhabitants of his City because they had submitted and rejected him whom they had chosen Governor of the City without the consent of the Pope In the eightieth he committed to the Abbot of Fertè and to the Archdeacons of Challons the ordering of the difference between the Church of Autun and the Monastry of Baume The eighty first contains the Judgment in a Process between the Monastry of St. Owen and that de la Croix-Saint-Leufroy His Judgment is in favour of the latter according to the first Sentence in this case tho there had been a second which seemed to contradict it The seven following Letters contain a famous Sentence in favour of the Archbishop of Tours against the Church of Dol by which the Bishop of Dol is declared his Suffragan and hath the Pallium taken from him In the ninety first after having first given his Judgment that the Monks of Citeaux had acted rashly in changing the Abbys of Regular Canons which were in the Islands of Hieres into Monastries of their Order he nominated the Bishops of Marseille and Agde to make a Reform among these Regular Canons The ninety fourth is a
that the Apostolick See which had received all power of Jesus Christ for edification and not for destruction should order so horrid and pernicious a thing to humane kind because this would be a manifest Abuse of its Power that therefore one is so far from being obliged to obey such Commands as these that it is ones duty to oppose them tho they were published by an Angel from Heaven and that it is really an Act of Obedience not to receive them and therefore that the Commissaries of the Holy See could do nothing herein against him In one word he concludes That the Power of the Holy See being given only for edification and not destruction and the things hereby ordered tending manifestly to destruction and not edification it was impossible they should be granted by the Holy See This Letter of Robert's related by Matthew Paris being carried to Rome put the Pope in such a passion that he could not forbear expressing himself in very hard Terms if we may believe the above-mentioned Author who makes him speak thus What a doting old deaf impertinent Fellow is this that daresthus rashly and impudently call my Conduct in question By St. Peter and St. Paul were it not for the respect I have for his Ingenuity I would so utterly confound him that he should become the Talk and Astonishment and Example of all the World and should be lookt upon as a Prodigy Is not his Master the King of England who can with the least sign of Ours cast him into prison and cover him with Shame and Infamy Our Vassal or rather Our Slave But the Cardinals says the same Author represented to him how unfitting it was to act any thing against this Bishop that what he said was true and could not be refuted that he was a true Catholick and a very holy Man that he had more Piety and Religion than the best of them that he was of so exemplary a Life that there was not a Prelate of greater merit than he that all the Churches of England and France could bear witness to this that the truth of his Letter which was already no secret might raise the Court of Rome a great many Enemies that he had the name of a great Philosopher a Man well read in Greek and Latin zealous for the Truth and had professed Divinity and preached it with no small Reputation that his Life was blameless and that he was a Persecutor of Simoniacks Upon these accounts they advised the Pope to let it pass and make as if he had never seen the Letter But another English Historian named Henry of Knighton says that the Bishop was excommunicated But let it be how it will he remained steddy to his opinion and died in it on the 9th of October 1523 giving this Character of it to Master John of St. Giles a Dominican that it was a Heresy and an Opinion contrary to Holy Scripture to think that the Cure of Souls might be entrusted with a Child or that the Vices of the great ones were not openly to be reproved He composed many Discourses in which with a great deal of Liberty he checks the Vices and Disorders of the Clergy and some Letters which Mr. Brown has taken care to have printed in the second Volume of Fasciculus Rerum expetendarum printed at London in 1690. There was likewise printed at London in 1652 a Work of this Author 's about legal Observations He made a Commentary upon the Works of St. Dionysius the Areopagite whereof that which belongs to the Book of mystical Divinity was printed at Strasburg in 1502. He likewise translated into Latin the Testament of the twelve Patriarchs printed at Paris in 1549 and in the Bibliotheca Patrum In the Libraries of England there are many other Works of this Author to be met with among the rest A Treatise about Confession another upon Marriage a Work of the Pastoral Care Constitutions about Penance A Work of Piety with this Title The Moral Eye another with this The Doctrine of the Heart A Book of Meditations A Treatise upon the Articles of Faith Another upon the Precepts of the Decalogue c. Letters and Sermons not to speak of his profane Works as his Abridgment of the Sphere printed at Venice in 1508 and his Commentary upon Aristotle's Analyticks printed likewise at Venice in 1504 1537 and 1552. By what we have said of the Life and Writings of this Author it is plain enough what his Genius and Character was and that he had great Learning and Knowledg joined with an ardent Piety and a Zeal for the heat of it perhaps hardly excusable WILLIAM a Native of Auvergne chosen Bishop of Paris in 1228 died in 1240 is one William of the most considerable Authors of this Age for true Knowledg and solid Parts He has sufficiently shewed them both in his Works by keeping close to that which regards Piety and the Conduct of human Life without running out upon Questions of meer speculation This is the Scope to which his Principles tend and the Design which he proposed to himself in the greatest part of his Works The first of which is a Treatise intituled Of Faith and Laws in which after having shewn that the Knowledg of true Religion is the most excellent of all Knowledg and the most useful he demonstrates Faith to be the Foundation of all Religion which consists in the Belief of those things which God hath revealed to us although they be not evident Then he discovers the Causes of Error and Impiety which are 1. The ignorance of the true extent of human Knowledg 2. The distance of it from the things which we ought to believe 3. The subtilty of those things 4. Their height 5. The folly of Men who would fain by the natural Force of their Parts comprehend that which is incomprehensible 6. The want of Proofs 7. The neglect of begging help and necessary assistance of God Then he distinguishes two sorts of Articles of Faith namely those which he calls Radical and Primitive which are the Belief of William of â—aris the Existence of a God and the Trinity of Persons and those which he calls consequential and derivative which comprehend all the Articles of Christian Faith which God has revealed to his Church Then he passes on to Laws and after having spoken of the Law of Nature he with some largeness treats of the Law and Commandments of God in the Old Testament He refutes by the by the Laws and Religion of Mahomet and sets upon the Opinion of those that hold that any one may be saved in his own Law and his own Religion he stoutly encounters the different sorts of Idolatry and passing on to what concerns the Christian Religion he shows the necessity of a new Law and what the Spirit and Worship therein required is This Treatise is followed by a long Work upon the Virtues in which after having spoken of natural Virtues he shows that they are
After having been educated in the Monastry of Monte-Cassino he was sent to Naples where he studied Humanity and Philosophy He entred in 1241 into the Order of Preaching Friars notwithstanding all his Mother could do who laid hold on him and kept him close up in a Castle but nothing could conquer his Resolution for finding means to escape out of his Confinement wherein he was kept for two years he came to Paris in 1244 and from thence went to Cologn to study under Albert the Great Returning again to Paris he took the Doctor of Divinity 's Cap in 1255. He went back into Italy in 1263 and after having gone through most of the Universities teaching Scholastical Divinity he settled at Naples the Archbishoprick of which City offered him by Clement the IV. he refused In 1274 Gregory the X. called him to the Council of Lions and parting from Naples on his Journy thither he fell sick by the way in the Monastry of Fossa-Nova near Terracena and there died being fifty years old on the seventh of March the same year The number of St. Thomas's Works is prodigious They make seventeen Volumes in Folio and were printed at Venice in 1490 at Nuremberg in 1496 at Rome in 1570 at Venice in 1594 and at Cologn in 1612. The five first Tomes are Commentaries upon the Works of Aristotle The sixth and seventh a Commentary upon the four Books of the Sentences The eighth Theological Questions namely ten Questions about the Power of God sixteen Questions about Evil one Question about spiritual Creatures another about the Soul a Question of the Union of the Word a Question of Virtue in general a Question of Charity another of brotherly Correction A Question of Hope another of the Cardinal Virtues and nine and twenty of Truth and twelve Quodlibetick Questions The ninth contains the Sum of the Catholick Faith against the Gentiles divided into four Books The tenth eleventh and twelfth are a Sum of Divinity with the Commentaries of Cardinal Cajetan The thirteenth is composed of many Commentaries upon the Old Testament namely A Commentary upon the Book of Job A literal and mystical Explanation of the five first Psalms An Exposition upon the Song of Songs which they say he dictated upon his death-bed to the Monks of Fossa-Nova Commentaries upon the Prophecies of Isaiah and Jeremiah and on the Lamentations which the best Criticks think rather belongs to the English Thomas than this The fourteenth Volume contains Commentaries upon the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. John but that upon St. Matthew was made by Peter Scaliger Dominican of Verona That upon St. John was put into Method by Renaldus a Companion of St. Thomas from an Explanation which he heard of it from the Mouth of St. Thomas The fifteenth is a Chain upon the four Gospels taken from the Fathers and presented to Pope Urban IV. The sixteenth contains a Commentary upon the Epistles of St. Paul and Sermons The seventeenth Volume contains divers little Pieces of Divinity namely A Treatise against the Errors of the Greeks to Pope Urban IV. An Abridgment of Divinity to Renaldus a Monk of his Order which some with a great deal of probability ascribe to Ulric of Strasburg An Explanation of some Articles against the Greeks Armenians and Saracens addressed to the Chanter of Antioch A Treatise of the two Precepts of Charity and of the ten Commandments of the Law An Explication of the Lord's Prayer An Explication of the Salutation of the Angel An Answer about the hundred and eight Articles taken out of the Works of Peter of Tarentaise to John of Verceil General of the Order of Preaching Friars which is commonly thought to be none of St. Thomas's Another Answer addressed to the same Person about the forty two Articles An Answer about six and thirty Articles to the Reader of Venice Another Answer about six Articles to the Reader of Besanson A Treatise about the difference between the Divine Word and the Human Word A Treatise about the Nature and Origin of the Word of the Understanding A Treatise about separate Substances or of the Nature of Angels A Treatise of the Unity of the Understanding against the Averroists who hold that all Men have but one Understanding A Work against such as dissuade Men from entring themselves into a Religious Order A Treatise of the Perfection of a spiritual Life A Treatise intituled Against those that oppose the Worship of God and Religion wherein he defends the Orders of Mendicants against the Books of William of Holy Love Four Books of the Government of Princes which cannot be St. Thomas's because they talk of Adolphus succeeding Rodolphus in the Empire and Albert Adolphus which was not till many years after the Death of St. Thomas besides that the Stile is different from that of St. Thomas's Works A Treatise of the Government of the Jews A Treatise of the Form of Absolution An Explanation of the first Decretal Another Explanation of the second A Treatise of Spells Another of Judicial Astrology A Treatise of the Eternity of the World A Treatise of Destiny Thirty seven other Treatises of Logical and Physical Matters which it is not worth while to make a Catalogue of here Seven Books of the Education of Princes which are only in the Roman Edition The Office for the Feast of the Holy Sacrament composed by Order of Pope Urban the Fourth the Institutor of that Solemnity There is reason to doubt whether St. Thomas was wholly the Author of this or whether he made use therein of an Office for that Feast which had been before composed by John a Clerk of Leige which is proved by the Testimony of the Author of the Life of St. Juliana the Virgin who assures us that this John did make such an Office which consisted of Hymns Anthems Responses Lessons Chapters and Collects and by the antient Books of the Church of St. Martin of Leige among which is found a piece of this Office of the Holy Sacrament which is ascribed to St. Thomas Father Alexander the Dominican on the other side maintains that it is St. Thomas's and proves it by the Authority of William of Toco an Author contemporary with St. Thomas who puts it in the Catalogue of his Works and Ptolomy of Lucques Bishop of Toricelli a Scholar of St. Thomas's and St. Antoninus but I believe it is pretty easy to reconcile these two Opinions by saying that St. Thomas made use of the Office composed by John Clerk of Leige and inserted part of it in that which goes under his name for it is true that some of that Office is his own and he reduced it into the Form it now is in which is the reason that in the History of the Translation of the Body of St. Thomas it is only said that it was he that digested ordinavit the Office of the Holy Sacrament A Treatise of the Holy Sacrament of the Altar in two and thirty Chapters which Trithemius makes Albert the
the 16th of October That Eugenius should be cited to answer what had been produc'd against him Another Assembly was held towards the end of the year at Nuremberg to which the Pope sent the Cardinal of Sancta â—â—uze the Archbishop of Tarente John de Turrecremata and Nicholas Cusanus to act there on his behalf the Council of Basil sent thither also the Patriarch of Aquileia and other Deputies There it was propos'd That a third place might be made choice of where the Prelats of Basil and Ferrara might Assemble The Deputies of the Council having maintain'd That this Proposal was not reasonable made answer That they had no Commands about this from the Council They desired on behalf of the Council That the Princes of Germany would receive its Decrees and provide for its Security To which it was answer'd That the Emperor and Princes would make known their thoughts to the Council by their Ambassadors while those from France advis'd the Fathers of the Council to hold to the three places they had made choice of Basil Avignon and the Savoy if they could make the Pope and the Greeks agree to them if not to name many Cities among which there should be some which the Pope could not reasonably refuse The Ambassadors of the Emperor and the Princes of Germany being arriv'd at Basil declar'd to the Fathers of the Council That the Germans did acknowledge the Council for General That the Emperor meant that all those who were Assembled should have security in that place but that the Neutrality had been accepted by all the Prelats Princes and People That they honour'd the Council and Eugenius both together That they were of Opinion it was necessary for promoting Peace that the Fathers of Basil and Ferrara should meet in a third Place The Ambassadors of the other Princes joyn'd with those of Germany and desired the same thing At last after much Dispute a Project was set on foot whereby the Fathers of the Council were to name the Cities of Strasburgh Constance or Mayence That the Emperor should communicate this choice to the Pope and the Greeks within a Month and that a Month after he should be bound to accept one of these Cities That the Pope should confirm the Decrees of the Council and the Council should take off the Suspension enacted against the Pope This Project was neither acceptable to the Council of Basil nor to Pope Eugenius and so these matters remain'd in the same state in which they were In the year 1439 the Council sent Deputies to the Assembly which was held at Mayence in the Month of March The Ambassadors of the Princes who were at Basil came thither also and some persons came thither secretly on behalf of the Pope among whom was Nicholas Cusanus The Deputies of the Council urg'd earnestly That he should be oblig'd to receive its Decrees and the Ambassadors of the Princes That they would â—urcease the Decison of the Process against Eugenius After much contest the Assembly receiv'd the Decrees of the Council except those that were made against the Pope and the Deputies of the Council promised that it would consent to the desire of the Emperor the Kings and Princes on condition that they would engage to continue the Council after its Translation upon the same foot according to the same Laws the same Order and Customs which were observ'd at Basil and that in case Eugenius did not acknowledge the Truths establish'd by the Council within the time that should be prefix'd nor execute what the Council had Ordain'd they would abandon him and assist the Council and adhere to its Decision The Bishop of Quensa said That the Pope could not accept these Conditions and that the Princes would never consent to them And thus the Deputies of the Council retir'd without making any agreement After their departure two Deputies of the Pope's Legats arriv'd at Mayence and would have them revoke the Resolution of the Assembly about the Decrees of the Council of Basil which not being able to Compass they oppos'd them and made great Complaints That the Princes maintain'd the Fathers of Basil to the prejudice of the Pope's Autority During this Negotiation at Mayence the Divines which were at Basil disputed this Question The Disputes of the Divines at Basil abouâ— the Authority of a Council viz. Whether Eugenius could be declar'd a Heretick upon the account of his Disobedience and the Contempt he had shewn to the Orders of the Church Some held the Affirmative and others the Negative and among them who maintain'd the Affirmative some held him simply Heretical and others an Apostate at last after much Dispute they drew up eight Theological Propositions or Conclusions express'd in these words First It is a Truth of the Catholick Faith That the Holy General Council has Power over the Pope and every other Person Secondly The General Council being lawfully Assembled cannot be Dissolv'd Translated or Adjourn'd by the Authority of the Pope without its own consent This is a Truth of the same nature with the former Thirdly He that does obstinately resist these Truths ought to be accounted Heretical These three Propositions are about Law the other five concern the Facts and Person of Eugenius and are as follows Fourthly The Pope Eugenius the 4th has opposed these Truths when he attempted to Dissolve or Translate the first time the Council of Basil by the plenitude of his Power Fifthly Being admonished by the Holy Council he hath revok'd the Errors contrary to these Truths Sixthly The Dissolution or Translation of the Council attempted the second time by Eugenius is contrary to these Truths and contains an inexcusable Error in the Faith Seventhly Eugenius renewing his attempt to Dissolve or Translate the Council has relaps'd into the Errors which he had revok'd Eighthly Being admonish'd by the Council to revoke the second Dissolution or Translation which he attempted and persisting in his Disobedience after he had been Contumacious and holding a Conventicle at Ferrara he has discover'd his Obstinacy These eight Conclusions being read in the Assembly rais'd great Disputes among the Fathers of the Council some meaning to approve and others to reject them The Archbishop of Palerma who had formerly been one of the great Adversaries to Eugenius having receiv'd Orders from the King of Arragon was at the Head of those who would have them rejected He acknowledg'd this Truth That the Council is above the Pope but he maintaind That this Doctrin ought not to pass for an Article of Faith He confess'd That Eugenius had done wrong but he did not believe that he ought to be look'd upon and treated as a Heretick Dr. John of Segovia maintain'd on the contrary That this Truth was a matter of Faith and that Eugenius by opposing it had fall'n into Heresy Amedaeus Archbishop of Lyons Ambassador from the King of France accused also Eugenius of Heresy on the contrary the Bishop of Burgos Ambassador from the King of Spain
going to the Council of Pisa wherein he congratulates them that they were going to this Council to endeavour after the Peace of the Church exhorts them to make a Peace and shews them the means of procuring it There is a Trialogue of his about the matter of the Schism wherein he introduces Zeal Good-will and Discretion disputing together about the means of putting an end to Contention a Letter in the Name of the University of Paris against the Letter in the Name of the University of Tholouse and a Letter in the Name of the King of France to justify his Substraction of Obedience from Peter de Luna After these Works follow many Sermons preach'd at Constance during the time of the Council In the second he sets himself against the Partizans of the Duke of Burgundy who would hinder the Council from Examining and Condemning the Errors of John Petit and shews by many Reasons that 't is very necessary to be done At the end of this Sermon there is a small piece wherein he recollects divers Errors chiefly about this Precept of the Decalogue Thou shalt not kill against which some had advanc'd many cruel and sanguinary Propositions prejudicial to the Security of Princes and about the Validity of Confessions made to Friars Mendicants The Duke of Burgundy having caus'd the Proposition of John Petit to be maintain'd by Peter Bishop of Arras That it was lawful to kill Tyrants Gerson reply'd to him in the Name of the King of France in a long Discourse spoken in an Assembly of the Fathers of the Council on the 5th of May 1416. and made two other Sermons wherein he searches this Matter to the bottom and refutes at large the Propositions of John Petit and relates the Censure of it made at Paris both by the Bishop and the Doctors The three following Treatises are not concerning the Affair of the Schism but the Principles of Faith The first is entitled a Declaration of the Truths which must be believ'd and according to him they are as follow First All that is contain'd literally in the Canonical Books Secondly All that is determin'd by the Church and receiv'd by Tradition from the Apostles not all that it tolerates or permits to be read publickly but only what it defines by a Judgment condemning the contrary Thirdly The Truths which are certainly reveal'd to some private Persons Fourthly The necessary Conclusions of Truth which are establish'd upon the preceding Principles Fifthly The Propositions which follow from these Truths by a probable Consequence or which are deduc'd from a Proposition of Faith or any other suppos'd to be true Sixthly The Truths which serve to cherish and maintain Devotion though they be not perfectly certain provided they be not known to be false From these Propositions he draws the following Corollaries First That 't is false and heretical to affirm That the literal Sense of Scripture is sometimes false Secondly That 't is Blasphemy and Heresie to maintain That nothing that is evidently known can be of Faith Thirdly That 't is also Heretical and Blasphemous to say That the Precepts of the Decalogue are not of Faith and that the contrary Propositions are not Heretical Fourthly That the Learned are obliged to believe with an explicite Faith many Propositions that are the Consequences of the prime Truths which the common People are not oblig'd to believe Fifthly That the Pastors Doctors and other Persons plac'd in Ecclesiastical Dignity are oblig'd to believe explicitly the Precepts of the Decalogue and many other Points of Faith which other Christians are oblig'd to believe only implicitly The second Treatise is entitled Of Protestation or Confession in Matters of Faith against Heresies where he treats of Protestations both general and particular and of Revocations and Retractations which we are oblig'd to make in Matters of Faith and shews that a general Protestation is not sufficient to justifie a Man when he is guilty of particular Errors that a particular Protestation which is conditional and express'd in these Words I would believe this Truth if it were known to me to be so does no justifie neither before God nor Men. He that revokes an Error which he hath held ought no to satisfie himself with making a particular Protestation of the contrary Truth but ought to mention that he retracts the Error which he maintain'd and this Revocation does not hinder him from being an Heretick before Yet this is not necessary with respect to those who have been in Error but did not know it nor maintain it obstinately Lastly A Retractation does not hinder but he who has made it may still be suspected of Heresie if he discovers by external Signs that his Revocation is not sincere The third Treatise coâ—tâ—iâ—s the Characters of Obstinacy in Matters of Heresie In it he defines Obstinacy a Depravation of the Will caus'd by Pride or some other Vice which hinders him that is in Error from seeking carefully after the Truth or embracing it when it is made known to him The Signs of Obstinacy are these when he who is in Error suffers Excommunication when being Cited he does not appear when he defends an Error contrary to the Truth which he is oblig'd to believe with an explicit Faith when he hinders the explaining and defining of the Truth when he declares himself an Enemy to those who would have the Matter decided when he denies a Truth which he had formerly taught when being requir'd to explain the Truth to the Doctoâ— or Judges he will not follow their Advice when he stirs up Wars and Seditions because the Truth has been explain'd when he declares That he would rather die than change his Opinion when he defends or maintains a Heretick knowing that he is in an Error lastly when one does not oppose an Error as he may or ought either by his Office if he be a Judge or from brotherly Charity These according to Gerson are the 12 Signs of Obstinacy The Treatise upon that Question Whether it be lawful to appeal from the Judgment of the Pope in Matters of Faith was compos'd by Gerson after the Election of Martin V. upon occasion of that Pope's refusal to condemn the Propositions of which the Polanders desired the Condemnation There he maintains the Affirmative because the Judgment of the Pope is not infallible as that of a General Council is wherefore in Matters of Faith no judicial Determination of any Bishop or even of the Pope himself does oblige the Faithful to believe a Truth as of Faith although it oblige them under pain of Excommunication not to be Dogmatical in affirming the contrary unless they have evident Reason to oppose against the Determination founded on the Holy Scripture or Revelation or the Determination of the Church and a General Council but in every Case as we may appeal from the Judgment of a Bishop to the Pope so we may appeal from the Judgment of a Pope to a General Council The following Pieces are concerning