were elder and for to dash here agayne humane authority lyfted agaynst God I may cite Democritus no lesse helpyng me then Iornandes Ephorus Cumaeus helpeth more who maketh 750. from Heracliae returnyng vnto his tyme later a lytle then Democritus So Iornandes hath a dooble helpe Now Heraclidae came to Peloponnesus the 80. yearâ— after the Troikes by Thuciâ— lib. 1. and by Eratostheâ—â—â—in 〈◊〉 strom 1. Apollodoms and Diodorus lib. 1. Isocrates geuing Lacedemon 700. yeres 〈◊〉 since Heraclidae there seated of whom theyâ— kinges came runneth in the same way with the other Greekes to place Cyrus no ancienter then I place hym by Iornandes accomptes Extremities in shortnes 1 Vergil the Poet the glory not onely of Mantuâ— but of Rome also he commyng after M. Varro whose accompt I thinke myne aduersary foloweth controlleth hym and maketh Rome younger then Hectors ende not 430. yeeres but 360. as Chytraeus noteth whereby Iornandes placing Cyrus in 630. and Gelâ—ius placing Alexanders by 〈◊〉 400. V. C. 70. not 100. shalbe left betwixt Cyrus ende Alexanders byrth So Vergils accompt shoulde fauour the Iewes 2 Iulian the Emperour though prophane yet learned and compelled to honour Christe euen in his destruction he also dasheth all Heathen honour In his Saturnalib Romulus maketh a feast for the Romane Emperours and some others All theyr notable saultes he setteth foorth in that discourse And in speeches of the Emperours Iulius hath a principall place He commendeth hymselfe of his citie Rome that it beginning of 3000. men within lesse then 600. yeeres came by conquest to the earthes ende he meaneth his owne conquestes Now if we graunt Alexander to be A. V. C. 400. the space thence to Iulius wilbe far les then the very Iewes in the other extremity of shortnes do affirme 3 Hector Pintus who boldly defendeth Daniel in plaine propriety for that shorteneth the Grekes where he thought that the Persians could not be shortened he may haue lulian agaynst his will to fight for Daniel 4 The same Hector deserueth this commendation that where Heathen neyther deserued nor sought glory of skil in times before Daniel he would graunt them none where God in letters to be seene layeth a certayne number of yeeres with a most heauenly preparation diuidyng and subdiuidyng the whole sum VVho so herein wyll not lyke of him neuer coulde reuerence Scripture For although he knew not wherein to crosse Heathen by heathens best consent yet in castyng of all authority of Heathen who neuer agreed for two kinges togeather in all this tyme he did that whiche true learnyng commaundeth and sheweth Gods word to be aboue humane controlment 5 I am sory that I must so much blame myne owne friende one of my olde familiarity who calleth Daniel to tryal of his trueth before Heathen writers of whom that may be spoken commonly that Aeschines speaketh of Demosthenes that they can not speake true neither vnwares nor by compulsion And when wold he thinke to make our ploughmen skilfull in particulers so many yet vnknowen to prophane Heathen Shal we as Israel loathed Manna ready for them loath Gods worde for tellyng playnely the trueth 6 Quintus Fabius Labeo in Tully off 1. being vmpire betweene Neapolitanes and Nolanes for limittes of grounde leaueth that which was in the myddle for Rome The arbiterment there was not for a meane betweene two extremities Heâ—e not Labeo but iust vmpires woulde goe safest in the middle neyther with the oldest nor latest age of Rome but as olde Cassius with Nepos and Virgil cast it hauyng extremities on both sydes Of Iakim Solon Pisistratus Tarquinius superbus and Cyrus chyldhood touching the same tymes MY aduersary helpeth me in all distresse not onely for beginnyng and endyng ryghtly Daniels seauens whereby my cause hath enough by any Logicianes iudgment but also in particulars where he most fyghteth he most casteth downe hym selfe Thus he compareth ages in Mardochai Iechonias Cyrus Kis Salathiel Cambyses Semei Pedaiah Darius Iair Zorobabel by him Prouepos Iechoniae Xerxes and Mardochai And this fitnesse he compareth with Archimedes measures Thus any may see that he maketh Cyrus first yeeres match Iechonias and Zorobabels with Mardochais full soone to see Xerxes fall For Aeschylus tolde him and mee that Xerxes was young in his warres of that great ouerthrow And what needed he to broche a new opinion for Mardochai which Greekes Hebrewes Englysh neuer knew when by hym selfe he concludeth for mee For soone after Xerxes fall the Temple arose And that must be in Zorobabels yeeres or Mardochaies few after the returne Xerxes theyr supposed equall yet being young Now Tarquinius Superbus being later then Solon and as ancient as Pythagoras familiar to Amasis equal in Clemens to Iechonias the ende of Superbus and Cyrus first tymes fall out most fytly to serue Daniel So when Heathen studies be throughly tryed they as Gybeonites are glad to serue the Temple A digression vpon occasion of the aduersaries phrase VVhereas I folowed in makeing a Concent of Scripture not onely trueth but also famous agreement of Iew and Gentile myne aduersary continually crossyng mee is founde also to crosse trueth lykewyse and common agreement to omit other poyntes where in all differynges from mee I holde hym deceyued for Zorobabâ— one phrase did flee through the hedge of his teeth which myght marre all Religion This was the speeche Fuit Zorobabel vt audiuistis Pronepos Iechoniae Iechonias was great Grandfather to Zorobabel Least his hearers hereby appeare enemies to their owne fayth I wyll largely cleere the cause and myne aduersary by his exposition I was greeued to see Zorobabel made of Iechonias blood for these causes 1 God sware that none of Iechoniahs seede shoulde syt vpon the throne of Dauid Ier. 22. 2 S. Luke bringeth Zorobabel to Nathan not to Salomon whereby yf he were of Iechoniahs S. Luke missed in brynging CHRIST from Dauid and his Gospel shoulde perysh 3 Moreouer it is the deadliest poynt for story of al Iudaisme For the Iewes make this an article of fayth that the king Messiah must come of Salomon and that who so deny that deny Gods word Talmud San. art 12. 4 Besides it hath been our common errour and crept into our notes which I redressed not onely by skill but by publique approbation For I wrote particularly of that to the chiefest of Subiectes dealer in this kinde that vpon full aduisement the correcting of the errour came forth not as one thing shuffled amongst many but examined carefully 5 Hereupon I by message demanded of mine aduersary what he shoulde meane to speake so who answeared that he meant succession not natural lineage which he might well do As Augustus Caesar is the progenie the seede the begotten of Iulius though he be not of his line but in succession Now least his hearers should by his manifold iniurious erroneous controlments herein also folowe his wordes and not his meanyng I thought
55. Thallus Castor Phlegon Polybius Diodorus and all that handle Olympiades Africanus in Eusebius is authour Now marke their diuersitie 1 Africanus placeth Cyrus dimission of Iudah in the same tyme as I mentioned aboue 2 The rare man M. Ioseph Scaliger somewhat correcteth it He would haue Cyrus to reigne 27. yeeres of his 30. before Zorobabels gouernement 3 And I shewed my mynde that prophane wryters regarded his fyrst reigne not his Monarchy who heard not before Alexanders tyme the name of any Babylonians who reigned ouer Iudah but otherwyse then Scripture doth recorde them and farre in an other number 4 By Eusebius admittyng Menelaus to be of Salomons tymes and Olympiades about Nabuchadnezars so I proued that the accompt of Diodorus doth cast them Cyrus being after Olympiades 220. yeeres in the 55. Olympiade he should be as late as Alexander Clemens and Africanus be in Eusebius blame also 5 Africanus former counters twise marre his summes And whereas he fortifieth hym selfe by makyng Ogygos and Phoroneus of Moses tymes and all three 1020. yeeres afore any Olympiade by his owne collection by Acousilaus Hellanicus Philochorus by Castor and Thallus by Diodorus and Alexander Polyhistor this fortification of his maketh Cyrus to be as lately as Iudas Machabaeus 6. Moreouer yf Africanus former number of the Macedonians 370. yeeres be not corrupt for 270. whyle he geueth Persians 230. By descendyng from Tiberius and by the Romanes 60. yeeres of empire by the Macedonians 370. and by the Persians 230. he wyll cast Cyrus to Ezekias dayes in their eyes which admit Daniels seauens properly spoken as he doth and by myne aduersaries graunt of certayntie in the limittes Ad thus the Greekes helpe for tymes count beyng layde in a ballance wylbe lyghter then vanity it selfe 7 Or yf we say that Africanus number of 370. be for 270. of the Macedonians whiche from Alexanders death Ptolemy maketh to be 294. he doth shorten it 24. yeeres And more then the Iewes in Seder Olamdoe And so Cyrus shoulde take Babylon in Olympiade 61. by collection from hym 8 Neare that accompt commeth Theophilus who placeth Cyrus death in Olympiade 62. where Diodorus lib. 2. placeth Cambyses reigne 9 Also neare that accompt commeth Clemens by a consequent in whom as for an other purpose hereafter I wyll shew Iechonias captiuity is in Olympiade 48. sixty two yeeres more wyll make more then other 15. Olympiades and all 63. Olympiades Herodotus bringeth Croesus fall to that tyme. For Gyges is king in Olympiad 18. by Clemens Olympiad 23. by Tatianus After 170. yeeres by Herodotus or 42. Olympiades Croesus becommeth poore Irus when Cyrus had taken him 10 The reader may remember how Suidas placeth Cyrus with Cambyses at lesse then halfe 55. Olympiades and Polycrates at 52. and agayne Cyrus taking of Sardis at Olympiade 55. whiche dealynges myght well be in Nebucadnezars dayes And whereas Lilius Gyraldus in Anacreon blameth Suidas copy and so doth my aduersary and VVolphius to though all printes agree and yf they were faulty Suidas must be amended not onely for Cyrus but for Polycrates and for Thales also Here it may be seene what force these games haue in these saddest wittes that for them all the course of writers must be altered but where they best agree with Scripture as Phlegons 100. difference from Diodorus casteth Cyrus fitly for Daniel I coulde wyshe that Satans testimony shoulde stande onely when he is forced to speake for the Sunne of God and not when all trueth and story by it is troubled 〈◊〉 Lastly yf Solon was borne by Suidas in Olympiade fifty sixe and was doubtles farre ancienter then Cyrus Monarchy how should Cyrus reigne in Olympiade 55 The conclusion touching Cyrus And thuâ— I turne for that testimony thought vnuincible of Thallus Castor Phlegon Diodorus Africanus Eusebius and all I turne Thallus agaynst Thallus Castor agaynst Castor Phlegon agaynst Phlegon to set them all on flame and all agayn them selues all And the grounde of this I layde in my first Booke after the yeere of the worlde 3000. vnder Salomons reigne hereby well myght I despise Olympike numbryng of the Sunnes iourneys damned by the approuers of it And yf I woulde descant vpon Cyrus name fitly myght I compare the name of Cyrus with this For Greekes expounde his name to signifie the Sunne It falleth out that men myght as well deny the Sunnes course as deny the proprietie of Danielâ— Seauens for the course of the Sonne of Iustice to shyne to all soules euen from Cyrus first yeere vnto the Redemption And as nothing is more enemious to saluation then gamestery so experience teacheth that nothyng hath hurted the prophecies more then a gamelyke and negligent accompt of prophecies tryall from gamesters accomptes of Olympian Belial-like playes Aratus the Greeke Poet prayseth God diuinely for his workes of the Creation and placing the Starres for a fit vse of humane lyfe for ploughing and digging for sowing and planting and therein holdeth God a ioyfull father a great helpe for men To Athenianes S. Paule citeth Aratus euen in a cause wherein by their wicked lawes he was gilty of most hygh punishment For they helde it death to speake agaynst their Goddes and Socrates felt that though afterwardes they mourned for killying of him Now Athenians onely of Grece to accompt of disturbe though they disturbe them selues also yet they disturbe our accomptes To whom I will oppose the witt of the plougher and ditcher who folow the playne experience of that that by nature is planted in them The same iudgement for propriety of speech in Daniel alwayes holden shoulde preuayle that he who neuer deceyued the ploughmen or ditchers in course of the yeere shoulde not deceyue them that from Gabriel and Daniel tolde when the Figge tree shoulde bâ—dde and the voyce of the Turtle shoulde be hearde on mountaynes I must depart from these ioyfull speeches to the lothsome errours of Olympiades whereby our youthes haue a mynde to please them selues rather then to lyue by Moses and the Prophetes whyle they deeme of some deepe skill in prophane writers wherein I trow it wyll not fall out that they can be thought able to alter lew and Gentile from the meanyng which bytherto they haue had for the last Prophetes or the ordinary course of lyneall succession of Abiud and Rhesa For whom I am sory that my aduersary tearmed them Autoris Concentus obscura syâ—era Where the age of Irus or Thersites would serue if their lyne were in recorde for posterity The sonnes of Dauides kingdom of whom all the worlde is and was alwayes bound to take notise they may not be holden obscure but to shyne as the Moone among the Starres on nyght and they do disgrace so many erroneous authours that all copyes of those which haue been written or printed myght be thought enough to fyll Paules church all from the floore to the roofe Such glory and such vse the wysedome of Christ hath
good to warne them and wish them due care oftime place and person in all narrations least they soone pull downe all theyr owne buylding But now let vs returne to our care ouer Rome that it worke no harme in this behalfe to the Gospel Causes why Romane testimonies shoulde be rather loathed then honoured to controll all antiquitie for holy prophetes Speciall causes shoulde moue to refuse Romane late wryters in this case 1 They being neare our Lordes dayes in the fleshe when Iewes noysed ouer al the worlde their expectation of the heauenly Monarch they were to be geuen vp vnto further errour that would not loue the light kindled and enquire as touching that king of glory 2 When Tully proflac prouin cons mentionyng Ierusalem calleth the Iewes religion a barbarous superstitioÌ„ and them a nation borne to bondage he can not deny but he had herd of their religion of their long bondage And he myght haue founde his paradoxe true that the wyse man euen in tormentes is happy yf he would haue read the 70. and Esay 53. as he did Demosthenes His tongue was worthy to be prickt with needles that so dispitefully would speake of the nation of our Lorde who gaue him all his eloquence and worthily suffered he all that punyshment which in Plutarch befel him 3 Vergil the Poet that heard of a chylde commyng from heauen to bring a golden worlde sinned against his conscience in drawyng that to Rome which all rumors drew to Ierusalem 4 Augustus iesting that Herodes hog was happier then his son knowing Herodes murthering which was to preuent the king looked for of the Iewes coulde hardly be gyltles And Carneades might haue taught him yf not the Magi to haue left the Iewes a King of their owne nation and right family 5 After open mention to Tiberius of our Lord his resurrection a plaine prophecy by which al the east at that time looked for a king and after of the name of Christe kilde vnder Pontius Pilate all dealinges of Romane writers were much to be suspected either as more forlorn of God to crosse vnawares that prophecy famous euery where or of malice fortifiying with a conspiring rancor such Grekes as might wholly disturbe y t prophecy of the time of the general monarch 6 Yf they dealt not maliciously how could they being late men agree in the same syllables for the times betwixt Xerxes and Alexander precisely though Isocrates Lycurgus men of that age differ 25. yeeres where they make the whole but 48. and others after the Peloponnesian wars differ about halfe in halfe How the common table of Archontes though forged yet was exquisitely honored of the Antichristian Philosophers not without suspition of malice The late Greekes vnder the Romane Emperours Pausanias Plutarch Phlegon Laertius for the yeerely Archontes or Maiors of Athens and vnder which of them famous men were borne or dyed do so agree as though they had lyued in their olde tymes and had ben recorders of purpose yet olde writers haue as I thinke not twenty of those 140. Archontes but full many others in theyr roomes as Demosthenes in one oration hath 8. Maiores of his owne towne whereof the table which the Emperours scholers would fortify hath not one Lysias hath some of his tyme likewyse there not found And Grekes Christians as Suidas and other commenters vtterly disgrace them I finde in Thucidides two Pythodorus beginnyng the warres and Alcaeus Xenophon hath a Pythodorus ending it and Lysias the same Also Euctemon is in Xenophon Euclides in Lysias in Demosthenes about 9. two I finde in Aeschines other may haue some or they some more Therefore in late men this agreement can hardly be voyde of suspicion of malice 1 Those open enimies are more openly gylty in admitting thinges by them selues vnpossible For Plutarch casting Lysias borne vnder Philocles and to lyue 72. yeeres and admittyng his oration for Iphicrates when Elpinicus was Maior 103. off that shal deserue true credite when 72. can be 103. This might then tell that about 30. Maiors and yeeres are forged and malice not dulnes hath authorised these recordes 2 VVhen Ptolomy mentioneth Eclipses vnder Phanostratus the next yere vnder Euander here their conspiracy fayleth For in Diodorus MenaÌ„der is not Euander at all Euander is a Maior in Demosthenes but as neare the time of Timocrates affayres a late Maior Besides al Greekes know that Euander and Menander be too far off in force to take the one for the other 3 Touching Apseudes in Ptolemyes Eclipses I trow sauing from Diodorus table neuer no man was so called As neuer no Englysh man was called Vn-lying and the name myght tell that the autour iested 4 VVho woulde not suspect forgery seeing those three Maiors together Lysi-stratus Lys-anias Lysi-theus and nere Lysi-crates Lysimachides and Lys-anias againe Or these vpoÌ„ A halfe a dosen together Amynias Alcâ—us Ariston Aristophylus Archias Antipho and next saue one Aristomnestus Any may thinke that an open forger turning to some Alphabete table bred these 5 Like are these in the termination rare in ides Theagenides Archidemides Phasiclides Timarchides Lysimachides Myrichides Glaucides and all these neare togeather Where both Isocrates Lycurgus differ so much and I shew the time shorter by the one halfe or there about then the forged tables accompt VVherefore Gellius Plutarch and such who by Gods curse cannot speake the trueth as Aeschines taunteth Demosthenes no not vnwilling that is vnwitting or do of malice represse it let them packe But their malicious forgery wyll most notably appeare for kinges which are feigned to lyue with the kinges of Iudah from autours neuer heard of tyll the Romane Emperours kilde the holy Martyrs They are the thirde thred I wyll put the simple reader in minde agaynst them what holy prophecy is wounded for them Of the Chaldeans CFrtayne reportes of supposed Chaldeans in our age first haue been of estimation to teach men how to expounde Daniel touching that text wherevpon we are tearmed Christians For in Daniel first and onely of the olde Testament the tearme Christ is meere proper in other places 32. the skilfull in Adams tongue know the tearme to be appellatiue For to vnderstande Daniel the better some late woulde seeke helpe from men whom they thinke to be Chaldeans And by an accompt from them my aduersary woulde make me beleeue that Gabriel appoynting 70. seuens of yeres for al the world to loke for Christ his death meant not 70. but 80. seuens His dealyng is strange strangenesse yet herein made some men boysterous But the aged and learned knew before how in the ende the matter would fall out In London Prentises maruel at Vniuersitie Scholers for thinking that Chaldeans might force them to an other meaning of bibles sold in Paules then euer was knowen eyther to Iewes who wrote the Prophetes or to the Queene of Englande and Burgesles
Xerxes euen by heathen 30. was the most that likelihood would grant that from Xerxes warre to Alexanders of the supposed 140. by Grekes of that Age in sure and plaine reasons 40. full clearly might to the satisfaction of any heathen bee quite cut off 5 Touching heathen disturbances I turne them to serue the Church in Olympiades about Rome and such Phlegon fighteth for vs whose whole fragment because few had it I caused to be printed for Scholers vse 6 Pausanias likewise against himselfe exactly for my summe and the Greke Diuines I brought against theyr cited Olympiades yea Iulian and Lucian are brought to serue Daniel 7 The table of Archontes the malice of Philosophers the vanitie of the Chaldeans haue been detected 8 These points hee that holdeth not profitable for helping to ioyne Moses Daniel Matthew Paul and all together and specially the Iubilees beginning from the partition of the Land by Iesus vpon driuing out the heathen ending at the entring for vs into heauen by our Lord and Sauiour Iesus by texts cleare and plaine hee that would despise this hath courage not following but running afore learning and I thinke with none well aduised can finde commendation Obiection But this should not be put in print to the disgrace of a learned man priuate conference should rather end the matter Answere This Obiection may be cast off for manie causes 1 Mine aduersarie conferred priuately with me before I wrote of the Scripture concent and vpon occasion of some strange points in his Author whereby his accompt made yeres three-score for bare three he told me that he had not studied these points and requested me to write of them 2 Presently vpon the comming forth of my Booke he falleth a confuting it in open lectures amongst yong students vnable to iudge who as Nero sang the destruction of Troy when he set his own Citie on fire so those yong students triumphed when Daniel and Gabriel were in confuting If this partiality be tolerable in him to speak to yong men not to print that all may iudge they wil grant me good leaue to defend that truth in print which the Aduersarie did request me for to print at the first 3 My learned frend told his Auditorie that hee was bound to honor the truth more than our frendship and therefore would not spare euen a follower of a vniuersall opinion He that will not thinke the same as lawfull for me will seeme blinded with finister partialitie 4 Vpon a short Epistle to one A. T. prouing Mardochai captiued whose life would discusse our controuersie mine aduersarie promised to take the blame on him rather than I should print more yet soone after falleth on confuting it with some dealings that none indifferent would like off his admirers being called to their owne iudgement vpon Ester saw that they were deceaued and said that the fame of the learned man carried them to conclude as he wold Now all such as condemn all Ebrewes Grekes English and their owne hart must bee warned to deale better and other warning would they take none till I came to this manie did I send them 5 Another D. of Diuinitie who abridged Codoman flowing with errours yet condemning mine Aduersarie in all our chiefe differences granting me full manie points wherby mine Aduersarie would tell him that he ouerthrew himselfe vpon certain demands dashing all his paines tooke a right course he confessed that he had no skill in these matters and would yeeld vnto him whom he prouoked One Master Jackson a merchant can testifie that to him it was spoken and the Gentlemen of Grayes-Inne know reason why that was his best way And this mention would I haue spared but that one D. Ch. would haue him answered as though he had wonne the spurres the man himselfe tooke the best way I dare assure mine Aduersarie that he ought to haue done so if euer by resistance he make his cause good let the Reader thinke me of small iudgement 6 So many are infected with error vpon his Lectures to hold the Scripture vncertaine that not onely Printing must correct them but also he must be moued to acknowledge his ouersight 7 It is great pitie that one so well deseruing of the Church should be suffred by vnreasonable reuerence to build vp Jericho wheras in frendship iust reproofe bears great sway which must be giuen grauely and taken patiently 8 We tooke Vmperes the Archbishop of Canterburie and the Bishop of London By their arbitrement hee doth know or some may that neither hee nor anie will soon foile any ioynt of that Scripture Concent but for going about will take foyles manie When after their censures yong men shall sing as at Neroes flames what man of courage with learning would abide it He that wrote of Scripture Concent to her Maiestie vnles for ioining Ebrew and Greke studies he knew himself commonly holden inferior to none he might be blamed of imprudencie with taking away the first letter of Rhetorique that which Tully said Demosthenes could hardly pronounce for the boldnes of his enterprise taken before BB and DD. as a Doctor of Cambridge answered for him vpon commending the weight of the matter when one demanded why then the BB. or the DD. meddeled not with it He that in so weightie a cause would suffer rumors to quel the truth and yeeld to men not acquainted with his studies should not be thought of iudgment or loue of the truth Thus I trust the godly wilbe satisfied the fame or infamie from the bad should moue none of iudgement FINIS The amending of faults escaped THe number of sheetes are not duely marked by the letters by reason that a fragment of Phlegon printed in Greeke was the worke of a Printer dwelling farre off and of another then the other and latelyer printed then the sheet of the Chaldeans which by the vnheedines of the Printers both haue their reckoning amisle the one A. the other I. But for amending faults they may be noted thus Phleg. and Chald. the other leaues be in order Through all thus amend faults D. page 6. line 12. and 13. twenty three yeares while Iosue was vnder Persia In Phlegon line 25. reade end cure of the plague In the next page in the margent reade Homer Iliad 2. 595. for Odiss 2. F. 1. the second page in the margent rede Homer Iliad 3. for lib. 3. In G. 2. line 1. reade sunne of iustice for sonne on the next page line 13. reade sunne for sonne In H. 3. page 2. line 16. reade the mede Datis for Mardoâ—â—â—s In the next page in the marget rede Demetrius Phalereus In I in the margent rede 4. y. that is yeares for 4. 7. In Cald. line 7. reade places 30. for 32. and line 20. reade either knowen for knowen either And line 21. reade or thought vpon to the for or to the and in the margent wittingly for willingly And page 7. line 29. open for vpon In L. line