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truth_n know_v speak_v word_n 9,131 5 4.2861 4 true
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A91248 Jus regum. Or, a vindication of the regall povver: against all spirituall authority exercised under any form of ecclesiasticall government. In a brief discourse occasioned by the observation of some passages in the Archbishop of Canterburies last speech. Published by authority. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652.; Hunton, Philip, 1604?-1682, 1645 (1645) Wing P404; Thomason E284_24; ESTC R200064 30,326 40

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truth the Lord hath sent me to you to speake all these words in your eares The words are so plaine they need no comment His third particular is this poore Church of England as he calls it but from thence no observation is to be drawne for it is an undeniable truth what is there affirmed onely it would be inquired after who hath beene the principall and Instrumentall cause of this great change but he hath made no application and so will I. His last particular is himselfe and that about his religion in which he is very breefe choosing to expresse himselfe by circumstances which admit of a latitude that may deceive the hearer or reader rather then positively and cleerly whereby he leaves the hearer or reader as little satisfied as if he had said nothing at all yet doth he confesse his labouring to keep up an Vniformity in the externall worship of God but makes no mention at all of what meanes he used to doe so for in the wayes which he tooke and in the meanes which he used consisted his cheefest guilt but that he passeth over and so comes at last to speake of his accusation which was no lesse then an accusation of High treason and by no meaner persons then by the whole Commons of England assembled in their representative body in Parliament and there and by them proved agaynst him yet hath he the confidence to say it was a crime his soule ever abhorred howsoever he proceeds to the parts of his charge being two an Indeavour in him to subvert the Law of the Realm and a like Indeavour to subvert the true Protestant Religion established by those Laws both which he seemeth to deny but so mistically as that his meaning is rather to be collected then that it can be cleerely discerned For he expresseth himselfe variously and answereth in another forme of words then which were proposed by him for having propounded them that the charge against him was an Indeavour to subvert the Law of the Realme and a like Indeavour to overthrow the true Protestant Religion established by those lawes he answereth having first protested In the presence of Almighty God and all his holy and blessed angels that hee did take it now upon his death that he never endeavoured the subversion of the Lawes of the Realme nor never any change of the Protestant Religion into Popish superstition the sense of which words doth imply a great change from what they were when first propounded for by his first proposition of them he expresseth himselfe to have been accused of an endeavour to subvert the Law of the Realm by which word Law in the singular number as in the abstract may bee understood the legislative power or power of law-making comprehending the frame of this government and including King and Parliament which he was charged to overthrow by an Indeavour to introduce an Arbitrary government depending upon the will of the King alone and excluding the Parliament and in his answer he makes mention of the subversion of the lawes in the plurall number where they are confined to different subjects as to so many individuall substances by which may be meant the particular acts and laws issued forth and derived from that power and may comprehend them all which no man did ever thinke or lay to his charge that he indeavoured the subversion of all the whole lawes and of every particular and therefore here doth appeare a fallacy and deceite which is agreable to his former practises so likewise in the other branch about Religion he first propounds it of an Indeavour to overthrow the true Protestant Religion established by those lawes and answereth of any change of the Prottestant Religion into Popish superstition which is a manifest difference whereof hereafter having occasion to speake first of his esteeme of Parliaments which he takes occasion to mention here as having bin accused as an enemie to them the which he denies expressing a Reverend esteeme of them in the generall as of the greatest Court over which no other Court can have any Jurisdiction in the Kingdome but professeth his dislike against some few one or two Parliaments in particular for some misgovernments in them as he did conceive but what those misgovernments were hee doth not expresse onely in stead thereof a generall reason is given Coruptio optimi est pessima but from thence he might condemne and destroy all Parliaments and the best of governments and of every thing as often as he pleaseth if nothing more be required but that his affirmations must be admitted for proofes for there is nothing wherein the frailty of man must bee imployed but may admit of errour and corruption but it doth not follow that whatsoever may doth nor doth it anywhere appeare that any of those Parliaments which hee here condemneth were guilty at all of any such corruption as he layeth to their charge but the contrary is manifest and if for no other thing yet for this his esteem of them for undoubtedly by him they should have been better esteemed If really and truely they had been more corrupted for Parliaments may be then said to be corrupted when all or most part of the members do subject their Votes to the determination and judgement of others preferring the particuler pleasure interrest or ends of some whom they respect before the generall good of all whom they represent neither is it any impossible thing so to pack a Parliament as not onely the things to be proposed and debated but the greater number of the Members Votes shall depend upon the pleasure of others being agreed and united amongst themselves for a particular and sinister end for it is no false report but a well known and undenyable truth that in the choice of the Members of the lower House of Parliament which doth depend upon a free Election by the Gentry Communalty and freeholders in England the major number within their severall limits and jurisdictions giving it to whom they please yet the reputation of some in some places especially hath been such as to prescribe to those who were to choose who should be chosen by them whereby many have been returned by the favour and recommendation of others rather then by any merit of their own and it is probable that a designe of changing Religion and altering the government having been for a long time pursued by a faction of men who had obtained power and favour about the King that they were not negligent in making use of this advantage for their own ends it plainly appears that they were not because at divers times they had recourse to Parliaments in time of prosecution of the designe before it was finished which to some might seeme a likely meanes in all apperance to have overthrowne all such designe for ever but the successe of those Parliaments and the conclusion which they made doth cleerely demonstrate what the designers purpose and intention was in calling them for the end
abused by the Popes and Bishops of Rome as Vsurpers onely over the rest of the Clergy or too great a power and consequently dangerous in the hands of any one man is not onely lawfull but necessary as being Inherent in the function and essentiall for the preservation of union and unity to be preserved in some other forme which they agree upon and like better then the incontrollable Supremacie of one man then this doth necessarily follow that albeit they free themselves from all the errours and abuses which were introduced by the Supreamicie of one man yet so long as they acknowledge that the same power and Authority is resident in others they can never free themselves of all errours and abuses which are introducible by Authority but that the property and condition of things in themselves indifferent will be changed from being indifferent and converted into the nature and necessity of absolute duties which ever begets bondage and subjection and sense of bondage doth ever beget desire of liberty which can never be obtained so long as the opinion of a necessity of Authority in some forme or other is retained and experience hath now taught us what could not be foreseene by reason alone without some additionall helpe from divine illumination that in the Church of England which did not onely shake off the Supreamicie of the Pope but had purged her selfe of all those errours which had either crept in or were introduced by the power of that Supreamicie by retaining of Bishops and giving them a part onely of that spirituall Authority which formerly was acknowledged to Popes and though quallifying that part by restraining it from all legislative power or a power to inact any thing but allowing it a Power of Iudicature the effectuall operation and proper working of that part of spirituall Authority hath now fully manifested it selfe to tend to propogate superstition and errour rather then the sincerity and truth of Religion and as the naturall motions of different bodies differing in quality and substance tend to different centers the naturall motion of Episcopacy hath now discovered it selfe to indeavour continually to unite it selfe to such a head to which it is capable to aspire rather then to be in subjection under such a head to which it hath no capacity to aspyre and that received principle of State that Episcopacy is a support to Monarchy is now likewise discovered to be fraudulent and deceitefull for it is true that it is a support to a spirituall Monarchy or Monarchy in the Church as being the basis and foundation thereof but doth undermine and destroy Monarchy in the State especially in that State which doth trust unto it as to a supporter and the reason is cleere for all supporters which have no solid foundation doe ruinate those buildings which are erected upon them being of greater weight and substance then the foundation can beare and the foundation of Episcopacy being layed in the engrossing of spirituall Authority or Ecclesiasticall censures Spirituall Authority it selfe hath no other existence nor being but what it hath in the Imagination and beleefe which is too slippery a ground to support a solid substance such as temporall Monarchy is but may be sufficient to support an aery and imaginary bulk such as spirituall Monarchy is which Episcopacy not only supports but continually tends towards as to its proper center and my Lord of Cant. when he obtained the Kings good will to confirme by his Letters Patents the late Canons did put a direct cheate upon his Majesty for thereby the Kings Supreamicy in causes Ecclesiasticall was cut off and from thence forth his Supreamicy over Ecclesiasticall persons should have been rather titular then reall If the consent of Parliament could as easily have been obtained as his Majesties own But to conclud this part of my Lord of Cant. Speech he might safely protest upon his conscience that his Majesty was a sound Protestant according to the Religion by law established yet did it not thereupon follow that he himself was guiltles from the sentence of the law because his actions being all warranted by his Majesties consent they could not be divided from the Kings which is the cheife thing implied by this particular His second particular is concerning th●… great and populous City to which he is very kind and prayeth God to blesse it but all his prayers for those who he conceiveth had done him injury have a sting in them and this prayer ends reproaching those he prayes for as if some had subordned witnesses against his life by gathering of hands which he affirmeth to be a way that might endanger many an innocent man and may plucks innocent blood upon their own heads and perhaps upon this City also which before he prayed God to blesse and now again to forbid this Judgement but his prayers are mixed with threates and all tending to justify himself to his Auditours whereof he is never unmindefull upon all occasions and having here occasion to mention the Parliament he bestowes glorious and honourable Titles and epithrates upon it as if that were sufficient to testify his respects thereof but he doth contradict his owne testimony by his Inferences and Applications for by Inference he applyeth the gathering of hands which he affirmeth to have been practised against himself to the stirring up of the people against Saint Stephen and to Herods lying in waite for Saint Peters death by observing how the people tooke the death of Saint James By which Instance he must meane that great honourable and wise Court of the Kingdome the Parliament those be the titles he bestowes upon them for it was they that gave sentence against him as Herod did against Saint James and would have done agaynst Saint Peter which no Christian thinkes was either honourably or wisely done of him and therefore what opininion he had of that great honourable and wise Court for sentencing of him may be collected and that his esteeme of them was not so honourable as his expressions but whatsoever his esteeme of them was they were his Judges so will he never be theirs which he here apprehended when he did put the City in mind of the Justice of God and how fearfull a thing it was to fall into the Hands of the living God because God remembers and forgets not the complaynts of the poore a lesson which he never remembred when he himselfe did sit upon the Tribunall but is of speciall comfort unto him upon the Scaffold for his blood was innocent blood and not onely innocent blood in his owne esteeme but he had a speciall Commission from God to tell them so as Jeremiah had in the 26. Chap. of Jeremiah ver. 15. the words were not expressed by him but directions given to the place the words be these But know ye for certaine that if ye put me to death you shall surely bring innocent blood upon your selves and upon this City and upon the Inhabitants thereof for of a