neither were there any prisoners led captives in shew nor spoiles caried in pomp before his chariot nor yet his souldiers followed after So as it appeered that all other things besides victorie alone perteined properly to the Consull After this were the plaies exhibited with great magnificence by P. Cornel. Scipio which hee hâ—d vowed in Affricke during his Cousulship Also there passed an order for the lands of his souldiours That for so long as each one had served in Spaine or Affricke hee should have two acres for every yere and that these lands should be set out and assigned unto them by ten Decemvirs for the purpose deputed Then were certaine Triumvirs created for to supply and make up the number of Romane inhabitants in Venusia by reason that during the time of Anniball his warre the strength of that colonie was much enfeebled and impaired C. Terentius Varre T. Quintus Flaminius and P. Cornelius Scipio the sonne of Cneus enrolled new coloners to inhabite Venusia The same yeere C. Cornelius Cethegus who governed Spaine as Proconsull discomfited a great hoast of the enemies in the countrie of the Sedetanes In which battaile by report were shine 15000 Spaniards and 78 militarie ensignes taken C. Aurelius the Consull when hee was returned out of his province to Rome against the solemne election of magistrates complained not as men made reckoning he would have done That the Senate expected not for his comming nor that the Consull was not permitted to debate the matter with the Pretour but found himselfe grieved That the Senate had decreed a triumph so as the partie onely was suffered to speake who was to triumph and none of them â—â—ght be heard who were present at the battaile And whereas our forefathers ordained that lieutenants colonels marshals and centurians yea and in one word the souldiours should be at a triumph for this end and purpose that the truth might appeare to the world of all things atchieved by him unto whome so great honor was to be done Was there any one quoth he of all that armie which fought with the Gaules I say not a souldier but so much as a lackey or horseboy following the campe of whome the Senate might enquire whether the Pretour spake true or false This done and said he published the day of assembly for the election abovesaid wherein were created Consuls L. Cornelius Lentulus and P. Villius Tappulus After them were Pretors chosen L. Quintius Flaminius L. Valerius Flaccus L. Villius Iappulus and C. Bebius Pamphilus Graine and other victuals that yeare were cheape Great store of corne was brought out of Affricke which the Aediles of the chaire distributed to the people at two Asses a Modius They also set forth the Roman games and pastimes right sumptuously yea and represented them one day more than ordinarie Moreover of the â—â—er raised by fines and forfeitures they made seven brasen statues which they set up in the 〈◊〉 house of the city The Plebeian plaies likewise were thrice renued all over by the Aediles 〈◊〉 the commons L. Terentius Masâ—aliota and C. Bebius Pamphilus Pretour elect Finally the suâ—â—erall games that yeere were foure daies together exhibited in the common place of the citie â—â—caâ—ioned by the death of M. Valerius Laevinus and celebrated they were by his two sonnes 〈◊〉 and M. who also shewed unto the people a brave spectacle of fencers at the sharpe wherein â—â—ere were five and twentie couples that entred the lists performed combat M. Aurelius Cottâ— â—â—e of the Decemvirs that yeer departed this life and in his place M. Acilius Glabrio was subordained In the solemne assembly for electing Aediles of the chaire it chaunced that those two which were chosen might not immediatly enter into office for C. Cornelius Cethegus was created in his absence whiles he governed the province of Spaine And C. Valerius Flaccus who was present at his owne election might not be sworne to maintaine the lawes because hee was the Flamin or priest of Iupiter For lawfull it was not for any magistrate to exercise his place above five daies unlesse he were sworne to the lawes Then Flaccus preferred a petition that he might be dispensed with wherupon the Senat ordained That if the Aedile would find one to sweare in his name at the good pleasure and discretion of the Consuls then the Consuls if they thought it mee should deale with the Tribunes of the Commons to propound it unto the people that it might passe under their graunt So L. Valerius Flaccus the Pretour elect for the yeere following was presented to take the oath for his brother Then the Tribunes put it to a canvase before the people and they enacted That the oth of his brother should be of the same validitie as if the Aedile himselfe had taken it in his own person Concerning the other Aediles also there passed an act of the commons For when the Tribunes proposed unto the people Which two they would have to go into Spain as LL. deputies with commaund over the armies to the end that C. Cornelius the Aedile of the chaire might come home to beare his office and L. Manlius also after so many yeeres depart out of his province the people ordained that Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and L. Stertinius should have the conduct and government in Spaine in qualitie and title of Proconsuls THE XXXII BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the two and thirtith Booke MAny straunge and prodigious sights as they were reported from divers countries are here related and set downe among which this is one that in Macedonie there was a bay tree sprung up of it selfe in the poupe of a galley T. Quintius Flamininus the Consull fought fortunately against Philip in the stâ—eights of Epirus and having put him to flight hee compelled him to returne into his owne kingdome Himselfe with the assistance of the Aetolians and Athamanes infested sore and plagued Thessalie which bordereth upon Macedonie L. Quintius Flamininus the Consull his brother by the aid of king Attalus and the Rhodians made conquest by war at sea of Eubaea and all the sea coast The Achai werereceived into amitie The conspiracie of slaves that complotted to deliver and set at large the hostages of the Carthaginians was detected and tooke no effect The number of Pretours was encreased to sixe The Consull Cornelius Cethegus defeated the French Insubrians in battaile League and amitie was concluded betweene the Romanes and the Lacedemonians with their tyrant Nabis Over and besides there is contained in this booke the winning of many cities in Macedonie WHen the Consuls and Pretors were entred into office upon the Ides of March they cast lots for the government of the provinces To L. Lentulus fell Italie and to P. Villius Macedonie As for the Pretours L. Quintius had the jurisdiction of the citie of Rome C. Babius the government of Ariminum L. Valerius ruled
both sides all that they could most like in all the world to a ciuile warre betweene fathers and sonnes proceeding both from the Trojane race considering that by Trojanes Lavinium was founded from Lavinium came the people of Alba and from the Albane kings were the Romanes in right line descended But the finall 〈◊〉 and end of this warre made the warre it selfe lesse wofull and lamentable both because they came not to a set field and also for that by rasing the houses onely of the one cittie two nations were intermingled and united in one The Albanes first with a mightie power entered the territorie of Rome and encamped themselves not past five miles from the cittie where they strongly entrenched themselves which place of the Captaines name was called Fossae Ciuiliae many yeares after vntill both it and the name with all in processe of time decaied cleane and came to nothing In this campe the Albane king Cluilius ended his daies in whose stead the Albane armie created Metius Sussetius their Dictator Tullus in the meane time became hautie and prowd especially upon the death of the king eftsoons giving out and saying that the mightie power of the gods having thus begun at the verie head would likewise take vengeance on the whole bodie of that Albane nation for this their vnjust and godlesse warre and one night above the rest passed secretly by the campe of his enemies and in warlike manner invaded the Albane land This newes raised Metius out of his standing campe Who led forth his armie and marched on as neere to his enemies as hee could dispatching aforehand an herault unto Tullus to notifie unto him thus much from him that it was needfull and expedient before they joined battell to parle and commune together If he would vouchsafe to conferre he knew very well that he should alleadge and say forth such matters as might concerne the weale of the Romanes as well as of the Albanes Tullus refused not the offer albeit they were but vain toies that were pretended and therefore set his men in battell aray The Albanes semblably come forth against him After they were thus ranged and embattelled readie to fight the generals on both sides accompanied with a few of their principal Nobles advance betweene both armies Then began the Albane Dictator in this wise Mee thinkes quoth hee I heare alreadie of injurie and wrongs done and how such goods as were demanded are not restored againe according to the form of the league as also that Cluilius our king was cause of this war◠neither doubt I O Tullus but even you pretend and are about to alledge as much But if wee would as wee ought to doe stand upon the truth of things rather than upon I wot not what gloses and goodly shewes of words it is ambition and desire of rule onely and nothing else that spurreth on two nations of one bloud and neere neighbours to take armes and war one with another justly or unjustly I am not able to say Let him on Gods name that first began the quarrell in conscience see to that As for me the Albanes indeed have made me their generall But this one point Tullus I would have you to remember and consider How strong about us and you especially the Tuscanes are you know better the neerer yee are unto them mightie they are by land much more by sea Then wot well this that when you shall cause the trumpet to sound unto battell these two armies will bee to them a faire marke and spectacle to behold that they may give an assault to both at once as well the victors as them that are vanquished whilest they are wearied and toiled out of heart For the love of God therfore if there be any sparke of grace in us since we not contented with that libertie which we surely enjoy will needs venture put in doubtful hazard which of us shall rule and command and who shall serve and obey the other let us take some good course whereby it may bee decided without great losse or bloods head on both sides whether shall be lord and soveraigne The motion Tullus misliked not albeit both for disposition of nature and hope of victorie hee were the haughtier of the twaine And as they sought on both parts what way to take this meanes at length they sound where unto fortune it selfe presented fit matter and occasion For by good hap even then in either host three brethren twins there were borne at one birth and those neither in age nor strength unlike Their names were Curiatij and Horatij that is very certaine neither is there any thing of ancient record more famous and notable Yet as cleere in substance as it is there remaineth still some doubt and error in their names of whether people the Curiatij and the Horatij were Writers there bee on both sides but the greater number say as I find that Horatij were the Romanes to whom I rather encline and my mind giveth mee to follow them With these three brethren the kings went in hand persuading them to fight for the honour of their countrey and trie the quarrell by dint of sword shewing them that on whether side the victorie fell there should remaine the soveraigne dominion Nothing refused they to doe the time and place both were agreed upon and appointed But before the combate it was covenanted betweene the Romanes and the Albans and these conditions drawne That whose champions in fight should have the better that nation should peaceably command the other There are of covenants many and sundrie Capitulations farre different in matter but they run all after one manner and forme As for this it was made as wee have heard in this wise neither is there extant a more auncient record of any composition whatsoever The Herald called Fecialis demandeth of king Tulius in this wise Is it your will and commandement my lord that I make a covenant and accord with the Paterpatrate of the Albane people It is quoth the king Then quoth he I demand of you sacred hearbs The king answered againe Take them pure and cleane The Facial then reached from the castle hill pure hearbs from among the grasse which done he thus asked the king Do you my lord ordain meet the messenger roiall of the commons of the people of Rome and allow necessary implements all furniture for my selfe and my retinue and traine The king answered I doe so far forth as may bee without the harme or detriment of my selfe and of the citizens of the people of Rome The Fecial or herald for that time was Marcus Valerius who created Paterpatrate or king at armes Sp. Fusius by touching his head and haire with vervaine Now the Paterpatrate is for to confirme the agreement with an oath and so he read out the covenant and oath and that with manie words which to rehearse as they were in a long prescript forme pronounced were verie needlesse After this having
which that something might be thought therby done both Consuls were made of the Nobles M. Valerius Corvinus the third time and A. Cornelius Cossus Now from hence forth will we indite of greater wars both for the puissance of the enemies and also for their far distance as well for their spacious countries they inhabited as long tract of time that they continued For this yeare began the Romans to bear armes against the Samnits a nation powerful in wealth and valiant in field After which war fought on both sides with alternative fortune there succeeded Pyrrhus their enemie after Pyrrbus the Carthaginians To see good Lord the wonderful stirs troubles and how often the Romans fel into extremies of perils that their dominion and Empire might arise unto this greatnes and high state which hath much ado to hold it own and stand maintained But the cause of the Romans war with the Samnits being in societie amitie linked together arose first from others and not upon any quarrel between themselves At what time as the Samnits warred unjustly as being more mightie upon the Sidicines they as the weaker and forced to flie for succour unto the richer banded with the Campaines Who bringing with them a greater name than power in deed to aid assist their Allies flowing in roiot and superfluous delights hapned in the countrie of the Sidicines to be foiled defeated by the other who had been inured hardned by continuall use of arms and so afterwards drew upon their owne heads the whole violence and poise of the wars For the Samnites letting the Sidicines alone went to the head and set upon the Campains as it were the verie fortresse and castle of defence for all the borderers For well they wist that there they might win victorie as easely but riches and honour at their hands they were to atchieve much more And when they had gained and held with a strong garison the hils called Tifata that were adjoining and commaunded the cittie Capua From thence they descended with a fouresquare raunged battaile into the plaine that lieth betweene Capua and Tifara where a second field was fought In which the Campanies had the overthrow and were beaten within their owne wals Having therfore no hope neer hand and seeing the strength of their youth greatly decaied they were constrained to seeke for aide of the Romanes Whose Embassadors being admitted into the Senate and having audience given them spake much what to this effect The people of Capua most noble Senatours hath sent us in ambassie unto you to crave at your hands friendship for ever and succour for the present Which amitie if we had requested in our prosperitie well might it sooner have begun but knit had it been with a weaker bond and not so durable For then remembring ourselves to have entred league and societie on even ground and in equall estate with you friends haply we should have beene as we now are but bounden and devoted unto you we had never been But now in case by your commiseration and pittie we be gained and won and in our distresse by your aid helped and relieved we must needs affectionately embrace a benefit from you received unlesse we would be thought unthankefull wretches and unworthie of any helpe either of God or man And albeit the Samnites have been before us intertained in friendship and confederacie yet we thinke that no sufficient barre but that we may also be received into the same Onely thus much it ought to make for them as to be preferred before us in ancientie of time and degree of honour For in that alliance between you and the Samnites there is no expresse clause no caveat or proviso contained against the making of any new confederacies And certes alwaies heretofore ye have thought it cause good enough of your friendship if the partie who sought the same were but willing and desirous to be your friend Wee Campaines albeit our present condition suffereth us not to speake magnifically giving place to no nation but yourselves either for the stately port of our cittie or goodnesie and fruitfulnesse of our soile in entering into your acquaintance shall not a little I suppose increase and better your good estate And first for the Aequians and Volscians those eternall and perpetuall enemies of this cittie they shall not so soone at any time stirre and put out their heads but we will be streight upon their jacks And looke what ye first shall find in your hearts to doe for our safetie the same will we alwaies doe for your Empire and honour And when those nations be once subdued that are betwen you and us which your vertue and fortunat felicitie promiseth will be shorly then shal your dominion reach all the way in a continued train as farre as unto us A pitifull and lamentable case it is that our present fortune urgeth us to confesse To this exigent and hard termes of extremitie are we Campaines driven right honourable that subject we must be either to our friends or to our enemies If ye defend us yours will we be forsake us once we must be the Samnites Consult yee now therfore deliberately whether ye had leifer that Capua and all the territorie of Capua should be annexed unto your power and State or added to the Samnites Seignorie Your mercy your succour ô Noble Romanes ought in equitie to extend unto all men but especially unto those who by yeelding their reliefe and helping hand even above their power unto others that implored and humbly besought succour are now themselves fallen all into the same streights of necessitie And yet to say a truth we fought in shew and semblance of word for the Sidicines but in verie deed and effect for our owne selves For considering a neighbour nation bordering even vpon us to be robbed and spoiled most wrongfully by the Samnites we well foresaw that when the Sidicines were once set a burning the same fire would soone be driven and reach unto us For now are not the Samnites come to assaile us as discontented for any injurie received but as well pleased that they have cause of quarrell offred and presented unto them For if it had been but a revenge onely of anger upon some pretended wrong and not a meane and occasion to satisfie their greedie appetite had it not been enough for them that they had vanquished and put to the sword our Legions once in the Sidicine countrie and a second time in Campaine itselfe our owne territorie What a cankred and mortall malice is this which bloodshed and massacres in two battailes cannot satiate or asswage Besides the wasting of our fields the driving away of booties as well of people as cattell the firing of villages the ruine and havocke they made and in everie place nothing but fire and sword Could not their anger and wrath have beene satisfied with all this But it is their greedie and unsatiable covetousnes and
to pitch a camp in more wisely and cunningly than any one of those before named to make provision for victual to foresee and beware of ambushes to picke out and take a meet time for to fight a battail to set his battaillons in array to strengthen the same with sufficient succors supplies from the reregard Certes he would have said himselfe that he had not now to deale with Darius which Monarch carrying with time a traine of daintie women and tender Eunuches weakened and made effeminate with wearing purple and gold with all his rich furniture for shew and ostentation of his wealthie and superfluous fortune Alexander without any bloodshed with doing nought else but knowing well how to contemne such toyes and vanities conquered as a prey and bootic rather than an enemie and warriour He would have thought verily that the situation and nature of Italy farre differed from that of India through which hee marched at his ease with his dronken armie feasting and banketting all the way but specially when he should have beheld the woody forests and vnpassable streights of Apulia the high hils and mountaines of Lucania and the fresh marks and tokens of the losse that happened in his owne name and house namely where not long before his Vnkle Alexander late King of Epirus miserably perished Our talke all this while is of Alexander not drowned yet with the overflow of prosperitie wherein no man had ever lesse rule of himselfe than he Whome if we consider as he was arraied in the habite and attire of his new fortune and if I may so say of a new nature whereinto after his conquests and victorieshe was transfigured surely he would have come into Italy more like a Darius than an Alexander and brought a bastard armie with him nothing at all resembling but quite forgetting their native countrie of Macedonie degenerated alreadie and growing out of kind into the manners and fashions of the Persians It greeveth me and I am ashamed in so great a Monarch as he was to report the proud changing and varietie every while of his apparell his excessive vainglory and desire of being courted crowched unto as he was in flattering manner by men lying upon the earth groveling and prostrate at his feete Such abiect basenes should have bene hardly endured of Macedonians conquered and subdued much lesse then being conquerours as they were Abashed I am to recount the foule horrible torments and executions the murders of his well deserving friends even in the midst of his cups and deintie viands last of all his vanitie his overweening forging to himselfe a divine race pedigree from the gods But what if his dronkenneâ—se unmeasurable love of wine were every day more than other what if his fell anger exceding heat of choler increased daily for I report nothing but that which al writers agree upon recken we not these infirmities for great blemishes wonderous hinderances to the vertues and perfections of a warrior generall commander But here is all the danger feare which some are wont to give out alledge even the vainest persons of all other Greekes who favour magnifie the glory of the very Parthians in comparison of the Romane name that the people of Rome had never bene able to abide the very majestie and name of Alexander the great And I thinke verily that even themselves that talke so much of him never heard the truth so much as by the bruite fame and that against whom in Athens a Citie mightily decayed by warre with the Macedonians even then when as they might see before their face the ruines of Thebes in manet smoking full in their eyes the Oratours durst freely make publike invectiues which appeareth by the very records of their Orations now extant against him I say not one of so many States noble personages of Rome durst have opened his mouth and given one word againe frankly boldly How much soeuer the grandeur greatnesse of this man may be conceived imagined in the mind all that shall be but one onely man rising growing come to his height with the felicity of little more than ten yeares Which happinesse of his they that extoll in this respect that the people of Rome although in no war they were subdued yet in many battailes had the foyle and lost the day whereas Alexander neuer fought feeld but he woon the victorie little understand that they compare the exploits of one person and him a yong man with the deedes and acts of a State which had now warred eight hundred yeares And can we meruaile if when on the one part there maybe reckned more ages than yeers on the other that in so long a time fortune should varie more than in the space of thirteene yeares But why compare you not man with man Captaine with Captaine and lay their fortunes together How many Romaine Chieftaines and Generals in this case am I able to name who never lost field Yee may turne every leafe page of the yerely annales of Magistrates of day-bookes journels of those Consuls Dictators whose valour felicitie the people of Rome had never cause to repent of and be discontented for so much as one day And that which maketh them more wonderful and to be admired above Alexander or any other king in the world some of them bare the Dictatorship but ten or twentie dayes and none the Consulship longer than a yeare Their levies and musters now then were letted and impeached by the Tribunes of the Com. The due and best time for warre otherwhiles overslipped them and yet they went forth Before their terme expired they were often called home for to be presidents of the Magistrates Election In the very midst and busiest time of their affaires the yeare eftsoones turned about The inconsiderate rashnesse one while the peevish crookednesse another while of a Collegue and companion in government was hindrance harme both They succeeded sundry times after the losse overthrow of their predecessors received an armie either of raw untrained souldiers or such as were in ill discipline nuzelled up whereas Kings Monarks contrarywise not only freed exempt from al such obstacles inconveniences but also Lords Maisters of absolute commaund over their enterprises over times and seasons fit for execution give direction to others draw all after them to their advise and counsell and are themselves directed and overruled by none Say now that Alexander were invincible and delt with these Captaines as invincible as himselfe he should likewise have hazarded as great pawnes fauors of fortune as any of them nay rather he should have adventured incurred more jeopardie in that the Macedonians had but Alexander alone a man not only subject but also exposing himselfe to many perilous chances but many Romanes there had bene egall to Alexander either for glorie or greatnes of their worthie deeds who every
the citizens And then M. Attilius surrendred up his Magistracie Qu. Fabius Max. held the solemne assembly and parliament of the people for the election of Consuls wherein were created Q. Fabius Max. the Consul his sonne and T. Sempronius Gracchus the second time both absent For Pretours there were elected M. Atilius and with him they who at that time were Aediles of the chaire to wit P. Sempronius Tuditanus Cn. Fulvius Centimalus and M. Aemylius Lepidus This yeare as it appeareth in old Records were the Stage-playes first set out by the Aediles of the chaire and continued foure dayes This Aedile Tuditanus aboue named was he who at Cannae when all besides him for feare were astonied in that wofull calamitie brake forcibly through the mids of the enemies and escaped When Q. Fabius the old Consull had finished the Election then the new Consuls Elect were sent for to repaire unto Rome and they entred their Magistracie Then they assembled the Senate for to consult and take order for the warre for the provinces as well their owne as those that were under the Pretours also concerning the armies and the disposition of every charge and place of commaund So the provinces and armies were divided in this wife The warre with Anniball wheresoever it fell out was committed to the managing of the Coss with the charge of one armie which Sempronius himselfe had before under his conduct and of another commaunded by Fabius the Consull And those were two legions M. Aemylius the Pretour whose lot it was to have the jurisdiction over the foreiners had committed his auctoritie unto his Colleague Atilius the Pretour of the citizens of Rome that he might governe the province about Luceria and those two legions over which Q. Fabius now Consull had the commaund whiles he was Pretour To Sempronius the Pretor befell the province of Ariminum To Cn. Fulvius was allotted Suessula with two legions likewise so as Fulvius should have the leading of the legions of citizens and Tuditanus receive his from M. Pomponius The government of the forein provinces continued still in the former deputies M. Claudius ruled Sicilie so farre as the dominion of king Hiero extended and Lentulus the Viz-Pretour had the charge of the old province T. Octacilius was high Admirall of the navie without any new supply or augmentation of forces M. Valerius was employed in Greece and Macedonie with one legion and the armada which he had before Q. Mutius was L. Deputie in Sardinia having under him the old armie consisting of two legions And C. Terentius had the administration of the affaires in Picenum with that one legion which long time he had bene captaine of Moreover it was decreed and agreed upon that there should be mustred and enrolled two new legions of citizens and twentie thousand men besides levied of allies and associates With these captaines and these forces abovesaid they provided for the defence and maintenance of the State and Empire of Rome against many warres at once either in hand alreadie or suspected shortly The Consuls having enrolled two legions of citizens and chosen a supplie to make out the rest before that they set foote out of the citie procured the pacification of the gods for the fearefull prodigious tokens that were reported For the wall and gates of Rome were blasted and smitten with lightning from heaven and likewise the temple of Iupiter at Aricia Other vaine objects and illusions also of the eyes and eares which men imagined they saw and heard were beleeved for truthes Namely there appeared in the river of Tarracina certain resemblances and shewes of gallies whereas in deede there were none such And in the temple of Iup. Vicilinus which standeth in the territorie of Cossa there was heard forsooth rustling of armour and the river of Amiternus seemed to run with bloud When satisfaction was made for these strange signes the gods pleased and all well againe according to the direction set downe by the Priests and Prelates then the Consuls set forward in their expedition Sempronius into Lucania and Fabius into Apulia Where it so fell out that Fabius the father repaired into the camp at Suessula as Lieutenant assistant unto his sonne And when Fabius the yonger went forth tomeete him and his sergeants or huishers marching afore said not a word to Fabius the father nor put him aside to give way for very reverence of his person such a majestie he caried the old man rode forward and passed by eleven of the said Lictors with their bundels of rods Then the Consull commaunded the Serjeant that was next himselfe to do his office and with that the said huisher called upon old Fabius to alight from his horseback and at last as he set foot a ground I did all this but to try quoth he my sonne whether you knew well that you were a Consull or no. There came that night secretly to the Consull while the camp lay there one Cassius Attinius an Arpinate with his three bondslaves promising that if hee might have a good reward for his service he would betray Arpos into his hands Fabius then proposed this matter unto his counsell to be debated off Some were of opinion that Altinius was to be whipped and put to death fugitive renegate and false knave as he was a common enemie and a dangerous to either part and playing with both hands like a double-hearted hypocrite Who first after the overthrow at Cannae as if hee might turne with the wheele of fortune and goe from his woord and faithfull promise and change ever as he changeth raunged himselfe unto Anniballs and by his example drew with him Arpos to revolt and rebell now after that he seeth the Roman estate to rise again and hold up head and that beyond his hope and contrary to his desires he would play the villain and turne-coat againe and come with a new practise of a more shamefull treason than before as if trecherie andfalshood were of the nature and qualitie of a judgement passed in Septenivirall court and as if he might be allowed to carrie two faces under a hood alterevery houre Faithlesse friend that he is not to be trusted and slipperie enemie not to be regarded A good deed it were that together with that same traitour of Falerij and the other of king Pyrrhus hee made a third and were punished accordingly for exemplarie justice to teach all rogues and renegates hereafter how they run from their lords and maisters On the other side old Fabius the Consuls father replied againe and said That men now adaies had forgotten how to make difference of seasons and in the very heat and middest of warres reasoned and gave their opinion and censure of every thing and person as in a free time of open peace when as indeed wee are to thinke consider and deliberate of this point that if possible it might bee no more of our allies revolt from the people of Rome rather than invite and incite
the Brutians Lucans countrie against Anniball unto the other Gallia against Asdruball who as the rumour and bruite went was come forward neere unto the Alpes Of those two armies which were in Gallia and in Hetruria he whose fortune was to go into Gallia was to chuse which armie he would and have besides that other of the cittie And he whose lot should be to go into the Brutians countrie besides the new legions enrolled of cittizens was to take unto him the armie of whether Consull he list of the former year Also Quintius Fabius the Pro-consull had the charge of that armie which the Consull refused and his authoritie was renued for one yeare longer As for C. Hostilius whose province Tarentum they exchanged for Hetruria they altered his province againe to wit Capua in stead of Tarentum Vnto him was allowed that one legion which Fulvius the last yeare commaunded Now encreased their care every day more than other concerning the comming of Asdruball into Italie And the Embassadours of the Massilians had brought newes first that hee was passed over into Gallia and that the minds of the Gaules were mightily cheered up by his comming because the speech went that he had brought a huge deale of gold with him for to hire wage souldiours for aid in the warres Then afterwards Sex Antistius and M. Retius who were sent Embassadours backe with them from Rome for to see whether it were so indeed had made relation unto the Senate that they had sent certaine of purpose guided by the Massilians who by meanes of their especiall friends the princes and lords of the Gaules might learne the truth and bring word backe accordingly By whose report it was for certaine knowne that Asdruball having levied alreadie a puissant armie was minded the next spring to passe over the Alpes and that there was nothing els staied him but that it had beene done alreadie saving onely the avenues of the Alps which were closed up with the winter snow In the roume of M. Marcellus L. Aquilius Paetus was created Augur and so consecrated And likewise Cn. Cornelius Dolabella was inaugurat or installed king of the sacrifices in steed of Marcus Martius who died two yeares before In this very same yeere the citie was purged and there was a generall survey and numbring of the people by the Censors taken P. Sempronius Tuditanus and M. Cornelius Cethegus There were reckoned and entred into the Censours bookes of cittizens 137108. A smaller number by much ods than before the war It is recorded in the Annales that this yeere first after that Anniball came into Italie the Comitium was built over head and covered And that the Romane Games were once renued by the Aediles of the chaire Q. Metellus and C. Servilius and that the other Games called Plebeij were renued two daies by Q. Manlius and M. Caecilius Metellus Aediles of the Commons who also offered three images and set them up in the chappell of Ceres And the solemne feastivall dinner of Iupiter was celebrated by occasion of those Games Then C. Claudius Nero and M. Livius the second time entered their Consulship who because whiles they were but Coss. elect they had cast lots for their provinces commaunded the Pretors to do the like And to C. Hostilius fell the jurisdiction over the citizens who had that likewise over strangers and forrainers to the end that the other three might go forth into their provinces To A. Hostilius was allotted Sardinia to C. Manlius Sicilia and to L. Porcius Fraunce In summe the legions were in number three and twenty divided into the provinces in this sort to wit the Consuls had two apeece Spaine foure The three Pretours for Sicilie Sardinia and Fraunce each of them twaine C. Terentius in Hetruria commaunded two Q. Fulvius in the Brutians country other two Q. Claudius about Tarentum and the Salentines conducted twaine and Caius Hostilius Tubulus at Capua one Last of all two were enrolled for the cittie In the foure first legions the people chose all the Colonels or Marshals but to all the rest the Consuls sent new to make up the defect Before the Consuls went forth there was a Novendiall sacrifice celebrated because at Veij it had rained stones from heaven And after one prodigious sight was once minded and spoken of there were as it is commonly seene others also reported namely that in Minturnae the temple of Iupiter and the sacred grove of Marica was smitten with lightning and at Atellae the wall and gate likewise was blasted with fire from heaven The men of Minturnae spake also of a more fearfull and terrible thing than that to wit that there ran a river of bloud in their very gate Last of all at Capua a Wolfe entered the gate at night and werried and dismembred one of the watchmen These wonderfull signes were expiate with sacrificing of greater beasts and a supplication was holden for one day by vertue of a decree from the Prelates Then was the Novendiall sacrifice once againe renued because it was seene that in Armilustrum it rained stones And mens minds were no sooner freed of one religious scruple but they were troubled againe with another For word was brought that at Frusino there was an infant borne as big as ordinarie a child is at foure yeeres of age And the thing was not so straunge for the bignesse of the bodie as for that it was borne doubtfull whether it were male or female like as two yeeres before at Sinuessa The wisards that were sent for out of Hetruria said that this of all other was a foule and filthie monster and that it should bee had foorth of the dominion of Rome and drowned in the deepe so as it might touch no ground Whereupon they put it alive into a coffer and when they had carried it a good way into the sea they flung it in Moreover the Prelates made a decree that certaine virgines in three companies having nine apeece should goe through the citie sing certaine canticles And whiles in the temple of Iupiter Stator the maidens were a learning their song by heart devised and framed in verse by Livius the Poet the temple of queene Iuno in the Aventine hill was stricken with lightening from heaven And when the Aruspices had declared that this prodigious token touched the matrones and dames of the cittie and that the goddesse was to be pacified with an oblation they were by vertue of an edict granted out by the Aediles of the chaire called all into the Capitoll as many as had any house either in the citie of Rome or within ten miles every way And they among themselves chose five and twentie into whose hands all the rest should put some small portion of their dowrie Of which there was made a faire and large golden bason for to be presented unto Iuno and it was brought into the Aventine and withall the dames offered unto her purely and chastly their sacrifices And streight after the
those very things which now to keepe me backe from thence and to make them appeare strange and terrible are amplified with great words stretched upon the tainters to the full He holdeth That there is no accesse no entrance into Affricke nor havens open to receive an armada Hee telleth us and alleageth That M. Atilius was taken prisoner in Affricke as if M. Atilius forsooth at his first arrivall in Affricke had caught that harme and heavie misfortune But hee never remembreth and calleth to mind how that even the very same captaine as infortunate as he was yet found the baies open ynough into Affricke and the first yeere bare himselfe right valiantly and victoriously and for any hurt from Carthaginian captaines continued invincible unto the end You shall never therefore feare mee with this example so much were it so that the calamitie you speake of happened in this warre and not in the former of late and not fortie yeeres agoe that I should give over my intended purpose and not saile into Affricke now because Regulus there was taken prisoner as well as I passed before into Spaine whereas the Scipions chaunced to bee killed Or that I should suffer that Xanthippus the Lacedemonian was borne into this world more happie for Carthage than my selfe for Italie but rather that thereby I should think the better of my selfe considering that the vertue of one onely man can be of such consequence and so great effect But we ought you say to consider the example of the Athenians who leaving the warre at home in their owne countrie passed over into Sicilie unadvisedly Seeing you are atso good leisure to tel tales report the fabulous stories of Greece why discourse you not rather of Agathoclu the king of the Syracusians who seeing that Sicilie a long time was troubled and vexed with the Punicke warre sailed over into the selfesame Affricke whereof wee speake and withdrew the warre thither from whence it came But what need I to instruct and teach you by rehearsing old and forraine examples how materiall a thing it is and important to begin with an enemie first and put him in feare and by bringing another into danger to remove the perill from our selves Can there bee a president found more pregnant more present and fresh in memorie to prove and enforce this point than Anniball himselfe A great difference there is betweene the wasting and pilling the lands of others and the seeing of our owne burnt and destroied And he which giveth the assault to endanger another is ever of more courage than hee that standeth upon his owne guard and at defence onely to save himselfe Moreover the feare and dread is alwaies greater of things unknown unto us but so soon as a man is entred into the confines of aforrain countrie he may behold and see at hand as well the good as the bad what may advauntage what may endommage the enemies Anniball would never have thought and hoped that so many States in Italie would have revolted unto him as they did upon the overthrow at Cannae How much lesse account then may the Carthaginians make of anything in Africke to remaine fast and assured unto them who are fickle allies to strangers without all truth and fidelitie proud lords and intollerable tyrants over their owne subjects full of wrath and crueltie Over and besides we albeit we were forsaken and abandoned of all our confederates stood alwaies upon our owne forces and maintained our selves with meere Roman soldiours whereas in Carthage they have no strength of natural citizens the soldiors that they have are mercenaries al waged for monie partly Africanes and partly Numidians the most unconstant nations of all others by nature and aptest to entertaine changes and innovations Let me have no stay and hinderance in this place onely ye shalt heare newes at one time That I am set over in Affricke that all the countrie there is up in a broile that Anniball is readie to dislodge and remove out of these parts and also that Carthage it selfe is besieged Expect you daily out of Africke better and luckier tidings yea and oftener than yee heard out of Spaine These hopes of mine I ground upon the fortune of the people of Rome upon the justice of the gods witnesses of the league broken by the enemies upon Syphax and Masanissa both kings whose truth and fidelitie I will trust so farre forth as I find them and ever stand in feare and doubt of their falshood and trecherie Many things there are now that by distance of place appeare not which warre once begun will soone discover And this is a speciall point of a man indeed and of a good captain in no case to be wanting unto fortune when she offereth her selfe but to take all vantages that she giveth and those accidents and occurrences which fal by chance to make use of them yea by wisdome and counsell to frame them to his owne purpose and designes True it is o Fabius I shall have Anniball to beard and to match mee a souldiour I contesse as good every way as my selfe but I will rather draw him after me than hee shall keepe mee backe at home Force him I will to fight in his owne countrie and Carthage shall bee the price of my victorie rather than the decaied peeces and halfe ruinate petie castles of the Brutij Only provide ô Q. Fabius that in the meane time whiles I am at sea in my voyage whiles I am landing mine armie in Affrick whiles I approch Carthage with a running camp the Common-weale susteine no harme and domage heere at home See to this I say and be well advised that it be not a shamefull reproch to say That P. Litinius the Consull a man of singular valour who because he is the high priest and by vertue therof not to absent himselfe from the solemne celebration of sacrifices and divine service was content and willing that the charge of so distant a province should not befall unto him by casting lots is not able to performe that now when Anniball is halfe defeated and his heart almost broken which your selfe was sufficient to effect when Annibal squared it out and braved all Italie like a conquerour But set the case and suppose and say that by this course which I meane to take the warre be never the sooner brought to an end yet surely it were for the honor of the people of Rome and for the reputation and name which they have among forrain princes and States abroad that they may see and know that our hearts serve us not onely to defend Italie but also to offend Affricke And that it might be neither thought and beleeved nor spoken and noised abroad in the world how no Roman captaine durst adventure that which Annibal hath alreadie dared and done and when as in the former Punicke war when all the quarrell was for Sicilie our armies and armadaes so often assailed Affricke now that Italie is in
themselves of the hill that overlooked Vtica which he had held and kept before both to withdraw the minds of the enemies from that which he secretly designed and intended and amuse them upon the care and regard of another thing and also to prevent a mischiefe that whiles himselfe should go against Syphax and Asdruball they might not sally forth of the citie and assaile his camp left with a small guard to defend it Having made this way and laid this ground aforehand he assembled his counsell where he commaunded as well the foresaid spies to lay forth and utter what they had seene and found as also Masanissa who was acquainted with all the manner and fashions of the enemies and then at last he declared and shewed unto them what himselfe intended to execute the next night Then he gave commaundement to the Tribunes or Kn. Marshals that so soone as the counsell was risen and the court dismissed in the Generals pavilion at the first sound of trumpets immediatly they should bring their legions out of the camp Thus according to his edict the ensignes began a little before sunne setting to set forth About the first watch they put the souldiers in aray readie for to march and by midnight for they were to journey seven miles they going a faire soft pace approched the enemies camp There Scipio gave unto Laelius a part of the forces together with Masanissa and his band of Numidians with direction to invade the camp of Syphax and to set fire thereupon Then calling them by themselves both apart one from the other Laelius I meane and Masanissa he earnestly besought them of all love to make up and recompence by carefull industrie and devoir that providence and forecast which the darknesse of the night disappointed them of As for himselfe he ment to set upon Asdruball and the Carthaginian camp but begin he would not before he saw the fire amongst the kings tents And that was not long first ere it began for so soone as the fire caught hold of the next pavilions whereupon it was cast by and by it tooke all that stood neerest and so forward to those that joyned unto them untill it speed into all places of the camp And verily into a great fright they were all put as they could not choose but needs must in a night skatefire which was runne all over in so short a time Howbeit they thought it some fire by mischance only and not the hand of enemie by occasion and meanes of warre and therefore unarmed as they were and lightly appointed without weapons they ran forth by heapes to quench the fire and light full upon their armed enemies the Numidians especially who by Masanissa that was well acquainted with the manner of the kings camp were bestowed in convenient places at the ends of every avenue and passage Many in their very beds and couches betweene sleeping and waking were consumed with the flame many running headlong in this their hastie flight one upon an other were in the streights of the gates troden under foote or els thrust and crusht to death The Sentinels and watch of the Carthaginians espied at first the fire shining and flaming out after whom others awakened and raised out of their nests by this nightlie tumult and alarme might behold and plainly see the same but they likewise were deceived as well as the other and beleeved verily that the fire began of it selfe by some misfortune no man wist how The confused noyse and cry also which was heard whiles they were a killing slaying and wounding would not suffer them to know the truth indeede whether the same arose upon their affright and sodaine seare by night or otherwise And therefore every man naked as he was and suspecting no practice at all of the enemie at all the gates as they stood next did what he could to bring with him such instruments and meanes as were to put out the fire and happened unwares upon the armie of the Romanes Now after they were all massacred and put to the sword to the last man not only upon an ordinarie hatred betweene enemies but also because there might not escape so much as one to cary newes unto the rest Scipio immediately entred the gates beeing not warded but altogether neglected as in such a fearefull garboile and hutlyburly it was no mervaile Then they fell a flinging of fire upon the lodgings and sheds that stood next so as the flame brake out and shewed at first as if it had bene dispersed in many places but afterwards catching and spreading from one tent to another as they joyned close together they were all at once on a light fire and burnt every stick downe to the ground Men and cattaile both senged and skorched at the first as they ran in piteous and fearefull sort away but afterwards as they tumbled one upon another by heapes stopped and choked up all the waies and auenues of the gates And looke who escaped the fire fell upon the edge of the sword Thus in one day were two camps cleane consumed Howbeit both the Generals and of so many thousands of armed men only two thousand foote and five hundred horse armed by halfes and many of them either wounded or els singed and halfe rosted with the fire got away and escaped There were either slaine or burnt to ashes upon fortie thousand men taken prisoners there were above sixe thousand among whom there hapned to be many gentlemen of the Carthaginians and eleven Senators Of ensignes were taken 178. Of Numidian horses for service more than 2700. Sixe Elephants gotten alive eight perished either with fire or sword and a mightie deale of armour came to their hands all which the L. Generall Scipio consecrated to Vulcane and set on fire Asdruball with some few Africanes that fled with him rid away upon the spurre to the next citie and thither got all the rest who remained alive following the tracks of their captaine and there saved themselves But afterwards fearing least that citie would be yelded to Scipio he quit the place and departed Anon the Romaines were received within the same at the gates standing open for them and because willingly of themselves they rendred the towne there was no kind of hostilitie or violence offred unto them But two other cities one after another were forced and put to the ransact All that pillage as also whatsoever was saved out of the fire in the two camps was freely geven to the souldiers Syphax encamped and fortified himselfe in a strong hold almost eight miles off But Asdruball made hast to Carthage for feare least upon the sodaine fright occasioned by this fresh and late ouerthrow things should go backward and the Senat resolve upon some unmanly and unworthy course Thither at the first arrived such fearefull newes that all men thought verily that Scipio would give over Vtica and forthwith lay siege unto Carthage whereupon their Sufetes who are the Consuls as it were of the citie
and in private occasions as ye have found by good experience But Cato said moreover There would bee no emulation and envie betweene this good wife and that if neither one nor other were allowed that libertie of apparell and ornaments True it is but in steed thereof they all are mightily discontented and greeved at the heart in the meane while disdaining to see the wives of our allies of the Latine name and nation permitted to weare those ornaments which they are forbidden to have to see them I say all gorgeously set out with spangles and jewels of gold clad in their purple and skarlet clothes riding in their coaches all over their cities whiles they at Rome take pains to go afoot on their ten toes as if the State of the Empire were seated in their townes and not in this their owne citie of Rome This indignitie were ynough to wound the hearts of men make them bleed what hurt doth it then thinke you to silie women whom small matters God wot are wont to trouble Alas poore soules no magistracie and place of government in State no sacerdotal dignities in the church no triumphes no ornaments and titles of honour are they capable of no gifts no spoiles and prises gotten in warres can fall to their shares Neatnesse and finenesse gay garments trim attire and gorgeous habiliments are the honour and ornaments of women in it they take delight on it they set their hearts of it they make their joy And therfore well have our ancestors called all furniture for the decking of women Mundus Muliebris What lay they off in time of sorrow mourning but their gold purple what put they on resume again when their mourning is past but their gold purple what hang they on them besides in time of publick joy and solemn processions but their better apparell their richest attire most costly ornaments But per adventure after ye have once repealed the law Oppia it will not be in your power to overrule them if happily you should forbid them to wear any thing that now the law restraineth them of And perhaps some shal have more ado with their daughters their wives sisters find them lesse tractable and pliable unto their minds than now they are Never fear that women cannot shake off their obedience so long as their governours be they fathers husbands or brethren are alive nay of all other things they abhor cannot brook to be at their own libertie when it commeth by the death either of husbands or parents Widdows state and Orphans life they may not abide Be sure therfore they had leifer have their ornaments and attire to be at the disposition of yourselves than of the law And therfore to speake a truth you must in equity and reason protect and defend them in kindnesse and not oppresse them with hardnesse and bondage delight ye must to be called their fathers and husbands rather than their lords and masters It pleased the Consull erewhile to give them hard words and odious tearmes calling this their meeting A mutinie of women and a very insurrection and departure of theirs and daunger there is no doubt least being up once they will seize upon the mount Sacer as sometimes the Commons did in their furious anger or els possesse themselves of the Aventine and there encampe and keepe an hold Well this weake and feeble sexe borne to beare must suffer and endure whatsoever ye shall ordain set down against them But take this with all at the loose for a final conclusion that the greater power authoritie ye have over them the more discretion and moderation ye ought to use in that soveraintie of yours After debate of words passed in this wise in favor and disfavor of the law the day following the women flocked in greater multitudes into the open streets and banding themselves together as it were in one troupe they be set the dores and houses of the Brutt who by interposing themselves had hindered and crossed the bill preferred by their fellow Tribunes and never gave they over to keepe this stur untill those Tribunes slaked in their opposition for to inhibit the same Which done there was no doubt then but all the tribes with one voice would abrogate and abolish that law Thus twentie yeeres after the enacting thereof it was repealed and anulled M. Percius Cato after the abrogation of the law Oppia presently departed with a fleet of five and twentie gallies whereof five were set out by Allies and arrived in the port of Luna to which place hee commaunded his forces to assemble and after by vertue of an edict sent out along the sea coast he had gathered together vessels of all sorts as he losed from Luna and proclaimed that they should all follow after him to the port of Pyreneus from whence hee purposed to set forth against the enemie with an Armada of many saile and well appointed Who having passed beyond the mountaines of Liguria and the gulfe of Gaule arrived and met all together at the day and place appointed From thence they came against Rhoda where they expelled the Spanish garrison that held the fortresse From Rhoda with a good gale of wind they sailed to Emporiae Where all the whole armie excepting the marriners were set a land At the same time Emporiae were two townes seperate one from the other by a wall The one of them was inhabited by Greekes who came from Phocaea from whence the Maffilians also are descended the other was possessed by Spaniards But the Greeks towne lieth out into the sea so as the whole compasse of the wall is not halfe a mile about but the Spanish towne seated farther into the land and devided from the sea is defended with a wall three miles in circuit A third sort of Romane inhabitants were joyned unto them by Caesar the Emperour of famous memorie after he had vanquished Pompeys children And at this day they are confused and medled one with another and become one entier bodie by reason that first the Spanyards and afterward the Greekes were made free denizens of the citie of Rome A man might well mervaile seeing how open they lye of the one side to the maine sea how exposed they are on the other side to the danger of the Spaniards a nation so fierce and war like what thing it was that garded and protected them Discipline it was and good government and nothing els which mainteined and preserved them in that weakenes of theirs discipline I say which is ever best enterteined of them who live in feare of the mightier that are round about them One quarter of the wall looking to the fields is passing strong and exceeding well fortified having but one gate in all that side which ordinarily is alwayes warded by one of the Magistrates In the mainteined not for custome and fashion nor by vertue of any law but they performed it with as great care yea
forbeare those cursed speeches and said withall it was his owne mother by the consent of his father in law that had enjoyned him so to do And is it that father in law of yours quoth she for peradventure I should not do well to blame your mother that hasteneth you by this action of yours to make shipwrack of your honestie and chastitie of your credit and good name of your hope another day and lastly to hazard your very life Here at the young man marveiled much more than before and desired earnestly to know the depth of all this matter Then after she had prayed all gods and goddesses to pardon her if for tender love and affection that she bare unto him she could neither will nor chuse but reveale those secrets that in deed were to be concealed she set tale on end and said That she herselfe once entred into that chappell when as she waited upon her mistresse but since that she was made free and at her own libertie shenever setsoote within the dore And upon my knowledge ad she it is the very shop and workhouse of all wickednes that can be devised And now for certeine these two yeares last past there is not one prosessed and admitted to those mysteries there who is above 20 yeeres of age So soone as any one is inducted and brought in thither she or he is delivered to the priests as a very sacrifice to be killed for they lead them to a place which resoundeth with yelling and crying with singing of divers consorts with jangling noyse of cymbals with thumping and beating of tabers to the end that the voice of any one that crieth and complaineth of force and violence done to the abuse of his or her bodie might not be heard Now I beseech you therefore and all loves I pray you that in any case by one meanes or other ye avoid this howsoever ye do and plunge not your selfe headlong thither where first you shall be sure to endure and suffer and afterwards to perpetrate commit all abhominable wickednes not to be named And never would she let the youth go from her untill he had made her faithfull promise to absteine and forbeare such mysteries and ceremonies When hee was come home and that his mother was in hand with him telling him what hee must do this day and that day and so forth he flatly denied and said plainly he would do neither the one nor the other and at one word prosessed and consecrated he would not be whatsoever came of it His father in law was present at one end of this resolute speech of his His mother straightwaies cried out and said that he could not find in his hart to lie apart from Hispala one ten daies and that he was so far bewitched and envenomed with the charmes poisoned allurements baits of that false serpent perilous Hydra that he had no respective regard either of his mother or mothers husband no not any reverent feare of the immortal gods The mother rated him of one side the father baited coursed him on another till in the end they hunted him out of dores with 4 bondslaves besides The young man betooke himselfe to Ebutia an aunt that he had by his fathers side and shewed her the whole matter why his mother had thrust him out of her house by the head and shoulders which done by her advise and counsell the next day he opened and declared the same in great secret without the hearing of any earthly creature to the Consull Posthumius The Consul commanded him to repaire again unto him three dayes after so for that time dismissed him Then the Consull in the meane while enquired of his wives mother Sulpitia a grave and sober matron whether she knew an old wise called Ebutia dwelling in the Aventine Yes that I do qd she and I know her to be an honest dame and a woman of the old world and sew her like now adayes I must needs speake with her qd he and therefore I would have you send a messenger unto her for to will her to come hither Ebutia at the first sending came unto Sulpitia and the Consul within a while sorted as it were by chance into their companie and began to find some talke of her brothers sonne Ebutius with that the womans eyes stood full of water and with teares she began to bewaile the case and mishap of the young man who being spoiled of all his goods and patrimonie by those who of all others should least have done it was now at home in her house chased and driven out of doores by his owne mother for that the honest good youth God blesse us all and be mercifull unto us was unwilling to be consecrated and admitted to certaine filthie and detestable sacrifices if all be true that is reported thereof The Consull had enough now and was fully persuaded of Ebutius that he had told him no lie Then hee gave Ebutia leave to goe her waies home and requested his mother in law Sulpitia aforesaid to send likewise for Hispala from thence out of the Aventine to come unto her a woman qd hee affranchised and well enough knowen to all the neighbours of that street for that I have somewhat also to say to her Hispala was somewhat disquieted at this message to think that she should be sent for to so noble and honourable a dame and knew no cause wherefore But after that she saw the Lictours before the entrie of the dore the troupe and traine also belonging to the Consull and withall the Consull himselfe in person shee was astonied and in manner halfe dead The Consull taking with him his wives mother had the woman into an inward roume of the house and said unto her That shee need not to bee affraid if so be she could find in her heart to tell the truth and for assurance thereof she should have the faithfull word and promise either of Sulpitia a ladie of so good credit and reputation or of himselfe if need were Only he would have her to urter and declare what was ordinarily done at the grove of Similla in the Bacchanals where they used to sacrifice in the night season The woman had no sooner heard that word but she fell into such a feare trembling and quaking all over her bodie that for a good while she was not able to open her lips and speake a word but after shee was come to herselfe againe out of this traunce and by them heartened and encouraged she said That when she was a very young wench and a bond-maiden shee togither with her mistresse was there prosessed and consecrated but for certaine yeeres of late and namely since that she was affranchised and made free shee was not acquainted with the place nor wist not what worke was there I con thee thanke for this yet quoth the Consull that thou deniest now how thou wert there entred into that prosession but say on and tell
the skie through them But when they approched once the pitch and crest of the mountaine behold a thing not lightly seene in other parts they light upon so grosse and thicke a mist which overspread and covered all that they had as much ado to march forward as if they had travelled in the darke and mirke night At last by the third daies end they gained the verie top of the mountaine Now when they were come downe from thence againe they made no lesse report thereof than the common opinion was that went of it which I beleeve leeve verily they did of purpose because they would not bee mocked and scorned for this their foolish and vaine voiage rather than for that they could indeed within the same prospect and from one place view seas mountaines and rivers situate and distant so farre asunder Much moiled they were all and sore toiled in this untoward way but the king above the rest by reason that he was farre stept in age and unweldie of bodie Well after hee had done sacrifice there upon two altars consecrated to Iupiter and the Sunne he descended in two daies wheras he had made three of it in ascending and that which hee feared most was the cold nights which there in the beginning of the dog-daies were like to those of midwinter in other places Many difficulties he wrestled and strove with all during those daies being returned into his camp he found no better Nothing was there but extreame want and penurie as being pitched in a place compassed about on everie side with desarts and wildernesse And therefore when hee had staied there but one only day to rest repose his men whom he had taken with him in that journey he hastened away and in a running march as if hee had fled in rout entered the countrey of the Denthelets These Dentheletes were his owne confederat allies but the Macedonians such was their need necessitie pilled and spoiled their confines no lesse than if they had ben professed enemies For first they wasted and destroied their holts graunges and farme houses afterwards certaine wicks and villages also robbing and rifling as they went to the great dishonour of the king who could not chuse but heare the pitteous complaints and mones of his associates crying to the gods patrones of alliances and calling upon his name for help but could have no meed and remedie When he was purveyed of corne from thence and returned into the countrey Maedica he began to assaile a citie which they call Petra Himselfe in person lay encamped in the avenue and readie way upon the plaines but hee sent his sonne Perseus with a small companie to fetch a compasse and give the assault from the higher places that commaunded the towne The townesmen thus hard bested with terror on every side for the present yeelded upon composition and gave hostages but after the armie was retired they forgetting their pledges abandoned the citie and fled for refuge into certaine forts fenced places high mountains Philip having wearied his soldiours with all manner of travell to no effect and withall entertained more jelousie and suspition of his sonne Demetrius by the leaud practise and false suggestions of Didas the governour of Paeonia returned into Macedo nie This Didas as hath been said before sent to conduct Demetrius home abused the simplicitie of the young gentleman who was nothing circumspect and warie but seemed discontented and complained to him as good cause hee had of those that were neerest in nature and bloud unto him he I say by flattering by soothing him up and seeming withal to bee offended and greeved for his part at such hard usage laid snares and grinns set traps for him and in conclusion by his double diligence and offering his voluntarie service to doe him pleasure protesting also to be true and fast unto him yea and to keepe his counsell fetched out of him the very secrets of his heart Now had Demetrius a purpose with himselfe to flie to Rome and to effectuate this designement of his hee was persuaded that of a speciall grace and favour the gods had sent and offered unto him this Didas the Pretour of Paeonia to be his helper and assistant for through his province he conceived some hope to passe and escape with securitie This intent and plot of his was both immediately disclosed to his brother Perseus and also by him declared to his father And first were letters hereof brought unto him whiles he lay at the siege of Petra Afterwards Herodorus the principal friend that Demetrius had was committed to ward and withall order was taken to watch and observe Demetrius that he started not aside but all underhand and close without semblance of any such matter These occurrents above all others caused the king to have a dolorous and heavie returne into Macedonie These new accusations thus presented troubled him much howbeit hee thought good to expect the returne of those whom he had sent to Rome as spies to heare all and find out the truth In the anguish and agonie of these cares and perplexities when the king had continued certaine months in the end those embassadours came home who at first ere they set foot out of Macedonie had devised and framed before hand what reports they would make from Rome These messengers to make up the full measure of all their wicked and divellish practises delivered also into the kings hand a false and forged letter sealed with a counterfeit signe of T. Quintius The said letter was endited to this tenour and effect That Quintius should seeme for his owne excuse to say that albeit young Demetrius caried away with an inordinat desire to be king had slipped a little treated with him about some such matter yet would he doe nothing to prejudice any one about K. Philip neither would he be thought or found a man to give any ungodly and ungracious counsel These letters struck it dead sure and made the king beleeve that all the former imputations fastened upon Demetrius were true past al peradventure Wherupon Herodorus presently was put to the rack and examined but after he had endured intollerable paines a long time confessed nothing he died in the end under the tormentors hand Perseus accused Demetrius againe before his father for that he entended and provided to take his flight through Paeonia And there came forth certain to testifie against him saying that hee had corrupted inveagled and enduced them to accompanie him in that journey But that which made most of all against him was that same devised letter of T. Quintius Howbeit there was no greevous sentence pronounced openly against him to the end that rather by some covert and cautelous practise hee might come to his death and this not for any feare that hee had of him but doubting least some ouvert punishment executed upon him might reveale and discover his secret designement of making war upon the Romanes Philip himselfe taking
tempest cast downe certaine images in the Capitol and disfigured very many places with thunderbolts and flashes of lightning It overthrew the temple of Iupiter in Tarracina the white temple at Capua Item the gate there called Romana the battlements of the wals in divers places Among these wondrous prodigies it was reported also from Reate that a mule was foaled with three feet For this cause the Decemvirs were commaunded to go to the bookes of Sibylla and out of that learning they shewed to what gods sacrifice should be made and what number of beasts was to be killed And because many places were with lightning defaced they ordained that a solemn supplication should be holden one whole day in the temple of Iupiter This done the foresaid games plaies which Q. Fulvius the Consul had vowed were with great magnificence exhibited for ten daies together After this followed the election of the Censors wherein M. Aemylius Lepidus the Arch-bishop and M. Fulvius Nobiltor who had triumphed over the Aetolians were created Now betweene these two men there had bene notorious enmitie oftentimes testified shewed in many sharpe bitter debates both in the Senate also before the people When this election was ended the two Censors according to the auncient use and custome sat upon their yvorie chaires of estate in Mars field neere the altar of Mars To whom ther soon repaired thither the principal Senators accompanied with a troup besides of citizens and among the rest Q. Caecilius Metellus made a speech to this effect My masters you that are Censors we have not forgotten that you ere-while were chosen by the universal body of the people of Rome to be superintendents wardens over us for our manners behavior and that it becommeth us to be taught admonished and directed by you and not you by us Howbeit we ought to tell and declare what there is in you that either is offensive to all good men or at lestwise which they wish were amended When we behold consider you severally apart either you ó M. Aemylius or you M. Fulvius wee have not this day in the cittie of Rome any men whom if we were called to a new scrutinie for to passe our voices againe we would prefer before you to this office and place of dignitie But when we see you both together we cannot chuse but much doubt and feare that ye are very badly matched and coupled as companions in government and that the common weale shall not receive so much good by this That yee please and like us all so well as sustaine harme in this â—â—â—t you displease and dislike one another These many yeeres together there hath bene great heart-burning and much malice betweene you and the same must needs be grievous hurtful unto yourselves but now it is to be feared that from this day forward that rank or will be more prejudiciall to us and the common weale than unto you Vpon what motives and causes wee are thus fearefull much wee could say but that peradventure your irreconcilible anger is such as hath snared and possessed wholly your spirits and minds alreadie These quarrels jarres and grudges of yours we all in generall would request you heartily to end this day in this very temple wherein we are assembled since the people of Rome by their voices have conjoyned you in one office suffer your selves by us to bee linked and reconciled in perfect attonement With one mind and accord with one heart and counsel chuse the Senate review the Chevalrie and knighthood of Rome number the cittizens assesse their goods purge clense the citie finally consummate the solemnitie of the Cense with a sacrifice And whereas in all your praiers well neere yee shall use this ordinarie forme of words That this thing or that may fall out in the end well and happilie to my selfe and to my colleague See that you wish the same truly syncerely from the very hart that whatsoever ye shal pray vnto the gods for wee men may beleeve and all the world see that you desire the same to bee effected in deed T. Tatius and Romulus in this very cittie reigned together with great untie and concord in the middest whereof even in the very market-place they had encountred and joyeed battaile together as mortal enemies with their cruell armies What! not enmities onely have an end but warres also And many a time most venemous and spitefull foes become faithful allies yea other whiles nere neighbors fellow citizens The Albanes after the subversion utter mine of their citie were brought over to inhabite Rome The Latines Sabines both were endenizend Romans An old said saw it is not so old as true for the truth become a common proverb That enmities ought to be transitorie soone die wheras friendship should continue live for ever At these words there arose a confused bruit among them there assembled in token of their consent approbation anon were heard the destinct voices of them all in generall craving requesting of the Censors the same which making one entire sound brak off the speech of Metillus Then Aemylius among other matters complained that M. Fulvius had twise put him besides the Consulship which otherwise he was sure of And Fulvius on the other side found himselfe greeved that he evermore by Aemylius had bene provoked that he had waged law by stipulation against him to his dishonor and disgrace Yet both of them made saite and shewed that if the one were as willing as the other they would relent and be over-ruled by so many honourable personages of the citie So at the instant request of all them that were present they shooke hands and thereby assured one another to forgive and forget all matters past and truly to make an end of malice and bee perfect friends againe whereupon they were much commended by the whole assembly and conducted by them into the Capitoll Where the Senate approved and highly praised as well the carefull industrie of the principall cittizens in effecting this so weightie a matter as also the good nature and debonaritie of the two Censors Who afterwards when they required to have a certaine summe of monie assigned unto them for to employ in the publike edifices and other workes of the cittie were allowed by their decree the full rent and revenues of one whole yeere The same yeere L. Posthumius and Tib. Sempronius the Pro-pretours in Spaine agreed so together that Albinus should make an expedition against the Vaccei through Lusitania and so returne from thence into Celtiberia But Gracchus went as farre as the utmost quarter of Celtiberia for that in those parts there was the greater war And first he forced the citie Munda which he surprised so dainly in the night at unawares Then after he had received hostages put a garison there he went forward assaulting forts and burning the villages untill he came
plucke that away by wrong and outrage which during the warres they could not take from them by martiall law and force of armes Thus was the young prince together with the Carthaginians dismissed Presents were given both to the one and the other according to the order and other courtesies of hospitalitie were friendly observed Much about the same time Cn. Servilius Caepio App. Claudius Cento and T. Annius Lucius embassadours sent into Macedonie for to demaund amends and restitution and withall to disclaim and renounce the kings amitie returned to Rome Who having related in order what they had seene and heard enflamed the Senate more againts Perseus who were alreadie of themselves enkindled ynough They made report That through all the cities of Macedonie they saw preparation for warre in all sorcible manner that when they came to the court for many daies they could find no meanes of accesse to the speech of the king and in the end after they were departed from thence homeward as being past all hope of parley with him then and not afore they were called backe againe of their way and so brought unto his presence that the sum of their embassage and speech unto to him was this namely to put him in mind of the league first contracted with Philip and afterwards renued with himselfe since the death of his father wherein by expresse words he was inhibited to beare armes without his own frontiers and likewise debarred to levie warre upon any confederate allies of the people of Rome after this that they had recounted and laid abroad from point to point those specialties which they themselves had lately heard king Eumenes to declare and discourse which were all apparent truths upon his owne assured knowledge Moreover that the king held a secret counsell for many daies together with the embassages of the cities States of Asia in reagard of which injuries that the Senat thought in reason and equitie that he should make satisfaction yea and restore back both to them and also to their associates whatsoever hee held contrarie to right contained in the accord That the king hereupon at the first fell into a fit of choler and indignation and gave them hard tearms reproching at every other word the Romanes for their covetousnesse and insolencie And as for their embassadours that came unto him one after another he said they were but spies to listen and see what he did or said no mervel for they thought it meet that he should conforme and frame himselfe in all his words and deeds according to their becke and commandement At the last when hee had in this wise discharged his choler with high words and broad speeches for a long time that he commanded them to repaire againe unto him the next morrow for that hee would give them their answer in writing and then he delivered unto them a script to this effect as followeth First as touching the accord covenant concluded with my father that is nothing to me at all if I suffred it to be renued it was not for any liking or approbation therof but because I being new come to the crown and lately possessed of the kingdome I was to bear and endure all things whatsoever But in case they will enter into a new league with me requisit it is that a treatie and agreement passe first of the conditions And if they could bee content that a covenant were drawne with equall and indifferent capitulations yet I will sleepe upon it and bee well advised what to doe for the best as I doubt not but they likewise will have a good regard to the profite of their Commonweale And herewith that he suddainely flung away from them and wee all began to void out of the pallace Whereupon wee proceeded according to our commission on the abandon and disavow his amitie and societie At which words of ours hee staied in great wroth and furie and with a lowd and shrill voice warned us upon our owne perill and hazard to bee gone out of the marches of his realme within three daies finally in this manner wee departed and put our selves in our journey and found neither friendly welcome at our first comming nor any courteous entertainment while we were there not yet a kind farewell at our departure When they had once done the Thessalian and Aetolian embassadours had audience The Senate to the end that they might know out of hand what captaines and commanders the commonweale was to employ thought good to write unto the Coâ—â— that the one-or other of them who first might should repaire to Rome for the creation of new magistrates And no great matter to speake of as concerning the state was that yeere done by the Consuls But more expedient it was thought for the commonweale to suppersse and appease the Ligurians whose bloud was up and chased against them considering that the Macedonian warre was in daily expectance Moreover the embassadors of Issa gave occasion that Gentius also king of Illyricum was had in jealousie who at one time both complained of him that now twise he had given the wast to their countrie and also made report how the Macedonian and Illyrian kings were all one so great together that with one consent common counsell they prepared to warre upon the Romans finally that the Illyrians were now at Rome in shew and semblance of embassage but indeed and very truth no better than spies addressed of purpose by the motife and advise of Perseus to hearken learne whereabout they went at Rome These Illyrians were sent for into the Senat-house and when they had said that they were emploied in embassage from their king Gentius to aunswere unto those accusations which it might be the Isseans framed against him it was againe demaunded of them How it hapned that they went not directly nor shewed themselves in such sort to the magistrate that according to the manner custome they might have had their lodging provided and presents given them with the ordinarie allowance of the cittie meet for them during their abode that thereby knowledge might have bene taken as well of their comming as also of their businesse and errand But being taken in atrip found fumbling in their answere they were commaunded to void out of the Counsel-chamber For thought it was not meete to give them their dispatch as embassadours since they made no meanes to present themselves unto the Senate but rather they were of advise to dispatch embassadors of their owne to the king to signifie unto him which of his associates had complained unto the Senate how hee had burnt their villages within their territorie yea and to tell him of it plainly that it was not well donâ— of him that he could not forbeare but do wrong to his owne allies In this embassie were sent A. Terentius Varro C. Pletorius and C. Cicereius Likewise those embassadours whose commission was to visit the associate kings returned out of Asia and reported
embassadours began their speech with a commemoration of the said familiar and inward acquaintance requesting him to permit the K. for to have accesse unto him to commune together Martius answered that he also had heard his father speake of the limitie and mutual hospitalitie betweene him and king Philip in regard and remembrance of which neere bond of familiarie he was the more willing to take upon him the charge of that embassage and commission As to the parlie he would not have differed it at all if hee might commodiously have wroght it now for this present the promised so soon as he possibly could to send his courriers before to advertise the king that they might come to the river Peneus wheras the passage lieth from Omolium over to Dium And verily at that time Perseus was retired from Dium into the inland quarters of his realme and had gathered some pretrie gale of hope in that Martius had given out how for love of him he had undertaken this embasse After some few daies they repaired to the place appointed The king came accompanied with a great traine as well of his friends as his courtiers and pensioners which guarded his person The legates likewise were attended upon with no lesse a troupe by reason as well of many that followed them from Latissa as also of divers embassages from the States which assembled at Larissa and were desirous to carrie home with them certaine newes of the sequele which they should heare with their owne cares Every man had an inward desire setled in his heart to see the manner of the meeting of this nobel king these high commissioners from the soveraigne state and mightiest thieft people of the whole world Being come to the enterview one of another they stood still on eitherside of the river which onely parted them asunder For a while there passed entercourslers betweene whiles they made it straunge on both parts who should passe the river first for the Macedonians stood somewhat upon the roiall majestie of a king and the Romanes were as respective to the reputation of the people of Rome considering with all that Perseus sought the means and made first motion for this parley Whereupon to end this controversie Martius cast out a mery word What needs all this quoth he let the younger come to the elder without more adoe the son to the father this he spake for that himself also was surnamed Philip. The K. soone condescended thereunto But then arose another doubt and difference namely with what number he should passe over The K. thought it meet convenient to come with his whole traine but the legates would have had him either to bring over with him 3 persons no more or else if he were minded to passe with so great a companie to put in hostages for assurance that during the time of the parley no outrage should be committed So Perseus sent as pledges Hippias Pentachus the principal most especial friends that wer about him whom also he had emploied in the embassage Now were these hostages required not so much for a gage and pawn of securitie as that it might appeare unto the allies there present that the K. in meeting and communing with The Romane commissioners should not keepe state comparable with them but abate somewhat of the port and majestie which they carried Their mutuall greeting and salutation was nothing strange as betweene enemies but kind and amiable as among familiar friends Which done they sat them downe upon their chaires set readie for them After they had thus sitten a while in silence and said nothing Martius begun in this manner You expect I suppose quoth hee that were should answere to your letters which you sent to Corcyra wherin you demaund Why wee are come in embassie and commission after this manner with armed souldiors and plant garrisons as wee doe in every citie To which question of yours not to answer at all I feare me you would take it to be pride in me and againe to answere a truth I doubt it will be too harsh and unpleasant to your cares But seeing that hee who breaketh a covenant must be chastised either by word or sword like as I had rather that any other but my selfe should have commission to make warre upon you so I will bee so bold howsoever it fall out to speake rough and tart unto you as to my friend and herein will I follow the maner of Physicians who for the health of their pacients otherwhiles minister bitter medicines and apply stinging corrosives Since time that you first attained unto the crowne the Senat thinketh you have done but one onely thing of all that you ought to have done namely that you sent your embassadors to Rome for the renew the league and yet they judge you had done better in not renewing it than after it was renewed to violate the same Chased you have out of the realme Abrupolis a consederate and friend of the people of Rome The murderers of Artetarus you have received and entertained yea and given the world thereby to understand that you were well pleased to say no worse with his death and killed they have a prince most sast and faithfull to the Romanes of all others in Illyricum Thorough Thessalie and the territorie of Malia you have marched with an armie against the tenor of the league as far as to Delphi and more than that contrarie unto the said accord sent you have aid and succor to the Bizantines With our allies the Baeotians you have entred into a secret association and bound the same with an oth which by right you ought not to have done Who it was the murdered the Thebane embassadors Eversa and Callicritus who came directly from us I had leiser enquire than charge any man and declare The civill warres in AEtolia the massacres of their princes and States unto whome may they be imuted in any likelihood but to your people As for the Dolopians wasted they were by your selfe in person and by no other It grieveth me the goeth to my heart to speake who it is that king Eumenes challengeth and burdeneth with this That in his returne from Rome into his owne kingdom he was like to have been killed as a beast for sacrifice and that at Delphi in a sacred and hallowed place even before the altars As for the secret practices which your host of Brundusium hath disclosed and set abroad I know right well that not onely you have received letters thereof from Rome but your owne embassadors also have told you all by word of mouth You might have soone avoided all this and heard nothing thereof from me if you would have sorborne only to aske and demand Wherefore out forces were transported over into Macedonie and why we sent garrisons into our consederate cities But since you would needs put out such a question more pride it had beene in us to have held our peace