point that where hee had repented the way that he had entred yet woulde he goe forth in the same and since he had once begoonne he would stoutely go through And therefore to this wicked enterprise which he beleeued coulde not be voyded he bent himselfe and went through and determined that since the common mischiefe coulde not be amended he would turne it as much as he might to his owne commoditie Then it was agreed that the Protector should haue the Dukes ayde to make him king and that the Protectors onely lawfull sonne should mary the Dukes daughter and that the Protectour should graunt him the quiet possession of the erledome of Hertford which he claymed as his inheritaunce and could neuer obteyne it in king Edwardes tyme. Besides these requestes of the Duke the Protector of his owne minde promised him a greate quantitie of the kings treasure and of his householde stuffe And when they were thus at a point betwene themselues they went about to prepare for the coronation of the yong king as they wold haue it seme And that they might turne both the eies minds of men froÌ„ perceyuing of their drifts otherwhere the lords being sent for froÌ„ all partes of the Realme came thicke to that solemnitie But the Protectour and the Duke afâ—… that that they had sent the Lorde Cardinal the Archbishop of Yorke then Lorde Chauncellour the Bishop of Elie the Lorde Stanley and the lord Hastings then Lorde Chamberlaine with many other noble men to common and deuise aboute the coronation in one place as fast were they in another place contriuing the contrarie and to make the Protector King To which Councell albeit there were adhibited very few and they were secrete yet began there here and there aboute some maner of muttering among the people as though all should not long he well though they neyther wyste what they feared nor whefore were it that before such great things mens hearts of a secrete instinct of nature misgiue them As the sea without wind swelleth of himself sometime before a tempest or were it that some one man happily somewhat perceyuing â–ª filled many men with suspition though hee shewed fewe men what hee knew Howheit somewhat the dealing it self made men to muse on the matter though the Councell were close For by little and little all folke withdrewe from the Tower and drewe to Crosbies in Bishops gates street where the Protector kept his houshold The protectour had the resort the King in manner desolate While some for theyr businesse made sute to them that had the doing some were by theyr friendes secretely wanted that it might happily turne them to no good to bee too much attendante about the King wythout the Protectors appoyntment whiche remoued also diuerse of the princes olde seruants from him and set new about him Thus many things comming togyther partly by chance partly of purpose caused at length not common people onely that wound with the winde but wise men also and some Lordes â—…e to marke the matter and muse thereâ—… so farre forth that the Lorde Stanley that was after Earle of Darby wisely mistrusted it and sayde vnto the Lorde Hastings that he muche mislyked these two seuerall Councels For while wee â—…oth hee talke of one matter in the â—…a place little wote wee whereof they talke in the tother place My Lorde quoth the Lorde Hastâ—…gs on my life neuer doubt you for while one man is there which is neuer thence neâ—…er can there he thing once moued that shoulde sounde amisse towarde me but it shoulde hee in naâ—…e euery ere it were well out of their mouthes Caâ—…by This ment he by Catesby which was of hys neare secrete counsaile and whome he verie familiarly vsed and in his most weightieâ—… matters put no man in so special trust riche thing himselfe to no man so liefe fithe hee well wyst there was no man so muche to him beholden as was thys Catesbie which was a man well learned in the lawes of this lande and by the speciall honour of the Lorde Chamberlayne in good authoritie and much rule bare in all the Countie of Leycester where the Lorde Chamberleynes power chiefely laye But surely greate pitie was it y t hee had not had eyther more truth or lesse wit For his dissimulation onely kept all that mischiefe vp In whome if the Lorde Hastings hadde not put so speciall trust the Lorde Stanley and he had departed with dyuerse other Lordes and broken all the daunce for many yll signes that he sawe which he nowe construes all to the best So surely thought he that there coulde be none haâ—…e toward him in that Councell intended where Cateshie was And of truth the Protectour and the Duke of Buthingham made verie good semblaunce vnto the Lord Hastings and kept him much in companie And vndoubtedly the Protector loued him well and loth was to haue lost him sauing for feare least his lyfe shoulde haue quayled their purpose For which cause he mooued Catesbie to proue with some words cast out a farre off whether he coulde thinke it possible to win the Lorde Hastings vnto their part But Catesbie whether he assayed him or assayed him not reported vnto them that he found him so fast and heard him speake so terrible wordes that hee duest no further breake And of truth the Lorde Chamberlaine of verie trust shewed vnto Catesbie the distrust that other beganne to haue in the matter And therfore hee fearing least theyr motion mighte with the Lorde Hastings â—…nishe his credence where vnto onely all the matter leaned procured the Protector hastily to rid him And muche the rather for that he trusted by his death to obteyne muche of the rule that the Lorde Hastinges haâ—… in his Countrey the onely desire whereof was the allectiue that induced hym to bee partner and one speciall contriuer of all thys horrible treason Wherevpon soone after Thirtenth of Iune that is to wit on the Fryday the _____ day of _____ many Lordes assembled in the Tower and their sâ—…te in Councell dâ—…uishing the honourable solemnitie of the Kings Coronation of which the tyme appoynted then to neare approached that the paâ—…antes and subtiltyes to ere 〈◊〉 king daye and night at Westminster and much vytayle killed therefore that afterwarde was cast away These Lordes so sitting togither coâ—…ning of this matter the Protector came in amongst them first about .ix. of the clocke saluting them courteously and excusing himselfe that hee had beene from them so long saying merily 〈◊〉 had bene a sleeper that day And after a little talking with them he sayde vnto the Bishop of Elie My Lorde you haue very good Strawberies at your Garden in Holborne I require you let vs haue a messe of them Gladly my Lorde quoth he woulde God I had some better thing as readie to youre pleasure as that And therewith in all the haste hee sent hys seruant for a messe of Strawberies The Protectour set the Lordes fast in
ecclesiastical persons towards y e ayde of y e ChristiaÌ„s then being in y e holy land al such as wel of y e nobilitie as other of the meaner sort which had taken vpoÌ„ them y e crosse secretly laide it downe were compelled eftsones to receyue it now again Voseaâ—… weather There chanced also this yeare wonderfull tempests of thunder lightning hayle abundance of rayne in such wise y e mens minds were greatly astonied therwith meddows and marsh grounds were quite ouerflowen bridges broken and borne downe and greate quantitie of corne and hay lost and carried away dyuers men and women drowned Margaret mother of Constance Duches of Britayne sister to William King of Scottes and mother to Henry Boun Erle of Hereford deceassed Fabiâ—… This yere also by the councell and aduice of the Burgesses of London there were chosen fiue and thirtie of the most substanciall and wisest men which after the report of some writers were called the councel of the Citie of London out of whiche number the Maior and Bailifes were yerely chosen Math. 〈◊〉 120â—… In the yere .1202 K. Iohn held his Christmas at ArgeÌ„ton in NormaÌ„dy and in the Lent following he and the French K. met togither nere vnto y e Castell of Gulleton and there in talke had betweene them he commanded K. Iohn with no small arrogancie contrary to his former promise to restore vnto his nephew Arthur Duke of Britaine all those landes now in his possession on that side the Sea which K. Iohn earnestly denied to doe The Frâ—… K. beâ—… to maâ—… againâ—… Iohn wherevpon the French K. immediately after began war against him tooke Buteuaunt Angi and the Castel of Linos Moreouer he besieged y e Castel of Radepont for y e space of eight days till K. Iohn came thither forced him to repart with much dishonor Howbeit after this the FreÌ„ch K. wan Gourney then returning to Paris he appointed certaine persons to haue y e gouernaÌ„ce of y e foresaid Arthur Duke of Britain then sent him forth with two C. men of armes into Poictou y t he might bring y e countrey also vnder his subiection â—…lidor â—…ugh Earle of â—…arche Hereupon Hugh le Brun Erle of Marche vnto whom Queene Isabell the wife of King Iohn had beene promised in mariage before that king Iohn was motioned vnto hir and therefore bare an inwarde displeasure towards the king of England for that he had so bereft him of his promised spouse being now desirous to procure some trouble also vnto king Iohn ioineth himself with Arthure Duke of Britaine The Poictaâ—…ns reuolt froÌ„â—…ing Iohn and findeth meanes to cause them of Poictou a people euer subiect to rebellion to reuolt from king Iohn and to take armor agaynst him so that the yong Arthur being encouraged with this newe supplie of associates first goeth into Touraine and after into Aniou â—…rthure proâ—…imeth himselfe Erle of â—…niou c. compelling both those countreyes to submit themselues vnto him and proclaymed hymself Erle of those places by commission graunt obteyned from king Philip. King Iohn hauing got this victorie and taken his nephew Arthure he wrote the maner of that his successe vnto his Barons in England in forme as followeth Iohn by the grace of God king of England and Lorde of Irelande to all his Barons sendeth greeting Knowe ye that we by Gods good fauour are in sounde and perfect health and thorowe Gods grace that maruellouslye worketh with vs on Tuesday before Lammasse day wee being before the Citie of Mauns were aduertised that our mother was besieged in Mirabeau and therefore we hasted so fast as we possible might so that wee came thither on Lammasse daye and there wee tooke our nephew Arthure Hugh le Brun De Castre Eralde Andrewe de Chauenye the Vicont of Chateau Eralde Reymonde de Tovars Sauary de Mauleon and Hugh Bangi and all other enimies of Poictou that were there assembled agaynst vs 252. knightes or men of aâ—…mes beside demelances to the number of two hundred knightes and aboue so that not one of them escaped Giue God therefore thankes and reioyce at our good successe The Frenche king at the same time lying at siege before Arques immediately vpon the newes of this ouerthrowe raysed from thence and returned homewardes destroyed all that came in his waye till hee was entred into his owne Countrey It is sayde that king Iohn caused his nephew Arthure to be brought before him at Falaise An. Roâ—… and there went aboute to perswade him all that hee coulde to forsake his friendship and alliance with the French king and to leane and sticke to him being his naturall vncle but Arthur like one that wanted good counsel and abounding too much in his owne wilfull opinion made a presumptuous answere not onely denying so to do but also coÌ„maunded King Iohn to restore vnto him the realme of Englande with all those other landes and possessions which king Richarde had in hys hand at the houre of his death For sith the same apperteyned to him by right of inheritance he assured him except restitutioÌ„ were made the sooner hee shoulde not long continue in rest and quiet King Iohn being sore amoued with such words thus vttred by his nephew appointed as before is sayde that he shoulde be straytely kept in prison as first in Falais and after at Roan within the new Castell there It was also bruyted that his bodie was buryed in the Monasterie of Saint Androwes of the Cisteaux order But when the Brytaines were nothing pacifyed but rather kindled more vehemently to worke all the mischiefe they could deuise in reuenge of their Soueraignes death there was no remedie but to signifie abroade againe that Arthure was as yet lyuing and in health And when the king heard the truth of all thys matter he was nothing displeased for that his commaundement was not executed sithe there were diuerse of hys Captaynes which vttered in plaine wordes that he shoulde not finde knightes to keepe his Castelles if he dealt so cruelly with his nephew For if it chaunced any of them to bee taken by the king of Fraunce or other their aduersaryes they shoulde be sure to tast of the like cup. But nowe touching the maner in very deede of the ende of this Arthur wryters make sundrie reportes But certaine it is that in the yeare next ensuyng hee was remoued from Falais vnto the Castell or Tower of Rouen oute of the which there was not â—…ye that woulde confesse that euer he saw him aliue Some haue written that as hee assayed to haue escaped â—…ut of prison and prouing to climbe ouer the walles of the Castell hee fell into the Ryuer of Sayne and so was drowned Other write that through verie griefe and languor hee pyned away and died of naturall sicknesse But some affyrme that King Iohn secretely caused him to be murthered and made away so as it is
talke of the Erle of Pembroke y t the saide Earle woulde not fight against them though hee woulde not take their partes Also Vaughan said that Throckmor shewed hym y t he would ride downe into Barkeshire to sir Frācis Englefieldes house there to meete his eldest brother to moue him to take his part And thys was y e summe of Cutbert Vaughans cōfession Stanford How say you doth not heere appeare euident matter to proue you a principall who not onely gaue order to sir Peter Carde his adherēts for their rebellious actes in the West Countrey but also procured Wyat to make his Rebellion appointing him the others also when they should attempt their enterprise how they should order their doings from time to time Besides all this euident matter you were specially appoynted to goe away with the Earle of Deuon as one that would direct all things and giue order to al mē and therefore Throckmor since this matter is so manifest and the euidence so apparant I would aduise you to cōfesse your fault and submit your selfe to the Queenes mercy Bromley Howe say you will you confesse the matter and it will be best for you Throckmor No I wil neuer accuse my selfe vniustly but in asmuche as I am come hither to bee tryed I pray you let me haue the law fauourably Attourney Is it apparant that you lay at London as a factor to giue intelligence as well to them in the West as to Wyat in Kent Throckmor How proue you that or who doth accuse mee but this condemned man Attourney Why will you denie this matter you shall haue Vaughan iustifie his whole confession here before your face Throckmor It shal not need I know his vnshame fastnes he hath aduowed some of this vntrue talk before this time to my face it is not otherwise like considering y e price but he will do y e same again Attourney My L. and maisters you shall haue Vaughhan to iustifie this heere before you all and confirme it with a booke oth Throckmor He that hath said and lyed will not being in this case sticke to sweare and lie Then was Cutbert Vaughan brought into the open Court Sendall How say you Cutbert Vaughan is this your owne confession and wil you abide by all that is here written Vaughan Let me see it and I will tell you Then his confession was shewed him Attourney Bycause you of y e Iury the better may credite him I pray you my lords let Vaghā be sworne Then was Vaughan sworne on a booke to say nothing but the trueth Vaughan It may please you my lords and maisters I could haue bin well content to haue chose seauen yeres imprisonment though I had bin a free mā in y e law rather than I would this day haue gyuen euidence against sir Nicholas Throckmor vnto whome I beare no displeasure but sithence I must needes confesse my knowledge I must confesse al y e is there written is true how say you M. Throck was there any displeasure betwene you me to moue me to say aught against you Throckmor No y t I know how say you Vaughan what acquaintance was there betwene you and me what letters of credit or token did you bring me frō Wiat or any other to moue me to trust you Vaughan As for aquaintance I knew you as I did other Gentlemen as for letters I broughte you none other but cōmendatiōs frō M. Wiat as I did to diuers other of his acquaintāce at Lōdon Throckmor You might as well forge the cōmendatiōs as the rest but if you haue done with Vaughā my lords I pray you giue mee leaue to aunsweare Bromley Speake and be short Throckmor I speake generally to all y e be heere present but specially to you of my Iury touching y e credit of Vaughās depositions against me a condemned man after to the matter note I pray you the circumstāces as somewhat material to induce y e better First I pray you remēber y e smal familiaritie betwixt Vaughan me as be hathe auowed before you And moreouer to procure credite at my hād brought neither letter nor token frō Wiat nor frō any other to me which he also hath confessed here and I will suppose Vaughā to be in as good condition as any other mā here that is to say an vncōdemned man yet I referre it to your good iudgement whether it were lyke y t I knowing onely Vaughans person from an other mā hauing none other acquaintance w t him would so frankly discouer my mind to him in so dangerous a matter How like I say is this whē diuers of these Gentlemen now in captiuitie being my very familiars coulde not depose any such matter against me and neuertheles vppon their examinations haue saide what they could And though I be no wise man I am not so rash to vtter to an vnknowē man for I may call him in comparison a matter so dangerous for me to speake him to heare but bycause my trueth his falsehood shall the better appeare vnto you I will declare his inconstancy in vttering this his euidence and for my better credite it may please you M. Southwell I take you to witnes whē Vaughan first iustified this his vniust accusation against me before the L. Paget the L. Chamberlaine you M. Southwell others he referred the confirmatiō of this his surmised matter to a letter sent frō him to sir Tho. Wyat which letter doth neither appeare nor any testimonie of the said M. Wyat against mee touching the matter for I doubte not sir Tho. Wyat hath bin examined of me and hathe sayde what he could directly or indirectly Also Vaughā saith y e yong Edw. Wyat could confirme thys matter as one y t knewe this pretended discourse betwixt Vaughā and me and thervpon I made sute y t Edw. Wiat might either be brought face to face to me or otherwise be examined Southwell M. Thockmor you mistake your matter for Vaughan said y e Edw. Wyat did know some part of the matter and also was priuie of y e letter that Vaughan sent sir Tho. Wyat. Throckmor Yea sir that was Vaughans last shift when I charged him before y e master of y e horse you w t his former allegatiōs touching his witnes whom when hee espyed woulde not doe so lewdly as hee thought then he vsed this alteration but where is Edw. Wiats depositiōs of any thing against me now it appeareth neither his firste nor his last tale to be true For you knowe M. Bridges so doth my L. your brother that I desired twice or thrice Ed. Wiat shuld be examined I am sure most assured he hathe bin willed to say what he could here is nothing deposed by him against me eyther touching any letter or other conference or where is Vaughās letter sent by sir Tho. Wyat cōcerning my talke But now I will speake of Vaughans present
after that hir grace passed y e Crosse she had espyed the Pageant erected at the little conduit in Cheape and incontinent required to know what it might signifie And it was tolde hir grace that there was placed Tyme Tyme quoth shee and Tyme hath broughte me hither And so forth the whole matter was opened to hir grace as heereafter shall be declared in the description of the Pageant But in the opening when hir grace vnderstoode that the Byble in Englishe shoulde be deliuered vnto hir by Trueth which was therin represented by a childe she thanked the Citie for that gift and sayd that she would oftentimes reade ouer that Booke commaunding Sir Iohn Parrat one of the Knights which helde vp hir Canapie to goe before and to receiue the Booke But learning that it shoulde bee deliuered vnto hir grace downe by a silken lace shee caused him to stay and so passed forwarde till shee came agaynste the Aldermen in the high ende of Cheape tofore the little conduite where the companyes of the Citie ended which beganne at Fanchurche and stoode along the streetes one by another enclosed with rayles hanged with clothes and themselues well apparelled with manye riche furres and their liuery whodes vpon their shoulders in comely and seemely maner hauing before them sundrye persons well apparelled in silkes and chaynes of golde as wyflers and garders of the sayde companyes beside a number of riche hangings as well of Tapistrie Arras clothes of golde siluer veluet damaske Sattin and other silkes plentifully hanged all the way as the Queenes highnesse passed from the Tower thorough the Citie Out at the windowes and penthouses of euery house did hang a number of riche and costly banners and streamers till hir grace came to the vpper ende of Cheape And there by appointmente the ryght worshipfull Maister Ranulph Cholmeley Recorder of the Citie presented to the Queenes Maiestie a purse of crymeson sattine richely wroughte with golde wherein the Citie gaue vnto the Queenes Maiestie a thousande markes in golde as Maister Recorder did declare briefely vnto the Queenes Maiestie whose words tended to this ende that the Lord Maior his breethren and communaltie of the Citie to declare their gladnes and good will towards the Queenes Maiestie did presente hyr grace with that gold desiring hir grace to continue their good and gracious Queene and not to esteeme the value of the gift but the mynde of the giuers The Queenes Maiestie with both hir hands tooke the purse and aunswered to him againe maruellous pithily and so pithily that the standers by as they embraced entierly hyr gracious aunswere so they maruelled at the cowching thereof which was in wordes truely reported these I thanke my Lorde Maior hys breethre and you all And whereas your request is that I should continue youre good Lady and Queene bee yee ensured that I will be as good vnto you as euer Queene was to hir people No will in mee can lacke neyther doe I trust shall there lacke any power And perswade your selues y t for the safetie and quietnesse of you all I will not space if neede be to spend my bloud God thanke you all Whiche aunswere of so noble an hearted Princes if it moued a maruellous shoute and reioycing it is nothing to bee maruelled at since both the heartinesse thereof was so wonderfull and the wordes so ioyntly knitte When hir grace had thus aunswered the Recorder shee marched towarde the little conduit where was erected a Pageant with square proportion standing directly before the same conduit with battlementes accordingly And in the same Pageant was aduanced two hylles or Mountaynes of conuenient height The one of them beeing on the North syde of the same Pageante was made cragged barren and stonie in the whiche was erected on tree artificially made all withered and dead with braunches accordingly And vnder the same tree at the foote thereof sate one in homely and rude apparell crokedly and in mourning maner hauing ouer hys head in a table written in Latin and Englishe hys name whiche was Ruinosa Respublica A decayed common weale And vppon the same withered tree were fixed certayne Tables wherein were written proper sentences expressing the causes of the decay of a common weale The other hill on the South syde was made fayre fresh green and beautifull the ground thereof full of floures and beautie and on the same was erected also one tree very freshe amd faire vnder the whyche stoode vpright on freshe personage well apparelled and appoynted whose name also was written both in English and Latin which was Respublica bene instituta a flourishing common Weale And vpon the same tree also were fixed certaine Tables conteyning sentences whych expressed the causes of a flourishing common Weale In the myddle betweene the sayde hylles was made artificially one hollow place or caue with dore and locke enclosed out of the which a little before the Queenes highnes comming thither issued on personages whose name was Tyme apparelled as an old man with a Sythe in his hande hauing wings artificially made leading a personage of lesser stature than himselfe which was finely and well apparelled all cladde in white sylke and directly ouer hyr head was sette hir name and title in latine and English Temporis filia the daughter of Tyme Whiche two so appoynted wente forwarde toward the South side of the Pageant And on hir brest was written hir proper name which was Veritas Truth who helde a Booke in hir hand vpon the which was written Verbum veritatis the word of trueth And out of the South syde of the Pageant was cast a standing for a child which shoulde interprete the same Pageant Againste whome when the Queenes Maiestie came he spake vnot hir grace these words This old man with the sythe olde father Tyme they call And hir his daughter Trueth which holdeth yonder Booke Whome he our of his rocke hath brought forth to vs all From whence this many yeares she durst not once out looke The ruthfull wight that sitteth vnder the barren tree Resembleth to vs forme when common weales decay But when they be in state triumphant you may see By him in freshe attire that sitteth vnder the baye Nowe since that Tyme agayne his daughter Trueth hathe brought We trust O worthy Q. thou wilt this trueth embrace And since thou vnderstandst the good estate and naught We trust welth thou wilte plant and barrennes displace But for heale the sore and cure that is not seene Whiche thing the Booke of trueth doth teach in writing playne She doth present to thee the same O worthy Queene For that that words do flye but writing doth remayne When the childe had thus ended his speeche hee reached his Booke towardes the Queenes Maiestie which a little before Trueth had lette down vnto him from the hill whyche by Sir Iohn Parrat was receiued and deliuered vnto the Queene But shee as soone as she had receyued the Booke kissed it and with both hir hands helde
imperted vvhat I could learne and craue that it may be takē in good part My speech is playne vvithout any Rethoricall shevve of Eloquence hauing rather a regarde to simple truth than to decking vvordes I vvishe I had bene furnished vvith so perfect instructions and so many good gifts that I might haue pleased all kindes of men but that same being so rare a thing in any one of the best I beseech thee gentle Reader not to looke for it in me the meanest But novv for thy further instruction to vnderstand the course of these my labors First cōcerning the Historie of Englād as I haue collected the same out of many and sundry Authours in vvhome vvhat contrarietie negligence and rashnesse somtime is founde in their reportes I leaue to the discretion of those that haue perused theyr vvorkes for my parte I haue in things doubtfull rather chosen to shevve the diuersitie of their vvritings than by ouer ruling them and vsing a peremptory censure to frame them to agree to my liking leauing it neuerthelesse to eche mans iudgement to controlle thē as he seeth cause If some vvhere I shevv my fancie vvhat I thinke and that the same dislyke them I craue pardon specially if by probable reasons or playner matter to be produced they can shevv mine errour vpō knovvledge vvherof I shal be ready to reforme it accordingly VVhere I do beginne the Historie from the first inhabitation of this Isle I looke not to content eche mans opinion concerning the originall of them that first peopled it and no maruell for in matters so vncertayne if I can not sufficiently content my selfe as in deede I cannot I knovve not hovv I should satisfie others That vvhiche seemeth to me most likely I haue noted beseeching the learned as I trust they vvill in such pointes of doubtfull antiquities to beare vvith my skill Sith for ought I knovv the matter is not yet decided among the learned but still they are in controuersie about it Et adhuc sub iudice lis est VVell hovv soeuer it came first to be inhabited likely it is that at the first the vvhole Isle vvas vnder one Prince and Gouernour though aftervvardes and long peraduenture before the Romaines set any foote vvithin it the Monarchie thereof vvas broken euen vvhen the multitude of the inhabitants grevv to bee great and ambition entred amongst them vvhich hath brought so many good policies and states to ruyne and decay The Romaines hauing ones got possession of the continent that faceth this Isle coulde not rest as it appeareth till they had brought the same also vnder theyr subiection and the sooner doubtlesse by reason of the factions amongst the Princes of the lande vvhiche the Romaynes through their accustomed skill coulde turne very vvell to their moste aduauntage They possessed it almoste fiue hundreth yeares and longer might haue done if eyther their insufferable tiranny had not taken avvay from them the loue of the people asvvell here as elsvvhere either that their ciuill discorde aboute the chopping and chaunging of their Emperours had not so vveakened the forces of their Empire that they vvere not able to defende the same against the impression of barbarous nations But as vvee may coniecture by that vvhiche is founde in Histories aboute that tyme in vvhiche the Romaine Empire beganne to decline this lande stoode in very vveake state being spoyled of the more parte of all hir able menne vvhiche vvere ledde avvay into forreine regions to supplie the Romayne armies and likevvise perhaps of all necessarie armour vveapon and treasure vvhiche being perceyued of the Saxons after they vvere receiued into the I le to ayde the Britons against the Scottes and Pictes then inuading the same ministred to them occasion to attempt the seconde conquest vvhiche at length they brought to passe to the ouerthrovv not onely of the Brittish dominion but also to the subuersion of the Christian religion here in this lande vvhiche chanced as appeareth by Gildas for the vvicked sinnes and vnthankefulnesse of the inhabitants tovvardes God the chiefe occasions and causes of the transmutations of kingdomes Nam propter peccata regna transmutantur à gente in gentem The Saxons obteyning possession of the lande gouerned the same being deuided into sundry kingdomes and hauing once subdued the Brytons or at the leastvvise remoued them out of the most parte of the Isle into odde corners and mountaynes fell at diuision among themselues and oftentimes vvith vvarre pursued eche other so as no perfect order of gouernement could be framed nor the Kings grovv to any great puissance eyther to moue vvarres abroade or sufficiently to defende themselues against forreyne forces at home as manifestly vvas perceyued vvhen the Danes and other the Northeasterne people being then of great puyssance by sea beganne miserably to afflict this lande at the first inuading as it vvere but onely the coastes and countreys lying neare to the sea but aftervvardes vvith mayne armies they entred into the middle partes of the lande and although the Englishe people at length came vnder one King and by that meanes vvere the better able to resist the enimies yet at length those Danes subdued the vvhole and had possessiō thereof for a time although not long but that the crovvne returned againe to those of the Saxon line till shortly after by the insolent dealings of the gouernours a deuision vvas made betvvixt the King and his people through iuste punishmente decreed by the prouidence of the Almightie determining for their sinnes and contempt of his lavves to deliuer them into the handes of a stranger and therevpon vvhen spite and enuie had brought the title in doubte to vvhom the right in succession apperteyned the Conquerour entred and they remayned a pray to him and his vvho plucked all the heades and chiefe in authoritie so clearely vp by the rootes as fevve or none of them in the ende vvas lefte to stande vp against him And herevvith altering the vvhole state hee planted lavves and ordinaunces as stoode moste for his auayle and suretie vvhich being after qualified vvith more milde and gentle lavves tooke suche effect that the state hath euer sithence continued vvhole and vnbroken by vvise and politike gouernement although disquieted sometime by ciuill dissention to the ruyne commonly of the firste mouers as by the sequele of the historie ye may see For the Historie of Scotlande I haue for the more parte follovved Hector Boete Iohannes Maior and Iouan Ferreri Piemontese so farre as they haue continued it interlaced sometimes vvith other Authours as Houeden Fourdon and such like although not often bicause I meante rather to deliuer vvhat I founde in their ovvne Histories extant than to correct them by others leauing that enterprice to their ovvne countrey men so that vvhat soeuer ye reade in the same consider that a Scottishman vvritte it and an English man hath but onely translated it into our language referring the Reader to the English Historie in all maters betvvixte vs and them
far of froÌ„ crediting the same that he would not beleue it vntil he saw the coffin open wherein the bones of the aforesaid prince did rest To be short therefore he caused his souldiers to cast downe the hil made somtime ouer the tombe and finding the bodie in the bottome after the measure thereof taken he sawe it manifestly to be 60. cubits in length which were ten more then the people made accompt of Philostrate in Heroices sayth Philostrate how he sawe the body of a Gyant 30. cubits in length also the carkasse of another of 22. and the thirde of 12. Plinie telleth of an Earthquake at Creta Lib. 7. which discouered the body of a Gyant which was 46. cubits in length after the Romaine standerde and by dyuers supposed to be the bodye of Orion or Aetion Trallianus writeth howe the Athenienses digging on a time in the grounde to laye the foundatioÌ„ of their new walles in the dayes of an Emperour Trallianus did finde the bones of Macrosyris in a coffin of harde stone of 10. cubites in length after the accompt of the Romaine cubite which was then a foote and an halfe not much diffrence from halfe a yarde of our measure nowe in Englande In the time of Hadriane themperour the body of a Gyaunt was take vp at Messana conteining 20. foote in length hauing a double row of téeth yet standing whole in his chaps In Dalmatia manye graues were shaken open with an earthquake in one of which aboue the rest a carcasse was found whose ribbe conteined 16. elles after the Romaine measure whereby y e whole body was iudged to be 64. sith y e loÌ„gest rib is coÌ„monly about y e fourth part of a man as some SimmetricieÌ„s affirme Arrhianê° saith that in the time of Alexander the bodies of y e Asianes were generally of huge stature and commonly of 5. cubits such was the height of Porus of Inde whome Alexander vanquished and ouerthrew in battaile Sudas speaketh in like maner of Ganges killed likewise by the sayd prince who farre excéeded Porus for he was 10. cubits loÌ„g But of al these this one example shall passe which I doe reade also in Trallianus he setteth downe in forme and manner following I mouth of 16. foote wide In the daies of Tiberius themperor saith he a corps was left bare or layde open after an erthquake of which eche tooth coÌ„teined 12. ynches ouer at y e lest now forasmuch as in such as bée full mouthed eche chap hath 16. teeth at the least which is 32. in y e whole néedes must the wydenesse of this mannes chappes be sixetéene foote and the opening of his lippes 10. A large mouth in mine opinion and not to féede with Ladies of my time besides that if occasion serued it was able to receiue the whole bodye of a man I meane of such as flourish in our daies WheÌ„ this careasse was thus founde euery man marueyled at it and good cause why a messenger also was sente vnto Tiberius themperour to know his pleasure A couÌ„terfeete made of a monstrous carcasse by one tooth taken out of y e head whether he wold haue the same brought euer vnto Rome or not but he forbade them willing his Legate not to remooue the deade out of his resting place but rather to sende him a tooth out of his head which being done he gaue the same to a cunning workeman commanding him to shape a carcasse of light matter after the proporcion of the tooth that at the least by such meanes he might satisfie his curious minde and the fantasies of such as are delited with newes This man was more fauorable to this moÌ„ster then our papists were to the bodies of the dead who tare them in péeces to make money of theÌ„ To be short wheÌ„ the ymage was once made and set vp an end it appeared rather an huge collossy then the true representation of the carcasse of a man and when it had stande in Rome vntill the people were wearye of it and thorowly satisfied with the sight thereof he caused it to bée broken all to péeces and the tooth sent againe to the carcasse from whence it came willing them moreouer to couer it diligently in any wise not to dismeÌ„ber the corps nor from thencefoorth to bée so hardie as to open the sepulchre any more I could rehearse many mo examples of the bodies of such men out of Solinus Sabellicus Cooper and other but these here shall suffise to prooue my purpose with all I might tell you in like sorts of the stone which Turnus threwe at Aeneas which was such as that 12. chosen and picked men Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus Vis vnitâ—… fortior est eadem diâ—…persa were not able to sturre and remooue out of the place but I passe it ouer diuers of the like concluding that these huge blockes were ordeined and created by God first for a testimonie vnto vs of his power and myght secondly for a confirmation that hugenesse of bodye is not to be accompted of as a part of our felicitie sith they which possessed y e same were not onely tyrauntes doltysh and euyll men but also oftentimes ouercome euen by the weake and féeble Finally they were such in déede as in whome the Lorde delited not according to the saying of the Prophet Baruch Ibi fuerunt gigantes nominati illi qui ab initio fuerunt statura magna scientes bellum Cap. 3. â—… hos non elegit dominus neque illis viam disciplinae dedit propterea perierunt quoniam noÌ„ habuerunt sapientiam interierunt propter suam insipientiam c. There were the Gyants famous from the beginning that were of so great stature so expert in warre Those did not the Lorde choose neither gaue he the way of knowledge vnto them But they were destroied because they had no wisedome and perished through their owne foolishnesse Of the generall Language vsed from time to time in Britaine Chap. 5. WHat language came first wyth Samothes afterwarde with Albion Bryttish the Gyants of his coÌ„panie Small difference betwene brittish Celtike languagâ—… it is hearde for me to determine sith nothing of sound credit remayneth in writing which maye resolus vs in the truth hereof yet of so much are we certeine that the speach of y e auncient Britons and of the Celtes had great affinitie one with another so that they were either all one or at the leastwyse such as eyther nation wyth smal helpe of interpreters might vnderstand other and readily discerne what the speaker did meane The Brittish tongue doth yet remayne in that part of the Islande Brittish corrupted by the Latine and Saxon speaches which is nowe called Wales whether the Britons were driueÌ„ after the Saxons had made a full conquest of the other which we nowe call Englande although the pristinate integritie therof be not
before addicted himselfe Finally returning home againe he dyd not onely erect an house of his owne order at Bangor in Wales upon the riuer Dée but also sowed the pestiferus séede of his hereticall prauities ouer all this Island whereby he seduced great numbers of the Brytons teaching them to preferre their owne merites before y e frée mercy of God in Iesus Christ his son Thus we sée how newe deuises or orders of religion and heresie came in together I coulde shew also what Cometes and strange signes appeared in Brytayne much about the same time the like of which with dyuers other haue béene perceiued also from time to time sithence the death of Pelagius at the entrance of any newe kinde of religion into this I le of Brytaine But I passe them ouer only for that I woulde not seeme in my tractation of Antiquities to trouble my reader with the rehearsall of any newe inconueniences To procéede therefore with my purpose after these there followed in lyke sort sundrye other kindes of monasticall life Anachorites Heremites Ciryllines Benedictines as Anachorites or Ancres Heremites Cyrillines Benedictines aâ—…beit that onely the heremiticall profession was allowed of in Bryteine vntill the comming of Benedict Biscop who erected the first house of Benedictines that euer was hearde of in this I le They also bare his name and were so well liked of all men y t there were few or no blacke monks in this I le but of his order Monkes and Heremites 〈◊〉 allowed â—… in Britaine The number of religious hoâ—…ses in Englandâ—… 〈◊〉 their disâ—…lution So fast also did these humaine deuises prosper after his time that at their suppression in England Wales only there were founde 440. religious houses at the least wherevnto if you adde of those few y t are yet standing in Scotland you shal sone sée what nuÌ„bers of these dennes of spirituall robbers were mainteined here in Brytaine As touching Pelagius the first Heretike that euer was bredde in this Isle notably knowen and parent of Monachisme it is certaine that before his corruption and fall he was taken for a man of singuler learning déepe iudgement and such a one as vppon whome for his great gift in teaching and strictnesse of lyfe no small parte of the hope expectation of the people did depend But what in wisdome of the flesh without the feare and true knowledge of God and what is learning except it be handemaide to verifye and sounde iudgement Wherfore euen of this man wée maye see it verifyâ—â— that one Roger Bakâ—… pronounced long after Roger Bacon his â—…aying of y e preachers of his time who were y e best lawyers the worst Diuines Of the corruption of his time when all things were measured by witte and worldlye poâ—…licye rather then by the scriptures or Guâ—…dans of the spirit Better it is saith hée to heare a rude and simple I deâ—…e preach the truth without apparauns of skill learned â—…loquenâ—…e then a profe 〈◊〉 Clearke to set forth â—…or with great shewe of learning boast of filed vtterance These follies of Pelagius were blased abroade about the 400. of Christ from thenceforth how his number of Monkes increased on the one side his doctrine on the other there is almost no reader that is vnskilfull ignorant This also is certaine that within the space of 200. yeres and odde there were more then 2100. More theÌ„â—…100 monâ—…es in the â—…olledge â—…r Abbay â—…f Bangor monkes gathered togither in his house whose trades not withstanding the errors of founder who taught such an estimation of merite and bodily exercise as Paule calleth it as therby he sought not onely to impugne but also preuent grace which was in déede the originall occasion of the erection of hys house were yet farre better and more godly then all those religious orders that were inuented of later time wherein the professours lyued to themselues their wombes and the licencious fruition of those partes that are beneath the belly For these laboured coÌ„tinuallye for their owne liuings at vacant times from praier and for the better maintenance of such as were their appoynted Preachers Their liues also were correspondent to their doctrine so that herein onelye they séemed intollerable in that they had confidence in their deedes that they had no warrant out of the worde for their succor defeÌ„ce but were such a plant as the heauenly father had not planted and therefore no meruaile though afterwarde they were raysed by the rootes But as Pelagius and his adherentes had a tyme to infecte the Church of Christ in the Britaine so the lyuing GOD hath had a season to purge the same though not by a full reformation of doctrine sith Germanus Lupus Palladius Patricius Germanus Lupus Palladius Patricius and such like leaning vnto the monasticall trades did not somuch coÌ„demne the generall errors of Pellagius one way as maintayne the same or as euill opinioÌ„s another For as Patricke séemed to like well of y e honoring of the dead so Germanus being in Britaine erected a chappel to S. Alhaâ—… â–ª the â—…ther in Lupus played as Palladius upheld the strickenesse of life Seuerus Sulpitius in vita patricij â—…umonasticall profession 〈◊〉 he vttermost of his power Wherfore God purged his house rather by taking away y e wicked and 〈◊〉 scholemaisters of errour out of this lyfe hoping that by such meanes his people woulde haue giuen eare to the godly that remained But when thys hyâ—… prâ—â—yse coulde take replace the shéepe of his pasture woulde recâ—…iue no wholesome nomâ—…nition it pleased his maiestie to let theÌ„ runne on headlong from one iniquitie to another insomuch that after the doctrine of Pelagius it receiued that oâ—… Rome also â—â—ought iâ—… by Augustine and his makes wherby it was to be seene Augustine y e Monke how they fell from the truth into heresye from one heresy still into another till at the last they were drawned altogither in the pitte of error digged vp by Antichrist as welles that holde no water which notwithstanding to their followers séemed to be most founde doctrine and cisternes of liuing water to such as imbraced the same This Augustine after his arriuall Augustine conuerted the Saxons in déede from Paganisme but as the Prouerb sayth bringing them out of Goddes blessing into the warme sunne he also imbued them wyth no lesse hurtfull supersticion then they did knowe before for beside the only name of Christ and externall contempt of their pristinate Idolatrye be taught them nothing at all but rather I say made an exchange from grosse to subtill trecherie from open to secret Idolatry and froÌ„ the name of Paganes to the bare title of christians thinking this sufficient for theyr soules health and the stablishment of hys monachisme of which kynde of profession the holye Scriptures of God can in no wyse allowe But what caâ—…ed he sith he got the great
thinges more particulerly as time and trauaile may reueale the truth vnto them and hitherto Lelande whole wordes I dare not alter But another noteth this Camalet or Kenlet to ran by More Liddâ—…om Sned Church-stocke Chirbury Walcote and Winsbiry and so into the Sauerne From hence then and after this confidence it goeth on by Fordon Leighton and Landbrouy toward Meluerley there it méeteth with sundry waters in one chanell Tauet wherof the one called the Tauet is a very prety water wherinto the Peuerey or Murnewy doth fall Peuery or Murnewy Auerney which desceÌ„deth from the hils by west of Matrafall not farre from Lhan Filin the other Auerny and ioyning beneath Abertannoth or aboue Lannamonach nere vnto the ditch of Offa it is not long ere they méete with the Mordant brook Mordaunt and there loose their names so soone as they ioyne and mixe their waters with it The hed of y e Mordant issueth out of Lanuerdan hils where diuers say that the paroche church of crosse Oswald or Oswester sometimes stood Certes Oswester is 13. miles northwest froÌ„ Shrewsbury and conteyneth a myle within the walles It hath in like sort foure suburbs or great stréetes of whiche one is called Stratlan another Wulliho the third Beterich wherin are 140. barnes standyng on a row belonging to the citizens or burgesses and the fourth named the black gate stréete in which are 30. barnes mainteyned for corn and hay There is also a brooke running thorough the towne by the crosse comming froÌ„ Simons well Simons beeke a bowe shot without the wall and goyng vnder y e same betwene Thorow-gate and Newgate it runneth also vnder the blacke gate There is an other in lyke sorte ouer whose course the Baderikes or Beterich gate standeth and therfore called Bederich brooke Bederiche The third passeth by the Willigate or Newgate and these fall altogether with the crosse brooke a myle lower by south into the Mordant that runneth as I sayd by Oswester From hence also it goeth to Mordant towne and betwéene Landbreuy Meluerley doth fall into the Sauerne After this our principall streame goeth to Sheauerdon castle Mountford and Bicton chappell and here it receiueth a water on the left hande that riseth of two heds whereof one is aboue Merton the other at Ellismere and ioynyng betwéene Woodhouses and Bagley the confluence runneth on by Radnall HaltoÌ„ Teddesmer Roiton Baschurch Walford Grafton Mitton and so into the Sauerne From hence it runneth to Fitz Eton or Leyton Barwijc Vpper Rossall Shelton and so to Shrewsbury where it crosseth the Mele water whose head as I heare is sayd to bée in Weston Mele. The Mele therfore rising at Weston goeth by Brocton Worthen Aston Pigot Westley Asterley and at Lea it méeteth with the Haberley water Haberley that coÌ„meth down by Pontesford and Aunston After this confluence also it runneth to Newenham and Crokemels there taking in a ril on y e other side that descendeth by Westbury Stretton thence goyng on to Hanwood Noball Pulley Bracemele and Shrewsbury it falleth as I sayd into the open Sauerne From hence our Sauerne hasteth to Vffington Preston and betwéene Chilton and Brampton taketh in the Terne a faire stream and worthy to be well handled if it lay in me to performe it This riuer riseth in a Mere beside Welbridge park néere vnto Tern Mere village in Staffordshire FroÌ„ whence it runneth by the parkes side to Knighton Norton Betton 〈◊〉 and at Draiton Hales crosseth with a water commyng from aboute Adbaston where M. Brodocke dwelleth and runneth by Chippenham and Amming so that the Terne on the one side 〈◊〉 and this brooke on the other do inclose a great part of Blore hâ—…th where a noble battaile was soÌ„etime purposed betwéene king Henry the vj. and y e Duke of Yorke but it wanted execution But to procéede after this confluence it runneth to Draiton Hales Ternehill bridge ere long takyng in a ril from Sandford by Blechley it goeth to Stoke Allerton Peplaw and Eaton where it crosseth with a brooke that ryseth about Brinton and goyng by Higham â–ª Morton the great Mere Forton Pilson Pickstocke Keinton Tibberton and Bolaâ—… it ioyneth with the said Terne not far from Water Vpton Thence passing to Crogenton it meteth with another brooke that commeth from Chaltwen Aston by Newportâ—… Longford Aldney and so thorow the Wilde moore to Kinesley and Sléepe and finally into the Terne which hasteth from thence to Eston bridge and nere vnto Walcote taketh in the Roden 〈◊〉 This water riseth at Halton in Cumber méere lake and commyng to Auerley crosseth a rill from Cowlemere by Leniall Thence it goeth to Horton 〈◊〉 and ioyning with another rill beneth Nâ—…melay that commeth from Midle runneth on to Wen Aston there crossing a rill beneth Lacon hall from Préesward and so to â—…ée Beffordâ—… Stanton Morton Shabrée Paynton RodeÌ„ Rodington and then into Terne that runneth from thence by Charlton Vpton Nâ—â—ton Baâ—…wijc Accham so into y e Sauerne two miles beneath Shrewsbery as I wéene Thus haue I described the Terne in suche wyse as my simple skill is able to performe Now it resteth that I procéede on as I may with the Sauerne streame with which after this former confluence it goth vnto Roxater Brampton Eaton vpon Sauerne 〈◊〉 Draiton where it ioyneth-with the Euerne that ruÌ„neth from Frodesleyward by Withiâ—…ll Pitchford Cressedge Garneston Leighton and betwéene the two Bildaâ—â—es crosseth the â—…he or Wâ—…ulâ—â—ke water 〈…〉 and so goeth vnto Browsley and Hoord parke where it vniteth it selfe with another brooke to be described in this place whilest the Sauerne rest and recreate it selfe here among the pleasaunt bottomes This water ryseth aboue Tongcastle and ere it haue run any great distaunce from the hed it méeteth with a rill commyng by Shiriffe Hales and Staunton Thence it goeth on to Hatton Royton there crossing another from Woodhouses â—…beck coÌ„myng by Haughton and Euelin it procéedeth to Bechebiry and Higford and not omitting here to crosse y e Worse that runneth vnto it out of Snowdon pole it passeth forth to Badger Acleton Ringleford and so into Sauerne somewhat aboue Bridgenorth except myne information deceiue me â—…brok From Bridgenorth our Sauerne descendeth to Woodbury Quatford and there taking in the Marbrooke beneath Eaton that riseth aboue Collaton and goeth by Moruil and VndertoÌ„ it runneth by Didmanston Hempton Aueley and beneath in the way to Bargate crosseth with a brooke commyng from Vpton parke by Chetton Billingsley and Highley which beyng admitted it holdeth on to Areley Cyarnewood parke Hawbache and Dowlesse Here also it méeteth with the Dowlesse water â—…sse a pretye brooke issuyng out of Cle hils in Shropshire which are 3. myles from Ludlow and running thorow Clehiry park in Wire forrest and takyng with all the Lempe â—…e doth fall into the Sauerne not very far from Bewdley But to procéede From
brynge out none but rather buy vppe that which the poore bring vnder pretence of séede corne because one wheat often sowen without chaunge of séede will soone decay and be conuerted into darnell For this cause therefore they must néedes buy in the markettes though they be twentye myles of and where they be 〈◊〉 knowne promising there to send so much to theyr next market to performe I wote not when If thys shyft serue not neither doth the foxe vse alwayes one tracke for feare of a snare they wil compound w t some one of the towne where the market is holden who for a pot of hufcappe or mery go downe wyll not let to buy it for them that in his owne name Or else they wage one poore man or other to become a bodger thereto get him a lycence vpon some forged surmize which being done they will féede him with money to buy for them till he hath filled theyr losses and then if he can doe any good for himselfe so it is if not they wyll gyue him somewhat for his paines at this â—…yâ—…le and reserue him for another yeare How many of these prâ—…ders stumble vppon blynde créekes at the sea cost I wote not well but that some haue so done vnder other mens winges the cause is to playne But who dare finde faulte with theÌ„ when they haue once a lycence though it be but so serue a meane Gentlemans house with corne who hath cast vp at his talage because he bâ—…astreth how he can buy his graine in y e market better cheape theÌ„ he can sâ—…w his laÌ„d as the 〈◊〉 grasier often doth also vpon y e like deuise If any man come to buy a bushel or two for his expences vnto y e market crosse aunswere is made forsooth here was one euen nowe that badde me money for it and I hope he will haue it And to saye the truth these bodgers are faire 〈◊〉 for there are no more words with them but let me sée it what shall I giue you knitiâ—… it vp I will haue it go câ—…ry it to such a chamber But to 〈◊〉 by this â—…yâ—…ke this poore occupieâ—… hath all 〈◊〉 his croppe for 〈◊〉 of money beyng 〈…〉 againe 〈◊〉 longe And 〈…〉 the whole sale of corne in the great 〈◊〉 handes â–ª who hytherto 〈…〉 lyttle 〈◊〉 of their own 〈…〉 men so much as they 〈…〉 Hencefoorth also they begin to 〈…〉 by the quarter or made at the first For maring of the market but by the 〈◊〉 or two or an 〈…〉 the most therby to be 〈◊〉 â—…o kéepe the market eyther for a shewe or to made men â—…geâ—… to buy and so as they maye haue it for money not to regarde what they pay And thus corne 〈◊〉 deare but it will be dearer the next 〈…〉 day It is possible also that they myslyke the pryce in the begynnyng for whole yeare 〈◊〉 as mâ—…n 〈◊〉 that corne 〈…〉 of better price in the next 〈…〉 wyll they threshe out thrée partes of 〈…〉 corne toward the 〈…〉 when newe commeth a 〈◊〉 to hande and cast the same into the fourth vnthreshed where it shall lye vntyll the next Spryng or peraduenture tyll it must 〈…〉 Or else they â—â—ill gyrde their 〈◊〉 of by the hand and stâ—…cke it vp of newe in 〈…〉 to th ende it may not onely appeare lesse in quantity but also gyue place to the corne that is yet to come into the â—…arne or growing the field If there happen to be such plentye in the market vpon any 〈◊〉 day that they can not â—…ell at their owne 〈…〉 they set it vp in some friendes house against an other or the thirde day and not bringe it foorth vntyll they lyke of the 〈◊〉 If they â—…ell any at home beside harder measure it shal be dearer to the poore man by two pence or a groate in a bushell then they maye 〈…〉 in the market But as there things are worthy redresse so I wyshe that God woulde once open their eyes that 〈◊〉 thus to sée there owne errours for as yet some of them lyttle care howe many poore men suffer extreâ—â—â—ie so that they may 〈◊〉 their 〈◊〉 and carye aldaye the gaine I coulde saye more but this is euen ynough and more peraduenture then I shall be well thanked for yet true it is though some 〈◊〉 it no 〈◊〉 This moreouer is to be lamented that one generall measure is not in vse thorowout all Englande but euery 〈◊〉 towne hath in a maner a seuerall measure and the lesser it be the 〈◊〉 sellers it draweth 〈…〉 vnto the same It is oft â—…ounde likewise that diuers 〈…〉 haue one measure to 〈◊〉 by and another to buy withall the lyke is also in weightes Wherfore it were verye good that these two were reduced vnto one standerd that is one bushell one pound one quarter one huÌ„dred one tale one number so should things in time fal into better order fewer causes of contention be mooued in this land But more of this herafter in the next booke where I haue inserted a litle treatize which I sometimes collected of our weights measures and their comparison with those of the auncient Gréekes and Romaines To coÌ„clude therfore in our markets all things are to be solde necessarie for mans vse and there is our prouision made commonly for all the wéeke insuing Therefore as there are no great townes without one wéekely market at the least so there are very fewe of them that haue not one or twoo fayres or more within the compasse of the yeare assigned vnto them by the prince And albeit that some of them are not much better then the common kirkemesses beyonde the sea yet there are diuers not inferiour vnto the greatest martes in Europe as Sturbridge Faire neare to Cambridge Bartholomewe fayre at London Linne mart Cold fayre at Newport pond for cattell and diuers other all which or at the leastwyse the greatest part of them to the end I may with the more ease to the reader lesse trauayle to my self fulfill my taske in their recitall I haue set down according to y e names of the monethes wherin they are holden at y e end of this booke where you shall finde them at large as I borowed the same froÌ„ Stow. Of Armour and Munition Cap. 12. HOw well or how strongly our countrey hath béene furnished in tymes past with armor and artillery it lyeth not in me as of my selfe to make rehearsall Yet that it lacked both in the late tyme of Quéene Mary not onely thexperience of myne elders but also the talke of certaine Spaniards not yet forgotten dyd leaue some manifest notice Vpon the first I néede not stand for few wil denye it For the seconde I haue hearde that when one of the greatest péeres of Spaine espyed our nakednesse in this behalfe and did solemnely vtter in no obscure place that it shoulde be an easie matter in shorte tyme to coÌ„quere England bycause it wanted armor his words were
himself so manfully against the enimies that he constrayned the said Guanius and Melga to flee out of the land and to withdraw into Irelande In this meane while Maximus hauing slain the Emperour Gratian at Lyon in France and after entring into Italy was slain himself at Aquileia after he had gouerned the Britons eight yeares by the Emperour Theodosius whyche came in ayde of Valentinian brother to the said Emperor Gratian as in the Abridgement of the histories of Italy ye may fynde recorded But heere yet before wee make an ende with this Maximus or Maximianus I haue thoughte good to set downe the wordes whiche wee fynde in Gildas where he writeth of the same Maximus Consobrinus Helenae imperatricis Gildas vndoubtedly a Briton born nephew to the empresse Helena and begot by a Romain At length sayth Gildas the spring of Tyrants budding vp and nowe increasing into an huge woodde the Isle being called after the name of Rome but holding neyther maners nor lawes according to that name but rather castyng the same from it sendeth foorthe a braunche of hir most bitter planting to witte Maximus accompanied with a great number of warriors to gard him and apparelled in the imperiall robes which he neuer ware as became him nor put them on in lawful wise but after the custome of tyrants was put into them by the mutening souldiours whiche Maximus at the first by a craftie policie rather than by true manhood winding in as nets of his periurie and false suggestion vnto his wicked gouernement the countreys and prouinces next adioyning gainste the Imperiall state of Rome stretching one of his wings into Spayn the other into Italy placed the throne of his moste vniust empire at Trier and shewed suche rage in his woodde dealing agaynst his soueraine lordes that the one of the lawfull Emperors he expulsed foorth of Rome and the other hee berefte of his moste religious and godly lyfe And without long tariance compassed aboute with suche a furious and bolde garde as he hadde got together at the Citie of Aquileia hee loseth his wicked head whiche had cast downe the moste honourable heades of all the worlde from theyr kingdome and Empire From thencefoorth Britayne bring depriued of all hir warlyke souldiours and armies of hir gouernours also though cruell and of an huge number of hir youthe the whiche following the steppes of the foresayde tyraunt neuer retourned home agayne suche as remayned beyng vtterly vnskilfull in feates of warre were trodden downe by two nations of beyonde the seas 〈…〉 the Scots from the Weast and the Pictes from the North. And as men thus quite dismayed lamente their myserable case not knowing what else to doe for the space of manye yeares togyther By reason of whose greeuous inuasion and cruell oppression wherewith she was miserably disquieted she sendeth hir Ambassadours vnto Rome makyng lamentable sute euen with teares to haue some power of men of warre sent to defend hir against the enimies promising to be true subiects with all faithfulnesse of mynd if the enimie might be kept off and remoued Thus farre Gildas and more as in place hereafter ye shall fynde recited But nowe where the Britishe histories and suche of our Englishe writers as followe them â–ª make mention of one Gratianus a Romayne sente ouer with three Legions of souldiours by Maximus as before ye haue hearde We may suppose that it was Gratianus the Briton that afterwardes vsurped the imperial dignitie here in Britayn in the days of the emperor Honorius for it standeth neyther with the concurrence of tyme nor yet with reason of the historie Sextus Aâ—…relius that it should be Gratianus surnamed Funarius father to Valentinian and grandfather to the Emperour Gratianus agaynst whome Maximus rebelled And yet I remember not that any of the Romayn writers maketh mention of any other Gratianus beeyng a straunger that should be sent hither as lieutenant to gouerne the Romain armie except of the foresayd Gratianus Funarius Lib. 30. who as appeareth by Am. Marcellinus was general of y e Romain army here in this yle and at lengthe being discharged returned home into Hungarie were he was borne with honour and there remayning in rest was at length spoyled of his goodes by the Emperoure Constantius as confiscate for that in tyme of the ciuill warres he had receyued Magnentius as he past through his countrey But lette vs graunte that eyther Gratianus the Briton or some other of that name was sente ouer into Britayne as before is sayd by Maximus least otherwyse some errour maye bee doubted in the writers of the British histories as hauyng haply mystaken the tyme and matter bringing Eratianus Funarius to serue vnder Maximus where peraduenture that whiche they haue redde or hearde of hym chaunced long before that tyme by them supposed And so thorough mystaking the thyng haue made a wrong reporte where neuerthelesse it standeth with greate lykelyhoode of trouthe that some not able seruice of Chyualrie was atchieued by the same Gratianus Funarius whilest he remayned heere in this Isle if y e troth might be knoweÌ„ of that whiche hathe bin written by authors and happily by the same Am. Marcellinus if his first thirteene Bookes might once come to lighte and be extaÌ„t But now to end with Maximus William of Malmesburie as yee haue hearde writeth that not Maximus but rather Constantine the Great firste peopled Armorica but yet hee agreeth that both Maximus and also Constantinus the vsurper of whome after yee shall heare ledde with them a great number of the Britaine 's out of this lande the which Maximus or Maximianus and Constantinus afterwardes beeyng slayne the one by Theodosius and the other by Honorius the Britaynes that followed them to the warres parte of them were killed and the residue escaping by flighte withdrewe vnto the other Britaynes whiche Constantine the Greate had first placed in Armorica And so when the Tyrantes had left none in the countrey but rude people nor any in the Townes but such as were giuen to slouth and glutony Britayne beeyng voyde of all ayde of hir valiant youth became a pray to hir next neyghbors the Scottes Pictes Here is yet to bee considered in what price the Souldiers of the Brittish nation were hadde in those dayes with whose onely puissance Maximus durst take vpon him to goe against all other the forces of the whole Romayne Empire and how he prospered in that daungerous aduenture it is expressed sufficiently in the Romayne Histories by whose report it appeareth that hee dyd not only conquere all the hither partes of France and Germany namely on this side the Rhine but also founde meanes to entrappe the Emperoure Gratian by this kind of policie William Harâ—â—son out of Paulus Diaco â—…ib 12. aliis He had a faithfull friend called Andragatius who was Admirall of the Seas perteyning to the Empire It was therefore agreed betwixte them that this Andragatius with a chosen company of the army
Brytaines had no weapons to defend themselues except any of them by his strength manhood got the knife of his enimie Amongst other of the Brytaynes there was one Edol Earle of Gloucester Ran. Cestren Fabian or as other haue Chester which got a stake out of an hedge or else where 70. bath Gal. Math West Ran. Cestren and with the same so defended himselfe and layde aboute him that he slue xvij of the Saxons and escaped to the Towne of Ambrie nowe called Salesburie and so saued his owne lyfe Vortiger was taken and kept as prisoner by Hengist till he was constrayned to delyuer vnto Hengist three Prouinces or Countreys of thys Realme that is to witte Kent and Essex or as some write that parte where the south Saxons after did inhabite as Sussex and other the thirde was the Countrey where the Eastangles planted themselues which was in Noffolk and Suffolke Then Hengist being in possession of those three Prouinces suffred Vortigerne to depart and to to be at his libertie William Malmesb wryteth somewhat otherwise of this taking of Vortigerne VVil. Malm. during whose raigne after the deceasse of his sonne Vortimer nothing as should appeare by that which the same Malmesb wryteth was attempted agaynst the Saxons but in the meane tyme sayeth hee Hengist according to the default of mannes nature whiche the more he hath the more hee desyreth by a colourable craft procureth his sonne in lawe Vortigerne to come to a banket to his house wyth three hundred other Brytaynes and when hee had made them well and warme with often quaffing and emptying of Cuppes and of purpose touched euerye of them wyth one bytter taunte or other they first fell to multiplying of malicious wordes and after to blowes so that the Brytaynes were slaine euery mothers sonne so yeelding vp their ghostes euen amongst their pottes The King himselfe was taken and to redeeme himselfe out of pryson gaue to the Saxons three Prouinces and so escaped oute of bondage Thus by what meane soeuer it came to passe truth it is as all wryters agree that Hengist got possession of Kent and of other Countreys in this Realme and beganne to raigne there as absolute Lorde and Gouernour in the yeare of oure Lorde as some wryte 476. 476 aboute the fifth yeare of Vortigerns last raigne but after other which take the begynning of this kingdome of Kent to be when Hengist had first gyft thereof the same Kingdome beganne in the yeare .455 Kingdome of Kent This Kingdome or Lordship of Kent conteyned the countrey that stretcheth from the East Ocean vnto the ryuer of Thames hauing on the Southeast Southerie and vpon the West London vppon the Northeast the Ryuer of Thames aforesayde and the Countrey of Essex Hengist and all other the Saxon kings which ruled as after shall appeare in vij partes of this Realme are called by wryters Reguli that is to say little kings or rulers of some smal dominion so that Hengist is accounted as a little king And when he had got into his handes the foresayde three Prouinces he caused more number of Saxons to come into Brytayne and bestowed them in places abroade in the Countrey by reason whereof the Christian Religion greatlye decayed within the lande for the Saxons being Pagans did what they coulde to extinguish the fayth of Christ The decay of Christian religion and to plant againe in all places theyr heathenish Religion and worshipping of false Goddes and not onely hereby was the true fayth of the Christians brought in daunger dayly to decay but also the erronious opinion of the Pelagians greatly preuayled here amongest the Brytaynes by meanes of suche vnsounde Preachers as in that troublesome season did fit foorth erronious doctrine amongst the people without all maner of reprehension Certayne yeares before the comming of the Saxons Beda that heresie began to spreade within this land very much by the lewde industrie of one Leporius Agricola the sonne of Seuerus Sulpitius as Bale sayth a Bishop of that lore But Pelagius the author of this heresie was borne in Wales and held opinion that a man might obteyne saluation by his owne free wil merit without assistance of grace as he that was borne without originall sinne c. After they were come ouer they did so much what with conuincing the wicked arguments of the aduersaries of the truth by the inuincible power of the worde of God and holynesse of lyfe that those whiche were out of the right way were soone brought into the right path againe About the same time also one Palladins was sent from Celestinus Bishop of Rome Beda Palladius vnto the Scottes to instruct them in the fayth of Christ and to purge them from the Heresie of the sayde Pelagius This Paladius exhorted Constantinus the king of Scottes Constantine king of Scots that in no wise he shoulde ayde the Saxons beeing infidelles agaynst the Brytaines and his exhortation tooke so good effect that the sayd Constantinus did not only forbeare to assyst the Saxons but contrarily holpe the Brytaynes in theyr warres agaynst them the which thing did mainteyne the state of the Brytaynes for a tyme from falling into vtter ruine and decay In the meane time the Saxons renued their league with the Pictes so that their powers being ioyned togither H. Hunt Beda they beginne a fresh to make sore warres vpon the Brytaynes the which of necessitie were constrayned to assemble an armie and mistrusting their owne strength required ayde of the two Bishops Germaine and Lupus The which hasting forwarde with all speede came into the army bringing with them no small hope of good lucke to all the Brytaynes there beeing assembled This was done in Lent and such was the diligence of the Bishops that the people being instructed with continuall preaching in renouncing the error of the Pelagians earnestly came by troupes to receyue the grace of God offered in baptisme so that on Easter day which then ensued the more part of the army was baptised and so went forth against the enimies the which hearing thereof made hast towards the Brytaynes in hope to ouercome them at pleasure But theyr approche being knowne Byshoppe Germaine taketh vpon him the leading of the Brâ—…tish host The armiâ—… 〈◊〉 the Brytiâ—… newly 〈…〉 and ouer agaynst the passage throughe the which the enimies were appoynted to come he chose forth a valley enclosed with high Mountaynes and within the same he placeth his 〈◊〉 washeâ—… armie And when he saw the enimies now at hande he commaunded that euery man with one generall voyce shoulde aunswere him crying alowde the same crie that he should begin And euen as the enimies were readie to giue the charge vpon the Brytaynes supposing that they should haue taken them at vnwares and before any warning had beene giuen sodainly Bishop Germaine and the Priestes with a lowde and shrill voyce cryed Alleluia thrice Alleluia and therewith all the
twentith yeare after his comming into this land he obteyned the title of the West partes thereof and gouerned there as King so that the Kingdome of West Saxons began vnder the sayde 〈…〉 icus in the .519 519 of Christ as 〈…〉 shall be shewed Thus may yee see that if Aurelius Ambrosius did succeede after Vortigerne and raigned in the tyme supposed by the Brittish histories 〈◊〉 before is alledged the lande euen in his dayes was full of trouble and the olde inhabitauntes the Britaynes sore vexed by the Saxons that 〈…〉 ed the same so that the Britaynes dayly were hampered and brought vndersubiection to the valiante Saxons or else driuen to remoue further off and to giue place to the victorers But nowe to proceede with the succession of the Brittishe Kings as in their Histories wee fynde them registred whiche I delyuer suche as I fynde but not suche as I do wishe being written with no suche couloure of credite as we may safely put foorthe the same for an vndoubted truth Vter Pendragon AFter that Aurelius Ambrosius was dead his brother Vter Pendragon whome Harrison calleth Math. West noteth Aurelius Vterius Ambrosianus was made King in the yeare of our Lorde 500 500. in the seuenth yeare of the Emperour Anastasius and in the sixteene yeare of Clodoueus King of the Frenchmen The cause why hee was surnamed Pendragon was for that Merlyne the greate Prophete likened him to a Dragons head that at the tyme of his natiuitie maruellously appeared in the firmamente at the corner of a blasing Starre as is reported But Harrison supposeth that hee was so called of his wisedome and serpeÌ„tine subtiltie or for that he gaue the Dragons head in his Banner About the same time Vter departed out of this life saith Polydore so that his accompte agreeth nothing with the coÌ„mon accompte of those authors whom FabiaÌ„ and other haue folowed For either must we presuppose that Vter reigned before the time apointed to him by the said authors either else that the siege of Badon hill was before he began to reigne as it should seeme in deede by that which Wil. Malmsbury writeth therof as hereafter shal be also shewed Finally according to the agreemente of the Englishe writers Vter Pendragon died of poyson when he had gouerned this land by the ful terme of .16 yeres The deceasse of Vter Pendragon Stonchenge chorea gigantn was after buried dy his brother Aurelius at StonheÌ„g otherwyse called Chorea GigantuÌ„ leauing his son Arthur to succede him Here must ye not that the scottish chronicles declare that in al the warres for the more parte wherein the Britons obteyned victorie against the Saxons the Scots ayded them in the same warres and so likewyse did the Picts but the same chronicles do not only varie from the Brytish writers in accompt of yeres but also in the order of things done as in the same Chronicles more playnly may appere and namely in the discourse of the incideÌ„ts which chanced during the reign of this Vter For wher as the British histories as ye haue heard attribute great praise vnto the same Vter for his victories atchieued against the Saxons and theyr king Occa whom he slew in battaile and obteined a greate victorie the Scottishe writers make other report affirming in deed that by the preseÌ„ce of bishop Germane hee obteyned victorie in one battaile against them but shortly after the Britons fought again with the Saxons were discomfited although Occa in following the chase ouer rashly chaunced to be slaine after whose deceasse the Saxons ordeyned his sonnâ—… named also Occa to succeede in his place who to make himselfe strong against all his enimies sent into Germanie for one Colgerne the whiche with a greate power of Tentshmen came ouer into this our Britayne and conquered by Oâ—…s appointment the countrey of Northumberland situate betwene Tyne Tweede as in the Scottish chronicles it may further appeare Also this is to be remembred that the victorie which was got against the Saxons by the Brytons at what time Germane bishop of Aurerre was presente Hector Boetius affirmeth by the authoritie of Veremond that wrote y e Scottishe chronicles to haue chanced the secoÌ„d time of his coÌ„ming ouer into this lande where Beda anoncheth it to be at his first bring here Againe the same Boetius writeth that y e same victory chaÌ„ced in the dayes of Vter Pendragon whiche can not be if it be true that Beda writeth touchyng the tyme of y e death of y e sayd German for where he departed this life before the yere of oure Lorde 459. as aboue is noted Vter Pendragon began not his reigne till the yere of our Lord .500 475. sayth â—â— arison or as the same Hector Boetius hath .503 so that bishop Germane was dead long before that Vter began to reign In deede some writers haue noted that the third bataile which Vortimer sought against the Saxons was the same wherin S. Germane was present and procured the victorie with the crie of Alleluya as before ye haue heard whiche seemeth to be more agreeable to a truthe and to stand also with that which holie Bede hath writen touching the time of the beeing heere of the sayd German than the opinion of other whiche affirme that it was in the tyme of the reigne of Vter The like is to bee founde in the residue of Hector Boetius his booke touching the tyme specially of the reignes of the Brytish kings that gouerned Brytaine aboute that season For as he affirmeth Aurelius Ambrosius beganne his reigne in the yeare of our Lorde .498 and ruled but seuen yeres and then suceeded Vter whiche reigned .xviij. yeres and departed this life in the yeare of our Lorde .521 BVt here is to be remeÌ„bred that whatsoeuer the British writers haue recorded touching the victories of this Vter had against y e Saxos and how that Osca the sonne of Hengist should be slaine in battayle by him and his power In those olde writers whiche haue registred the Acts of the Englishe saxon kyngs wee fynde no suche matter but wee fynde that after the deceasse of Hengist hys sonne Osca or Occa reygned in Kente .24 yeares Osca 34. hath Henry Hnnt. in corrupted copies defendyng hys kyngdome onely and not seekyng to enlarge it as before is touched After whose death his sonne Oth and Irâ—…rike sonne to the same Oth succeeded more resemblyng their father than their grandfather or greate grandfather To their reignes are assigned fiftie and three yeares by the Chronicles but whether they reigned ioyntely together or seuerally a parte eyther after other it is not certaynly perceyued King Nazaleod perceiuing that the wing which Certicus ledde was of more strength than the other whiche Kenrike gouerned he set fyrst vpon Certicus thinking that if he might distresse that part of the enimies armie he should easily ouercome the other Mat. VVest Hen. Hunt Stuff and VVightgar Math. VVest noteth the yere of
sonne of Redwalde and after was slaine himselfe Ethelferd slainâ—… hauing raigned ouer the Northumbers about .xxij. yeares This battaile was fought neare to the water of Idle The sayde Ethelferd had issue by his wyfe Acca the daughter of Alla and sister to Edwine two sonnes Oswalde being about two yeares of age and Oswyn about foure yeares the which their father beeing thus slaine were by helpe of their gouernours conueyed away into Scotland with all speede that might be made Hen. Hunt Math. VVest hath 34. Ceovulf king of the West Saxons after hee had raigned the space of .xij. yeares departed this life who in his time had mainteyned great warre agaynst many of his neghbours the which for briefenesse I passe ouer One great battaile he fought agaynst them of Sussex in which the armies on both sides susteyned great domage The South Saxons sustaine the greater losse but the greater losse fell to the South Saxons Cicegiscus AFter the foresayde Ceovulf raigned Cinegiscus or Kingils whiche was the sonne of Ceola that was sonne to Cutha or Cutwyn the sonne of Kenricke which was sonne to king Certicke In the fourth yeare of his raigne VVil. Malm. sayeth that Oâ—…nichilinus was the brother oâ—… Cinegiscus he receyued into felowship with him in gouernaunce of the kingdome his sonne Richelinus or Onichelinus and so they raigned ioyntly togither in great loue and concorde a thing seldome seene or heard of They fought with the Brytaynes at Beandune Beandune or Beanton where at the first approch of the battailes togyther the Brytaynes fled but to late for there died of them that were ouertaken .2062 In this meane time Beda li. 2. cap. 4. Laurence Archbishop of Canterburie that succeeded next after Augustine admitted thereto by him in his life time as before is sayde did his indeuour to augment and bring to perfection the Church of Englande the foundation wherof was lately layde by his predecessor the foresayde Augustine and studied not onely for the encrease of this new Church which was gathered of the Englishe people but also he was busie to employ his pastor like cure vpon the people that were of the olde inhabitants of Brytaine and likewise of the Scottes that remayned in Irelande For when he had learned that the Scottes there in semblable wise as the Brytains in theyr Countrey ledde not theyr lyues in many poyntes according to the Ecclesiastical rules aswel in obseruing the feast of Easter coÌ„trarie to the vse of the Romain church as in other things he wrote vnto those Scottes letters exhortatorie requyring them moste instauntly to an vnitie of Catholique orders as myght bee agreeable with the Church of Christ spredde and dispersed through the worlde These letters were not written onely in his owne name but ioyntly togyther in the name of the Bishops Melitus and Iustus as thus To our deare brethren the Bishops Abbots through all Scotland Laurence Mellitus Iustus Bishops the seruants of the seruants of God wishe health Where as the Apostolike Sea according to hir maner had sent vs to preach vnto the Heathen people in these west partes as otherwise through the worlde and that it chaunced vs to enter into this Ile which is called Brytayne before we knewe and vnderstoode the state of things wee had in greate reuerence bothe the Scottes and Brytaynes which beleeued bycause as we tooke the matter they walked according to the custome of the vniuersall Churche but after we had knowledge of the Brytaynes we iudged the Scottes to be better but we haue learned by Byshop Daganus comming into this I le and by Columbanus the Abbot coÌ„ming into France that the Scottes nothing differ in theyr conuersation from the Brytaynes for Bishop Dagan comming vnto vs would neyther eate with vs no nor yet within the house where wee did eate The sayde Laurence also with his fellow Bishops did write to the Brytaines other letters worthie of his degree doing what hee coulde to confyrme them in the vnitie of the Romaine Church but it profited little as appeareth by that which Beda wryteth About the same tyme Mellitus the Bishop of London wente to Rome to commune wyth Pope Boniface for necessarie causes touching the the Church of Englande and was present at a Sinode holden by the same Pope at that season for ordinances to bee made touching the state of religious men and sate in the same Sinode that with subscribing he might also with his authoritie confirme that whiche was there orderly decreed This Sinode was holden the third kalends of March in the last yeare of the Emperour Focas which was about the yeare after the byrth of our sauiour .610 Mellitus at his returne brought with him from the Pope decrees commaunded by the sayd Pope to be obserued in the English Church with letters also directed to the Archbishop Laurence and to king Ethelbert Cadwan This Cadwan being established King shortly after assembled a power of Brytaynes and went agaynst the foresayde Ethelfred King of Northumberlande who beeing thereof aduertised did associate to him the most part of the Saxon Princes and came forth with his armie to meete Cadwane in the fielde Herevpon as they were readie to haue tryed the matter by battaile certayne of theyr friendes trauayled so betwixte them for a peace that in the ende they broughte them to agreement Galf. Mâ—â— so that Ethelferd should kept in quiet possession those his Countreys beyonde the Ryuer of Humber and Cadwan should hold all that which belonged as yet to the Brytaines on the south side the same ryuer Thys Couenaunte wyth other touching theyr agreement was confyrmed wyth othes solemnlye taken and pledges therewith delyuered so that afterwardes they continued in good and quiet peace withoute vexing the one the other What chaunced afterwardes to Edelfred yee haue before hearde rehearsed the whiche for that it soundeth more lyke to a truth than that whiche followeth in the Brytishe Booke wee omitte to make further rehearsall passing forth to other doings which fâ—…ll in the 〈…〉 son whilest 〈◊〉 Cadwane had gouernment of the Brytaynâ—…s raigning as king once them the tearme of .xxij. or as other haue but .xiij. yeares and finally was slaine by the NorthuÌ„â—…ers â—…ohn Hard. as before hath bene and also after shall be shewed In the .viij. yeare after that Cadwan began to raigne Ethelbert king of Kent departed this life in the .xxj. yeare after the comming of Augustin with his fellowes to preach the fayth of christ here in this Realme and after that Ethelbert had raigned ouer the Prouince of Kent aboute the tearme of .lvj. yeares as Bede hath but there are that haue noted three yeares lesse he departed this worlde VVil. Malm. Beda li. 2. ca. 5 as aboue is signified in the yeare of oure Lorde .617 on the .xxiiij. daye of Februarie and was buryed in the I le of Saint Martine within the Churche of the Apostles Peter and Paule without the Citie of Canterburie where
in the committing of that moste detestable murder Some wyser than other Finally suche was his ouer earnest diligence in the inquisition and triall of the offendours herein that some of the Lordes began to mislike the mater The mater suspected and to smell foorth shrewed tokens that he shoulde not be altogither cleare himselfe but for so much as they were in that countrey where hee had the whole rule what by reason of his frendes and authoritie togither they doubted to vtter what they thought till time and place shoulde better serue therevnto and herevpon got them away euery man to his home Prodigious weather For the space of .vj. moneths togither after this haynous murder thus committed there appeared no sunne by day nor Moone by night in any parte of the realme but stil was the skie couered with cōtinual clowdes and sometimes suche outragious windes arose with lightnings and tempestes that the people were in great feare of present destruction Calene IN the meane time Culene prince of Cumberland the sonne as I haue sayde of king Indulph accompanied with a great number of Lordes and Nobles of the realme came vnto Scone there to receyue the crowne according to the maner The king asked the cause of the foule weather The bishops answere vnto the king but at his comming thither he demaūded of the Bishops what the cause should be of such vntemperate weather Who made answere that vndoubtedly almightie God shewed himselfe thereby to be offended moste highly for that wicked murther of king Duffe and surely onlesse the offendours were tried foorth and punished for that deede the realme shoulde feele the iust indignation of the deuine iudgement for omitting suche punishment as was due for so greeuous an offence The king required publike prayers to be had Culene herevpon requyred the bishops to appoint publike processiōs fastings and other godly exercises to be vsed of the priestes and people through all parties of the realme for the appeasing of Gods wrath in this behalfe and in suche sorte and maner as in semblable cases the vse and custome in those dayes was The king made an othe Hee himselfe made a solemne vowe confirming it with a like othe before all the peeres and nobles there assembled that he woulde not ceasse till he had reuenged the death of king Duffe vpon the false inhabitauntes of Murrayland to the ensample of all other The king wēt with an armie into Murray lande The multitude being present getting them to armure followed their prince taking his iourney without further delay towardes Murrayland the inhabitauntes of whiche region hearing of his approch and the cause of his cōming were stryken with exceeding feare but namely Donewalde beyng giltie in conscience A gilty conscience accuseth a man doubted least if he were put to torture he should be enforced to confesse the truthe wherevpon without making his wyfe priuie to his departure or any other of his family saue a fewe suche as he tooke with him he secretely got him to the mouthe of the ryuer of Spey where finding a shippe ready he wente a borde the same Donewalde getteth him secretly away purposing to haue fledde his wayes by sea into Norway for this is the peculiar propertie of a giltie conscience to be afrayde of all things and eyther in gesture or countenaunce to bewray it selfe accompting flight moste sure if occasion may serue thereto For this Donewalde The murther of the king is reueled whome no man though some partely suspected him might wel haue burdened with the crime of his Masters death by reason of his faithfull seruice shewed towardes him afore time had he not thus sought to haue auoyded the countrey was now detected of manifest treason euery man detesting his abhominable facte and wishing him to be ouerwhelmed in the raging floudes so to pay the due punishment whiche of right hee ought for his vile treason in murthering his naturall Lorde Culene being hereof aduertised The castell of Fores is taken and all the inhabitāts slain passed ouer Spey water and taking the castell of Fores slew all that he founde therein and put the house to sacke and fire Donewaldes wife with his three daughters were taken for Culene commaunded that who so euer coulde light vpon them shoulde in any wise saue theyr liues and bring them vnto him Whiche beyng done The murder is wholy confessed hee had them to the racke where the mother vpon hyr examination confessed the whole mater how by hyr procuremēt chiefly hyr husbād was moued to cause the deede to be done who they were that by his commaundement did it and in what place they had buried the bodie Here woulde the multitude haue runne vpon hyr and torne hyr in peeces but that they were restrayned by commaundement of an officer at armes The king with the residue for that night rested themselues and in the morning tooke order for prouision of all things necessarie to take vp the bodie of king Duffe King Duffe his body to be taken vp and then to conuey it vnto Colmekill there to be buried amongst his predecessours But as they were busie here about Donewald is taken prysoner woorde came that the traytour Donewalde was by shipwracke caste vpon the shore within foure miles of the Castell as though he were by Gods prouision brought backe into his owne countrey to suffer woorthy punishment for his demerites Wherevpon the inhabitaunts of the places next adioyning tooke him and kepte him fast bound till they knewe further of the kings pleasure who right gladde of the newes sente forth immediatly a bande of men to fetche him They that were sent did as they were commaunded and beyng vnneth returned there came in diuers Lordes of Rosse Donewaldes foure seruaunts were taken also bringing with them Donewaldes foure seruaunts whiche as before is sayde did execute the murder Thus all the offendours beyng brought togither vnto the place where the murder was bothe contriued and executed they were arrayned condemned and put to death in maner as followeth to the great reioycing of the people that beheld the same They were firste scourged by the hangman Donewalde with his confederates are executed and then bowelled their entrailes being throwen into a fire and brente the other partes of theyr bodies were cut into quarters and sent vnto the chiefest Cities of the realme and there set vp alofte vpon the gates and highest towers for ensample sake to all suche as should come after how haynous a thing it is to pollute theyr handes in the sacred bloud of theyr prince This dreadfull end had Donewald with his wife before he saw any sunne after the murder was committed and that by the appointment of the most rightuous God the creatour of that heauenly planet and all other things who suffereth no crime to be vnreuenged Rewardes giuen vnto the takers of those murderers Those that were the takers of the murderers were
of the Ladie Gennet Golding wife to sir Iohn White knight the gouernour licenced that it should be buried Skesfington deceased Sir William Skesfington a seuere and vpright Gouernour dyed shortly after at Kilmaynan to whome succeeded Lorde Deputie the Lorde Leonard Gray Leonard Gray Lord Deputie who immediately vpon the taking of his othe marched with his power towardes the confines of Mounster where Thomas Fitz Girald at that tyme remayned Breerton skirmisheth with Fitz Girald With Fitz Giralde sir William Breerton skirmished so fiercely as both the sides were rather for the great slaughter disaduantaged than eyther part by any great victorie furthered Master Brereton therefore perceyuing that rough Nettes were not the fittest to take such peart byrdes gaue his aduice to the Lorde Deputie to grow with Fitz Girald by faire meanes to some reasonable composition The Deputie liking of the motion craued a parlee sending certaine of the Englishe as hostages to Thomas hys campe with a protection directed vnto him to come and go at will and pleasure Thomas Fitz Girald submitteth himselfe to the deputy Being vpon this securitie in conference with the Lorde Gray hee was perswaded to submyt himselfe to the King his mercie with the gouernours faythfull and vndoubted promise that he should be pardoned vpon his repayre into Englande And to the ende that no trecherie might haue bene misdeemed of eyther side they both receyued the Sacrament openly in the campe The sacrament receyued as an infallible seale of the couenants and conditions of eyther part agreed Thomas sayleth into England Herevpon Thomas Fitz Giralde sore agaynst the willes of his Counsaylours dismist his armie and roade with the Deputie to Dublyn 1535 where he made short abode when hee sayled to Englande with the fauourable letters of the gouernour and the Counsayle And as hee woulde haue taken his iourney to Windsore where the Court lay He is committed to the Tower he was intercepted contrarie to his expectation in London way and conueyed with hast to the Tower And before his imprisonment were bruted letters were posted into Irelande straytly commaunding the Deputie vpon sight of them to apprehend Thomas Fitz Girald his vncles and to see them with all speede conuenient shipt into England Which the Lorde Deputie did not slacke For hauing feasted three of the Gentlemen at Kylmaynan Thomas his vncles taken immediately after their banquet as it is nowe and then seene that sweete meate will haue sowre sauce he caused them to be manacled and led as prisoners to the Castell of Dublin and the other two were so roundly snatcht vp in villages hard by as they sooner felt theyr owne captiuitie than they had notice of theyr brethrens calamitie The next winde that serued into Englande these fiue brethren were embarked to wit Iames Fitz Giralde Walter Fitz Girald Oliuer Fitz Girald Iohn Fitz Girald Richard Fitz Girald Three of these Gentlemen Iames Walter and Richarde were knowne to haue crossed their Nephew Thomas to their power in his Rebellion and therefore were not occasioned to misdoubt any daunger But such as in those dayes were enimies to the house incensed the king so sore agaynst it perswading him that he should neuer conquer Irelande as long as any Giraldine breathed in the Countrey and for making the pathway smooth he was resolued to loppe off as well the good and sounde Grapes as the wilde and fruitelesse Beries Whereby appeareth howe daungerous it is to be a rubbe when a King is disposed to sweepe an Alley Thus were the fiue brethren sayling into Englande among whome Richarde Fitz Giralde being more bookish than the rest of his brethren and one that was much giuen to the studies of antiquitie veyling his inwarde griefe with outward myrth comforted them wyth cheerefulnesse of countenance as well perswading them that offended to repose affiaunce in God and the King his mercie and such as were not of that conspiracie Innocencie a strong for t to relie to theyr innocencie which they should hold for a more safe strong Barbican than any rampire or Castell of Brasse Thus solacing the siely mourners sometyme with smiling somtime with singing sometyme with graue pithie Apophthegmes he craued of the owner the name of the Barcke who hauing answered that it was called the Cow The Cow the gentleman sore appalled thereat sayd Now good brethren I am in vtter dispaire of our returne to Ireland for I beare in mynde an olde prophecie that fiue Earles brethren should be caryed in a Cowes bellie to England and from thence neuer to returne Iames Delahyde Iames Delahyde the chiefe Counsaylour of Thomas Fitz Giralde fled into Scotlande and there deceassed To this miserable end grew this lewd rebellion which turned to y e vtter vndoing of diuerse auncient Gentlemen who trayned with fayre wordes into a fooles Paradice were not onely dispossessed of theyr landes but also depriued of theyr lyues or else forced to forsake theyr countreys Thomas Fitz Girald was not Earle of Kildare As for Thomas Fitz Giralde who as I wrote before was executed at Tyburne I would wish the carefull Reader to vnderstand that he was neuer Earle of Kildare although some wryters rather of error than of malice Stow. Pa. 434. tearme him by that name For it is knowne that his father lyued in the Towre when hee was in open Rebellion where for thought of the yong man his follye hee dyed and therefore Thomas was attaynted in a Parliament holden at Dublyn as one that was deemed reputed and taken for a traytour before his fathers deceasse by the bare name of Thomas Fitz Giralde For this hath beene obserued by the Irish Hystoriographers euer since the conquest No Earle of Kildare bare armour at any time agaynst his prince that notwithstanding all the presumptions of treason wherewith any Earle of Kyldare coulde eyther faintly be suspected or vehemently charged yet there was neuer any Erle of that house read or heard of that bare armour in the fielde agaynst his Prince Which I write not as a barrister hyred to pleade theyr cause but as a Chronicler mooued to declare the truth This Thomas Fitz Giralde The description of Thomas Fitz Giralde as before is specified was borne in Englande vpon whom nature poured beautie and fortune by byrth bestowed Nobilitie which had it beene well employed and were it not that his rare gyftes had bene blemished by his later euill qualities hee would haue proued an ympe worthie to bee engraft in so honourable a stocke Hee was of stature tall and personable in countenance amiable a white face and withall somewhat ruddie delicately in eche lymme featured a rolling tongue and a riche vtterance of nature flexible and kinde verie soone caryed where hee fansied easily with submission appeased hardly wyth stubbornnesse weyed in matters of importance an headlong hotespurre yet nathelesse taken for a yong man not deuoyde of witte were it not as
returned out of Gascoigne The Lorde Tiptost setting vpon them tooke them with little a doe and sleaing neare hand the thirde part of all the Mariners sent the ships into England â—…rd earle â—…ancaster 〈◊〉 to the â—…ch king In the meane time K. Edwarde sendeth his brother Edmond Erle of Lancaster to be his attorney to make answere for him before all such Iudges as might haue hearing of the matter but the Iudges meaning nothing lesse thaÌ„ to trie out the truth of the cause admit no reasons that the Erle could allege in his brothers behalf so pronounce K. Edward a rebel decree by arest â—…ng Edward â—…emned in 〈◊〉 French â—…gs Court that he had forfeyted all his right vnto the Duchie of Guienne These things thus done he sendeth priuy messengers vnto Burdeaux to procure the citizens to reuolt froÌ„ the Englishmen â—…old de â—…le sent inâ—… Gascoigne 〈◊〉 an army appointed the Conestable of France the L. Arnold de Neall to follow with an army who coÌ„ming thither easily brought theÌ„ of Burdeaux vnder the French dominion being alredy minded to reuolt through practise of those that were lately before sent vnto them from the French king for that purpose After this the said Conestable brought the people neare adioyning vnder subiection partly moued by the example of the chiefe and head Citie of all the Countrey and partly enduced thervnto by bribes and large giftes The English men that were in the Countrey after they perceiued that the people did thus reuolt to the French king withdrew incoÌ„tinently vnto the townes situate neare to the sea side but especially they fled to a towne called the Rioll which they fortifie with all speed Thus sayth Polidor 〈◊〉 Triuet Nicholas Triuet writing hereof declareth the beginning of this warre to be on this maner The English Marchants being diuersly vexed vpon the seas made coÌ„plaint to the K. for losse of their marchandice â—…ie eare of â—…olne The king sent the Erle of Lincoln Henrie Lacie vnto the French king instantly requiring that by his assent there might some way be prouided with speed by them and their counsel for some competent remedie touching such harmes and losses by sea as his people had susteined In the meane time whilest the Earle tarieth for answere a nauie of the parties of Normandy coÌ„teyning two C. ships and aboue being assembled togither that they might the more boldly assayle their enimies and the more valiantly resist suche as should encounter them sailed into Gascoigne determining to destroy all those of their aduersaries that should come in their way But as these Norman ships returned back with wines glorying as it were that they had got y e rule of the sea onely to themselues they were assayled by .lx. English ships which toke them and brought theÌ„ into EnglaÌ„d the Fryday before Whitsunday all the men were eyther drowned or slaine those only excepted which made shift to escape by boates The newes hereof being brought into France did not so much moue the K. the counsel to wonder at the matter as to take therof great indignation The king of England hearing this message The Bishop of London sent with an answer vnto the french king tooke therein deliberation to answere and then sent the Bishop of London accompanied wyth other wise and discreete persons into Fraunce to declare for aunswere vnto the French King and his Counsayle as followeth that is Where as the King of Englande hath his regall Courte without subiection to any man if there were therefore anye persones that founde themselues hurt or endomaged by hys people they myght come to hys Court and vppon declaration of theyr receyued iniuries they shoulde haue speedie iustice and to the ende they might thus do without all daunger whosoeuer mynded to complayne hee woulde giue vnto them a safeconducte to come and goe in safetye through hys lande But if this way pleased not the Frenche King then he was contented that there shoulde bee Arbitratours chosen on bothe sydes the whiche weighing the losses on bothe partyes might prouide howe to satisfie the complaynts and the King of Englande woulde for hys parte enter into bondes by obligation to stande to and abyde theyr order and iudgement herein so that the French king would likewise be bound for his part and if any such doubt fortuned to arise which could not be decyded by the sayde arbitrators let the same be reserued vnto the kings themselues to diseasse and determine and the king of Englande vpon a sufficient safeconduct had woulde come ouer to the Frenche King if he woulde come downe vnto any haâ—…n towne neare to the Sea coast that by mutuall assent an ende might be had in the businesse but if neither this waye shoulde please the Frenche king nor the other then let the matter bee committed to the order of the Pope to whom it apperteyned to nourish concorde among Christian Princes of bycause the Sea was as then voyde â–ª let the whole Colledge of Cardinals or part of them take order therin as should be thought necessarie that strife and discord being taken away and remoued peace might again flourish betwixt them and their people as before time it had done The French counsaile weyed nothing at all these offers would not so much as once vouchsafe to giue an answere vnto the English Ambassadors earnestly requiring the same Finally the French king sent vnto the Citie of Aniou which is knowne to belong vnto the Duchie of Guienne The king of England cited to appeare where he there caused the king of England to be cited to make his appearance at Paris at a certaine day to answere to the iniuries and rebellions by him done in the Countrey of Gascoigne at the which day when he appeared not the French king fitting in the seate of iudgement in hys owne proper person Sentence geueÌ„ against the king of Englande gaue sentence there agaynst the king of Englande for making default and withall commaunded the high Conestable of Fraunce to cease into his handes all the Duchie of Guienne and eyther take or expulse al the king of Englandes officers souldiours and deputies which were by him placed within the sayde Duchie The king a little before had sent thither a valiant knight named the Lord Iohn Saint Iohn which had furnished all the Cities townes Castels and places with men munition and vyttayles for defence of the same An. Reg. 22. In the meane time the king of Englande desirous to be at quiet with the French men appoynted his brother Edmunde Earle of Lancaster as then soiourning in France to go vnto the Frenche kings counsaile to procure some agreement which both might be allowed of the French king and not bee dishonourable vnto him But when the Erle could not preuaile in his sute hee tooke his iourney towardes Englande vtterlye dispayring to procure any peace But eâ—…e be came to the sea side 1294 he was
a chayre at the tyme of their Coronation whyche Kyng Edwarde caused nowe to be transferred to Westminster and there placed to serue for a Chayre for the Priest to sit in at the Aulter The Kyng comming to Berwike called thither vnto a Parliament all the Nobles of Scotlande and there receiued of them their homages The 〈◊〉 of Scoâ—… feâ—…â—…selues 〈◊〉 King the whyche in perpetuall witnesse of the thyng made letters patents thereof written in French and sealed with their seales as the tenor him followeth A Touz ceux que cestes lettres verront uront c. TO all those that these present letters shall see or heare we Iohn Comin of Badenaw The iâ—…meâ—… of 〈◊〉 homâ—… the lanâ—… Scotlandâ—… K. Eâ—… c. Bycause that wee at the faithe and will of the most noble Prince and our dearest Lorde Edwarde by the grace of God Kyng of England Lorde of Irelande and Duke of Aquitaine doe vowe and promise for vs and our heires vppon payne of body and goodes and of all that wee may haue that wee shall serue him well and truly against all men whiche maye liue and die at all tymes when we shall bee required or warned by our said Lord the Kyng of Englande or hys heires and that wee shall not know of any hurte to bee done to them but the same wee shall lette and impeach with all our power and giue them warning thereof and those things to holde and keepe wee binde vs our heires and al our goodes and further receyue an oth thereof vpon the holy Euangelistes and after all wee and euery of vs haue done homage vnto oure soueraigne Lorde the King of Englande in wordes as followeth I become your liegeman of life members The sâ—… their lâ—… and earthly honor against all men which maye lyue and die And the same oure soueraigne Lorde the King receyued this homage vnder thys forme of wordes The 〈◊〉 King 〈◊〉 accepâ—… We receyue it for the land of the whiche you bee nowe seased the righte of vs or other saued and excepte the landes whiche Iohn Ballioll sometime Kyng of Scotland graunted vnto vs after that we did deliuer vnto him y e kingdome of Scotlande if happely hee hathe giuen to you any suche landes Moreouer all wee and euery of vs by hymselfe haue done fealtie to oure saide soueraigne Lord the Kyng in these wordes I as a faythfull and liege man shall keepe faith and loyaltie vnto Edward Kyng of England and to his heires of life member and earthly honor againste all men whiche may liue and die and shall neuer for anye person beare armour nor shall be of councell nor in ayde with anye person againste hym or hys heyres in any case that maye chaunce but shall faithfully acknowledge and doe the seruice that belongeth to the tenementes the which I claime to holde of hym as God me helpe and all hys Saintes I witnesse whereof these letters pattentes are made and sygned with our seales Yeuen at Warke the foure and twentith of Marche in the yeare of the reigne of oure sayde Lord the Kyng of Englande â—…ficers apâ—…ynted in â—…tlande by â—…ng Iohn Then was Iohn Warren Earle of Surrey and Sussex made by Kyng Edward warden of Scotlande Hugh Cressingham Threaforer and William Ormesdy high Iustice whome the King commaunded that hee shoulde call all those before him whyche helde any landes of the Crowne and to reteyne oâ—… them in hys name theyr homages and fealties Iohn Ballioll the late Kyng of Scotlande was sent to London Iohn Ballioll sent to London and had a conâ—…nt company of seruauntes appoynted to aâ—…de hym hauyng licence to goe anye whether abroade to that hee kepte hym selfe wâ—…hâ—… the 〈◊〉 of twentie miles neere to London Iohn Câ—… of Badenaw and Iohn Edmni of Lowan and diuers otheâ—… nobles of Scotlande were brought into Englande on the South side of Ticut being warned vpoÌ„ payne of death not to returne into Scotlande till the King â—…d made an ende of his warres with Fraunce The Cleargie by reason of a coÌ„stitution ordeyned and constituted the same yeare by Pope Boniface â—…e pretenâ—… excuse of 〈◊〉 Cleargie prohibiting vpon payne of excommunication that no â—…asages nor other exactions should beleiued or exalted of the Cleargie in any manner of wise by secular Princes or to be paid to them of things that perteyned to the Church vtterly refused to graunte any manner of ayde to the King towardes the manie gâ—…aunce of hys warres Wherevppon the Kyng to the intent they shoulde haue tyme to study for a better aunswer deferred the matter to an other Parliamente to bee holden on the morrowe after the feast of Saint Hillarie This yeare after the feast of the Epiphany An. reg 25. 1297. The Earle of Holland married Elizabeth the kings daughter Elizabeth the Kings daughter was married vnto Iohn Earle of Holland Humfrey de Bohun Earle of Hereford and Essex was sente to conuey them into Hollande there to take possession of the Earledome as then discended vnto the said Iohn by the death of his father lately before slayne by his owne â—…usheâ—…s by cause he woulde haue disinherited this Iohn and made a bastarde sonne whiche hee hadde to be his heire The daye appoynted for the Parliamente to bee holden at London bring coâ—…e and the Cleargie continuing in their deâ—…an to graunt anye subsedy the King exluded them out of his protection for the redeeming whereof many by themselues and many by mediators did afterwardes giue vnto the King truth parte of all their goodes The Archbishop of Caunterbury being found stiffe in the matter the Kyng seased all his landes and commaunded all suche debtes as were founde of his in the rolles of the Exchequer to bee leuied with all speede of his goodes and cattayle Abingdon The Archbyshoppe his wordes Some write that when the Archbishop of Caunterburie in name of all the residue hadde declared to them whome the Kyng had appoynted commissioners to receyue the aunswere that whereas they of the Cleargie hadde two soueraigne Lordes and gouernoures the one in spirituall matters and the other in temporall they ought yet rather to obey theyr Spirituall gouernoure than their Temporall Neuerthelesse to satisfye the Kynges pleasure they woulde of theyr owne charges sende to the Pope that by hys licence and permission they myghte graunte the Kyng some aide or else receyue some aunswere from hym what to doe therein for sayeth the Archbyshoppe wee beleeue that the Kyng feareth the sentence of excommunicatioÌ„ and would be as glad to auoyde it as we When the Commissioners hearde this aunswere they required that they woulde appoynte some of theyr owne company to beare this message vnto the Kyng for they durst not reporte it vnto hym which being done as the Commissioners had required the Kyng in his furie proceeded agaynste them in suche rigorous manner as yee haue hearde The declaration of the Lord chiefe Iustice in so muche that
of armes and archers a greater number than in Parliamente was firste to hym assigned hee sette from Plimmouth on the daye of the natiuitie of oure Lady They were in all three hundred sayle and finding the winde prosperous they passed ouer into Gascoigne where of the Gascoignes they were ioyfully receyued In August the Englishmen that were in Britaine warring agaynste the Frenchmenne that tooke parte with the Lorde Charles de Bloys slewe many of them and tooke the Lorde of Beaumanor the vicount of Roan and dyuers other This yeare also aboute Michaelmas the King hauing sommoned an army to be ready at Sandwich passed ouer to Caleis with the same There wente ouer with him his two sonnes Lionell of Andwerp Earle of Vlster and Iohn of Gant Earle of Richmont He found at Caleis a thousand men of armes that came to serue hym for wages forthe of Flaunders Brabant and Almaigne so that hee had about three thousand men of armes and two thousand archers on horsebacke beside archers on foote in great number â—…e Citie of â—…don The Citie of London had sente to hym fiue and twentie men of armes and fiue hundred archers all in one sute or liuerti at their owne costes and charges The second of Nouember he set from Caleis marching foorthe towardes Saint Omers wasting the Countrey by the way as he passed The Frenche Kyng beeyng the same tyme within the Towne of Sainte Omers â—…e king inâ—…eth France â—…e lord Bouâ—…t sente the Lord Bousicant vnto the Kyng of Englande that vnder colour of communication hee might viewe the Kyngs power who made such reporte thereof vppon hys returne backe to the Frenche Kyng that he determined not to fighte with the King of Englande but rather to passe before hym and so to destroy vittayles that for wantâ—… thereof the Kyng of Englande shoulde hee constreyned to returne And as he determined so it came to passe for the vittayles were so cutte off that the Englishmenne for three dayes togither dranke nothing but water â—…oissart â—…e Kyng for â—…t of victuâ—… returneth When therefore Kyng Edwarde had followed his enimies so farre as Heyden where hee brake the Parke and brents the houses within and about the Parke although he entred not into the Towne nor Castell at length for defence of vitrayles he returned backe and came agayâ—… to Caleis on Saint Martins day Auesburie being the teÌ„th after his setting foorth from thence The morrow after beeing Thursday and the twelfth of Nouember 〈◊〉 CoÌ„nestable of FraÌ„ce â—…e Conestaâ—… of France â—…mmandeth â—…tayle and other Frenchmenâ—… came to the ende of the caulsey of Caleis with letters of credeneâ—… offering battaile the twesday nexte following vnto the King of Englande in presence of the Duke of Lancaster the Earles of Northampton and the Lord Walter de Manne who in the Kings behalfe declared to the Câ—…nnestable that the King of Englande â—…e answere â—…de to him to eschew shedding of bloud woulde fight with the French King body to body so to â—…ie their right and if he liked not of that matche then if hee woulde choose three or foure Knightes to him that were neerest to hym is bloud hee shoulde choose the like number but when this offer would not be accepted the English Lordes offered battell the next day beeyng Fridaye or else on Saterday following at the Frenchemennes choyce but the Connestable of Fraunce and his company continuing on theyr first oâ—…r refused both those dayes Then the Englishe Lordes accepted the days by â—…hâ—…th assigned with condition that if they be ougthe not King Edwarde to giue that â—…yle that daye they woulde 〈…〉 prisoners so that the Frenchmenne woulde â—…wise vndertake for theyr Kâ—…ng The Contestable 〈◊〉 no aunswere ready stayed a â—…hile and after flatly refused to make any such couenaunt Finally when the English Lordes perceyued there aduersaries not to â—…e battayle as theyr wordes of the first pretended they brake ast and both parties returned home The King of Englande stayed till the twesday and payd the straungers their wages and so came backe into England The sixth of Nouembre whilest the Kyng was thus abroade in Picardy Berwike taken by Scottes the Scottes very earely in the morning of that daye came priuily to Berwike entred by fleâ—… into the towne and sâ—…eaing there or foure Englishmenne tooke it with all the goodes and persons within it those excepted which got to the Castell In a Parliamente summoned this yeare A parliament the Monday after the feast of Saint Edmonde the King the Lords and commons graunted to K. Edward 50. ss of euery sacke of woolle that shuld be carried ouer the sea for the space of sixe yeares next ensuing By this grant it was thoughte y e the K. might dispeÌ„d a M. markes sterling a day such went of woolles had the English merchants in that season The Parliament being ended the K. about S. Andrews tide set forward towards Scotland held his Christmas at new Castell About which time by letters seat froÌ„ y e Prince y e K. was aduertised of his proceedings after hys arriuall in Gascoigne wher being ioyfully receiued of the nobles other y e people of that couÌ„trey as before ye haue heard he declared to them the cause of his thither coÌ„ming tooke aduice with them how to proceede in his businesse and so about y e truth of October he set forward to passe against his enimies first entring into a countrey called Iuliake which to get her with the fortresses The procedinges of the prince of Wales in Aquitayne yeelded whom witholde any great resistaÌ„ce TheÌ„ he rode through y e countrie Armignac wasting spoiling the countrey and so passed through the landes of the vieountes de la Riuiere and after entred into the countie de l Eseraâ—… and passing through y e some came into the countie of Commyges finding the Towne of Saint Matan voyde being a good towne and one of the best in that countrey After this he passed by the lande of the Earle of â—…le till hee came within a league of Tholouse where the Earle of Armignac beeyng the French Kings Lieutenaunt in those parties and other great Lords and nobles were asseÌ„bled The Prince with his army carried there a two dayes and after passed ouer riuer of Garonne after ouer an other riuer thereaboutes a league aboue Tholouse lodging that nighte a league on the other side of Tholon seâ—… and so they passed through Tholouzaine taking daylye Townes and Castels wherein they found great riches for the countrey was very plentifull Vpon Alhallowen euen they came to Castell Naudarie and from thence they tooke the way to Carcasson Carcasson into the whiche a greate number of men of armes and commons were withdrawen But vpon the approch of the Englishmen they slipt away and got them to a strong Castell that stoode neere at hand The thirde daye after the Englishmen brente the Towne and passing foorth
agaynst to many noble men into vniust a cause hee beeing thereof aduertised began to waxe same hearted and to prepare himself to escape by flight and declaring no lesse openly vnto them sayde before we come to ioyne I wâ—… seeke to withdraw my selfe out of the way and saue my self 〈◊〉 I can for me they onely seeke agaynste you they haue no quarell so that I being shifted away ye shall easily be preserued Herewith one of the knightes sayde to him you haue brought vs forth of our Countrey you haue procured vs to giue you out promise you haue caused vs to take this iourney in hand here therefore are wee readie to fight and winne the victorie with you if our happe be suche or if fortune will nor so fauour â—…s we are readie to spend our liues with you No sayd he ye shall not so doe The Duke of Ireland flieth from his army and forthwith â—…king his Horse with the spurres he fled from them Wherevpon many that were with him cursing thys his demeanour prepared to yeeld themselues to the Lords But Thomas Molment determined to fighte it out sithe the Lordes were not yet all come togyther to that place but onely the Earle of Darbie and certaine other Neuerthelesse after hee had fought a while and perceyued it would not auail him to tarie loÌ„ger as one dispairing of the victorie tooke him likewise to flight as the Duke of Irelande had led him the way and plunging into the riuer which was at hande it chaunced that sir Thomas Mortimer being present amongest other at the same place willed him to come forth of the water vnto him for if he woulde not bee threatned to shoote him through with arrowes in the riuer where he stoode If I come sayd Mothneux will yee saue my life I will make you no suche promise saide sir Thomas Mortimer but notwithstanding eyther come vp or thou shalt presently die for it well then sayde Mollineux if there be no other remedie suffer me to come vp and let me trie with hande blowes eyther wyth you or some other and so die like a man but as he came vp the knight caught him by the helmet plucked it off his heade and streightwayes drawing forth his dagger Thomas Molyneux slayne stroke him into the braynes and so dispatched him In the meane time the duke of Ireland as ye haue heard seeking to escape by flight came to the riuers side but finding the bridge broken he galloped till he found an other bridge where he found a number of archers readie to stoppe his passage When he saw that he was thus enclosed with his enimies on the one side and the riuer of Thames on the other he thought to put all in aduenture and casting away his gantlets and sworde to be the more nymble gaue his horse the spurres lept into the riuer but missing the fourd and not able to lande with his horse on the further side he forsooke him and swimming ouer so well as hee might got to the banke and so escaped It was now night and therfore his enimies hauing no knowledge of the countrey folowed him not but his horse helmet cuirasses gantlet sword being founde it was thought verily that hee had beene drowned The next newes heard of him was y t he had passed the seas The Duke of Ireland flyeth into Holland and was got into HollaÌ„d where he had no great friendly welcome by reason that Albert duke of Bauiere that was Lorde of that countrey bare such good will to his cosins of England the Dukes of Lancaster Yorke and Gloucester that bee commaunded this Duke of Ireland to depart forth of his country as immediately therevpon he did from thence resorting to the Bishoprike of Vâ—…icâ—… after into other countreys till finally be ended the course of his life as after in place conuenient it shall appeare But now to returne to the armies where wee left them After the Duke was fledde and Thomas Molineux slaine as before yee haue hearde the armie of the Lordes set vpon the people that were come with the Duke of Irelande as hathe beene sayde forth of Chesshyre Lancashire and Wales and taking them as enimyes spoyled them of their horse armour bowes and arrowes The knights and esquiers had their armour and horses againe to them restored and were reteined with the Lordes to serue them but the commons without either armor or weapon were sent home and had no other harme done vnto them The Duke of Irelandes cariage being taken letters were founde in his trunkes or males Letters found in the Duke of Irelands trunkes whiche the king had written to him exhorting him with all speede to repayre vnto London with what power he might make and there he should find him readie to liue and die with him Such was the conclusion of this battaile which happened neare vnto Burfoued Burforde fast by Bablake to the great reioysing of many through the realm for that the enimies thereof as they tooke the matter 〈…〉 ouerthrowne But yet the escaping away of the duke of Ireland did somwhat â—…ttigate thâ—… for what was become of him it was 〈…〉 After this the duke of Gloucester and the â—…ther Lordes went to Oxforde beeing sâ—…y that theyr fortune was not to haue takeÌ„ the dukes of IrelaÌ„d The same time or rather before the Archbishop of Yorke and the Lorde chiefe Iustice sir Robert Trisilian fearing the indignation of the lordes withdrew out of the way and durst not 〈◊〉 seene Tho. VVâ—… But now the Lordes who after the â—…ney at Radcote bridge were come as yee 〈◊〉 heard to Oxford We find that the same tyme a bruyte was raysed whether of truth or not A brake â—…sed that king Richard 〈◊〉 to yeldeâ—… 〈◊〉 leys was the French kings hâ—…ds wâ—… haue neither to affirme nor denie how there wâ—… a messenger taken being sent from the French 〈◊〉 with letters in which was conteyned a licence or safeconduct for the king of England the duke of Ireland and others to come vnto Bollougheâ—… a certaine nuÌ„ber limitted where they should 〈◊〉 the French K. come down thither redie to receiue them to y e end that for a certaine summe of mâ—…ney which the Frenche king shoulde giue is the king of Englande the Towne of Calays 〈◊〉 all the other fortresses in those parts which were in the English mens handes should be deliuered to the Frenchmen further y t the K. of England should do his homage to the French king for the lands which he held in Gascoigne and so where acknowledged himselfe his liegeman The Lords as it was reported hauing got these lettes and taken counsaile togythers howe to proceede in their businesse to bring the same to good end remoue froÌ„ Oxford on Christmas eueÌ„ they come to S. Albons there stayed that day the next On Saint Stephens day they tooke their way to London with an army of .xl. thousande meâ—… as some write and
quarell forthwith discouered his enterprice causing the articles aforesayde to be set vp in the publike streetes of the Citie of York and vpon the gates of the monasteries that eche man might vnderstande the cause that moued him to rise in armes agaynst the king the reforming whereof did not yet apperteyne vnto him Herevpon knights esquiers gentlemen yeomen and other of the commons as wel of the citie townes and countries about being allured either for desire of change or else for a desire to see a reformation in such things as were mētioned in the articles assembled togither in great numbers The Archbi in armour and the Archbishop comming forth amongst thē clad in armor encouraged exhorted by al meanes he coulde pricked them forth to take the enterprice in hand and manfully to continue in the begon purpose promising forgiuenesse of sinnes to all thē whose hap was to die in the quarel and thus not only all the Citizens of York but all other in the countries about that were able to bear weapon came to the Archbishop and to the Erle Marshal In deed the respect that men had to the Archbishop The estimatiō which men had of the Archbi of Yorke caused them to like the better of the cause since the grauitie of his age his integrity of life and incomparable learning with the reuerend aspect of his amiable personage moued al men to haue him in no small estimation The king aduertised of these matters meaning to preuent them left his iourney into Wales and marched with al speed towards the north partes Also Raufe Neuill Erle of Westmerlande The Erle of westmerland the L. Iohn of Lancaster the kings son prepare thēselues to resist the kings enemies that was not farre off togither with the lorde Iohn of Lācaster the kings sonne being enformed of this rebellious attempt assembled togither such power as they might make togither with those which were appoynted to attend on the said Lord Iohn to defend the borders agaynst the Scottes as the Lord Henry Fitz Hugh the Lord Raufe Euers the Lorde Robert Vmfrevill and others made forward agaynst the rebels The forest of Galtree and comming into a plaine within the forest of Galtree caused theyr standarts to bee pight downe in like sort as the Archbishop had pight his ouer agaynst them being farre stronger in number of people than the other for as some write there were of the rebels at the least .xx. thousand men The subtil policy of the erle of westmerlād When the Erle of Westmerlande perceyued the force of the aduersaries and that they lay still and attempted not to come forwarde vpon him he subtilly deuised how to quail their purpose and foorthwith dispatched Messengers vnto the Archbyshoppe to vnderstande the cause as it were of that greate assemble and for what cause contrary to the kings peace they came so in armor The Archbi protestation where he had on him armes The Archbishop answered that he tooke nothing in hande agaynst the kings peace but that whatsoeuer he did tended rather to aduaunce the peace and quiet of the common wealth than otherwise and where he and his companie were in armes it was for feare of the king to whom hee could haue no free accesse by reason of suche a multitude of flatterers as were about him and therefore hee mainteyned that his purpose was good and profitable as well for the king himselfe as for the realme if men were willing to vnderstand a truth and herewith hee shewed forth a skroll in whiche the articles were written wherof before ye haue heard The Messengers returning vnto the Earle of Westmerlande shewed him what they had heard and brought from the Archbishop When he had read the articles hee shewed in worde and countenaunce outwardly that he lyked of the Archbyshoppes holy and vertuous intent and purpose promising that he and his woulde prosecute the same in assysting the Archbishop who reioycing hereat gaue credite to the Earle and perswaded the Earle Marshall agaynst hys will as it were to go with him to a place appoynted for them to common togyther Here when they were mette with like number on eyther part the articles were tead ouer and without any more adoe the Earle of Westmerlande and those that were with him agreed to doe theyr best to see that a reformation might be had according to the same The Erle of Westmerlands politicke dealing The Earle of Westmerlande vsing more policie than the rest well sayde he then our trauaile is come to the wished ende and where oure people haue beene long in armour let them depart home to their wonted trades and occupations in the meane time let vs drinke togyther in signe of agreement that the people on bothe sydes may see it and know that it is true that we be light at a poynt They had no sooner shaked handes togither but that a knight was sent streight wayes from the Archb. to bring worde to the people that there was peace concluded commaunding eche man to lay aside armes to resort home to their houses The people beholding such tokens of peace a◅ shaking of handes and drinking togither of the Lordes in louing maner they being alreadie awearied with the vnaccustomed trauaile of war brake vp their fielde and returned homewardes but in the meane time whilest the people of the Archbishops side withdrew away the number of the contrarie part increased according to order giuen by the Earle of Westmerland and yet the Archbishop perceyued not that he was deceyued The Archbi◅ Yorke and ◅ erle Marshal arrested ◅yton till the Erle of Westmerland arrested both him the Erle Marshall with diuerse other Thus hath Walsingham But other write somewhat otherwise of this matter affyrming that the Erle of Westmerland in deed the lord Raufe Evres procured the Archbishop and the Erle Marshall to come to a comunication wyth them vpon a ground iust in the midway betwixt both the armies where the Erle of Westmerland in talke declared to them how perillous an enterprise they had taken in hand so to raise the people to moue warre against the king aduising them therfore to submit themselues without further delay vnto the kings mercie and his sonne the lorde Iohn who was present there in the field with baners spred readie to trie the matter by dynte of sworde if they refused this counsaile and therfore hee willed them to remember themselues well and if they woulde not yeelde and craue the kings pardon he badde them doe theyr best to defende themselues Herevppon as well the Archbishop as the Erle Marshall submitted themselues vnto the king and to his sonne the Lorde Iohn that was there present and returned not to theyr army Wherevpon their troupes skaled and fledde their wayes but being pursued many were taken many slaine and many spoyled of that they had aboute them and so permitted to goe theyr wayes howsoeuer the matter was handled
afterwardes for hee neuer intended more to moue hir in that matter in which she thought that he and al other also saue hirselfe lacked eyther wit or truth Wit if they were so bull that they coulde nothing perceyue what the Protector intended truth if they should procure hee sonne to be deliuered into hys handes in whom they shoulde perceyue towarde the childe any euill intended The Queene with these wordes stood a good while in a greate studie And forasmuche as hir seemed the Cardinall more readie to depart than some of the remnant and the Protector himselfe readie at hande so that shee verily thought shee coulde not keepe him there but that he should incontinent bee taken thence and to conuey hym else where neyther had she time to serue hir nor place determined nor persoÌ„s appointed al things vnredie this message came on hir so sodainly nothing lesse looking for than to haue him set out of Sancturie which she thought to be now beset in such places about that he could not be conueyed out vntaken and partly as shee thought it myght fortune hir feare to bee false so well she wysse it was eyther needlesse or bootlesse wherefore if she should needes go from him she deemed it best to deliuer him And ouer that of the Cardinalles fayth shee nothing doubted nor of some other Lordes neyther whom she there sawe Whiche as she feared least they might be deceyued so was she well assured they woulde not bee corrupted then thought shee it shoulde yet make them the more warely to looke to him and the more circumspectly to see to his surety if she with hir own handes betooke him to them of trust And at the last she tooke the yong duke by the hande sayde vnto the Lordes My Lordes quoth shee and all my Lordes I neyther am so vnwyse to mystruste youre wyttes nor so suspitious to mystrust your truthes Of which thing I purpose to make you suche a proofe as if eyther of both lacked in you myghte turne bothe mee to greate sorowe the Realme to muche harme and you to great reproch For we heere is quoth she thys Gentleman whome I doubt not but I coulde heere keepe safe if I woulde whatsoeuer anye man saye and I doubte not also but there bee some abrode so deadly enimies vnto my bloud that if they wyst where any of it laye in theyr owne bodie they would let it out Wee haue also experience that the desire of a kingdom knoweth no kindred The brother hath beene the brothers bane and may the nephewes be sure of theyr vncle Eche of these children is the others defence while they be asunder and eche of theyr liues lieth in the others bodie Keepe one safe and both be sure and nothing for them both more perillous than to be both in one place For what wise Marchant aduentureth all his goodes in one ship All this notwithstanding here I deliuer him and his brother in him to keepe into youre handes of whom I shall aske theÌ„ both afore god and the world Faythfull ye be that wore I well and I know well you be wise Power strength to kepe him if you list neither lack ye of your self nor can lacke helpe in this cause And if ye cannot else where then may you leaue him here But only one thing I beseech you for the trust which his father put in you euer for y e trust that I put in you nowe that as farre as yee thinke that I feare too muche be you well ware that you feare not as farre too little And therewithall she sayde vnto the childe fare well mine owne sweete son God send you good keeping let me kisse you yet once ere you goe for God knoweth when wee shall kisse togither agayne And therwith she kissed him and blessed him turned hir backe wept and went hir way leauing the childe weeping as faste When the Lorde Cardinall and these other Lordes with him had receyued this yong duke they brought him into the starre Chamber where the Protector tooke him in his armes and kissed him O dissimulation with these wordes now welcome my Lord euen with all my very heart And he sayd in that of likelyhoode as he thought Therevpon forthwith they brought him vnto the king his brother into the Bishoppes Palace at Poules and from thence throughe the Citie honourably into the Tower out of the which after that day they neuer came abrode This that is heere betwene this marke * and tâ—…s marke * was not written by him in english bâ—…t is translated out of this History which he wrot in Latten When the Protector had both the children in his handes he opened himselfe more boldely both to certaine other men and also chiefly to the duke of Buckingham Although I knowe that many thought that this duke was priuy to al the Protectors counsaile euen from the beginning and some of the Protectors friends sayde that the duke was the first mouer of the Protector to this matter sending a priuie messenger vnto hym streight after king Edwards death But other againe which knew better the subtil wit of the protector denie that he euer opened his enterprise to the duke vntill he had brought to passe the things before rehearsed But when hee had imprysoned the Queenes kinsfolkes and gotten both hir sonnes into his owne handes then he opened the rest of his purpose with lesse feare to them whoÌ„ he thought meet for the matter and specially to the duke who being woon to his purpose he thought his strength more than halfe 〈◊〉 The matter was broken vnto the duke 〈…〉 till folkes and such as were their craftmaistâ—… in the handling of such wicked deuises 〈◊〉 who declared vnto him that the yong king was 〈◊〉 with him for hys kinsfolkes sake and if hee 〈◊〉 euer able he would â—…nge them Who wâ—…t pricke him forwarde therevnto if they 〈◊〉 they would remember their imprisonmeÌ„t or 〈◊〉 if they were put to death without doubt the yong king woulde bee carefull for their deathes whose imprisonment was grieuous vnto him And that with repenting the duke shoulde nothing auaile for there was no way left to redeeme his offence by benefites but he shoulde sooner destroy hymselfe than saue the king who with his brother and his kinsfolkes he sawe in such places imprisones as the Protectour myghte wyth a backe destroye them all and that it were no doubt but he would doe it in deede if there were any newe enterprise attempted And that it was likely that as the Protectour had prouided priuie garde for himselfe so hadde hee spyalles for the Duke and traynes to catche him if hee shoulde be agaynste hym and that peraduenture from them whome hee leaste suspected For the state of things and the dispositions of men were then such that a man coulde not well tell whom he might trust or whome he might feare These things and such like beyng beaten into the Dukes mynde brought him to that
in suche sorte as hee can not pretende cause of ignoraunce After he had made an end of these words he called to him the said Robertet and with loud voice he commanded him to reade the said writing which was done worde for worde in maner as followeth WE Frauncis by the grace of God king of Fraunce Lorde of Genes c. to you Charles by the same grace chosen Emperor of Rome King of Spaine we do you to wit that being aduertised that in al the answers that you haue made to our Ambassadors and heraults sent to you for the establishing of peace in excusing your self w tout al reason you haue accused vs saying y t wee haue might you our faith and that therevpon besides our promise we departed out of your hands power In defence of our honor whiche hereby might be burthened to muche againste all truthe wee thought good to send you this writing by whiche we giue you to vnderstand that notwithstanding that no man being in ward is bound to keepe faith that the same might be a sufficient excuse for vs yet for the satiffiyng of all men and our said honor which we mynde to keepe and will keepe if it please God vnto the death that if ye haue charged or will chardge vs not only with our said faith deliueraūce but that euer wee did anye thyng that became not a Gentleman that had respect to his honor that yee lye falsly in your throte and as ofte as yee say it ye lye and do determine to defende our honor to the vttermost drop of our bloude Wherefore seeing ye haue charged vs agaynst all truth write no more to vs hereafter but appoint vs the fielde and wee will bring you the weapons protesting that if after thys declaration ye write into any place or vse any words against our honor that the shame of the delay of the combate shall light on you seeing that y e offering of combat is the ende of all writyng Made at our good Town and Citie of Paris the ◅8 daye of Marche Anno. 1528. before Easter Thus signed Frauncis After that Robertet had redde this writing there in presence of the Emperors Ambassador the king made further replie vnto the poynts conteyned in the Emperors answers to the defiance and withall to conclude tolde the said Ambassador that his maister the Emperor had constreined him by such message as he had sent to him to make y e answer in truth which he had made and further willed him to deliuer vnto y e Emperor y t writing which he had signed with his hand and to say to him that hee tooke him for so honorable a prince that cōsidering y e matter wherewith he chardged him the answere that he made he wold not faile but to answer him like a Gentleman and not by writing like an aduocate for if he otherwise do said the K. I will answer his Chaūcellor by an aduocate and a man of his estate and a more honest man than he Shortly after the Emperors Ambassadors returned home into Spaine in safetie and well entreated and vpō their returne the Ambassadors of France were set at libertie deliuered beyōd Fonterabie so came safely home into Frāce a French herault appointed to accōpanie the Ambassador Grandeuell brought the writing of the combat vnto the Emperor bicause Granduelle refused to medle with it to the which the Emperor v. months after or therabouts sent an answer by one of his Heraulds who being ariued at Paris mēt vpon y e sodain to present his letters vnto y e frēch K. but the K. getting intelligēce therof the .x. of September sitting w tin his great hall of his palace at Paris aforsaid before y e table of marble in a royal seat adressed set vp for him ◅ steps in heigth appointed to giue audiēce to y e said herald On his right hand sat in chaires y e K. of Nauarre the duke of Alanson Berry the erle of Foire Arminack on y e same side sat also vpon a bēch the D. of Vandosme a pere of Frāce lieutenāt general gouernor of Picardie Don Hercules d'Este eldest son to y e duke of Ferrare duke of Chartres Montarges who lately before had maried y e lady Renee a daughter of Frāce the D. of Albanie regent gouernor of Scotlād the duke of Longueuille great chamberlain of France nere to thē vpon an other bench sat y e presidents coūsellors of y e court of Parliamēt behind them many gentlemē doctors lerned men on the left hand wer set in chaires prepared for thē the Cardinal Saluarie y e Popes ◅gate the Cardinal of Bourbō duke of Laon a peere of Frāce the Cardinall of Sens Chancellour of France the Cardinal of Lorrain the Archb. of Narbōne y e ambassadors of y e kings of England Scotlād of the seigniorie of Venice of Milan of the cantons of y e Suysses of Florēce on an other bench sat y e bish of Trāsiluania ambassador for the K. of Hūgarie the Bishop duke of Langres one of the peeres of Frāce the bish erle of Noyon an other of the peeres of Frāce the Archb. of Lyon primate of al France the Archbish of Bourges primate of Aquitain y e archbishops of Aux Rouen y e bishops of Paris Meaux Lizeux Mascon Limoges Vabres Cōserās Terbe behind thē sat the masters of the requests the coūselors of the great counsel On either side the kings seat stode the erle of Beaumont great maister and Marshal of France the L. de Brion admirall of Frāce lieutenāt general gouernor of Burgogne behind y e same seat wer many knights of the order y e is to wit the erle of Laual lieutenant general gouernor of Britayn the lord of Montmorancy y e L. Daubigny captain of on C. launces and of the Scottish garde the erle of Bryenne Ligny Roussy the Lord of Fleuranges marshal of France the L. of Ruffoy the L. of Genoillyac great esquier master of the artillerie of France Loys monsier d'Elenes the L. of Humieres the erle of Carpy behind thē was the Erle of Estāpes prouost of Paris with him many gentlemen of y e kings chāber among the which was the erle of Tancaruille the L. of Guyenne the son of the erle of Roussy the son of the lord of Fleuranges y e L. de la Rochepot the lord Douarty great master of the waters forests y e L. of Lude y e lord of Aauly the L. de Villebonne baily of Rouē the baron of Chastean Morāt y e L. de la Loue the vicoūt de la Mothe an groing the L. of Vertes besides these the masters officers of the houshold gentlemen waiters w t the more part of y e ij C. gentlemen or pensioners as we terme thē At the entrie into the saide throne or tribunall
tyme it lasted and therewith hauing made a reasonable breache for the Souldiours to enter they within yeelded wyth condition to haue these lyues saued which the Lorde Gray was contented to graunt to them all one onely excepted Vlpian Fulâ—… in the Floâ—… of Fame who during the siege vttered vnseemely wordes of the king abusing his Maiesties name wyth vile and most opprobrious tearmes They all comming forth of the Castell in theyr shyrtes humbled themselues to my Lordes Gray as became them and vpon strayte examination who shoulde bee the rayles that was excepted oute of the pardon it was knowne to be one Newton a Scot But hee to saue himselfe Newton and Hamilton tâ—… Scottish gentetlemen accuse ech othâ—â— put it to our Hamilton and so these two Gentlemen acussing one an other the truth coulde not be decided otherwyse than by a combate whiche they requyred and my Lorde Gray therevnto assented and pronounced iudgement so to haue it tryed At the appoynted tyme they entred the Lystes sette vppe for that purpose in the market place of Hadington without other apparell sauing their doublets and hosen weaponed wyth sworde buckles and dagger At the fyst entrye into the Lystâ—â— Hamilton kneeling downe A combat soght betweene them made hys heartie prayer to God that it myght please him to gyue victorie vnto the truth wyth solemne protestation that hee neuer vttered any such wordes of King Edwarde of Englande as his aduersarie changed him with On the other syde Newton being troubled as it seemed wyth his false â—…sation argued vnto the beholders hys guiltie conscience Nowe were the sticklers in a readinesse and the Combattours with theyr weapons 〈◊〉 fell to it so that betwyxt them were stryken sixe or seuen blowes ryght lustily But Hamylton being verye sieres and eagre vppon truste of hys innocencie constrayned Newton to 〈◊〉 ground almost to the ende of the Lystes and â—…he had dryuen him to the ende in deede then by the law of Armes he had woonne the victorie Newton perceyuing himselfe to bee almoste at poynt to bee thus ouercome slept forwardes agayne and gaue Hamilton suche a gashe on thâ—…leggâ—… that he was not able longer to stand but self therewith downe to the grounde He 〈◊〉 was vanquished â—â— slaine and then Newton falling on him incontinently 〈◊〉 him wyth a dagger There were Gentlemen present that 〈◊〉 as they tooke it for certain howe Newton was the offender although fortune had â—â—ered him in they Combate woulde gladlye haue ventured their lyues agaynst him man for man if it ryght haue beene graunted bat he chalenging the lawe of Armes had it graunted by my Lorde Gray 〈◊〉 reâ—… by my â—…ay who gaue him also his owne Gowne besyde hys backe and a chaine of golde whiche he then ware Thus was he well rewarded howe soeuer he deserued But he escaped not so for afterwardes as he was ryding betwyxt the borders of bothe the Realmes 〈◊〉 slaine 〈◊〉 he was slaine and cut in peeces The fourth of Iune the Towne of Dawketh was burnt and the Castell wonne by 〈◊〉 what 〈…〉 Scottes were slaine and three hundred 〈◊〉 prisoners among whome were of nauie the maister of Morton sonne in law to sir George Dowglas the Larde of Blâ—â—garâ—…ie the Larde of Wedexburne and one Alexander Hume a man of good reputation among them The same day the English horsemen burnt al the Milles round about Edenbourgh within the compasse of sixe miles on eche side the towne Muskelbourgh 〈◊〉 The .vij. of Iune they burnt Muskelbourgh Now after that my Lorde Gray had fortifyed Hadington and furnished it with vittayles and mâ—…nitions sufficient the .xij. of Iune he departed from thence homewardes leauing there in garnison about two thousand footmen and .v. C. horsmen In this meane time Henrie the French king succeding hiâ—… father Fraunces the first who departed this lyfe the last of Marche in the yeare last past to wit 1547. made prouision of an army with a nauy of ships and galleys to passe into Scotland The French â—â—â—prepareth â—â—y in ayd the Scottes to the ayde of the Queene and other of his faction And first he had sent thither Monsieur de la Chapelle de Biron a Gentleman of good account to assyst the gouernour wyth hys aduice and counsaile whiche gouernour desirous to recouer the Castell of Broughtiecragge and loth to see it possessed by the English men raysed a power of eight thousande men â—â—â—htiecrag â—…gâ—…d and with eight peeces of artillerie came before that Fortresse meaning to winne it by siege but by the valyaunt prowes of Sir Andrewe Dudley and the hardie manhoode of suche Englishe Souldiours as serued there vnder hym the Scottes were repulsed and driuen to leuie theyr siege with dishonour Yet not thus contented the Earle of Arguile with and armie of his Irish Scots or Hielande men if I may so call them after this likewise came and besieged the place but glad to take truce for a time with sir Andrew Before the tearme of the same truce was expired there come newe succours to him and therevpon the Earle in the ende was constrayned to leuie his siege and suffer the Englishmen to become maisters of a little his not farre off from the Castel where afterwards they builded a fortresse But to returne to the French armie whiche was prepared to passe into Scotlande yee Hall vnderstande that when theyr Shippes and prouisions were once readie and the Capitaynes wyth theyr bandes come downe to Brest in Brytayne where the Nauie was rigged to receyue them Monsieur de Desse generall of the French armie Monsieur de Desse Generall of all the army reconed to conteyne a seuen or eight thousand men embarquâ—…d himselfe with all his people and sayled forth on his iourney He landeth at Lieth tyll they arriued in the Forth and there tooke land at Lieth the .xvj. of Iune Shortly after hauing got their great artillerie on lande and taken aduise with the Lorde Gouernour and other of the Scottish Nâ—â—itie whome they founde at Edenbourgh how to proceede in prosecuting the warre agaynst the Englishe men it was resolued that without delay they shoulde trie theyr forces aboute the recouering of Hadington The French men resolue to besiege Hadington and goe to besiege that Towne before they attempted any other exployte The gouernour and other of the Scottes Lordes hauing with them seuen or eight hundred light horsemen offered to goe with them to the better aduauncing forwarde of that enterprice Herevppon setting forwarde and comming to Muskelbourgh the Captaynes wyth a certaine numbers of horsemen and footemen as well of Scottes as Frenchmen were appoynted to goe before to view the sayde Towne of Hadington Vpon their approche neare to the towne there issued forth certaine Englishmen and Italians that were of Tiberia's bande which skirmished with them right stoutly all at length the Frenchmen and Scots retyred backe to Lauret a little from Muskelbourgh whore their armie
our honour is so muche that wee maye not bee founde faultie of one iote or worde Proue it if by our lawes you maye not christen your children when yee be disposed vpon necessitie euery daye or houre in the weeke then might you be offended but seeing you maye doe it howe can you beleeue them that teach you the contrarie What thinke you they meane in the rest whiche moue you to breake your obedience against vs your King and Souereygne vpon these so false tales and persuasions in so euident a matter Therefore you all whiche will acknowledge vs your Souereigne Lorde and whiche will heare the voyce of vs your King maye easilye perceyue howe you bee deceyued and howe subtillye traytours and Papistes with their falsehoode seeke to atchieue and bring their purpose to passe with your helpe Euery traytour will be gladde to dissemble his treason and feede it secretelye euery Papist his Poperie and nourishe it inwardly and in the ende make you our subiectes partake vs of Treason and Poperie which in the beginning was pretended to bee a common weale and holynesse And howe are you seduced by them Sacrament of the bodie c. whiche put in youre heades the blessed Sacrament of Christes bodie shoulde not differ from other common breade If our lawes Proclamations and Statutes be all to the contrarie why shall anye priuate man persuade you against them Wee doe our selfe in our owne heart our Counsayle in all their profession our lawes and Statutes in all purposes our good Subiectes in all our doings most highlye esteeme that Sacrament and vse the Communion thereof to our moste comforte Wee make so muche difference thereof from other common breade that wee thinke no profite of other breade but to maintayne our bodies but this blessed breade wee take to bee the veâ—…yâ—… foode of our soules to euerlasting life Howe thinke you good subiectes shall not we being your Prince your Lorde your King by Gods appoyntment with truth more preuayle thus certaine euill persons with open falshoode Shall anye sedicious person persuade you that the Sacrament is despised whiche is by ouer lawes by our selfe by our Counsayle and by all our good subiectes esteemed vsed participated and dailye receyued If euerye were seduced if euer deceiued if euer traitors were â—â—â—ced if euer Papistes poysoned good subiectes it is nowe It is not the christening of children nor the reuerence of Sacrament not the health of your soules that they shoote at good subiects It is sedition It is high treason it is youre destruction they seeke Howe craftilye howe piteouslye howe cunninglye soeuer they doe it wyth one rule iudge yet the end which of force must come of your purposes Disobedience to a king is disobedience to almightie God Almightie God forbiddeth vpon payne of euerlasting damnation disobedience to vs your King and in his place we rule in earth If wee shoulde be flowe woulde God erre If your offence be towards God thinke you it is pardoned without repentaunce Is Gods iudgement mutable Your payne is damnation your Iudge is incorruptible your fault is most euident Likewise are ye euill informed in diuerse other Articles as for Confirmation of your Children for the Masse for the maner of your seruice of Mattins and Euensong Whatsoeuer is therein ordered hath bene long debated and consulted by many learned Bishops Doctors and other men of great learning in this Realme concluded in nothing so much labour and tyme spent of late tyme nothing so fullye ended As for the seruice in the Englyshe tongue hath manifest reasons for it Seruice in the English tong and yet perchance seemeth to you a newe seruice and yet in deede is none other but the olde The selfe same wordes in Englishe whiche were in Latine sauing a fewe things taken out so fonde that it had bene a shame to haue hearde them in Englishe as all they can iudge which liste to report the truth The difference is that we ment godlye that you our subiectes shoulde vnderstande in Englishe being our naturall Countrie tongue that whiche was heretofore spoken in Latine then seruing only them which vnderstode Latine and nowe for all you which be borne Englishe Howe can this with reason offende any reasonable man that he should vnderstande what anye other sayeth and so to consent with the speaker It the seruice in the Churche were good in Latine it remayneth good in Englishe Knowledge is better than ignorance for nothing is altered but to speake with knowledge that before was spoken with ignoraunce and to let you vnderstande what is sayde for you to the intent ye maye further it with your owne deuotion an alteration to the better except knowledge bee worse than ignoraunce So that whosoeuer hath moued you to misrike this order can giue you no reason nor aunswere yours if ye vnderstoode it Wherefore you our subiectes remember we speake to you being ordeyned your Prince and King by almightie God if anye wyse we coulde aduaunce Gods honour more than we doe we woulde doe it and see that ye become subiects to Gods ordinaunce Obey vs your Prince and learne of them whiche haue authoritie to teach you whiche haue power to rule you and will execute our iustice if we be prouoked Learne not of them whose fruites be nothing but wilfulnesse disobedience obstinacy and destruction of the Realme For the Masse The Masse we assure you no small studie nor trauaile hath bene spent by all the learned Clergie therein and to auoyde all contention thereof it is brought euen to the very vse as Christ left it as the Apostles vsed it as holy fathers deliuered it in deede somewhat altered from that whiche the Popes of Rome for their lucre brought to it And althoughe you may heare the contrarie of some Popishe and euill men yet our Maiestie whiche for our honour may not be blemished nor stayned assureth you that they deceyue you abuse you and blow these opinions into your heads for to furnish their owne purposes And so likewise iudge you of Confirmation of Children Confirmation of children and let them answere you this one question Thinke they that a chylde christened is damned bicause he dyeth before Bishopping Marke good subiectes what inconuenience hereof commeth Our doctrine therefore is founded vpon true learning theirs vpoÌ„ shamelesse errors To conclude beside our gentle maner of information to you whatsoeuer is conteyned in our booke eyther for Baptisme Sacrament Masse Confirmation and Seruice in the Churche is by Parliament established by the whole Clergie agreed yea by the Bishops of the Realme deuised and further by Gods worde confirmed And howe dare you trust yea howe dare you giue care withoute trembling to any singular person to disalowe a Parliament A subiect to persuade against our Maiestie or any man of his single arrogancie against the determination of the Bishops and all the Clergie any inuented argument against the worde of God But nowe you our subiectes we
duties sake and my whole Countreys cause I will at this present declare vnto you Ye which be bounde by Gods worde and to obey for feare lyke men pleasâ—â—s but for conâ—…edence sake like Christians haue contrarie to Gods holy will whose offence is euerlasting beaâ—â— and contrarie to the godly order of quietnesse set out to vs in the Kings Maiesties â—â—wes the breache whereof is not vnknowne to you taken in hande vnrulled of God vnsent by men vnfitte by reason to calle awaye your bounden duetyes of obedience and to put on you agaynste the Magistrates Gods office committed to the Magistrates for the reformation of your pretensed iniuries In the which doing ye haue first faulted grieuously against God next offended vnnaturally our soueraigne Lorde thirdly troubled miserablie the whole common wealth vndone cruelly many an honest man and brought in an vtter miserie both to vs the Kings Subiectes and to your selues being false Rebelles and yet ye pretende that partly for Gods cause and partly for the coÌ„mon welthes sake ye do arise when as your selues cannot denie but ye that seeke in worde gods cause do breake in deed Gods commaundement and ye that seeke the common wealth haue destroyed the common wealth and so ye marre that ye would make and break that ye would amend bycause ye neither seeke any thing rightly nor would amend any thing orderly He that faulteth faulteth agaynst Gods ordinance who hath forbidden all faultes and therefore ought againe to be punished by Gods ordinance who is the reformer of faults For he sayth leaue the punishment to me and I will reuenge them But the Magistrate is the ordinaunce of God appoynted by him with the sworde of punishment to looke streightly to all euil doers And therefore that that is done by the Magistrate is done by the ordinance of God whom the Scripture oftentymes doth call God bycause he hath the execution of Gods office Howe then do you take in hande to reforme Be ye kings By what authoritie or by what succession Be ye y e kings officers By what commission Be ye called of God By what tokens declare ye that Gods worde teacheth vs that no man should take in hand any office but he that is called of God lyke Aaron What Moyses I pray you called you What Gods Minister bade you rise Ye rise for religion What religion taught you that If ye were offred persecution for religion ye ought to flie so Christ teacheth you and yet you intend to fight If ye woulde stande in the truth ye ought to suffer like Martyrs and you woulde sley like tyrants Thus for religion you keepe no religion and neither will follow the counsaile of Christ nor the constancie of Martyrs Why rise ye for religion Haue ye any thing contrary to Gods booke Yea haue ye not al things agreeable to Gods word But the new is different from the old and therfore ye will haue the olde If ye measure the old by truth ye haue the oldest if ye measure the olde by fancie then it is harde bycause mens fansies chaungeth to giue that is olde Ye will haue the olde still Will ye haue any older than that as Christ left and his Apostles taught and the first Church after Christ did vse Ye will haue that the Canons doe establish Why that is a great deale yonger than that ye haue of later tyme and newlyer inuented Yet that is it that ye desire Why then ye desire not the oldest And doe you preferre the Bishoppes of Rome afore Christ mennes inuention afore Gods law the newer sort of worship before the older Ye seeke no religion ye be deceyued ye seeke traditions They that teach you blinde you that so instruct you deceyue you If ye seeke what the olde Doctors say yet looke what Christ the oldest of all sayth For he sayth before Abraham was made I am If ye seeke the truest way he is the verye truth if ye seeke the readiest way he is the verie way if ye seeke euerlasting life he is the verye life What religion would ye haue other nowe than his religion You would haue the Bibles in againe It is no maruaile your blinde guides would leade you blind stil Why be ye Howlets and Backes that ye cannot looke on the light Christ sayth to euerie one search ye the Scriptures for they beare witnesse of Christ You say pull in the scriptures for we wil haue no knowledge of Christ The Apostles of Christ wil vs to be so readie y t we may be able to giue euerie maÌ„ an account of our faith Ye will vs not once to read the Scriptures for feare of knowing of our faith S. Paule prayeth that euerie man may encrease in knowledge yee desire that our knowledge might decay againe A true Religion ye seeke belike and worthie to be fought for For without the sworde indeede nothing can help it neither Christ nor truth nor age can mainteyne it But why shoulde ye not like that which Gods worde establisheth the prematiue Church hath authorised the greatest lerned men of this Realme hath drawen the whole consent of the Parliament hath confirmed the Kings Maiestie hath set foorth Is it not truly set out Can ye deuise any truer than Christes Apostles vsed ye thinke it is not learnedly done Dare ye Commons take vpon you more learning than the chosen Bishops and Clearkes of this Realme haue Thinke ye follie in it Ye wer woÌ„t to iudge your ParliameÌ„t wisest now wil ye sudainly excell them in wisedom Or can ye thinke it lacketh authoritie which the King the Parliament the learned the wise haue iustly approued Learne learne to knowe this one point of Religion that God will be worshipped as he hath prescribed not as wee haue deuised and that his will is wholye in his Scriptures which be full of Gods spirite and profitable to teach the truth to reproue lyes to amend faults to bring one vp in righteousnesse that he that is a Gods man may be perfite and readie to al good woorkes What can bee more required to serue God withall And thus muche for Religion Rebels The other rable of Norffolke Rebelles yee pretende a common wealth How amende ye it by killing of Gentlemen by spoyling of Gentlemen by imprisoning of Gentlemen A marueylous tanned commoÌ„welth Why should ye thus hate them for their riches or for their rule Rule they neuer tooke so much in hand as ye doe now They neuer resisted the king neuer withstood his counsail be faithful at this day when ye be faithlesse not onely to the King whose Subiectes ye be but also to your Lordes whose tenaunts ye be Is this your true duetie in some of homage in most of feaultie in all of allegeance to leaue your duties goe backe from your promises fall from your fayth and contrarie to lawe and truth to make vnlawfull assemblyes vngodly companies wicked and detestable Campes to disobey your betters to obey your Tanners to change your obedience
seeke victorie buy our outwarde misery to seeke outwarde glorit with inward dishonor whiche howsoeuer they get thinke it to be long of you who haue offered thē victorie afore they began war bycause ye wold declare clare to men hereafter belike how daungerous it is to make sturres at home when they doe not onely make our selues weake but also our enemies strong Beside these there is another sorte of men desirous of aduantage and disdainefull of our wealth whose griefe is most our greatest hap and be offended with religion bicause they bee drowned in superstition men zealed towarde god but not fit to iudge meaning better without knowledge than they iudge by their meaning worthier whose ignorance should be taken away than their will shoulde be followed whom we shuld more rebuke for their stubburnesse than despise for their ignoraunce These seeing superstition beaten downe and religion set vp gods word taking place traditions kept in their kinde difference made betwene Gods cōmaundements and mans learning the truth of things sought out according to Christes in situatiō examples taken of the Primitiue churches vse not at the Byshoppe of Romes ordinance and true worship taught will worship refused do by blindnesse rebuke that as by truth they should follow and by affection folow that as by knowledge they shuld abhorte thinking vsage to be truth and scripture to be error not waying by the word but misconstruing by custome And now things be chaunged to the better religion trulyer appointed they see matters go awry which hurteth the whole realme and they reioyce in this myschiefe as a thyng worthily happened mystakyng the cause and slaunderyng religion as though there were no cause why God myght haue punished if their vsed professiō might still haue takē place They see not that where gods glorie is trul◅est sette forth there the deuill is most busie for his parte and laboureth to corrupt by lewdnesse that is is gotten out by the truthe thynkyng that if it were not blemished at the firste the residue of his falseheade shoulde after lesse preualye So he troubleth by bywayes that he cannot plainlye withstande and vseth subtileie of Sophistrie where plaine reason faileth and perswadeth simple men that to bee a cause whiche in deede cannot be tried and taken for a cause So hee causeth religion which reacheth obedience to be iudged the cause of sedition and the doctrine of loue the seede of dissention mistaking the thing but perswading mens mindes abusing the plaine meaning of the honest to a wicked end of religions ouerthrow The husband man hadde not so soone throwne stede in hys ground but steppeth vp the enimie he soweth cockle too and maketh men doubt whether the good husbande had done well or no and whether he had sowne there good feede or bad The fansifull Iewes in Egipt wold not beleue Ieremie but thought their plague their misery to come by his meanes and leauing of Idolatrie to be the cause of penury wherefore by wylfull aduise they entended to forsake the Prophetes counsaile and thought to serue God most truly by their rooted and accustomed Idolatrie When the Christian men were persecuted in the Primitiue church daily suffered Martyrdome for Christes profession suche faire season of weather was for three or foure yere togither that the heathen iudged therevpon God to bee delighted with their crueltie and so were perswaded that wyth the bloude of the Martyrs they pleased God highly Such fansies lighted now in Papistes and irreligious mens heades and ioyne things by chaunce happening togyther concludeth the one to bee the cause of the other and then delighteth in true worshippers hurt because they iudge cursedly the good to be had therefore reioyseth in the punishment of the godly For they being fleshly iudge by outwarde things and perceiue not the inward for that they lacke the spirit so iudge amisse not vnderstandyng God what diuersitie hee suffereth to blinde still the wilfull and howe thorowe all daungers hee saueth his forechosen Thus haue ye giuen a large occasion to stubburne Papists both to iudge amisse and also to reioyce in this wicked chance contented with our mischiefe not likyng our religion thinking god doth punishe for this better chaūge haue therby an yll opinion of gods holy truth cōfirmed in thē by no sure scripture but by following of mischāce which they ought to think to come for the pride stubburnesse of y e peopl◅ who doth not accept Gods glorie in good part nor giue no due praise to their Lorde maker What shoulde I say more Yee hurt euerye way the daungers be so great and the perils so many which do daily followe youre deuillishe enterprise that the more I seeke in the matter the more I continually see to say And what words can worthily declare this miserable beastlinesse of your whiche haue entended to deuide the Realme and arme the one parte for the killing of the other For euen as concord is not onely the healthe but also the strengthe of the realme so is sedition not only the weaknesse but also the apostume of the realme whiche when it breaketh inwardely putteth the state in greate daunger of recouerye and corruptethe the whole Common wealthe wyth the rotten furye that it hathe long putryfied wyth For it is not in sedition as in other fautes whiche being mischieuous of themselues haue some notable hurt alwaies faste adioyned to them but in this one is there a whole bell of faultes not seuerally scattered but clustered on a lumpe togyther and commyng on so thicke that it is vnpossible for a Region armed wyth all kynde of wysedome and strength thereto to auoide the daungers that issue out therof When sedition once breaketh out see yee not the lawes ouerthrowne the Magistrates despysed spoyling of houses murderyng of men wastyng of Countryes encrease of dysorder diminishing of the Realmes strengthe swarmyng of vagabondes scarsitye of labourers and those mischiefes all plenteously brought in whyche God is wonte to scurge seuerely wyth all warre dearthe and pestilence And seeing yee haue theft and murder plague and famine confusion and ydlenesse linked togither can yee looke any more mischiefe in one shamefull enterprise than ye euidently see to growe herein As for warre although it be miserable yet the one parte getteth somewhat and reioyceth in the spoyle and so goeth lustyer awaye and either encreaseth his countrie with riches or enhaunceth himselfe wyth glorye but in sedition bothe partes loseth the ouercomming can not flie the ouercommer can not spoyle the more the winner winneth the more hee losethe the more that escape the more infamous menne liue al that is gained is scarrely saued the winning is losse the losse is destruction both waste themselues and the whole moste wasted the strengthnyng of themselues the decaye of the Country the striuing for the victorie is a pray to the enemie and shortly to saye the hellishe turmoyle of sedition so farre passeth the common
was shot such a peale of artillerie off from the tower as had not bene hearde a greater in many yeares before In September the Duke of Norffolke departed this life at Fremingham castell in Norfolke and there was honourably buried among his ancestors Vpon Friday the xxvj of October those honest men that had bene of maister Throckmor quest being in number eyght for the other foure were deliuered oute of prison for that they submitted themselues and saide they had offended like weaklings not considering truth to be truth but of force for feare said so these eyght men I say whereof master Emanuell Lucar and master Whetstone were chiefe were called before the Counsell in the starre Chamber where they affirmed that they had done all things in that matter according to their knowledge and with good consciences euen as they should aunswere before God at the day of iudgemeÌ„t Where master Lucar said openly before all the Lordes that they had done in the matter like honest men and true and faithfull subiectes and therefore they humbly besought my L. Chancelor and the other Lords to be meanes to the King Quenes maiesties that they might be discharged and set at libertie and said that they were all contented to submit themselues to their Maiesties sauing reseruing their truth consciences honesties The Lords taking their words in marueylous euill part iudged them worthie to paye exclusiue 〈◊〉 Some sayde they were worthie to pay M. lb a peece Other sayde that Lucar and Whetstone were worthie to pay a M. markes a peece and the rest v. C. lb a peece In conclusion sentence was giuen by the L. Chauncelour that they should pay a M. markes a pece he that payde least and that they should go to prison againe and there remaine till further order were taken for their punishment The xxx of October being Tuesdaye The Lorde Iohn Grey see at libertie the L. Iohn Grey was deliuered out of the tower and set at libertie Vppon Saterdaye the x. of Nouember the Sherifes of London had commaundement to take an inuentorie of euery one of their goodes whiche were of maister Throckmortons quest and to seale vppe their doores which was done the same daye Maister Whetstone and maister Lucar and maister Kighley were adiudged to paye two thousand pounds a peece the rest a M. markes a peece to be paid within one fortnight after From this paymente were exempted those foure which confessed a fault M. Foxe and therevpon had submitted themselues whose names are these master Loe master Pointer master Beswicke and master Cater The xij of Nouember being Mondaye the Parliament begaÌ„ at Westminster to the beginning whereof both the King and Queene roade in their Parliament roabes hauing two swords borne before them The Earle of Pembroke bare his sworde and the Earle of Westmerland bare the Queenes They had two Cappes of maintenance likewise borne before them wherof the Earle of AruÌ„dell bare the one and the Earle of Shrewesburie the other During this Parliament Cardinall Poole landed at Douer vppon Wednesday being the xxj of Nouember who being receyued with muche honour in all other countries through which he had passed was receyued here at the first with no great shewe for the causes aboue mentioned The same daye on the whiche he arriued an acte passed in the Parliament house for his restitution in blud vtterly repealing as false and most slaunderous y e acte made against him in K. HeÌ„rie y e viij his time And on the next day being Thursday the xxij of Nouember the King and Queene both came to the Parliament house to giue their royall assent â–ª and to establishe this acte against his comming On Saterday the xxiiij of Nouember he came to the Court and after went to Lambeth where his lodging was prepared On Wednesdaye following in the afternoone he came into the Parliament house being at that present kept in the great Chamber of the Courte of Whyte hall for that the Queene by reason of sickenesse was not able to go abroade where the King and Queene sitting vnder the clothe of estate and the Cardinall sitting on the right hande with all the other estates of the Realme being present and the Knightes and Burgesses of the Common house being also called thither the Bishoppe of Winchester being Lorde Chauncellour spake in this maner The wordes of the bishop of Winchester My Lordes of the vpper house and you my maisters of the nether house here is present the right reuerende Father in God my Lorde Cardinall Poole Legate à Latere come from the Apostolike sea of Rome as ambassadour to the King and Queenes Maiesties vppon one of the weyghtiest causes that euer happened in this Realme and which appertayneth to the glorie of God and your vniuersall benefite the which ambassade their Maiesties pleasure is to be signified vnto you all by his owne mouth trusting that you will receyue and accept it in as beneuolent and thankfull wise as their Highnesse haue done and that you wyll giue attentiue and inclinable eares vnto hys Grace who is nowe readye to declare the same So soone as the Lord Chancelor had ended his tale Grafton the Cardinall began made a long and solemne oration the which for shortnesse sake I haue collected into these fewe articles The effect of the Cardinals oration First hee yeelded moste heartie thankes to the King and Quene and next vnto the whole Parliament that of a man exiled and banished from this Common weale they had restored him agayne to bee a member of the same and to the honour of his house and familie and of a man hauing no place neyther here nor else where within the Realme to haue admitted him into a place where to speake and to bee hearde Secondly that his especiall comming was for the restitution of this Realme to the auncicient estate and to declare that the sea Apostolike hath a speciall care of this Realme aboue all other and chieflye for that this Islande first of all other prouinces of Europe receiued the light of Christes religion from the sea of Rome Thirdlye hee exhorted that thoughe the realme had swarued from the catholike vnitie y t yet being better informed we ought to returne into the bosome of the Churche moste open to receyue all penitents For the persuasion wherof he brought a number of olde examples what perill and hurte hath happened vnto them that haue swarued and gone from the Churche of Rome namely Greece and Germanie Fourthlye howe muche wee are bounde to God for the King and Queenes Maiesties and howe miraculouslye God had saued and defended our Queene from hiâ—… enimies in most daungerous times and also that hee hath prouided to ioyne with hir in mariage â–ª such a noble Prince as King Philip was and one of his owne religion Fiftly he exhorted them all to obedience of these two Princes and to call vppon God for issue to be had betweene them
towne 〈◊〉 Citie sendeth thee firme hope and earnest prayer 〈◊〉 all men hope in thee that all vertues shall raigne 〈◊〉 all men hope that thou none errour wilt support 〈◊〉 all men hope that thou wilt truth restore againe 〈◊〉 mend that is amisse to all good mennes comfort â–ª 〈◊〉 for this hope they pray thou mayght continue long 〈◊〉 Queene amongst vs here all vice for to supplant 〈◊〉 for this hope they pray that God may neede thee wrong 〈◊〉 by his grace puissant so in his truth â—â—â—all 〈◊〉 â—…arwell O worthis Queene and as our hope is sure â—…t into errours place thou wilt nowe truth restore 〈◊〉 trust we that thou wilt our soueraigne Queene endure 〈◊〉 louing Ladie stande from henceforth euenmore While these wordes were in saying and certaine wishes therin repeated for maintenance of truth and rooting out of errour she nowe and then helde vp hir handes to heauenwarde and willed the people to say Amen When the childe had ended she sayde deye well assured I will stande your good Queene At which saying hir grace departes forth throgh Temple Barre toward Westminster with no lesse shouting and crying of the people than shee entred the citie with a noyse of ordinance which the Towne shot off at hir graces entrance fyrst into Towre streete The childes saying was also in latin verses written in a Table whiche was hanged vppe there O regina potens quum prima vrbem ingredereris Dona tibi linguas fidaque corda dedit Discedenti etiam tibi nunc duo munera mittit Omnia plena spei votaque plena precum Quippe tuis spes est in te quod prouida virtus Rexerit errori nec locus vllus erit Quippe tuis spes est quod tu veruÌ„ omni reduces solatura bonas dum mala tollis opes Huc spel freti de dâ—â— lorâ—â—◠〈◊〉 reginae gubernes Et negue excindus 〈…〉 Hac spe freti orant diuina vt gratia fortem Et vero si â—…rite velit essâ—◠〈◊〉 Iam Regina vide er sicut 〈◊〉 spes 〈◊〉 veâ—… Quod vero inducto perâ—…itus 〈◊〉 erat Sic quoque speramus quod eris regina benigne Nobis perâ—…aegni tempora 〈…〉 Thus the Queenes highnesse passed thorow the Citie which without any foraigne person of it selfe beautified it selfe and receyues hir grace at all places as hath beene before mentioned with most tender obedience and loue due to so gracious a Queene and soueraigne Lady And hir grace likewise of his side in all hir graces passage shewed hirselfe generally an Image of a worthie Ladie and Gouernour but priuately these especiall poputes were noted in hir grace as signes of a most Princelyke courage whereby his louing Subiectes may grounde a sure hope for the rest of hir gracious doyngs hereafter Certaine notes of the Queenes maiesties great mercie clemencie and wisdom vsed in this passage About the nether ende of Cornehill towarde Cheape one of the knightes about hir grace had espyed on auncient Citizen which wept and turned his head backe and therewith sayde thys Gentleman yonder is an Aldeâ—â— an for so hee tearmed him which weepeth and turneth hys face backwarde Howe may it bee interpreted that he so doth for sorowe or for gladnesse The Queenes Maiestie heard him and sayd I warrant you it is for gladnesse A gracious interpretation of a noble courage which would turn the doubtfull to the best And yet it was well known that as hir grace did confirme the same the parties cheare was mooued for verie 〈◊〉 gladnesse for the sight of hir Maiesties person at the beholding wherof he tooke such comfort that with teares be expressed the same In Cheape side hir grace smyled and being thereof demaunded the cause answered for that she heard one say Remember olde king Henrie the eight A naturall childe which at the verie remembrance of hir fathers name tooke so great a ioy that all men may well thinke that as shee reioyced at his name whom this Realme doth holde of so worthie memorie so in hir doings she will resemble the same When the Cityes charge without partialitie and onely the Citie was mencioned vnto hir grace she sayd it shoulde not be forgotten Which saying might moue all naturall English men heartily to shew due obedience entiernesse to theyr so good a Queene which will in no poynt forget any parcell of duetie louingly shewed vnto hir The aunswere which hir grace made vnto master Recorder of LoÌ„don as the hearers know it to be true and with melting heartes hearde the same so may the reader thereof conceyue what kinde of stomacke and courage pronounced the same What more famous thing doe wee read in auncient histories of olde tyme than that mightie Princes haue gently receyued presents offered them by case and lâ—…we personages If that be to be wondered at as it is passingly let mee see any wryter that in any one Princes life is able to recount so many presidents of this vertue as hir grace shewed in that one passage through the Citie How many Nosegayes did hir grace receyue at poore womens handes how oftentymes stayed she hir Chariot when she sawe any simple body offer to speake to hir grace A braÌ„ch of Rosemary giuen to hir grace with a supplication by a poore woman about Fleetbridge was seene in hir chariot til hir grace came to Westm not without the maruellous wondring of such as knew the presenter and noted the Queenes most gracious receyuing and keeping the same What hope the poore and nedie may looke for at hir graces hand she as in all hir iourney continually so in hir harkening to the poore children of Christes Hospitall with eies cast vp into heauen did fully declare as that neyther the wealthier estate coulde stande without consideration had to the pouertie neyther the pouertie bee duely considered vnlesse they were remembred as commended to vs by Gods owne mouth As at hir first entrance she as it were declared hir selfe prepared to passe through a Citie that most entierly loued hir so she at hir last departing as it were bound hir selfe by promise to continue good Ladie and gouernour vnto that Citie whiche by outwarde declaration did open theyr loue to theyr so louing and noble Prince in such wise as shee hir selfe wondered thereat But bycause Princes be set in their sâ—…ate by Gods appoynting and therefore they most first and chiefly tender the glorie of him from whom their glorie issueth it is to be noted in hir grace that forsomuch as God hath so wonderfullye placed hir in the seate of gouernment ouer this Realme shee in all doings doth shewe hir selfe moste myndfull of his goodnesse and mercye shewed vnto hir and amongest all other two principall signes thereof were noted in this passage First in the Tower where hir Grace before she entred hir Chariot lyfted vp hir eyes to heauen and sayde O Lorde almightie and euerlasting God I giue thee most harty thaÌ„ks that thou hast bin so mercifull vnto me as
wyth you thereof but your pride ioined with a harmfull meaning to those that you professe best vnto and selfe wilfull vainglorie without cause why refused that which reason and honor commaunded you to haue done Therefore bycause his calling is presently with his charge better than yours and mine not inferior I sommon you reasonably to excuse that fault supposed to be yours or else to mainteyne that trayterous acte with your person agaynst mine in fight when where or howe you dare Otherwise I will baffull your good name sounde wyth the Trumpet your dishonour and paynt your picture with the heeles vpwarde and beare it in despite of your selfe In the meane tyme I attende your aunswere From Glasco the xxij of May. 1570. Subscribed George Carie. The Copie of the Lord Flemings answere GEorge Carie I haue receyued your brainlesse letter making mention of my false and treasonable dealing against your Generall in shâ—…ting vnder trust so vilely agaynst my honor and truth trayterously trayned him vnder my trust which is altogither false and vntrue And howbeit your Generall came by the house of Dunglas by my appoyntment which I suffered and I appoynted one place of meeting sixe men of either partie which he refused and he departed and certaine of his companie came bragging vp y e riuer side towards the house viewing the sâ—…me and the ground thereaboutes shooting your Harquebusses agaynst the same I coulde doe no lesse but present you with such as I had Whereas you wryte of your Generalles calling to be presently better than mine and yours not inferiour when your Generall chalengeth me thereof I shall giue answere And as for you I will not be inferiour to a better than you or any Souldiour vnder your Generals charge Whereas you sommon mee as you call it reasonably to excuse that fault supposed to be mine owne or else to mainteyne that trayterous acte with my person agaynst yours you shall wyt I haue Gentlemen of honour seruant Souldiours to me as ye are to your Generall whiche may be your fellowes shall defende the same agaynst you and your false and vntrue inuented wryting and were not the charge I present or how soone I can bee relieued of the same I should lowly my person to meet you sixe English miles from any other person Howbeit ye be but one souldiour assure your selfe from thys day foorth I will not receyue no such inuented message for I haue little to doe with Englishe men ye may raile vpon my honorable name as ye please You shall haue as honorable gentlemeÌ„ as your selfe against you fighting Take this for answere Iohn Lord Fleming LOrde Fleming often the Flemings after noone aunsweres smelleth more of Wine than witte But as to that common cryme the custome of theyr Countrey yeeldeth them part of pardon so your common acquaintaunce with the same condition knowne to bee verye great shall to mee somewhat excuse your witlesse wryting wherin first you disalow my right recitall of your trayterous dealing by tearming it false and vntrue for answere knowe this the truth my penne hath writteÌ„ by the witnesse of a number And my hande I vowe shall maynteyne the same before the worlde at all tymes but you in denying it haue both falsly and vniustly lyed in your throate and dare neyther defend nor disproue that in deeds which in wordes you haue done Wheras you write that our generall passed Dunglasse by your appointment whiche you suffred therein you doe manifestly say vnhonourably and vntruly for that you had no knowledge of our firste comming but saluted vs with your shotte and wee lykewise skirmished with your meÌ„ euen at their owne strength vntill we viewed the ground aboute at oure pleasure And touchyng the appointment of sixe of eyther part easily that may be knowen to be a playnelye seeing wee hadde neyther parley not conference with you before to appoynt place or meeting But whereas you say you coulde doe no lesse but present vs wyth such as you hadde therein you confesse and acknowledge y e dishonor and treason that I charged you withall taking vppon youre selfe that fault which I supposed to haue bin of your seruaunts for oure generall retired his company farre from him And his Trumpet beeing wyth you approched himselfe alone to haue parled when vnder trust you discharged two harguebusses agaynste him an acte rather seemely for a cowardly Traytor than one that professeth to be a Souldier Finally whereas you lette mee witte that you haue Gentlemen of honor seruaunts Souldiers to you that may be my fellowes whiche shoulde defend the challenge that toucheth so neere your selfe as with honor you should not haue refused it First I thinke skorne to bee any wayes inferiour to you though but a Souldier too honorable a name for you beeyng better in birth and vnsteined with reproche as you haue bin Secondly I haue more and as good GentlemeÌ„ vnder my conduct as you haue vnder your charge which shall aunswer as many as you can bring â–ª if with number ye meane to combate and will put them to that whyche you dare not doe your selfe But assure you my quarrell shall remayne euerlasting excepte the proofe of your owne person againste mine maye ende it and when you shall dare come out of youre Crowes nest I will be ready to ride an hundred Scottish myles to meete with you in any indifferente place and vntill that tyme. I shall accompte you deuoyde of honestie and honor vnworthy to marche vpon grounde or to keepe company with men From Hamilton the 29. of May. 1570. Subscribed George Carey Though many wayes were soughte by message and otherwise tâ—… 〈◊〉 the Lorde â—…leâ—…ming to defend with battaile the fault and folly committed yet it wold not be for he suffred 〈◊〉 the matter â–ª so as it well appeared it was but lost labour further to attempt him therin The .xxij. A master of Scottishmen of May the Earle of Lenoux accompanyed with the Erle of Glenâ—…rn the lord Symple and other his frendes â—…aries and alies mustered on the Moore before the towne of Glasco the number of .4000 horsemen and footmen that were there assembled to seeke him in presence of Sir William Drury and other of the English capitayns The .xxiij. of Maye Sir William Drurye the Earle of Lenoux The army goeth towards Hamilton and â—…theâ—… the Scotâ—…she Lords and the whole armie marched towards the Castell of Hamilton and sending a Trâ—…mpettor and one with hym to parley with the Captaine named Andrew Hamilton he agreed to come forth and due other with him to talke with Sir William Drury and one other Gentleman suche as he should thinke good to bryng with him to a place somewhat distance as well from the Castell as the Camp Heerevpon Sir William Drury wyth hys sword and tergate and Sir George Carie with a case of pistolles wente forthe to the appoynted place whither the Captayne of the Castell also with an halberâ—… and one other with him