Bishopps who were immediately appeacht of Treason for that audacious declaring Surely it was worth the considering in reguard of the Justice of the declaration and the Injustice towards those Bishopps and there can hardly be produced a more impudent Act by an assembly of men that would allow tumults to offer violence to their members and charge their members for complaining of the injury with Treason And as they proceeded without shame or truth soe they make it their mirth that they could by such a ridiculous meanes effect soe greate a villanie That declaration which he calls foolish and self vndoing will stand a perpetuall Monument of the vertue and courage of these Bishopps and the infamy of those Cipher Lords that committed them And if the Bishopps were pulled by their Rochetts as he admitts was not this a just cause in feare in his Majest And doth this pulling by the Rochetts amount to nothing but petitioning This libeller sayes the Bishopps deserved another kinde of pulling And noe doubt he would have justified their murther in the streetes as well as the Kings since and that must not have been the blood of Nabaoth He would inferr that the King had noe cause of feare because he came the next day after his going to the house of Commons into the Citie without a guard The King beleived at that time the Citie was not soe totally debaucht but that he might finde some that would guard him against the disloyaltie of others and those humble demeanours which he mentions are well knowne to be most insolent provocations of base people and though at that time the infection was not soe venemous as it grew afterwards yet the king found disloyaltie very apparent Though the King might have feared in reguard of his owne guiltines yet he knew the people soe full of awe and reverence to his person as he dared to committ himselfe single among them If the King had knowne guiltines in himselfe he could not have hoped for that awe and reverence but his going single at such a time and after soe many affronts shewes the audacious scurrilitie of this Author that hath taunted at him soe often for seares and terrours and now sayes he dared goe single among such outragious tumults And if awe and reverence to his person were a commendation to the people as this libeller would have it it must be the brand of infamy vpon him and his Rebellious packe that have troden awe and reverence vnderfoote and wickedly despised and murthered him He would prove that the King had no feares after all the reproachfull scoffing at his feares because he went into Scotland after the Bishopps had been worse handled then in England and after two Armies had entred England against him and this he sayes argues first that he was a stranger to England and full of diffidence To the Scotts only a native King in his confidence though not in his dealing next he sayes which shewes beyound doubting that all his feare of Tumults was but a pretence Wee cannot boubt that this Authors braine is as Giddy as the Tumults for to prove that the King had noe feare of the Tumults he affirmes him diffident to the English confident of the Scotts and labours much to make periods of non sense that he may vse words of Calumnie Might not the King have cause to feare in reguard of their malice though not his personall suffering And doth not his libeller shew his vaine falshood that heere makes the king feareles and soe lately made mirth of the terrours of the Tumults The libeller doubted he should not finde credit to his many contradictions touching the tumults therefore turnes about to another theame of the Kings relation to the scotts and is so voyde of sense as having affirmed within ten lines before that the king was confident of the awe and reverence of the people of England to his person heere sayes he was full of diffidence But he sayes he tooke occasion from the Tumults of absence from the Parliament to turne his disorderly bickerings to an orderly invadinge That the King might be absent without shewing a reason why from his Parliament noe man of knowledge or common reason ever doubted and he might as well goe to Yorke as into Scotland But he must be persecuted by disorderly Tumults if he stay and followed with a formed Army if he depart and they that sought Colours and disgiuses for the Tumults grow soe impudent to rayse an Army for the King to fight against him The King sayes he would not have weakened himselfe by soe many former and after Acts if he had meditated warr as some suspected when he left white hall The libeller sayes his former Acts did not weaken him it might come into his minde after passing these Acts. That which strengthened the Rebells must weaken him and was the Act for continuance of the Parliament without which they could not have sate nor acted nor deluded the people nor part of their strength nor the Kings weakenes But he that objects cunning fetches and evill Councellours to the king now allowes him nothing but improvidence and feare The King doubted not but all had gone well if the Parliament had sate still free as it was in its first election and sayes the libeller his not doubting was all good mens greatest doubt And theis are the good men that could not endure a free Parliament and the libellers Parliament that must governe is a new modell not a free Parliament as it was at first elected that stood not with their Rebellious disignes and his good men doubted that all would not soe well with them if that sate still free therefore the Iron flaile must thrust the Bishopps out of the Lords house and purge the lower house and yet it is still Tyrany and obstinacie in the King by this mans judgment not to accept all the Dictates of this ridiculous packe and he hath a narrow conscience and not fitt for the publique that follows not the cry of this kennell To the Kings resolution to heare reason and consent as farr as he could comprehend The libeller askes what if his reason comprehend nothing but his owne advantages was this a reason to be trusted with the common good of three nations Yes truly and it is noe Paradox that if the King comprehend his owne advantages it is sufficient for the common good of the three nations for whatever is their common good is his advantage and whatever is his advantage is their Common good but all his Patriotts for whome the libeller is soe Zealous have advantages of their owne that are opposite to the Common good of the three nations The King sayes as swine are to gardens soe are Tumults to Parliaments To this sayes the libeller The Parliament could best have told vs had they found it so And doubtles such of the Parliament as found it not may be accounted among the number of these swine or the herdsmē of
late Majest on whome malice it selfe hath not yet layd such a Cryme encreaseth the Libellers infamy not the weight of his charge To say therefore that he called this Parliament of his owne choice and inclination argues how little truth wee can expect from the sequell of this booke which ventures in the very first period to affront more then one nation with an vntruth so remarkeable If the venturing vpon an vntruth in the first period be an argument to expect little in the sequell of the booke what may we expect of this Author whose whole booke is a confutation of his first period not to descant on the Kings misfortunes That in seeking to disprove this first period adventured on so many palpable vntruths and stickes not to pervert the very period it selfe and affront not only more then one nation but all indifferent men For if his Majest had been necessitated either through the disorder of persons to dissolve Parliaments or for beare them he might yet call a Parliament by his owne choice considering that not the condition of Parliament but the male volence of some persons were cause both of the dissolution forbearance The often Parliaments in Ireland the precedent Parliaments in England to that which he mentions maintaine the truth of that first period against the many remarkeable falsities of this Image breaker And presumes a more implicit faith in the people of England then the Pope ever commaunded from the Romish laitie or els a naturall sottishnes fitt to be abused and ridden Kings may expect credit to their words from their people Rebells cannot though experience hath confirmed that if a greate part of the people of England had not followed them with a more blinde and obstinate beleife then ever Romish laitie did their Pope they could never have been ridden and jaded as now they are And Iconoclastes could never presume the beleife of his extravagant assertions if he thought not his readers of worse then naturall sottishnes to be abused for while they lye groveling vnder the Tyrany of their present oppressours and lament the losse of their happines vnder the Kingly Government this man will perswade them out of their sense and memory While in the judgment of wisemen by laying the foundation of his defence on the avouchment of that which is so manifestly vntrue he hath given a worse foyle to his own cause then when his whole sorces were at any time overthrowne Surely there wisemē shewed as little reason in judging an assertion as knowledge in military affaires that made by comparison of this period to the defeat of an army If his Maj have given so greate a foyle to his cause by the first period of his booke whence comes the danger that Iconoclastes would prevent Was this first period vnintelligible without his comment and what is it to the Kings cause whether he called the Parliament of his owne choice or not It s very likely his wife men heere are the same with his wel principled men he mentioned els where their principles or impiety being the same with his their judgment is as corrupt as their conscience and as farr from wisedome as the libeller from modestie and if any had such a judgment they might soone finde their errour which all others descerne and such a judgment were a greater foyle to their wisedome then to his Majest cause They therefore who thinke such greate service done to the Kings affaires in publishing this booke will finde themselves in the end mistaken of sense right minde or but any mediocritie of knowledge and remembrance hath not quite for saken men They will finde themselves no whit mistaken if sense right mi◅de and mediocritie of knowledge and remembrance have not quite for saken men but the libeller will finde himselfe very much mistaken if he expect that his sense shal be so received against apparent truth as to give a greater foyle then the defeate of Arimes and vnderstanding must have left the world where the Author of such a comparison findes credit He comes now to prosecute his Majest discourse in pursucance of that period and first to what his Majest affirmes of Parliaments to have allwayes thought the right way of them most safe to his Crowne and best pleasing to his people he sayes we felt from his Actions what he thought of Parliaments or of pleasing his people The people feele now that which makes them confesse that they had just cause by what they felt from his Majest Actions to be well pleased with them to beleive what he affirmes heere to be his judgment of Parliaments and if any people were pleased with the ill way of Parliaments they have seene their errour by the evill consequents and now thinke the right way of them only most safe for the Crowne them and that nothing but ruine to the Kingdome can be expected from disorderly Parliaments He goes on to that which his Majest adds that the cause of forbearing to Conveene Parliaments was the sparkes which some mens distempers there studied to kindle To this the libeller sayes they were not temperd to his temper for it neither was the law nor Rule by which all other tempers were to be tryed but they were chosen for sittest men in their Counties to quench those distampers which his inordinate doings had inflamed Is the choice in Counties the law and rule whereby rempers are to be tryed And would the libeller have it beleived that all such as are chosen in the Counties are of better temper then the King If choice be the law of temper why doth he justifie those men which have affronted scorn'd and punished such as have been chosen by the Counties If all a◅e so well temperd why are some so ill handled and excluded And if there may be distempers as he must confesse in despight of impudence why was it not a just reason of his Majest fo◅ebearance if he found it We know what fires small sparkes kindle in greate Assemblies and we have felt the flame of them like the sudden eruption of burning Mountaines when all was quiet and there were men that studyed to turne the Parliament into confusion having not the temper to quench but to enflame Were these men that were of the two Parliaments in the first yeare of his Majest Raigne The first called within two moneths after he begun the second within twelue chosen to allay those distempers which his inordinate doings had inflamed what were these inordinate doings that could inflame so suddenly We neede not argue this Authors credit from one vntruth but he would obtaine some credit if one entire truth could be found in him If that were his refusing to conveene till those men had been quallified to his will wee may easily conjecture what hope there was of Parliaments had not feare and his insatiate povertie in the middest of his excessive wealth constrained him His Majest might with reason exspect that many who through errour
only of truth he would finde no adversary and if his partie would act according ly there would be no neede of a new warr for then they would restore King and lawes but this Author by falsifying of Actions att corrupting of principles endeavours to draw men into a state of Rebellion against God and their King and make the warr endles the people helpeles and his pretended Charitie is more odious then the Hipocrites Almes this respecting only selfe glory that of this Author a snare to destroy others As to moment of soliditie he sayes in the booke it selfe stuft with nought els but the Common grounds of Tyranny and Poperie suguered a little over or any neede of answearing in respect of stayed and well principled men I take it on me as a worke assigned rather then by me chosen or affected He would have it thought there was no moment of soliditie because he hath none in this Iconoclastes stuft full of the common grounds of Rebellion confusion which are only of Moment to the support of vsurpation the measure of his well principeld men to whome a rayling libell is more convincing then a Logicall Argument That the booke is stuft with nought els but grounds of Tyrany and Popery when the most part of his exceptions comprehended not those heads is an Hiperbole vnbefitting any but such as had sacrificed shame and conscience to a wicked cause If the publishing of his Majest booke as he sajes conteyning nothing but grounds of Tyrany and Popery were a designe of his partie surely it must concurre with the Authors ends for the cheife Calumnies whereby the Rebells sought to draw the peoples affections from his Majest were that he would introduce Tyrany and Popery and the publishing of such a booke in his Majest name was most effectuall to make good what was obiected And the man that thinkes the Kings partie so voyde of sense may thinke them well principeld men that swallow such crudities as he hath provided for them and they may be excused if they be not moved with his Majest booke for it cannot be expected they should vnderstand and receive reason and for those doubtles the Author writt his booke for it could not be hoped that they who had any dram of reason and had not resolved to continue in Rebellious vndertakings against all the light of Religion and reason would be fit readers of such incoherent Barbarismes Grounds of Tyrany and Popery are not so subtile to escape all the world without the helpe of this authors finger to point att it and had the booke conteyned any such matter he would have vsed lesse rayling and more reason heate fowle language proceede from impotencie of defence and thence is the greate noyse of words and insignificant matter of Iconoclastes Common angers disorder reason but vnnaturall furious distempers destroy it The present Traytours att least as many of them as sate in the beginning of his late Majest Parliament where this Rebellion was hatcht protested before God to defend with their lives and fortunes the doctrine established in the Church of England and that must conteyne the grounds of Popery or the author will finde none in that booke but in the sence of Traytours Church is Popery King is Tyrany If they that assigned this worke on the Author differed not in judgment from him touching moment of soliditie in his Majest booke they shewed a very slight esteeme of a Champion so confident of his parts but they knew his malice not his soliditie And they knew it was in vaine for them to seeke to answeare his Majest booke with soliditie falsities and detractions being all their hopes and they knew not a man els whose credit they could more easily prostitute nor any man more greedy of so base ane imployment He sajes if the late King had thought sufficient those answeares and defences made for him in his life time they who on the other side accused his ilGovernment judging enough had been replied the heate of this controversie was in likelihood drawing to an end and the farther mention of his deedes not so much vnfortunate as faultie had in tendernes of his late sufferings been willingly forborne and perhaps for the present age have slept while his adversaries calmed with succes had been lesse vnfavourable to his Memory The late King thought those answeares and defences made for him in his life time a bundantly sufficient and so did all indifferent men and it was not any thought of defect in theis that moved him to write on particular occurrents of most moment in the time of his troubles and as his memory will not stand orfall att the Rebells courtesie so their aspersions will rather increase then diminish it This Author thinckes that men are daunted with his Contumelies and that if the King had knowne what words he would have written against his booke he would not have adventured vpon such pikes but as the Kingly Prophet David sang to his harpe and wrote his Divine meditations while his Enemies sent foorth their sharpe Arrowes bitter words against him and that of so much venom as he sajes the poyson of Aspes was vnder their lipps so his late Majest composed those his meditations while his Enemies compassed him on every side and ceased not to persecute him with their Tongues set on fire of Hell and though his person suffered by them his cause and innocencie was a bove their reach His Majest expected the vtmost of their malice after death vpon his name as he had felt it in his life and it was so farr from his desire that mention of his deedes should be forborne especially those his Enemies excepted to that his endeavours were cheifely bent to make them manifest to the world with all the obiections and invectives that had been made against them and time hath tought this Author and others of his crew that many have been convinced of the wickednes of theyr Rebellion by the declarations and replies they made against his late Majest Truth feares nothing but to be hidden his late Majest needed noe other Advocate then the cleere discoverie of his deedes that he was vnfortunate was the greate wrath of God vpon the nation where so many in the middest of so great blessings of peace and plentie as they enioyed vnder his Raigne continued murmuring and vnthankefull and it is not the least signe of the heavines of his displeasure that makes the people executioners of it one vpon another and that they should act such execrable wickednes by words and Actions against that King who was freest from personall vices and publique pressures of all his Predecessours that had Raigned so long as he had done The present age must nedes have a deepe sense of his losse and posteritie aswell as strangers will wonder when they reade his story and finde such groundles slanders and barbarous cruelties acted against so eminent vertue and the confidence in obtruding such grosse absurdities for
them beleive those men loyall to the King that raysed a warr against him The Parliament in one of their declarations told the King that if they should say that the evill Acts they complained of were done by his Maj they should speake contrary to the law and the Testimonie of their owne hearts In another that they were ready to lay downe their lives and fortunes and spend the last dropp of their blood to maintaine his Crowne and Royall person in greatenes and glory and cast themselves downe at his Royall feete What would he have the world thinke of this so stoutly acted vehemence only a Ceremonie Certainly one of the most pernitious that ever was practised and an impudent defence suites well with a discovered falshood They professe themselves Enemies to stage playes but it is that they might engrosse the trade to themselves for their Pulpits aswell as Pamphlets sound principally this representation of passion stage devotion but it is a sollesisme in so greate an actor as this Author that speakes alowde that all is but a Ceremonie for he thereby gives the world to vnderstand that he intends the same falshood in his slanders then the faction in Parliament vsed in their professions of dutie and loyaltie This course of his in laying the faults on the King he sayes is that they who from the beginning or but now of late by what vnhappines he knowes not are so much infatuated not with his person only but with his palpable faults dote vpon his deformities may have none to blame but their owne folly if they live and die in such a strok'n blindnes as next to that of Sodom hath not happened to any sort of men more grosse or more misleadinge Wee have found many by hellish impulsion hating his Majest person and authoritie and seeme not to thinke that God hath given them vp to a reprobate sense and strong delusion would be thought to beleive all those that love or honour their King infatuated and thence it is that the Author knowes not by what vnhappines it is that men are so infatuated for he would have it beleived a greate happines to hate and detest his King to reproach not only his person but his office Persecutors endeavour to make them vnhappy on whome they exercise their cruelties and they wonder at those that run not with them to the same degree of wickednes this Author makes it an vnknowne vnhappines that men runnot from their protested and sworne Allegiance and loyaltie into so disperate a Rebellion as he maintaines he may well say he knowes not by what vnhappines it comes but it is an vnhappines of greater wonder that soe many should renounce the very names of loyaltie and obedience make Rebellion the most renowned vertue and this after soe many vowes and oaths to the contrary that men who some few yeares since professed the greatest hatred of a Traytour to their King should now thinke no man soe prayse worthy nor any blindnes soe neere to that miraculous stroke of the men of Sodom as that of the opinion of loyaltie If his Majest faults had been as palpable as this Authors falshood it could not diminish his subjects dutie nor excuse the Rebells impietie nor the taunting scurrilitie of this Author but his vertue being soe eminent calls for vengeance on the heads of those that call good evill and evill good this prodigious blindnes is a beginning of his punishment that finding noe man abroade or at home of learning Religion or sobrietie that detest not the courses which he seekes to defend and this soe knowne to him yet he objects blindnes to them all and as those negroes that paint the Devill white will have none free from blindnes but such as Rebell against him that sent that blindnes vpon the men of Sodom while they inhumanely pursued their wikednes and while these men with fury breake downe the fences of humane societie and seeke to turne men into beasts the spirit that rules in the children of disobedience hath blinded their eyes and taken possession of their soules confirming their sin not only without remorse but with augmented impudence their writings being composed of language to outface truth and jeere at pietie If this Author had intended a right information of men as he pretends he would not have played the painter in every period as he hath done in making Chimeraes and goblins to affright men Can he hope that any reading his booke will conceive him rightly relating Actions or cases that tells men they are blinde infatuated with the palpable faults of their Murthered King and doting vpon his deformities Doe not men see he bends his strength to misleade those that see reteyne those in blindnes that were like to recover Some men have by Policie accomplished after death that revenge vpon their Enemies which in life they were not able and instances that the will and legacies of Caesar being read wrought more in the vulgar to the avenging of his death then all the art he could vse to win their favour in his life It s true that the vertue and worth of many injured persons hath appeared more evidently after their death and hath caused greife and repentance in their Enemies moving revenge in those that were seduced to destroy them and the cruelties exercised on his late Majest and his eminent vertues in his sufferings have manifested vnto many how vnhappily they were mislead to the destruction of a King of so greate goodnes and to place their confidence in such false and bloody hipocrites But he sajes those Apologies and meditations are over late It s true they cannot prevent the evill past and the Author holds their strength invincible though he be not confident of mens inclinations without the efficacie of his pen. But would those Apologies and meditations have been more powerfull if sooner knowne Truth will wrest some thing from him vnawares for he must confesse if men that were drawne into this Rebellion against his late Majest by slanders had vnderstood what now they doe by this booke they had stayed long before and it wil be a greate vnhappines to the poore people of his Majest Dominions if they be soe over late vndeceived that they be not able to revenge his blood nor redeemce themselves from the yoke of those Traytours vnder whome they serue This intent he sajes appeares by the conceited portraiture before his booke drawne out to the full measure of a masking seene and set there to catch fooles and sily gazers And are Portraitures of the condition of persons and their sufferings only to catch fooles and silly gazers to what end then is the portraict of the house of Commons with the speaker in his Eminence and the rest set in a serious posture soe frequently published And are the portraitures in M R. ffoxes booke of the Acts and monuments of Martirs only to catch fooles and silly gazers The Authors catching at flies shewes the impotencie
thrusting the King from his Throne assuminge the Government to himselfe for the common libertie as the Author will have it is enrolled for a saint If there were any so exorbitant and excessive in their motions to saint such a faithlesse wretch the Author will hardly finde any so much mistaken in his Civill Kinde of Idolatry to their Kings but whence comes Hen 3 to be a Tyrant of whome the stories report so much mildnes and hardly so greate an errour as the vnadvised advancement of that Rebell Montfort But it is very vsuall with these men that wherever they finde an Example of Rebellion there the King is a Tyrant and all such Presidents as were conveyed to our times to shew vs the mischeife and wickednes of Rebellion are produced as authorities for the committing of it and Garnetts straw wil be a Miracle and he a saint the Assassins of Kings glorious Champions for common libertie For the secound the stories are very silent of any common libertie pretended by the Earle of Lancaster or any Tyrany against that King but it matters not what truth there be in an assertion so a King be made the Criminall and though the mistake of such as held the Earle of Lancaster for some time a saint were ridiculous to that very age yet this Author will have it a lesse errour then the keeping of the fifth Commaundement and the people that vsed a Civill Kinde of Idolatry to their good Emperour that had the famous surname of Iconoclastes more mistaken in the object of their worshipp then such as Idolized the superstitious Images he had broken for the Author sayes they were never more mistaken in the object of their worshipp then in the Civill Kinde of Idolatrie in Idolizing their Kings It s apparent in the stories of our nation that superstitious Churchmen had their hands in those Rebellions the Author mentions therefore might induce the ignorant rabble to adore the Calves they had set vp in our dayes wee finde they have successours that teach the people doctrines of Devills and seduce them from obedience to those that had the rule over them Now with a besotted and degenerate basenesse of spirit ex cept some few who yet reteine in them the old English fortitude and love of freedome and have testified it by their matchles deedes the rest embastardized from the ancient noblenes of their Aucestours are ready to fall flat and give adoration to the Image and memory of this man who hath offred at more cunning fetches to vndermine our libertie and put Tyrany into an Act then any Brittish King before him It s very strange that all except some few are so besotted as not to love libertie so naturall to man and those that have so contended for it as the English nation but if it were possible for Iconoclastes to deale faithfully wee might have expected that he would have told vs what that libertie was the people loved not which is the libertie of those ambitious Traytours that now lord it over them which are those few he mentions whose matchlesse villanies have wasted more English blood in these few yeares then all our Kings in their victorious warrs since the conquest The people doubtles love libertie but they finde themselves cheated of their just libertie vnder a lawfull King and brought vnder the slavery of many Tyrants who perswaded the poore people it was libertie to be without a King though subject to the licentious will of vpstart vsurpers and why is it degnerate basenes of spirit to vindicate their lawes liberties against Tyrants that have vsurped it and revenge the fraude iniury done them by deceivers that vnder pretence of law and libertie bereft them of both The best of the Rebells pretence which this Author defends is to fight for libertie and if the people finde their libertie taken away is it vnlawfull to resume it from Tyrants and vsurpers which this Author holds lawfullKings It s true men were besotted with the name of libertie and those Mountebanques infused the principles of Rebellion into the people by telling there could be no libertie vnder Monarchy as if the nature of Governments were vnknowne till our time and thence this Author writes as if none but besotted people should reade him If these vipers had professed in the beginninge of their Rebellion that Simon Monford Thomas Earle of Lancaster had been saints and that they intended to follow the Example of such Traytours the people would not have been so besotted the miseries brought on the Kingdome by such seducers being so largely delivred in story but the people have now found by sad experience that the leaders of the present disorders are the Progenie of those cursed Rebels whose Actions made them odious to all posteritie and dishonoured the times wherein they lived and this Author would brand the whole nation making Rebellion their fortitude and love offreedome when its plaine to all readers that those Rebellions were the scourge of the nation which langiushed vnder the burthens that were encreased by those whome they followed against their kings How the people have been Idolized by those Rebells Tumults defended and the power over their king pretended for the justification of this odious Rebellion besides the declaration of those they call a Parliament this Author frequently tells vs in this answeare yet is soe carelesse of truth or shame as heere their reason and affection are as contemptible as their right in Government and some few must raigne over them The greatest vnhappines of the English nation hath been in the misfortunes of their kings the greatest dishonour in the prevalcne of insolent and sly Rebells the noble blood of the most renowned persons being wasted in those disorders and Civilitie for many yeares destroyed If we place vertue in the insolent attempts of Rebells against lawfull Princes not only Christian fortitude but morall vertue grow contemptible rage and venom will sooner get a saint-shipp then Justice or innocence If so many are so ready to fall flat to the Image and memory of his late Majefl as the Author sayes his Masterts have cause to vse new principles and as they fought against their king by faining a power in the people so they must now lay fetters on them and cast away the maske a Ceremony to be vsed no longer It was not a part of our liberties to be deprived of our king nor to Rebell against him such acts being contradictions not only to Christian but English libertie and such as take that libertie to themselves robb others of their just lawfull liberties Doe the present or did ever Traytours give libertie to any but their faction And doe they allow them any more then libertie at the will of the Commaunder And if libertie be so precious to these men why should John lilborne bemore restrained then Iconoclastes And why should any be more Cryminall that write or speacke against an vsurped power then
that the interest of a King can have an opposition to that of his people which is vainely fancied hy him or that any thing by him alledged should worke such opposition And although there have been disputes in Courts and Parliaments touching the profitts and rights of the Crowne yet before this Rebell generation non were so shameles to pretend them causes of the subjects violence and necessarily destructive to the King or people which had the people imagined would have been the issue of a Parliament they would have had a greater aversion to it then Iconoclastes supposes in his late Mejest And as the preservation of the people is the Kings interest so his preservation is theirs which the people now finde to late and could not foresee that such as made vse of the pretence of their interest minded it least Till eight or nine yeares after proceeding with a high hand in these enormities having the second time levied an injurious warr against his native countrey Scotland and finding all those other shifts of raysing money which bore out his first expedition now to faile him not of his own choice and inclination as any childe may see but vrged by strong necessities and the very pangs of State which his owne violent proceedings had brought him to he calls a Parliament Iconoclastes is very industrious to shew that he can expresse the malice of his heart with his pen and can give false denominations to Actions with greater confidence then true where it may advantag his Masters The gentle hand wherewith his Majest governed during the nine yeares he mentions brands that high hand of slander and deâ—…action which this breaker stretches out against him and it will fill posteritie with amazement at the folly of the present age that should take such things for enormities as fines for knighthood Coate conduct and shipmony whereof some of them were scarce felt or observed and the rest easily borne And submit themselves to contributions excises loanes and taxes to which those which he calls enormities hold no proportion But not contented with the false appellations of his Majest Civill Actions he proceedes to defy and reproach his Actions for preservation and defence of his Kingdome and calls it an injurious warr to resist an invading Enemy That the Scotts were entred neere a hundred mile into the Kingdome at the time he mentions he cannot be ignorant and to call the warr injurious on his Majest part cannot come from any that thinkes any thing injurious that Rebells commit or any thing just that Governours commaund When any Actions are rehearsed of his Majest against the Scotts the Traytours call them vnjust and amplifie their slander with the Circumstance of his native Countrey When the Scotts offer obedience to the King or he concurr with them they decry such Actions in respect they are of his native Countrey thus shifting saying and gainsaying to deceive the people If there any yet remaine that will trust such common Cheates His collection that necessitie and not choice brought the King to call a Parliament followes not from any of his premisses His Majest doth not exclude the necessitie of his affaires from moving him to call the Parliament When he sayes that be called the Parliament not more by necessitie then his owne choice doth he exclude necessitie or affirme his owne choice only without consideration of Circumstances Parliaments ought not to be called but vpon greate occasions and their too often Convention is a burthen not an ease to the people and such was the judgment of the late Parliament at the beginning It is not new that necessities have caused Kings to call Parliaments which yet was never made an Argument to prove their owne vninclination to call a Parliament His descant vpon strong necessities and pangs of state layes open the Treason of these conspiratours that plotted how their Country might pine and languish that so vnnaturall Emperickes might exercise their bloody practice and a mercilesse Tyrany could only be exspected from such as sought their power by their Countreyes sufferings And if his Majest proceedings had been violent they had not produced that necessitie First in Ireland which only was to give him four subsidies and so to expire then in England where his first demaund was but twelue subsidies to maintaine a Scotch warr condemned and abominated by the whole Kingdome promising their greivances should be considered afâ—…erwards The Parliament in Ireland he might have knowne was not the first that was called in the nine yeares he mentions but falshood are so common that mistakes are not worth the observation and if the King had called that Parliament in Ireland to obtaine â—…ower subsidies where had been the fault May not a King call a Parliament to be supplyed But if Iconoclastes had patience to know truth or speake it he might eaâ—…ily have found a greate number of good lawes made in that Parliaâ—…ent to worke a conformitie of that nation to England and he vnseasonably produced this instance of the Parliament of Ireland which so mainely contradicts his assertion for the necessities alone he supposes could not worke the calling of that Parliament where Parliaments had been so frequent before In England where he sayes his Majest first demaund was but twelue subsidies he hath lost his expectation and his Ironicall but hath lost its mirth for he cannot thinke that the people now apprehend twelue subsidies so greate a demaund by the King when they see a farr greater proportion given the Scotch for invading the Kingdome and aftersuch an execrable warr and barbarous prodigalitie their greivance is increast and all that is effected or pretended to be done for them is the Destruction of King and Church and dividing the Estates of both among the Master Rebells vpon whose Arbitrary and vnlimited power they must now depend That those twelue subsidies were demaunded to maintaine Scotch warr hath no colour of truth it being not at al propounded And as it had been a sottish and perverse disposition to have condemned the warr against the Scotts when they were in preparation to invade England so it is as shamelesly said by Iconoclastes that it was condemned and abominated by the whole people Himselfe if a wicked obduration had not made him love lying must have conffessed that the late Earle of Essex though afterward in Rebellion against the King with greate demonstrations of Zeale and affection to his Majest went a Commaunder in that expedition And if we respect the qualitie or number of noble worthy persons that engaged themselves in that first warr our stories have rarely remembred an Army that went into Scotland of greater number of eminent persons so as Iconoclastes hath just cause to condemne and abominate himselfe for the Lewdenes and evidence of this vntruth and if the then Parliament had not been abused by some representing his Majest desires the designes of such as meant to make advantage of the breach of that Parliament had been
disappointed and the Calamities ensuing had been prevented And as there were no greivances then in the Kingdome but might admit longer delay of redresse then the publique necessities of supply so his Majest might justly demaund subsidies in the first place with promise to redresle their greivances afterwards And Iconoclastes too late observes the order of that demaund of his late Majest to be amisse when the late Parliament graunted so many subsidies for the Scotts without expectation of any such promise Which when the Parliament who judged that warr it selfe on of their maine greivances made no haste to graunt not enduring the delay of his impatient will or els fearing the conditions of their graunt he breakes of the whole session and dismisses them and their greivances with scorne and frustration That the Parliament judged that warr any of their greivances that never mentioned it in their debates or resolutions is fit for the affirmation of this Author only But if the Parliament had judged that warr one of their maine greivances the rest whereof so greate noyse hath been made will hardly be thought weightie This warr was then newly begun the King had received no fupply from the people for the charge past and could this be a maine greivance Wee see at what rate this man makes greivances and to what ordinary accidents he applies his exorbitant expressions The then Parliament would not have been slow in his Majest supply if some false Ministers had not interposed and some seditious persons had not plotted to impose a necessitie vpon his Majest to dissolue the Parliament They had not presented him any greivances and therefore there could be no such dismission with scorne and frustration as he Phrases it There were evident tokens of greife and discontent in his late Majest that he was necessitated to that act but there was reioycing and insolence amongst the turbulent Sectaries for it Much lesse therefore did he call this last Parliament by his owne choice and inclination but having first tryed in vaine all vndue wayes to procure mony his Army of their owne accord being beaten in the north the Lords petitioning and the generall voyce of the people all most hissing him and his ill acted Regalitie of the Stage compelled at length both by his want and by his feares vpon meere extreamitie he summoned this last Parliament This man acts the part of a Lord of misrule to stirre the passions of the people with taunts and abuses and for his over acted petulant scurrilitie fitt to be whipped of the stage If he had ever given proofe of his owne courage hee would not thus barbarously reproach his late Majest with feares who was so well knowne to have hazarded his person in so many perills and these Phrases are the froth of a base insultation not the censure of a just Ennemy But why for feare should the King summon a Parliament if he fore saw as the libeller sayes it would be his vndoing Could he have greater feares then that He hath not instanced one vndue way of his late Majest to get money for the warr against Scotland therefore his repetitions import his impertinence as well as his malice but gaine no credit by their frequency The peoples hissing which the Traytours desired had been as inconsiderable and vndutifull as his assertions are false but as it no way contradicts what his Majest sayes if the allaying of popular discontents rectifying mistakes were one end of calling the Parliament so the petitioning of the Lords instructs all reasonable men to thinke that feares and wants were not the sole cause of summoning that Parliament and that his Majest choice was not excluded And as the beating of his Majest Army had not so disabled him but that they were in number and courage superiour to their Enemies so if his Majest choice had not guided him he might with lesse hazard in common appearance have tryed the successe of a battell at that time then he did at diverse tymes afterwards That which he sayes of the Armyes being beaten of their owne accord is little to their honour if it were true but infamous to this Author being false if there were any so perfidious to betray their own and their nations honour vnto strangers they could not be many for its a knowne truth that the most eminent persons in that service and the greatest number of common souldiers served his Majest afterward in his warrs not only against the English Rebells but the Scotts And how is it possible that he should willingly incline to Parliaments who never was perceived to call them but for the greedy hopes of a whole nationall bribe his subsidies and never loved never fulfilled never promoted the true ends of Parliaments the redresse of greivances but still putt them of and prolonged them whether gratifyed or not gratifyed and was indeede the Author of all those greivances It hath been already shewed how his Majest was perceived to call Parliaments out of his owne choice and inclination and it was not only in his Majest time but in the time of Queene Elisabeth that Parliaments were said to be only called to give subsidies there never wanting malecontents and slanderers of the Actions of Princes and the case may be such that subsidies may be the cheife motive to call Parliaments considering the sufficiency of the lawes in force and the small number of greivances complained of Malitious detraction is accompanied with absurditie and Iconoclastes becoming a Champion of Rebellion reckons Tributes and supplies of the soveraigne by subjects which is their duty among the number of scandalous sins and that which was practised by our saviour and commaunded by his Apostles he calls nationall bribes This braine sicke and prophane Libelling can be acceptable to none but such as are delighted with the vnhappy distempers of Bedlam He hath not so much passion to have greivances redrest as love to the word because as he thinkes it imports matter displeasing to the people who yet are now satisfied that those which abused them by the frequent vse of the word greivances never intended the remedy but by multiplying complaints sought to leade them into discontents against the Government whereby they might become Captive to ambitious vsurpers That which he sayeth is the true end of Parliaments to reforme greivances justly condemnes those he now calls a Parliament who he well knowes sitt to no other end but to encrease greivances and in eight yeares time never redressed one Though Kings take notice of greivances in Parliament and take order to redresse them yet that cannot be called the true end of calling Parliaments for there are often occasions of calling Parliaments in respect of publique safetie against Enemies and conspiratours addition alteration of lawes publique supplyes the redresse of greivances is accidentall to the Parliament and the pretence of greivances hath proved the greatest greivance that ever the people suffered and his scurrilous objection of greedy hope to his
had caused distempers might returne to a right minde seeing his temper and their little reason to desire such Parliaments as make it their whole worke to divide the peoples affections from the King and follow the Councells of such as are malecontents for want of preferment and if men had been quallified to his Majest will Parliaments would have had happier successe and the people pleased with their agreement that now groane vnder the miseries of their division But whence his insatiate povertie in the middest of his excessive wealth should constraine him is not vnderstood wants and wealth are inconsistent This libeller hath greate povertie of sense in the middest of his excessive expressions He goes an ill way to prove that the King was so vninclined to Parliaments and that povertie compelled him if he had wealth certainly that would have kept him from hazarding a course so disliked He shal be rich and poore that some may contemne his povertie others may grudge his wealth The King hoped by his Freedome and their moderation to prevent misvnderstandings To this sayes Iconoclastes wherefore not by their Freedome and his moderation The Champion cannot fuffer a King to passe without signifying to him that there is no difference betweene King and subject The King had resolved to vse Freedome in his concessions and hoped they would vse moderation in their demaunds This man would have him say that they should vse Freedome in their demaunds he would vse moderation in his concessions hath he not made it a proper speech Will his wise and well principled men thinke him a fit Champion to breake Bell the Dragon But he gives a reason why the King would speake sense for he thought sayes he Freedome to high a word for them and moderation to◅ meane for himselfe and he concludes this was not the way to prevent misvnderstanding It s sure this man tooke the way to make misvnderstandings that would have Freedome applyed to the people what ever the subject be that is spoken of and its like he would be well pleased that they had Freedome from law prosperitie loyaltie and obedience which might be as well spoken as the sense he hath framed to prevent mis-vnderstandings He sayes the King still feared passion and prejudice in other men not in himselfe and doubted not by the weight of his owne reason to counterpoise any faction it being so easie for him and so frequent to call his obstinacie reason and other mens reason faction He had greate reason to feare passion and prejudice in others which he had so often tryed and which they that then feared not have since found true and the concessions the King purposed and performed might make him confident to counterpoyse any faction but the libeller will have it beleived that he which graunted more then any of his Predecessours was obstinate and they that demaunded what former Parliaments thought vnreasonable and impious had reason But the King was deceived that had to doe with Monsters not reasonable men We in the meane while must beleive that wisedome and all reason came to him by Title with his Crowne Passion prejudice and faction to others by being subjects Kings have advantages above others for wisedome and reason they are assisted with diverse Councells and in publique affaires reason must be presumed in Kings and faction feared in subjects nature being averse to submit and interests and partialities incident to all greate Assemblyes and the detraction from the wisedome of Rulers in the Rebells foundation and a sure signe of corrupt intentions He was sorry to heare with what popular heate elections were carryed in many places To these words of the Kings he sayes sorry rather that Court letter and intimations prevailed no more to divert or to deterre the people from their free election of those men whome they thought best affected to Religion their Countryes libertie both at that time in danger to be lost They were in danger to be lost by a Trayterous conspiracie with an invading enemy but no other danger imaginable to any There was never lesse cause to complaine of Court letters and intimations nor ever greater mistakes of persons chosen the Countryes affections to Religion and libertie making way for the insinuations of Hypocriticall seducers and had the Countryes knowne the dispositions of the men they chose as their Actions have since discovered they would not have trusted them with their Religion and libertie which they have betrayed This Image breaker declaimes against the violence levitie of the people and heere calumniates his Majest for observing the popular heate whereby elections were carryed in some places it being a most knowne truth that popular heate is as frequent vpon such occasions as any other witnes the long annimosities between families and the greate contentions that arise from such Elections Among the many clamours in the late Parliament where malice was as busie as this Author is now to finde out Court letters to divert or deterre the people from free Elections there was not one instance produced of such letters or intimations How wickedly industrious many were to blow abroade jealosie suspition of the danger of Religion libertie how causelessely the people in many places were drawne into passion by vaine surmises is too well knowne and it is too late for the Image breaker to seeke to reduce the people into those misopinions which they have detected by too deare bought experience for they well see that there was no way so certaine to endanger Religion and libertie as that they were seduced into vpon pretence to preserve them And such men they were as by the Kingdome were sent to advise him not sent to be Cavilled at because elected or to be entertained by him with an vndervalue and misprision of their temper judgment or affection Though such as were elected were not sent by the Kingdome but by the respective places one not intermedling with another yet if Iconoclastes had not been more forward to expresse his impotencie then warry in producing reason he would not have spokē of being Cavilled at whereof he had not montioned the least colour and if he hold the persons of men elected so sacred the King faultie for not esteeming them as he ought what is the reason that he defends the Tumults that reproacht and assaulted them◅ What is the reason he professes so much honour to those Masters that plucked them out of the house kicked them into prisons Kings send for their subjects to advise with them and Iconoclastes might finde by the Elections of members of the lower house that they were sent to doe consent to such things as should be ordained with the common Councell of the Kingdome and therefore mistakes their directions that sayes they were sent to advise him with what childish levitie doth he insult on his soveraigne for vndervaluing of the temper judgment or affection of persons chosen as if their Elections refined their natures
when the King never spake of it He aggravates this fact by the person of the grave Bishopp who had been a Prelaticall leiturgist had it not been to paint a slander The laughter which he conceives is caused by the thought of this that he which acted so Tragically should have such a ridiculous exit might rather strike horrour in the libeller for his malitious opposition to truth that will so contrary to his owne knowledge charge him to act tragically that had governed so mildly and to have a ridiculons exit that left the world with so greate pietie and such vniversall greife of the people for his sufferings but desperate wretches laugh at the wickednes they act His Majest friends have had good experience that his Enemies who have spared no paines to traduce him would not forbeare any occasion of detraction His Majest enduring afflictions with admired patience his suffering death with Christian fortitude his vertuous life holy Martyrdome cannot be blasted by an Atheists scorne nor a Rebells malice His conclusion in the begging of the question that it is cleere the King was not induced but constrained to call the last Parliament which by his owne shewing is apparently false for if there had been such a constraint the Lords in vaine petitioned and all the necessities that he hath supposed may concurr with the Kings inclination to call a Parliament and if necessitie had constrained him to call a Parliament what should hinder but he might avouch in the eares of God that he did it with an vpright intention to his glory and his peoples good If necessitie of his peoples preservation or welfare cause him to call a Parliament may he not vse these words Whence would the Image breaker have it a cause of trembling more then any thing spoken in the presence of God The permitting mans wickednes is no approbation of it nor a token of his hatred to those that are afflicted by it There are some whome God hath given over to delusion and of that the libeller appeares to have a greate measure who not only beleives lies but is the Author of them making the names of Religion and conscience and the feare of God baites to dec◅ive and venom to reproach Vpon the EARLE of STRAFFORDS DEATH THis chapter he sayes is a penitent confession of the King and the strangest if it be well weigbed that ever was auricular for he repents heere of giving his consent though most vnwillingly to the most seasonable and solemne peice of Iustice that had been done of many yeares in the land But his sole conscience thought the contrary Impieties that were strange heeretofore are common with this libeller and it is vnheard of that repentance of an act conceiveded sinfull by the athour was reproached by any before this Atheist he never weighed neither repentance nor confession if he had he would never have thought it strange that his Majest should confesse that he sinned in following a multitude to doe evill and if the murther of the Earle of strafford had been Justice is it strange that such as had acted in it without sufficient satisfaction to their conscienc should confesse their sin in concurring to such an Action Was it not an injustice that was done vnwillingly and ought it not to be repented of If his Majest sole conscience thought the contrary was it not sin in him to consent to the fact and is it without experience that a single man in an Assembly hath judged the right and the rest proceeded in the wrong but he applies himselfe to readers whose affections and capacities are proportioned to his expressions and therefore his Majest confession is the strangest that ever was auricular He would have them beleive that his Majest discourse in this Chapter was popish auricular confession els his Jnigly of auricular had no congruitie with a written confession For the merit of that which he calls solemne piece of Justice no age had produced such a solemne and formall peice of villany which is by so much more odious as it had the figures of law and Justice And thus was the welfare the safetie and within a litle the vnannimous demaund of three populous nations to have attended still on the Singularitie of one mans opinionated conscience if men had allwayes been so tame and spiritles and had not vnexpectedly found the grace to vnderstand that if his conscience were so narrow and peculiar to it selfe it was not fit his authoritie should be so ample and vinversall over others for certainly a private conscience sortes not with a publique calling The welfare and safetie of these three populous Kingdomes had been probably preserved if they had attended on his Maj conscience and what hath been the consequence of that spirit and grace which he sayes they found and was indeede the infusion of impious inclinations into many by the spirit of errour disobedience but the most desperate languishing miserie danger that ever lay vpon the Kingdome And these graceles miscreants sport at the nam af grace prophane the profession of it He would be vnderstood a litle modest in adding with in a litle to vnannimous but being weighed his impudence wil appeare litle lesse in this then former passages If the three Kingdomes be considered in comparison to that small number that vnderstood the case of the Earle of Strafford it was a very litle part of the Kingdomes that made the demaund he mentions if he would advantage his cause by the cryes of those that were stirred vp by the Seditious Seducers to cry Justice their giddy wilfullnes aswel as ignorance lewdenes wil add litle to the weight though it encreas the number of these demaunders But this man thinkes conscience vnfitt for a King therefore would not have so narrow a conscience have so large an authority for he sayes a private conscience sorts not with a publique calling declares that person rather meant by nature for a private fortune The must profest Atheists loose debauches never avowed a greater scorne of Christianitie neither is there an Author extant that hath adventured so farr vpon the reasons of men as to complaine vpon a King for Tyrany and errours in Religion with the same breath charging him with vnfitnes to be a King for want of a wide conscience These mē are true to their principles to make vehement professions of Religion though they hate it and in the middest of their prophane fasts presumptuous thankes giving they jeere at al Religion conscience professe to the world that a publique conscience ought not to be narrow nor sticke at any thing as their conscience is so is their practice they that made no conscienc of their loyalty mak no conscienc of exercising their power He whose conscience thinkes it sin to putt to death a Capitall offender will as oft thinke it meritorious to kill a righteous person If his Majest had thought the Earle of Strafford
law and Government for have not his Masters changed the stile of proceedings against offenders which the law formerly vsed in regard of their change of Government and devised one according to their new modell It s possible they that devised that clause in the Act did not expect it would be retorted vpon them they were blinded with their fury and precipitation But the Image breaker might have observed that a greater evidence of their injustice could not have been provided He that is so shamelesse to insinuate the Kings instigation to that clause in the Act for the death of the Earle Strafford which were a madnes in any man to suppose may aswell pretend it for his death The six members must stand condemned if he acquit them for the contrary of what he affirmes is constantly true And it were folly to aske him why he should conclude the six members guiltles that never were tryed when they were accused of such facts as he himselfe sayes were Treason in others for he will certainly say it though he thinke it not He concludes against the Kings conscience in saying that he bare that touch of conscience with greater regret then any other in regard of the proditory aide he supposes sent to Rochell and Religion abroade and a Prodigalitie of shedding blood at home as he phrases it There cannot be a greater evidence of the Kings innocence and the Rebels lewdenes then their absurd accusations of him who after their barbarous reproaches and crueltie make his greatest Cryme the resistance of their Rebellion and the misfortune of an expedition in favour of Rochell and Religion No man is so senseles to beleive that Rochell could have defended it selfe without other aide then their owne if the King had not intended their releife he needed not have vndertaken such chrageable and dangerous expeditions whence can any reasonable man collect that the Kings assistance to them could beproditory when they were not their by hindred to vse their vtmost endeavours besides the English succours and heereby wee may see how miserably the people of England have been misled by hipocriticall Traytours who while they made profession of conscience and Religion acted the greatest villanies against Religion and conscience that the worst of Atheists ever attempted and shame not at such assertions of falshood as common States blush to be detected of The reason he sayes is worth the notinge why the King would have notice taken of so much tendernes which is he hoped it would be some evidence before God and man to all posteritie that he was farr from bearing that vast loade and guilt of blood laid vpon him by others which hath he sayes the likenes of a subtill dissimulation When the Prophet David humbled himselfe and put on sackcloth even that was turned to his reproach and his Majest teares and afflictions of soule are no lesse reproached by theis vipers then the greatest sins that could be repented of Cursed shimi will call David a man of blood and his repentance for the murther of one man with bitternes of soule shal be counted a dissimulation rather then the wretch will allow it any evidence that he was innocent of that blood he would lay to his charge This was not the first time his Majest charged himselfe with that innocent blood the Rebells published his Cabinet wherein they found it and he might well hope that God would cleere his innocence as the light and his righteousnes as the noone day Prayers may be made for mercy to a mans name and a penitent may piously hope God will make his repentance evident to men and his sorrowes for one sin an evidence he was not guiltie of many of the same Kinde His Majest hopes not that his expressions heere wil be evidence but that his regretts which were Knowne not only to God but men could be evidence how farr he was from the guilt of what his Enemies charged him with and to declare a hope of the benifit of repentance is no more like a dissimulation then repentance is like a justification If his Majest had shed the blood of thousands whome he counted Rebells as this Author mentions he could not suffer regretts of conscience though he had a sorrow of heart his vnderstanding being satisfied of the Justice and necessitie of the fact But those horrid Traytours that imbrewed themselves in the blood of that innocent King were hardned against the sparing of multitudes and would secure their consciences by reproaching his Majest repentance and transferring the blood of warr vpon him which their Rebellion and crueltie had spilt This libeller in this very page within few lines told vs that strafford was by him put to death vnwillingly and presently concludes thus by dipping voluntarily the tipp of his finger in the blood of strafford whereof all men cleere him he thinkes to escape that sea of blood wherein his owne guilt hath plunged him And may not a mans owne conscience strike him for that which all men cleere him of but that himselfe hath related to be otherwise in this case where so many concurred in Judgment against the death of the Earle of Strafford and when so many have made confession of their owne vnhappines in the consent to that Action and so few at present that doe not abhorre it and thinke it a greate cause of Gods displeasure against the nation it is farr from truth that all men cleere him The Libeller holds a single murther but dipping the tip of the finger in blood gives just cause to conclude that his conscience is not toucht with shedding aâ—…ea of blood Al men must confesse it a cause of greater regret to have his hand in the blood of one man against the perswasion of his conscience then erroneously to enter into a warr where many are distroyed vpon the opinion of Justice but the knowne Justice of his Majest cause layes the blood of this warr at the Rebells doores whose malice and Treason not ignorance or errour drew vpon them the guilt of that blood of Strafford those thousands which the warr hath devoured If the King had never published his repentance for the blood of Strafford all knowing men would have judged he had cause to doe it and if he had never gone about to purge himselfe of that blood which the warr had shed all men would have cleered him of it Vpon his going to the HOUSE OF COMMONS COncerning his vnexcusable and hostile march from the Court to the house of Commons there needs not much be said There neede litle to be said for his Majest defence in going to the house of Commons who had so high a provocation to make an hostile March and tooke the way of so milde and peaceable a comming to it but this Authors impudence in calling it vnexcusable after the many violences and hostile Marches of his Masters vnto that house and their taking out and driving away the members will never be excused How shameles
of subjects in Parliament to commaund al things But this man is of Achitophells minde that if his Councell be not followed he will goe home hang himselse Advice from subjects to a King is ordained by law but the subjection of a King to advise is monstrous and vnsupposable The Authors repetitions of rayling Epithites vpon what concernes the King or his Actions commendation of the wicked Actions against him will not alter the nature of one or other and his vehement asseveration that the law and Coronall oath require the Kings vndeniable assent to what lawes the Parliament agree vpon is not out of opinion of truth but the strength of his language himselfe shewing the contrary aswell as the Parliament The King sayes he had rather weare a Crowne of thornes with our saviour then to exchange that of gold for one of lead whose imbast flexiblenes shal be forced to binde and comply to the various oft contrary Dictates of any faction when insteede of reason publique concernement they obtrude nothing but what makes for the interest of parties and flowes from the partialitie of private â—…ills passions The libeller sayes many would be all one with our saviour whome he will not know They who governe ill those Kingdomes which they have right to have to our saviours Crowne of thornes noe right at all Such as are Rebells to lawfull Princes vsurpe Kingdomes will never weare a Crowne of thornes with their saviour nor can hope to be knowne by him while they sucke the blood of his anointed and Tyranize over kingdomes soe wickedly gotten That Crowne of thornes which this libellers savage souldiers and others set vpon the last king is now his Crowne of rejoycing in heaven honour among men the infamy of these hellish miscreants The libeller twists thornes and snares for himselfe by his shameles Calumnies seeking to make the assassination of a gracious king his owne demeritts A Crowne of gold is not due to him who cannot first weare a Crowne of lead not only for the weight of that greate office but for the compliance with them who are to Councell him A leaden Crowne may well expresse stupiditie and basenes and the Crowne of gold better agrees with sound Councell which is compared to apples of gold in pictures of silver then lead which shewes only that imbast flexiblenes to the various and oft contrary Dictates of any faction and is only a weight of punishment not of office which the gold represents but Traytours cannot endure a Crowne of gold vpon the head of their king they will only allow him a Crowne of thornes or lead The libeller taxes the king for want of modestie in imputing want of reason and neglect of the publique rather to the faction then to himselfe because the faction was the Parliament And he must be a man voyde of all modestie that doth not judge such Actions as the king complayned of to proceede from want of reason neglect of the publique interest of parties partialities of private will and passion The sectaries were wont to deprecate all accusations of irreverence to their King and complaine that they were wronged but the question is now changed contempt of the King is their greate vertue The libeller throughout this whole discourse rejects the consideration of the Kings conscience heereto these words of the Kings I know noe resolutions more worthy a Christian King then to preferre his conscience before his Kingdomes sayes the sentence is faire in seeming but fallacious for the conscience may be ill edifred And because it may be soe is it fallacious that conscience must be preferred before Kingdomes These hipocrites that pretend to Rebell for their conscience accuse the king for refusing to passe a law in regard of the contrary perswasion of his conscience and it must be an ill edified conscience in him to forbeare an act a rightly informed conscience in them that commit an act so bloody scandalous to the whole world so dangerous to the soules of many that were drawne headlong into that sin the Kings conscience cannot be preserved without his negative voyce and therefore he might justly assert it to be his right by law when the libeller can perswade men that Parliaments are infallible and free from faction that Rebells are best judges of what is for the Kingdomes good he may hope to be beleived that the king denyed that which law his oath and office bid him graunt And all men see that vnder the name of the advice of Parliament Rebels have introduced their owne wils for lawes Vpon the QUEENES DEPARTURE WHat concernes it vs heere to heare a husband divulge his houshold privacies extolling to others the vertues of his wife an infirmitie not seldome incident to those who have least cause Just Testimony to vertue is never an infirmitie but necessary from the husband where conjugall affection hath derived the hatred of his Enemies to his wife If the divulging of houshold privacies concerned him not it is his lewdenes to take occasions of derision base language from it Treasons to the minde are as pestilence to the body that turnes all diseases into its owne malignant humour for this Libeller cannot forbeare despite to the King for speaking that which he saith doth not concerne others nor to the Queene for being named How good a wife shee was to himselfe how bad a subject is not much disputed And to whome was shee a subject to the Rebells Those that acknowledge themselves subjects to the King wil have the Queene esteemed a bad subject for her Zeale to his State and safetie these evill spiritts that possesse the Rebells perswade men that it is a fault to be bad subjects and yet will allow none to be subjects but the King his wife and children It neede be made noe wonder though shee left a Protestant Kingdome with as liâ—…le honour as her mother left a Popish This mention of her mother shewer the extension of a Trayterous malice that spares noe relations nor conditions though vnconcerned Those that compelled the Queenes departure did more contribute to the dishonour of a Protestant Kingdome the Protestant Religion whereof they take the name without the truth then the greatest Enemy to the Protestant Religion could have effected what the case of her mother was wee enquire not but the world sees that theis injuries to her Majest exceeded example Rebells injustice fixes noe dishonour but on themselves The king sayes this is the first example of any Protestant subjects that have taken vp Armes against their King a Protestant The Libeller sayes it can be to Protestants noe dishonour when it shal be heard that he first leavied warr on them and to the interest of Papists more then of Protestants But then it is dishonour if he first leavied not warr vpon them And all that reade his booke must conclude that they first leavyed warr vpon him what els doth
Authors descant vpon the Kings words of the incommunicable Iewell of his conscience discovers how he hath exposed his owne to the flatterie and slaverie of his Masters and had he thoughts of conscience he would not have valued it at the basest price The breeding of Most kings hath ever been sensuall and most humoured He speakes it of his owne sense and inclination to such base offices Kings have greatest cause to avoyde such breeding and persons of such condition The kings dissent from his whole kingdome is a supposition of that which never was and were impossible ever to happen but should it happen they that are governed must submitt to the governour and that by all the Rules of divine and humane law The Libeller saying the king preferrs his love of truth before the love of his people the Kings words are the love I have of my peoples place hath greate influence vpon me but the love of truth and inward peace hath more And who thinkes not that it ought to have soe For his search of truth he had gone amisse if he had rested on those propounders which the Libeller prescribes him And that vnaccountable Prerogative which the Libeller sayes is the truth he loves would have been judged a truth by the Libeller if he had reteined either feare of God or love to his Countrey It is our ill hap that three kingdomes should be pestred with one conscience which scrupled to graunt what the Parliament advised him But it was the miserie of the three kingdomes that a faction of depraved men that had cast away conscience should oversway the Parliament and demaund graunts for their owne ambition against the kingdome These scruples to many he sayes seeme pretended to others vpon as good grounds may seeme reall And to this it seemes the Libeller inclines for noe reason wil permitt that he should suffer soe much vpon a pretence of conscience It was the just judgment of God that he who was soe cruell and remorseles to other mens consciences should have a conscience soe cruell to himselfe And were not they that were soe cruell to his conscience condemned by their owne being heerein the instruments of hell to afflict the consciences of others but these miscreants can sport themselves with their owne siâ—…s and others sufferings Hath he made asmuch as a pretence of the Kings crueltie to any mans innocencie The Libeller recites that the King said he thought fit to deny some things in honour Policie though he could approve them which is not at al said by the King but that some things which a King might approve yet in honour Policie might be denyed at some time to some men And who doubts it can there be a want of such considerations in a King Good Princes thought it their happines to be allwayes graunting How could that be if it be true which he sayes they had nothing to graunt But good subjects never demaunded that which should make their King vnable to graunt any more He remembers himselfe now that good things were to be graunted for the things sake indifferent things for the peoples sake and he hath made it his continued Theame that the King could graunt nothing in favour but all was necessary in Justice and it is apparent that the kings large concessions invited these ingratefull Rebells to make those shameles demaunds which themselves knew noe king in honour Policie and Justice could graunt Vndoubtedly his Coronation oath bindes him to a generall and implicite consent to whatever the Parliament desired And then vndoubtedly the king must be in worse condition then any subject for noe man but he is bound to such a blinde obedience and it is a strange blindenes in this man to offer such a thing to be beleived which himselfe holds incredible for he sayes the Kings oath cannot binde him against necessary reformation And can it then binde him to make wicked lawes which must be reformed Is the Parliament infallible may they not make ill lawes What is the reason that the Libeller and his Sectaries would not give obedience to Acts of Parliament vpon pretence of conscience ought the king to consent to such lawes as the subjects ought not to obey The King ought not to vie wisedome with the Parliament and why then doe the Libeller and his Sectaries vie wisedome with all former Parliaments Any of the Parliament may as farr excell him in the guift of wisedome as he them in place and dignitie But it s very vnlike and neere to impossible especially if we looke to the experience of all times and it is often found that a King is wiser then all his Councell And though the libeller say sure it was not he meaning the King as wise men as any of his Councell or Parliament thought it was he never good subjects contended with their King for that comparison The king sayes that that were as if Sampson should have consented to put out his eyes that the Philistins might with more safetie mocke and abuse him And this sayes the Libeller out of an vnwise or pretended feare of scorne for yeilding to his Parliament he gives cause of suspition that he made a scorne of his Regall oath Could any man suspect that his Regall oath bound him to such a dispicable slavery that a king should be in greater bondage to his Parliament then any vassall to a Lord a king might justly scorne such an oath that would make him scorned by all when he had taken it but the Libeller had noe better answeare and therefore retreates to his Common refuge of insignificant repetition The King sayes to exclude him from all power of denyall seemes an arrogance The Libeller adds in the Parliament he meanes and askes what in him then to deny against the Parliament It is no arrogance to deny in him that is asked but arrogance in him that askes to receive noe denyall The king sayes its least of all becomminge those that make their addresses in a humble and loyall way of petitioning who by that confesse their inferioritie which oblidgeth them to rest if not satisfied yet quieted with such an answeare as the will and reason of the superiour thinkes fitt to give To this the Libeller sayes petitioning in better English is noe more then requesting or requiring And is it not good English to call our prayers pititions and is it better English to say wee require when we pray and is requesting and requiring the same in good English Is the petitioning of his new Masters requesting or requiring Men require not favours only but their due and that not only from superiours but equalls and inferiours It s the first time that such requiring of favours was heard of and a sorry inference that because men require of â—…qualls they may of superiours and that there is noe difference betweene superioritie of Government and superioritie in fortune or Title It was called petitio consulatus when the noblest Romans went about and
Libeller to call to his aide the petitions and addresses composed by the faction in Parliament when himselfe accuses them for want of wisedome and integritie and whoever reades these addresses will easily finde not only cause to suspect the truth of what they say but plaine proofe of fals hood and hipocrisie That the whole Parliament conspired against the King he never said and the author well knowes that it was a potent faction only to whome the King imputes this injurie though their being elected to that place is no exemption from a possibilitie of errour Cryme and we have seene it beyound doubt that this faction conspired to blow vp the peoples affâ—…ions towards him and batter downe their loyaltie by the Engnies of fowle aspersions and have acted what the powder plot intended The King offers not to purge himselfe by any other Arguments then such whose proofe is visible to all the world and the silliest people see how they were cheated by factious Artists The Kings Arguments are not only demonstrable to the best but obvious to common vnderstandings and it cannot be expected that such as are resolute in wicked courses will aske forgivenes or have it The world knowes the King when he wrote this expected the Rebells crueltie but feared it not and there was not cause to vse insinuations which were not to be divulged till his death Tyrants and vsurpers are forced to flatter but it s a wicked slander to charge him with flatterie that is feareles of crueltie This Libeller prophanely descants on Scripture as he doth apparently vpon the Kings misfortunes for â—…pon the Kings saying that he could willingly be the â—…nah for restoring his peoples 〈◊〉 if he did not foresee that by the diâ—…erests of their and his Enemies as by contrary windes the storme of thâ—…ir miseries would rather be encreased then allayed The Libeller sayes these windes were neâ—…heard heard of in the compasse And it s very likely never regarded by those who never guided themselves by other compasse then sea robbers that make prey only their compasse But were not these divided mindâ—… heard of when he spake of Arch presbitery and other subdivisions And these windes he sayes were pretended to be foreseene 〈◊〉 he should be taken at his 〈◊〉 The King foresaw their intended murther and though he feared it not his word never was to be taken to make himselfe accessory to his Enemies impietie But that controversie he sayes divine lot hath ended Suffering and Martirdome hath been the lot of the righteous but Gods controversie with their persecutors is not thereby ended and the Libeller râ—…kons too soone the end of his controversie that entitles God with such Actions The Kings knowledge is sufficiently evident and he hath distinguished the venerable gray hâ—…ires of ancient Religion from the old scurfe of superstition and the vertigo of novell prophanes And the whole some heate of his well governing shewes his judgment in state Phisike and while Emperickes and horse leaches tooke vpon them to amend the body they turned the equall temper of it into the feaverous rage of Tâ—…ing There neede noe oracle to tell who heated the furnace of this obloquy it is sufficiently confessed and they that endured Nobuchadnezars furnace might have warned this Libeller to have abstained from that allusion for if the oracle of truth God himselfe commaunded the Jewes to be subject to Nebuchadnezar notwithstanding his golden Image and madnes The libeller might see his litle witt ill applyed in making the question who deserved to be throwne in Nebuchadnezar or his three Kingdomes And this high conceite of his deserves the fieric furnace that would perswade three Kingdomes they might cast in their King If his greate seale were not sufficient without the Parliament to create Lords his parole must be vnable to create learned and Religious men Surely this man doth not see what he sayes for it is a confessed truth that the kings greate seale without Parliament was sufficient to create Lords and though his judgment could not create men yet by the choise he made men are satisfied he descerned them better then they that would vndertake to point them out The opposition proceeded from heads farr wiser and spiritts of a nobler straine then â—…pular preachers And are not their buffe and sword preachers popular preachers And are those wiser heads and nobler spiritts the Creatours of preachers And hath the tub overturned the pulpitt The Priest led herodians with their blinde guides are in the ditch already These are the constant Testimonies of the Libelleâ—… reverence to Scripture and things sacred what 's become now of the advice of the Parliament and three Kingdomes He was very much â—…verseene that would have divided interests such vnknowne windes and heere blowes away his brother Presbiterian for a Priest-led herodian and blinde guide travelling as he thought to sion but moor'd in the Isle of weight And we see that these who began first with the Bishopps will at last have noe Presbiters at all but pretend with the Rebells against Moses that all the congregation is holy and will sayle by the winde of their owne braines without Card or Compasse Factions are not only like Mathematicall Lines allwayes divisible but perpetually dividing The Kingdome of England cannot acknowledge the wisedome of those heads from whome the designe of destroying King and Kingdome proceeded men willfull for mischeife are farr from wise heads nor is insolence or inhumanitie a Testimony of noble spirits Popular preachers now see they were deceived in their owne judgments and abilities to governe aswell as of the goodnes of the lawes they were governed by and the persons to whome they owed subjection and that their planting of disaffection to the Church of England in the people could not attract reverence to them but an attendance vpon vsurpers who made vse of such preaching to improve the peoples disobedience to their lawfull Rulers and they may now see that aversion to the Church is a false measure of sinceritie and that their followers after the shaking of their lawfull governours call them by whose ill principles they were misledd blinde guides and while this Libeller would seeme to be a Christian he not only seekes to make the name a reproach but the miseries thereof a scorne whence comes his allusion of Priest-led herodians but from the passage touching the place of our saviours nativitie enquired of the Priests by herod travelling to sion is not the subjects of common pasquils The Kings letter to the Pope imports nothing to his purpose and all men now see that Religion is not at all in their thoughts and that these repetitions are vulgar scare crowes The innovations alledged by professed schismatickes that innovate at vnquestionably demonstrate their owne confutation His vsing the assistance of some Papists in setling protestantisme was vnseemely and suspicious But the vse of them against such as would vnsetle the Civill Government and destroy the King vnder pretence of
referred to another farr fetcht cause soe many yeares before But the Cittie that raysed Tumults for the Parliament many yeares before is now punisht for Tumults for that same pretended Parliament by that Army raysed out of them and is it not evident heere that the first inventers of mischeife are scourged with the whipps themselves had prepared for others The fact of Manlius defending the Capitoll against the Gaules and afterward throwne headlong from the Capitoll for sedition might restraine the Libellers wicked application of their murdering the King at the gate of whitehall to the merit of his actions done there but the Cittie suffred by an Action which they had done for them who now punish them for it and they that did a wickednes with applause are punisht for it by those that applauded it the Actions of Manlius were opposite one to another heere the same It was a mercy they had a victorious Army soe neere to fly to But it was a judgment that Tumults which they had vsed to drive away the King should drive away them and the Libellers Logickes serves him to as litle purpose as his historie He would have that the latter were reall Tumults the first but pretended and why will he beleive the Parliament for the first and not for the latter And why doth he call them those few of both houses that withdrew from the first tumults and those many from the latter when it is most apparent that they which withdrew at first were three times the number of them that forsoake at last It is not the place but the end and cause that makes a Parliament And then all they that say they have a good cause and a good end are a Parliament and what neede is there then of a writ or Elections And Tumults are as good as Parliaments and the end and the cause make them Tumults and noe Tumults Parliament and noe Parliament and an Assembly at the beare garden is as good as the house of Commons he hath found the event to salve all for they returned soone to their places that fled from these latter Tumults and that is the finall decision of all controversie The King brings in an inconvenient and obnoxious Comparision of vengeance as the Mice and Ratts overtooke a german Bishopp And the inconvenience is that the Libeller will from the name of Bishopp wish the same evill to all Bishopps that befell that evill Bishopp Is the comparision obnoxious because he is impertinent in following his owne ◅haddow and cursing those that are innocent Is it obnoxious that the King supporting the order of Bishopps should produce the Example of an evill Bishopp followed by divine vengeance Is not the Libellers mentioning the seditious tongues of his false preachers more obnoxious then the naming of the German Bishopp And is it not as easy to wish the Ratts and mice had pursued theis false and seditious preachers till they had driven them out of the land as the Bishopps Sorrow and pittie in an overmastred Enemy are looked vpon as the ashes of his revenge burnt out vpon it selfe An over mastred Enemy may be more then Conquerour and may have cause and affection to pittie the victor and they most neede pittie that least feele the want The Triump◅s of Rebells are vnnaturall Prodigies and the dances of devills The pittie of innocent Martirs which they expressed for proud persecutours was lookt on as the Kings by these villaines and the wicked Jewes despised our saviours bidding them not weepe for him but for themselves and for their Children Although the Libeller soe lately justified chastning of the Parliament yet he will have it an injury in the King to perswade men against the Parliament and soe he ties the end and the cause to what he pleases and as long as he can bring noe better evidence then the successe of vsurpation he washes not of any guilt from himselfe nor his rowte The just prayses of an Enemy are esteemed honourable knowne truths cannot proceede from Craft being soe obvious to all and it were neerer to madnes then reason to suppose that there were not among those which acted against the king such as knew not what they did and had as greate ignorance as the Libeller impudence that censures the Charitie of a prayer for such persons Intitled to the PRINCE OF VVALES THe Libeller vndertakes to shew that although the King had been reinstalled to his desire or his sonne admitted should observe all his fathers precepts yet that would be soe farr from conducing to our happines that it would inevitably throw vs backe againe into all our past and fulfilled miseries There is noe doubt but Traytours will tell the people soe and that there is noe happines but vnder their vsurpation and though they engage them in endles warrs which the rebelling against just right must produce yet they perswade the people that the condition of warr and blood is more eligible then those blessings of peace the Kingdome enjoyed vnder all their Princes By our happines he intends doubtles his Rebell partie whose happines is to raigne and Tyranize over the people and that cannot continue with reinstalling the King But the people of England expect not any end of their miserie but by restoring the just rights of their lawfull King and they now descerne that the successe of a wicked cause was a judgment of God vpon the nation whose vnthankefullnes for their long prosperitie had justly provoked his wrath He goes on to his proofes that the king beares wittnes in his owne words that the corrupt education of his youth was not vntruly charged vpon him or his Sonne and that he gathers from these words of the Kings Court delights are prone either to roote vp all true vertue and honour or to be contented only with some leaves and withering formalities of them without any reall fruites tending to the publique good And is it a proofe that because Court delights are prone to produce such fruites therefore all that live in Princes Courts must necessarily have a corrupt education might not this Libeller have cleerely observed that his Majest was free from such a corrupt education that had soe cleere a sight of the ill consequences of Court delights Though there be these pleasures at the Court it is not the education of Princes whose youth is seasoned by instruction against the corruption of these baites There are dangers to mens manners from abundance and high places and thence the Libeller would inferr that there must neither be wealth nor power but in the hands of his Pharisaicall Sectaries who never complaine of such corruption The desperate hipocrisie of these traytours is laid opē by their owne words and Actions and the Libeller from the Kings caution to his Sonne by the example of Rehoboam frames an expression as if the King affirmed it to be his owne case with such faithlesse dealing he addresses himselfe to his heedeles readers and tells all that he sayes
a Title the constitution of that State being a Republique and their King noe other then a Consul of Rome or a Duke of venice The Decree in Rome is farr wide from the matter and what the Senate did against Nero was in vindication of their ancient power not acknowledging the Justice of his soveraigntie Though Theodosius decreed the law to be above the Emperour yet he decreed not any person to have power over the Emperour The law was above him in reguard it was his Rule but could not make any person or societie above him The law is the directive power to Kings but subject them not to any and it is a senseles deduction from the superioritie of the Rule to imagine an inferioritie of the Rulers to the people or a communitie in power by the Rule That Bracton or Cleta say the King is inferiour to the Court of Parliament is a manifest vntruth and Bracton sayes expressely the King hath not a superiour on earth to punish him and that only God is the avenger of his Actions soe farr were theis men from affirminge that he stands as liable to receive Iustice as the meanest of his subjects But this man thinkes that some of his Readers will believe that the name of an Author is sufficient Authoritie though he speake contrary to what he alleadges It is said in an ancient booke the King ought to be subject to the law by his oath Though the King be bound to performe the law by his oath is there any to judge him when all are his subjects and derive their power from him or is he subject to any person And who can judge another that is not subject to him Because Kings bound themselves to doe Justice therefore did they give other men power over them That the king permitted questions of his right to ordinary Iudicature is an vse of Counsell not subjection all Courts being his Counsells for decision of controversies but it s a sorry inference that Counsellours in his affaires should have power over his person As the Parliaments right is circumscribed by lawes in regarde of the subject soe it cannot be imagined absolute over the king By what the Libeller hath said he might well conclude that kings are oblidged to doe justice but that the people or particular persons may judge their king by any law divine or humane he hath not offred a colour soe barren is he in an Argument which he calls over copious Who should better vnderstand their owne lawes and when they are transgressed then they who are governed by them and whose consent at first made them Certenly he might very wel have answeared himselfe that they which governed by such lawes and whose consent at first made them better vnderstand them and when they are transgressed then they that are governed and it is a course very agreable to these mens confusion that the suiter should teach the judge The Libeller askes who have more right to take knowledge of things done within a free nation then they within themselves And surely they will not be free long from destroying one another where that 's the libertie for there wil be as many Transgressours and as many lawes as there are opinions He goes about to answeare the taking the oath of Alleagiance and supreamacy And to this his answeare is very ready that these oaths were to his person invested with his Authoritie and his Authoritie was by the people given him conditionally vnder law and oath And if his Authoritie had been conditionall their oaths could not be absolute as they are This guift and condition they imagine were engraven in Seths Pillars and they have been long enquiringe for a Cabballisticke Rabbyn to finde out the Characters How the kings hereditary succession is become a conditionall guift must have better evidence then Aphorismes of confusion never law contained either the guift or condition nor was there ever such impudence before theis Traytours that avowed because they swore faith to their kings person invested with his Authoritie they might take away his Authoritie and not breake their oath And it were a prophane oath aswell as vaine that should be voyde at the will of the taker The kings oath added nothing to his right being only an obligation of his conscience noe condition annexed to his right and if he never tooke the oath his subjects obedience is noe whit diminished and a king by inheritance needes not admittance the death of his predecessour puts him in possession this is the knowne law of England The Couquerour tooke on oath at his Crowninge and other times that made noe condition to his Government There is not only reason but absolute necessitie for the avoyding of confusion ruine of mankinde that the subject be bound to the king though the kinge faile in his dutie for the destruction of Government is more sinfull and inconvenient to humane societie then any evill that can come by a kings misgovernment He proceedes to answeare objections touchinge the Covenant wherein we shall not much insist but to detect the shifts of Malefactours to elude the evidence of truth They were accused by the King and his partie to pretend libertie and reformation but to have noe other end then to make themselves greate and to destroy his person and Authoritie for which reason sayes the Libeller they added the third Article to preserve the Kings person and Authoritie in defence of Religion priviledge of Parliament and liberties of the Kingdome And to shew with what ingenuitie he dealt in seeking to avoyde that just accusation the Libeller tells vs that they added that cause for a shew only and they intended not to preserve the Kings person further then it might consist with their opinions touchinge Reformation extirpatinge of Prelacy preservinge liberties of Parliament and Kingdome and in this very clause they called the world to be wittnes with their consciences of their loyaltie and yet made the preservation of their Kings person and Authoritie arbitrary by their owne opinions and while this Libeller would have their Rebellion a defensive warr he forbeares not to tell the world that they resolved the Kings destruction to attaine their ends The sixth Article gives asmuch preservation and defence to all that enter into the league as to him And it seemes more for they have dealt with none of them as with him and he sayes if the Covenant were made absolute without respect to these superiour things it was an vnlawfull vow and not to be kept It is agreed that vnlawfull vowes are not to be made nor kept but it is an vnlawfull vow to destroy the Kinge in order to his supposed ends yet they feare not to vow the destruction of any that oppose them though the honour and innocence of the persons were without the reach of lawes and they will exempt neither callings nor integritie from their lawles Injustice and that appeared by his glosse vpon the fourth Article of the Covenant to bring
Bishopps out of their Baronies or Cathedralls and his Trienniall Parliament which he soe much commends is repealed by his new Masters for the people must not looke for the execution of any such law And this Iron slaile the rashnes and crueltie of a disordered multitude hath thresht and broken the bones sinewes of the people and made them know the difference betweene a golden Scepter and an Iron flaile In revenge whereof he sayes he now soe bitterly inveighs against them And how can the libeller thinke it bitter when their Actions which he confesses exceede in impietie the greatest Crymes that ever were inveighed against And if we could wonder at any thing we might wonder at his mention of Schismaticall proposalls consented to by the King when he wel knowes noe one thing by him mentioned of Cathedralls or Ceremonies was consented to by the King noe lesse strange is it that the other particulars are by him recited as intended by the King to be the Sediâ—…ious proposalls though all of them are not free from that name when as there were soe many seditious and Trayterous proposalls besides these That these Tumults played the hastie midwives and would not stay the ripening but went streight to ripping vp and forcibly cut out abortive votes to this he opposes that the Parliament complained not and therefore those confluxes were not by them thought Tumultuous And were they not thought Tumultuous by such as they had expelled and driven away from the Parliament And did he but in his last words call them an Iron flaile and recount the wonders which they wrought and now would not allow them to be Tumults We may besure the seditious faction in Parliament stirred them vp and such as differed in judgment or affection from them were enforced eyther to be absent or silent But what good man had not rather want any thing the most desired for the publique good then attaine it by such vnlawfull and irreligious meanes which is sayes the libeller had not rather sit still and let his Contrey be Tyranized then like men demaund their rights and liberties And that is the people ought when they thinke fit to Rebell against their Governours and say their lawes are deceitefull and their Government Tyranicall This is the artificiallest peice of finenes to perswade men to be slaves that the Court could have invented Is it not Scripture that we may not doe evill that good may come of it And what other thing doth the King say or this libeller make the artificialest finenes of the Court Traytours perswade men that they demaund their right while they seeke only to oppresse the right of all men by a lawles vsurpation and noe man can doubt but such as Rebell will make pretences and not spare the lawes of God by prophane interpretations nor the Actions of their Rulers by false representations The morall of this lesson would better serve the teacher and it is the libellers sense What good man had not rather want a boundles and arbitrary power and those fine flowers of the Crowne called Prerogatives then for them to vse force and perpetuall vexation to his faithfull subjects nay to wade for them through blood and Civill warr And have not these Rebells waded through blood and Civill warr to place theise Prerogatives flowers of the Crowne vpon themselves and continue force and perpetuall vexation vpon the people of England to set vp a boundles arbitrary power The Kings just Prerogatives and flowers of his Crowne were of absolute necessitie for his peoples safetie they could be a vexation to noe faithfull subjects This libeller hath inherited Cains lurce a restles motion and discord within himselfe that heere talkes of faithfull subjects and by and by will allow none to be subjects nor faithfull but the King is their officer and noe oaths binde them to him The King sayes who were the chiefe Demagogues to send for those Tumults some alive are not ignorant he sayes the King cannot coine English as he could money t is beleived this wording was above his knowne stile and ortography and accuses the whole composure to be conscious of some other author And this learned observation vpon the word Demagogue deserves the Laurell Why is demagogue amore hob goblin word then Pedagogue And why should the one be above the kings knowne stile ortography more then the other And why may not the king make an English word current as well as another There are very many whose knowne stile and ortography is beneath the Kings that could have transcribed Demagogue out of many English Authors without offending against ortography If these Demagogues were men of reputation with the rabble it adds not to their reputation with knowing men nor lessens the guilt nor danger of those tumults but rather made them more mischeivous the baser sort of people have such most in reputation as are neerest to their owne condition being strangers to vertue and true worth The King sayes complaints were made yet noe redresse could be obtained To this he returnes the Parliaments complaint of danger and that it cheered them to see some flore of their friends and in the Roman not pettifogging sense their Clients soe neere about them Though he sometimes vse the names of Justice and Patriotts and love of Countrey yet he affects nothing more nor prayses any thing soe much as seditious contrivances and exploits and to defend the Tumults while he would deny there were any and the seditious Gracchy Catilnie and other conspiratours against the Roman Senate shal be commended for what were these Clients in the Roman sense but a powerfull number of such persons as were readie to fire the state at the commaund of their Patron The Senate never made vse of such Clients but the power of private men by them became the ruine of that state and he hath given himselfe a full answeare why the Parliament complained not of the Tumults when he boasts that they were cheered to see them The Parliament and people demaunded Iustice for those assaults if not murthers meaning those pretended brawles at the Court gate If any had demaunded Justice they might have had it for what should hinder the procedings of noe Court were shutt but by the Rebells And it is not Poeticall fury but Bedlam distraction to compare the hurts done in a fray ptrovoked by an vnruly rabble to the sheddinge of the blood of Nabaoth and the murther of the king to the revenge of Nabaoths blood Their choise of the place for that execrable Act before the kings Pallace gate is only an evidence of the pride and malice of their hearts and of their selfe condemning consciences that contrived Circumstances to disguise their crueltie with a counterfaite of Justice The king complaines that he found noe declarations of the Bishopps could take place against the Tumults To this he askes was that worth his considering that foolish and selfe vndoing declaration of twelue Cypher