revenge of the murther of his Cousins and servant John Auchinleck but that though vehement was not injust and therefore wee finde him never charged with it as injustice hee had against equitie executed the Lord Harries yet hee had done it legally and by forme and order of Law whereof the particulars not being perfectly knowne the judgement is difficult yet is it not for any thing wee see any way to bee excused The execution of the Tutor of Bombee was very good justice and irreproveable though it bred him most hatred and ill will at Court Other particulars are not mentioned Onely they say that hee bore with theeves to have their assistance An ill and unwise course and ever pernicious to the users of it for harming of such as they hate A farre worse and unworthy fact unfit for a generous minde to companion it selfe with them whom hee should punish and to participate of the guiltinesse hee should correct But how farre he went in this point is not certain at least is not specially set downe and as for the speeches of his enemies reproching them unto him in the hatefullest sort all must not bee taken for truth they say All agree that he was a man of great power great policy great performance and execution and greater expectation in whom the name of Douglas rose to the greatest toppe of height and with whom it began to fall which was afterward accomplished in his successour as shall bee said he was slain the 13. of February 1452. esteemed to have beene Fastings-Eve or Shrove-Tuesday after the Romane supputation or in the yeare 1451. as Major reckoneth it according to the account of Scotland He was Earle the space of nine yeares or thereabout but left no children behinde him Where he was buried or what was done with his body there is no mention made in History Me laetho ante diem Chrightonus Rexque dedere Ille necis causam praebuit iste manum By Crighton and my King too soon I die He gave the blow Crighton the plot did lay Of James the ninth and last Earle of Douglas the eighteenth Lord sixth Duke of Turraine and fourth James who died in Lindores WIlliam being thus slain by the instigation of these Courtiers his enemies to the end that the King as they would have it thought might be established in his Crowne by the making away of him whom they made the King to thinke so great an enemy to him It was so farre from producing that effect that by the contrary there was nothing nearer then that it should have been the very occasion of spoyling him thereof for the Earle Douglasses friends who before tooke Creighton and his faction onely for their enemies Now they take the King for their enemy They who before thought not that what they had suffered proceeded from the King or that it was his doing now they impute them to him They who before were onely male-contents and within the bounds of obedience and had a good opinion of the King now they become enemies with an ill opinion of him as a wicked man They who before contained themselves in civill termes now become openly rebellious whereas they had good hope and looked for reconcilement now cast off all hope thereof and matters becoming irreconcileable all love and regard all reverence their hearts being laden with the injury with the dishonesty with the horrour of it they burst forth into all outragious words and deeds things coming to that point that they could not bee ended but by the destruction of one of the parties Either they behoved to ruine the King or behoved to be ruined by him And here the hardest lot at the first was the Kings by all appearance the power of the other party being so great their minds so inflamed their anger so incensed against him neither the party onely but the people in generall detested the fact and the horriblenesse of it in such sort that hee was put by all his shifts and driven to such a point of despaire as to thinke of leaving the countrey and going by sea to France For though the Earle himselfe was dead yet had he left behinde him in the towne of Stirlin foure brethren that were come thither to accompany him The eldest of these James was provided to the estate three yeares before by the Kings consent upon the occasion of Earle Williams going to Rome in the yeare of Jubile to succeed to his brother after his decease He therefore with the rest of the Nobility who favoured them and their cause having heard the report of Earle Williams being stabbed in that manner being astonished with these sudden and unexpected newes first ranne and tooke armes with great haste and tumult but having contained themselves and commanding their companies to be quiet every man keeping within his owne lodging for that night upon the morrow they assembled together in counsell and according to the defuncts ordinance and the Kings consent obtained thereto before they acknowledged James lawfull heire and successour to his brother William Then he with many vehement and bitter words inveighing against the treasonable perjurie of the King and Courtiers exhorts them who were present to lay siege to the Castle Send sayes he for your friends and followers from all quarters and let us withdraw out of their lurking holes those men who are onely valiant in persidiousnesse while as yet they waver being uncertaine in their resolutions and tremble with the guiltinesse of so horrible a fact They who were present praised his pietie towards his dead brother and also his courage but because they were come in a peaceable manner and unprovided of things necessary for so great a worke they abstained from the siege which if they had as the Earle gave advice resolved upon and fallen to presently while the odiousnesse ef the fact was yet greene and fresh before the eyes of men the King and his partners being unprovided and unforeseene in any certaine course of their affaires as neither able to consult nor to meet for consultation the Castle being inclosed which being also as it is to be supposed not well victualled for a siege the King could hardly have escaped their hands Neither was the matter so difficult for them to have remained and sent for the rest of their freinds and any provision which they needed who might have come to them within five weekes as they did themselves returne in that time having given the King so mnch leasure to advise and prepare for them Neither could the King for all that he had that space and time finde any meanes sufficient to match them For having upon this their deliberation resolved upon the worst part and departed to their houses and taken full advice concerning all things they returned the five and twentieth day of March where all the way as they came along to Stirling James Hammiltoun dragged the Kings safe conduct which had beene given to Earle William having the broade
THE HISTORY OF THE HOUSES OF DOUGLAS AND ANGUS Written by Master DAVID HUME of GODSCROFT EDINBURGH Printed by EVAN TYLER Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie 1644. The Authour to the Reader I Know Reader that he who undertakes to write makes himself a mark of censure for men to level at For to please all men shall then only be possible when all men shal be of one minde til then we look for as many dislikings as there is diversities of opinions each man condemning what is not according to his own humour and palate Some will storm or scorn perhaps our writing as an un-necessary scribling and paper blurring others will quarrell at the subject that we should write a History others that such so composed and formal of a private family with such commendation Again some will accuse us of partiality and some will even question the truth of it Neither will there bee wanting such as will blame the forme and fashion of the work as too short or too long and many I doubt not will carp at the Stile the Phrase the Periods the Diction and Language In all these particulars to satisfie all men is more then we can hope for yet thus much shortly of each of them to such as will give eare to reason That I write and of this subject I am constrained to do it not by any violence or compulsion but by the force of duty as I take it for being desired to do it by those I would not refuse I thought my self bound to honour that name and in and by it our King Countrey And so I have done what I can should have been glad to have done more if it had lyen in my power As for the writing of a History I could never have dreamed that I should have needed to make Apologie for it neither did I ever hear it accounted prophane till I had done Then by chance I lighted on a certain Authour who excuseth himself for so doing and promiseth to doe so no more It may be neither shall I. Yet dare I not promise so much neither see I any reason why I should for if by profane they mean that History maketh men profane and leadeth to profanitie and atheisme then certainly we may justly say that it is nothing lesse For in it we see and behold as in a Glasse Gods Providence guiding and ruling the World and mens actions which arrive often to unexpected events and sometimes even to such ends as are quite contrary to the Actors intentions In History also we see men and our selves in them our vertues or vices which is the second point of wisdom this leads us also to God But if by profane they mean whatsoever is not Scripture and would have men to read and write nothing but what belongs unto it then must we condemne all humane learning knowledge all Arts and Sciences which are the blessings of God and in which Moses and Paul were trained up and well seen It is true there is no knowledge comparable to that of holy Scripture and we cannot be too conversant about it yet there is no kind of knowledge but is usefull may and ought to be esteemed and embraced Our last end should ever be to God and Christ but to speak alwayes of him directly is neither required nor possible As he is the end so the way to this end is by speaking of him or of things which may lead us to him yet is it not necessary at all times to speak of such things professedly as lead us that way He is our end in himself and for himself and happy were we if in him we could terminate all our desires Vertue leads to him and is to be embraced as such but to obtrude it at first for that consideration and on that respect it may be doubted whether or not that be alwayes the right Method and best way of proceeding The other may happen to prove more available with some which is to learne first to be enamoured to love honour then vertue for honour then vertue for it self then to account nothing vertue without God who not being to be found but in Christ must needs be sought for above all things Now History is as it were the A B C. of this Method and the beautifull Picture by looking on which our desire of honour is kindled and so of vertue which onely brings true honour with it Neither is it needfull to proclaim this intention to the world yea I know not whether to say thus much be not even too much It is enough to set the object before them and to furnish them matter for their thoughts to work upon as for the measure of praise wee give them if after thou hast read and weighed thou shalt think it too much all that I can say is that I think it but their due and speak as I think according to the scantling of my own judgment Touching partiality I deny it not but am content to acknowledge my interest Neither do I think that ever any man did set pen to paper without some particular relation of Kindred Countrey or such like The Romanes in writing the Romane the Grecians in writing their Greek Histories friends writing to of or for friends may be thought partiall as Countrey-men and friends The vertuous may be deemed to be partiall toward the vertuous and the godly toward the godly and religious All Writers have some such respect which is a kinde of partiality I do not refuse to be thought to have some or all of these respects and I hope none wil think I do amisse in having them Pleasing of men I am so farre from shunning of it that it is my chief end and scope But let it please them to be pleased with vertue otherwise they shal find nothing here to please them If thou findest any thing here besides blame me boldly And why should any be displeased that wil be pleased with it would to God I could so please the world I should never displease any But if either of these partiality or desire to please carry me besides the truth then shall I confesse my self guilty and esteem these as great faults as it is faultie and blame-worthy to forsake the truth But otherwise so the truth be stuck unto there is no hurt in partiality and labouring to please And as for truth clip not nor champ not my words as some have done elsewhere and I beleeve the worst affected will not charge mee with lying I have ever sought the truth in all things carefully and even here also and that painfully in every point where I find it assured I have set it down confidently where I thought there was some reason to doubt I tell my Authour So that if I deceive it is my self I deceive and not thee for I hide nothing from thee that I my self know and as I know it leaving place to thee if thou knowest more or better
Which if thou doest impart and communicate it for so thou shouldest do and so is truth brought to light which else would lye hid and buried My paines and travel in it have been greater then every one would think in correcting my errours thine will not bee so much And both of us may furnish matter for a third man to finde out the truth more exactly than either of us hath yet done Help therefore but carp not Concerning the manner form this is partly the cause why I have used this which I do here follow that all things being laid open exposed to thy view thou mayest have to choose on or to finde somewhat of thine own where I could not resolve a doubt thou mayest see it and have some mean perhaps to solve it better I have also in many places interposed my judgement of mens actions I think it the life of History without which it were little better than an old wifes tale It is true it were not so needfull if all men were alike judicious but seeing they are not so it is absolutely necessary that so those who read carelesly and sleepingly may bee awaked who minde onely pleasure may have profit thrust upon them that the dull may be quickned and the judicious have his judgement sharpened and a finer edge put upon it by this whet-stone I know there are that think otherwise and that all should be left to the collection and discretion of the Reader But this is my opinion and I know no Writer of note or account but interposeth his censure of things What name you give this piece I am very indifferent Call it History Chronicle Comentarie Annals Journal lives or if you please discourses or exercitations it matters not much Let who will for me define divide and dispute of the nature of the bounds and Marches of Airts and writings and of their Lawes this kinde is my lot or choice at this time For the same cause or reason that men may not take any thing upon meer trust I sift the judgment of others and am content that thou likewise canvase mine I do it without partiality or respecting any mans person though otherwise and in other things I reverence them never so much yet I cannot but respect reason more where they bring not that strong enough to satisfie I do not conceale or dissemble it I do not refuse the same measure from others if thou doest not like my reason reject it but let reason be thy rule for it is mine according to my capacity For the Language it is my Mother-tongue that is Scottish and why not to Scottish-men Why should I contemne it I never thought the difference so great as that by seeking to speak English I would hazard the imputation of affectation Every tongue hath the own vertue and grace Some are more substantiall others more ornate and succinct They have also their own defects and faultinesse some are harsh some are effeminate some are rude some affectate and swelling The Romanes spake from their heart The Grecians with their lips only and their ordinary speech was complements especially the Asiatick Greeks did use a loose and blown kinde of phrase And who is there that keeps that golden mean For my own part I like our own he that writes well in it writes well enough to me Yet I have yeelded somewhat to the tyrannie of custome and the times not seeking curiously for words but taking them as they came to hand I acknowledge also my fault if it be a fault that I ever accounted it a mean study and of no great commendation to learn to write or to speak English and have loved better to bestow my pains and time on forreigne Languages esteeming it but a Dialect of our own and that perhaps more corrupt I say the same of the Stile I follow no rules but according to my disposition for the time so it is high or low long or short sweet or sharp as was my humour for that houre As in Poesie so in Prose who can choose Or how many are there that care for these things or can discern The Age is too secure for Writers to be too curious And thus much shall suffice to have spoken of these things and to satisfie I hope the candide Reader As for those who delight to carp we say no more to them but onely this That as they take a libertie to themselves to judge others so there will bee found some that will pay them home in their own coyne Farewell A CATALOGUE OF THE Lives contained in this History PART I. Of the House of DOUGLAS 1. SHolto fol. 1. 2. William father of the Scoti in Italy 5. 3. William the first Lord created at the Parliament of Forfair 10. 4. John the second Lord. 11. 5. William the third Lord. 12. 6. Archbald the fourth Lord. ibid. 7. William maker of the Indenture with the Lord Abernethie ibid. 8. Hugh whom his foes found never sleeping 15. 9. William the Hardic 16. 10. Good Sir James slain in Spain 20. 11. Archbald Lord Galloway slain at Halidoun 53. 12. Hugh the ninth Lord. ibid. 13. William Lord Liddisdale the flower of Chivalry 62. 14. William the first Earle 79. 15. James slain at Otterburne 92. 16. William Lord Nithsdale 108. 17. Grimme Archbald 111. 18. Archbald Tine-man 114. 19. Archbald Earle of Wigton 133. 20. William slain in Edinburgh Castle 144. 21. Grosse James 157. 22. William slain in Stirlin 161. 23. James put into Lindores 194. PART II. Of the House of ANGUS OF the House of Angus before it came to the name of Douglas 205 1. William Earle of Douglas and Angus 207. 2. George his son 208. 3. William 209. 4. James 210. 5. George the second ibid. 6. Archbald called Bell the Cat. 219. Of George Master of Angus and son to Archbald the first 237. 7. Archbald that married the Queen 238. 8. David 277. 9. James Earle Morton Regent 278. 10. Archbald the third called good Earle Archbald ibid. THE PREFACE Of the DOUGLASSES in generall that is Of their 1 Antiquitie to which is joyned their Originall 2 Nobility and descent 3 Greatnesse 4 and Valour of the Familie and Name of DOUGLAS I Think it will not be amisse to place here before the doore as it were and entrie into this discourse and Treatise like a Signe or Ivie-bush before an Inne an old verse which is common in mens mouths So many so good as of the Douglasses have been Of one sirname were ne're in Scotland seen This saying being ancient and generally received will serve to invite the curious and candid Reader and like a charme will fright away malignant spirits and detractors who labour to lessen and extenuate what they cannot deny Neither is this a publick fame only roavingly scattered and soone vanishing but such as hath continued from age to age and which is authorized and confirmed by all Writers and which is most of all true in it selfe as
mother bare me a Commander not a fighter but our Douglases were both maximi Imperatores nec minus strenui bellatores wise Commandars and hardy fighters and warriers they had both good heads and good hearts and hands In the beginning ere Rome came to its greatnesse it is said of the first Captains Decorum erat tum ipsis ducibus capescere pugnam That it was no disparagement but honourable for the Leaders themselves to sight with their own hand None were more ready and forward to fight then the Douglasses onely Wallace is thought to have gone beyond any of them But he is but one and that singular and extraordinary without any second at least of his own name and our comparison stands between name and name where the number is as well to be remembred as the worth So many so valorous of one surname is that which we have undertaken to prove Besides none of the Douglasses did ever encounter with Wallace to try who was the better man and if we parrallell their actions done apart what act oâ—… Wallace can be produced more admirable then that of Archbald Tineman at the battell of Shrewsburie where with his own hand he sâ—…ew Blunt the King of Englands Standard-bearer and three more who were apparelled like Kings and at last unhorst the King himself whom he had also stain if he had not been rescued by his sonne Henry the fifth In an English manuscript I have seen it thus expressed And there with fiery courage he assails Three all as Kings adornd in royall wayes And each successive after other quails Still wondering whence so many Kings did rise Till doubting lest his hands or eye sight fails With these confounded on the fourth he flies And him unhorses too whom had he sped He then all Kings in him had vanquished For Henry had divided as it were The person of himself into foure parts To be lesse known and yet known every where c. It is written also of William Lord of Niddisdail that he was exceeding both stout and strong beyond any that lived in his dayes so that whomsoever he strook but once with mace sword or speare he needed never to double his stroke eveblow carried death with it Also James slaine at Otterburne his personall valour and strength is very highly extolled by the writers of these times who besides that he had the better of Percie in their duell at Newcastle he himselfe was the chiefe cause of the victorie that got the honour of the day at Otterburn where he lost himselfe but wan the field by his own personall valour They tell how he fought with a huge iron mace that was heavier then any ordinary man of those dayes could weild and more then two or three of such as now live Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus We might adde unto these Archbald Bell the Cat Earle of Angus who in a duell with Spence cut off his thigh through bone and all at a blow and divers others as Archbald of Kilspindie whom King James the fifth called alwayes his gray steel for his valour and ability of body but these shall suffice here for a taste of their valour But we will not content our selves with a generall and absolute commendation we will also descend to the comparative which we desire may be as farre from envie as we hope it shall be found neere to truth To begin then first at home there is no subjects race in this Countrey that can match them in these of which we have spoken Antiquity Nobility Greatnesse and Valour or worth in these I say joyntly that is there is none so Ancient and withall so Noble Great and Valorous No name is or ever was in this Countrey of which there can be reckoned so many and so worthy for so stands our compâ—…rison The Grahames are very Ancient in the dayes of Ferguse the second anno 424. and very Noble but have never attained to that degree of Greatnesse as the Douglasses have done The Hayes also are a very old and honourable name in the reigne of Kenneth the third anno 976. but not so anciâ—…nt as our Douglasses by two hundred yeares for they began in the reigne of Solvathius anno 767. These two Hayes and Douglasses doe agree in this that they are as the Grahames also are naturall Scots borne but there is great odds betweene them other wayes For the Hayes have not reached to that pitch of greatnesse either in degree or estimation and account of men by many stages as the Douglasses have attained Other names which now are great are nothing so ancient and besides are come from other Countreyes such as Hammiltoâ—… Gordons Campbels The Campbels from France and the other two out of England The Hammiltouns came in King Robert Bruces time the Gordons in Mackolme Kenmores The Murrayes are more ancient and before all these yet they are strangers and not of the first bloud of the Scots and there was but one of them great and remarkable who was Governour of Scotland few or none Nobilitated till of late but none of all those names comes neere that number of Nobles and Worthies by lineall or laterall descent and as it were of hereditarie vertuous succession and race of men which we finde of the Douglasses There have beene some great and worthy of other names but if they enter into comparison they will be found rari nantes in gurgite vasto but few one or two eminent of a name or of the chiefe house it will also appeare that their honours most of them have flowed more from their Princes favour then their owne great deserving or great service against the enemie The Cummins were the most numbrous and powerfull of any that ever were in Scotland before or since as some of our Writers say yet their greatnesse hath rather beene in lands and possessions or friends then in deeds of armes and prowesse of Chivalrie having done little or nothing of note and worthy of renowne John Cummin indeed fought three battels at Roseline in one day against the English in which we finde nothing reported of his personall valour whereas the Douglasses did ever shew themselves in person to be singularly valorous Besides he was but one man the rest are buried in silence and there is nothing to be found of them all though all their actions were put together that deserves to be compared with the deeds of any one man amongst many of the Douglasses Moreover as there was no great action in them they were scarce good Patriots using their power to the disadvantage of their Countrey and the opposing of the Liberties thereof in King Robert Bruces dayes rather then for the good and standing of the Kingdome which the Douglasses did ever We finde also that they were not very carefull to keepe their promises and thought the breach of their words and faith so it were for their advantage a point of good wisedome and policy a foule and base quality
great scarsity of Writers and learned men able to preserve the memory of things by their pens all being set on war unlesse it were some few cloystred Monks and Friers who were both carelesse and illiterate droans Notwithstanding all this as no destruction is so generall and so far spread but something doth escape the fury of it and though all monuments had been defaced yet some men being preserved what was written in their minds and memories remaining unblotted out they remembred what they had heard from their predecessours and delivered it to posterity from age to age By which means we have as it were some boords or planks preserved out of this shipwrack which may perhaps keep us from being lost in this deepth of Antiquity if it do not bring us safe to land According then to the constant and generall tradition of men thus was their originall During the reigne of Solvathius King of Scotland one Donald Bane that is Donald the white or fair having possest himself of all the western Ilands called Ebudes or Hebrides and intitling himself King thereof aspired to set the crown of Scotland also upon his head For effectuating whereof he gathered a great army wherein he confided so much that he set foot on the nearest continent of Scotland to wit the province of Kintyre and Lorne The Kings Lievetenants Duchal and Culen governours of Athole and Argyle make head against him with such forces as they could assemble on the sudden Donald trusting to the number of his men did bid them battell and so prevailed at first that he made the Kings army to give ground and had now almost gained the day and withall the Kingdome that lay at stake both in his own conceit and the estimation of his enemies In the mean time a certain Noble man disdaining to see so bad a cause have so good successe out of his love to his Prince and desire of honour accompanied with his sons and followers made an onset upon these prevailing rebels with such courage and resolution that he brought them to a stand and then heartning the discouraged fliers both by word and example he turnes the chace and in stead of victory they got a defeat for Donalds men being overthrown and fled he himself was slain This fact was so much the more noted as the danger had been great and the victory unexpected Therefore the King being desirous to know of his Lievetenants the particulars of the fight and inquiring for the Author of so valiant an act the Nobleman being there in person answer was made unto the King in the Irish tongue which was then onely in use Sholto Du glasse that is to say Behold yonder black gray man pointing at him with the finger and designing him by his colour and complexion without more ceremony or addition of titles of honour The King considering his service and merits in preserving his Crowne and delighted with that homely designation rewarded him royally with many great Lands and imposed upon himselfe the name of Douglas which hath continued with his posterity untill this day And from him the Shire and County vvhich he got is called stil Douglasdale the River that vvatereth it Douglas River the Castle which he built therein Douglasse castle This narration besides that it is generally received and continued as a truth delivered from hand to hand is also confirmed by a certain manuscript of great antiquity extant in our dayes in the hands of one Alexander Mackduffe of Tillysaul who dwelt at Moore alehouse near Straboguie There at his dwelling house William Earle of Angus who died at Paris 1616 being confined to the North in the year 1595 did see and peruse it Neither doth this relation crosse or disagree with any thing set down in our Histories for although they do not mention this man nor his fact yet they all speak of this usurper and of his attempt and overthrow in the dayes of Solvathius about the year 767. Hollinshed and Beetius affirm that this Donald was Captain or Governour of the Isle of Tyre Some do call him Bane mack Donalde but Buchanaâ—… calleth him expressely Donaldus Banus an easie errour in so great affinity of name There is another of the same name called likewise Donald Bane who did also usurp the title of the Kingdome and was in like manner defeated in the reigne of King Edgar in the year 1000 but that being 333. years after this and not much lesse after the Emperour Charles Le maigne in whose time they had now propagated and spread themselves in Italy as shall be shewed anone It cannot agree either with this History of our Sholto or with that Donald whom he defeated this last seeming to be rightlier named Mack Donald as descended and come of the former who was Donalde wherefore there is nothing here either fabulous or monstrous nothing incredible or contrary to it self or to reason but all things very harmoniously answering one unto another our tradition with the manuscript and both of these agreeing with our owne and forreign Histories And thus concerning Sholto Douglas the root and originall of the name and family Of Hugh Douglas sonne to Sholto And first of the name of Hugh TO Sholto succeeded his son Hugh of whom we have nothing to write but that he assisted his father at the overthrow of Donald Bane the usurper there being nothing else recorded of him Of his son Hugh the second UNto the former Hugh did succeed his eldest son named also Hugh for he had two sons Hugh and William Hugh the elder lived at home in his native countrey as a Noble man borne to a great inheritance whose actions by the iniquitie of time are buried in silence and therefore we will insist no longer thereon His younger brother William as is the custome of younger brothers went abroad into forraine Countreys to seek adventures of armes if so he might make himselfe a fortune that way Of him therefore we will speake next Of William Douglas father of the honourable familie of the SCOTI in Italy THis William was son to the first Hugh and grandchilde to Sholto younger brother to the second Hugh he it is that was father to the noble familie of the Scoti in Placenza in Italy which fell out thus as it is related by the Italian Historians agreeing with ours Achaius king of Scotland having succeeded to Solvathius did enter into league with Charlemaigne which league hath continued betwixt the Scots and French without breach on either side ever since untill these our dayes whereupon when the Emperour Charles went into Italy to represse the insolencies of Desiderius King of the Lombards committed against the Sea of Rome Achaius as his confederate did send him foure thousand choice men under the conduct of his brother William a pious and valarous young Prince Amongst other of his Captains that went with him this William Douglas was one of the chief and had the leading of the men of armes The Emperour having
suffered them to live in the Campe and went themselves to encounter the Bishop full of confidence and scorn that after the defeat of the flowre of Northumberland with there so worthy Leaders as the Percies that a Priest so they called the Bishop should dare to set upon them or but to abide them three marked strokes as their Leaders said to them in his exhortation as it came indeed to passe without any strokes for they affrighted him with the onely sound of their hornes as it seems Major would say which they winding against him and the hills redoubling the sound thereof hee was affraid and durst not invade them finding them ready and resolved to fight whom hee thought to have found weary because of their former travell or negligent because of their victory And considering saith Froysard there was more to be lost then to be wonne at their hands the Captain distrusting his Hoast and the Hoast their Captain it was thought best not to give battell and so he retired without assaulting them Their Leader after the Earle Douglas death was the Earle of Murray saith Buchanan but I should rather take it to be the Earle of March for hee was the elder brother and Major saith it was March. However our Scottish mens courtesie and courage is exceeedingly to be commended who notwithstanding that they looked for nothing but to have fought with the Bishop of Durham yet did they spare their prisoners which and the like actions when I consider I would gladly understand of such as delight to reproach our Nation with all the calumnies they can invent and amongst the rest stile them barbarous what it is they call barbarity and if crueltie and inhumanity bee not the speciall points of it whereof they shall never reade that any Nation were more free or that ever hath been more courteous humane gentle in peace and in warre even at all times and in all places I wish all men would acknowledge the truth as it is if they will not yet shall it be truth and truth shall never want a witnesse It will be acknowledged and must prevail to their great reproach that seek to hide or to impaire it To return to our History when the newes of these things were brought to the other Campe which was in Cumberland they were stricken with extreme griefe and were more sorry for the death of the Earle of Douglas then they were glad for the victory obtained all their joy for that successe being turned into grievous lamentation So great was the affection of all the Army towards him that not onely those who followed him but those of the other Army also retired home silent and sad as if they had been discomfited and overcome It increased the commiseration of men that he died in the flowre of his age and that he alone should be deprived of that victory which was obtained by his vertue and valour And I think that the same affection doth continue in the hearts of the Readers of the History which is never mentioned without a tender compassion And for my selfe so often I call to mind his great worth and short life I remember withall that of the Poet Ostendent terris hunc tantum fata nec ultra Esse sinent c. The fates shall make but of this youth a show Such vertue must not tarry long below And with a great hyperbole greater then Piety can well admit if any such speeches can be over great which doe not import what they speak but are onely brought to expresse the highest excellency that can be Nimium vobis Romana propago Visa potens superi propria haec si dona fuissent The Heavens had made the Roman race to be Too blest if this gift had held on with thee Change but the Countrey name call it Scotana propago and you shall accommodate these verses more fitly here to this man but most of all in the simple sense that which followes Non illi quisquam se impune tulisset Obvius armato seu cum pedes iret in hostem Seu spumantis equi foderet calcaribus armos No man in Armes that durst to him make head Did scape unfoild on foot or foaming steed Which he speaking of Marcellus if he had lived is witnessed of this Earle Douglas even by the adversary whiles he yet lived To which purpose I remember that worthy Sir Philip Sidney in his defence of Poesie writeth of himself that hee never heard the song of Douglas and Percie but hee found his heart more moved therewith then with a Trumpet whereof hee alledgeth the cause to bee the force and power of Poetrie though it bee sung saith hee by some rude crowder and with no rougher voyce then a grosse stile What he saith of himselfe I doubt not but others have found in themselves neither is it the mâ—…sick of that rough singer that giveth it this force farre lesse the vertue of the grosse rime it is the matter that gives the efficacie and the vertue of the man that begetteth a resembling vertue in the heart not by Poesie but by the rightly described History Indeed this is the man apparantly who hath given subject to those songs being the first that encountred with Percie in such a particular conflict but that which is commonly sung of the hunting of Chiviot seemeth indeed Poeticall and a meer fiction perhaps to stirre up vertue yet a fiction whereof there is no mention neither in the Scottish nor English Chronicle neither are the songs that are made of them both one for the Scots song made of Otterburn telleth the time about Lammasse and the occasion to take preyes out of England also the dividing of the Armies betwixt the Earles of Fife and Douglas and their severall journeys almost as in the authentick History It beginneth thus It fell about the Lammas tide When yeomen wonne their hay The doughtie Douglas gan to ride In England to take a prey Whereas the other mâ—…keth another occasion and altogether different yet it is not more effectuall to move vertue then the true History here set downe nor indeed so effectuall as it And therefore let it bee read and read over again by such as delight in Military vertues chiefly by those to whom these examples are as hereditary and domestick which they must needs affect as also all the other actions of the life but none testifying a better mind a better resolution of the mind more courage more valour with gifts of the body strength and activity all ruled by reason and guided by wisedome as is seen in his dealing with the French men when they would have had him to â—…ight with the King of England which vertues of valour and wisedome so joyned are able to make a due harmony acceptable to a right judgement commendable to after ages and profitable for the present Boetius writeth that hee died not in the field but after the field in his owne Tent and that the Earles of Crawford
agree at last It vvas for no common good of the Countrey no nor for any good vvill to the Earle vvhat could he doe then vvhy should hee have meddled vvith them they say to have met vvith him in his ovvne craft and to have used the one of them to overthrovv the other that so both might have been overturned Will men never leave these things such false tricks such bastard and spurious vvisedome and shall vve not thinke there is another vvay besides it there is a true honest vvisedome that honest men may keepe vvithout fashood or any point or tincture thereof vvithout deceiving any even the deceivers What other ansvver did his request deserve vvas it not fit that such crafty companions vvho had abused the Countrey should heare the naked truth out of a Noblemans mouth Should such a Nobleman have glosed with such as they were flattered and dissembled and strooke cream in their mouth Nay it is a part of punishment to wickednesse even to heare the owne name given to it And it is very fit it should have it So that his answer cannot be justly taxed but commended as true just magnanimous and such as became his place house and birth without fraud or dissimulation calling as the Macedonian did a spade a spade vice by the owne name which as he did here so perhaps had hee done before when hee spake of the government in the late Kings time whereby it would appeare that such was his naturall disposition far from all frivolous flattery or dissimulation either toward King or others Indeed now these are crept in and accounted wisedome to the prejudice of the ancient true generositie of these great spirits farre better and farre more worthy to bee adorned with the full and due praise then to bee obliquely taxed and nipped by halfe words as not being wisely and profitably enough spoken when there can be no just blame laid upon them Neither ought it to be thought unprofitably said or dangerously seeing out of all question the same courage and magnanimity that moved him to speake the truth made him also now to despise their persons contemne their spleen and slightly account of any power they had to doe him any harme for all their joyning together Neither is there any appearance but that hee did it out of a right weighing of his owne and their power and not out of any arrogancie or idle confidence And certainly any indifferent man can thinke no lesse and that they durst not attempt any thing against him or his successour after him but after a most treacherous manner as ever any was since the world stood So that there was not any want of wisedome in this speech nor in this same point of profit or harme His death followed not long after in the yeare 1438. at Rastalrigge of a burning feaver very opportunely in a good time say our Writers and so it was indeed for them and such as they were who had now better opportunity to prey upon the Common-wealth and spoil and use it for their best advantage But it was unseasonably for the house of Douglas which was left in the hands of a youth without experience and therefore uncircumspect yea untimely for the Nobility who became a prey to the avarice and ambition of these two and untimely for the Countrey in that these two were now left free from the feare of him they stood most in awe of and who might most have repressed their attempts and bridled their appetites This thing onely I can account worthy of reproofe in him that he suffered Annandale to overcome the adjacent Countreyes and did not hinder them from wronging the innocent people hee should not have thought that it did not belong to him to hinder them because he was no Magistrate This if he had done and kept justice within himself it would have gotten him both favour and honour and might have brought contempt upon the Governours that could not keep peace in a more tractable and peaceable Countrey nor amongst themselves for how excellent a thing is it by good means to seeke honour It would have taken away the occasion of the Calumnies of his enemies who yet did much worse themselves he was otherwise a valiant wise man a lover of his Countrey and of a free plain good and generous nature his generous disposition appeareth in his brave demeanour towards the Lord Kennedie There being something wherein the Lord Kennedie had wronged and offended him he conceived such high indignation thereat that hee published his desire of revenge to be such that whosoever would bring the Lord Kennedies head should have the lands of Stuarton This offer proceeded from so powerfull a man and knowne to bee a man that would keepe his promise the Lord Kennedie hearing of it fearing hee could hardly long escape his hands resolved by way of prevention to be himselfe the presenter of his owne head unto him and accordingly keeping his owne intention close to himselfe hee came privately to Wigton where finding the Earle Douglas at his devotion in Saint Ninians Church a place famous in those dayes for the frequent resort of Pilgrimes thither immediately after divine Service offered his head to the Earle as one who had deserved the promised reward and did crave it The Earle seeing the resolution and confident assurance of the man who had put himselfe in his power and mercy forgave him all former faults made him his friend and withall gave him the reward he had promised disponing to him and his heires the lands of Stuarton which his successiours the Earles of Cassils doe peaceably enjoy to this day He was buried in the Church of Douglas called Saint Brides Church with this inscription Hic jacet Dominus Archbaldus Douglas Dux Turoniae comes de Douglas Longe-ville Dominus Gallovidiae Wigton Annandiae Locum tenens Regis Scotiae Obiit 26. die Mensis Junii Anno Domini millesimo quadringentisimo tricesimo octavo Of William slain in Edinburgh Castle the sixth William the sixth Earle of Douglas and third Duke of Turrain c. UNto Archbald Earle of Wigton succeeded his sonne William a youth of no great age of an high spirit and of a sweet tractable and meeke disposition And therefore we cannot but detest and execrate the wickednesse and treachery of his enemies who did so unworthily cut off such a sprig in the very budding from whose blossomes none could but have expected passing good fruit to the great good of the common-wealth and Kingdome if malice and envie had suffered it to come to maturity Let us notwithstanding rest contented with his change begunne in his father by warding and displacing from the roome of his Predecessours from mannaging of affaires in the Kingdome prosecuted against him in his life time and now followed forth against his son This vicissitude which befell this house is to be found and seen in all humane affaires and doth overturne all due and right order in
enemy as it often falleth out and can hardly choose but fall out when a house standeth alone by it selfe having no honest member thereof to underprop and uphold it Besides while men thus seeke to make their friends altogether servile to them their friends perceiving it as it can hardly but bee perceived what ever cunning bee used to cover it are the lother to serve as mens nature is in whom love-service questionlesse is the best yea onely fruitfull service And therefore they will either repine the more or withdraw themselves altogether if they bee of any spirit and if they bee not their service is not worth having So that men lose even their service which they so effect and sometimes turn it by unkindnesse into unkindlinesse and enmitie which hath ever been found by experience neither did ever any house flourish so well or any man in any house as when they concurred with one minde to a mutuall helpe one of another and none ever prospered so well as hee who used and shewed his care not to keepe backe his friends or to neglect them but to advance them and take their businesse to heart as his owne This is a true patterne of kindnesse and no lesse of true wisedome howsoever men may subtillize as they please which is seriously and sincerely followed by our Earle Douglas and deserveth both commendation and imitation Neither will it bee found that this is it which did him hurt but questionlesse made him strong and not easie to bee medled with and so difficult that they could get no other mean to overthrow him but that which they used unto which they were forced and of which constraint is the onely excuse as we shall see where hee is slain Therefore to say his greatnesse was the cause of his wrack is more subtle then solid even as it may be said in some sort that a mans riches are the cause of his throat being cut by robbers and that a mans vertues and good qualities are oft times the cause of his overthrow which should not for all that bee eschewed But shall there then bee no moderation will some say and is it not fit that Subjects should keepe themselves within some certâ—…in bounds that are not envious or suspect to Princes Moderation is good both in Prince and Subject and it were to bee wished that all would moderate their greatnesse at least their appetite and desire oâ—… greatnesse or if not that yet so that they would limit the meanes of attaining it and the end for which they desire it and that they would have that wise conference of Cyneas with Pyrâ—…hus before their eyes that they might lesse affect it or lesse erre in affecting of it But where the end is good and the mean right and lawfull who craves further moderation and limitation whether in Princes or Subjects of their Empire as Augustus or of their greatnesse as this Earle here and many others whatsoever shew it carry and however Histories speake thereof besides their moderation that duety and religion requires in so farre as touches Policy will be found but Sophistry and no good Policy when it is well examined In all this therefore wee can acknowledge no fault but on the contrary kindenesse effectuall freindship and a due and provident wisedome in strengthening himselfe against his enemies and underpropping his house most wisely and most circumspectly Where is then his fault ye will say and what was the cause of his ruine for we finde he did ruine in the end Truely we must not account of all that have fallen that they have faulted that is a great errour in our judgements and too common that by finding faults in others we may be thought the wisest yet it is not hard to finde his fault if wee will beleeve his enemies speeches set downe by our Historians for though his friends feare nothing and see nothing but his greatnesse which is but a vain feare his enemies see further as enemies are quicker sighted in faults or would seeme to espy further in their speech yee shall finde these grosse and lewd faults 1. An unsatiable cupidity and then they explain in what in avarice 2. Then an impotent Tyranny two great faults Tyranny and Avarice sufficient to bring downe and such as oft brought down Kings let be Subjects And that we may not think that there was but an idle disposition in him and but a naturall inclination which he bridled and suffered not to debord they tell us the effects of them Of his 1. avarice and that unjust as all avarice is if it bee properly avarice He seased on Noblemens Patrimonies hee himselfe by law and without law 2. Of his tyranny and oppression He gave the Patrimony of mean men as a prey to his dependers and yet further Them that withstood his pleasure hee harried or caused make them away by theeves and briggands he advanced new men to the highest honours placing them in the roomes of ancient Families If any man spake a free word tasting of liberty it cost him no lesse then his life These faults indeed are great ones if they were true and such as merited that their end should have been as it was These are indeed errours both in policie and humanitie in private men or in Princes in small or great in what ever person and they were worthy to be detested and abhominated by all men if they were true for our Authours say not that they were true I say again if they were true expressely for they doe but report them as the voyce of his enemies who did exaggerate things as enviously as they could as that amongst other speeches of theirs doth witnesse where they say That all the riches of the Countrey were heaped upon one Family that there were so many great Earles and Barons of them that they had so much power and potencie that the King reigned but by their license and courtesie as it were As for the Authours owne judgement hereof besides what he said before that they were amplyfied in the most odious manner hee subjoynes these and such like speeches as those Many of them were true many besides the truth and augmented above it to procure hatred unto them So he leaves the judgement uncertain and tells not what things were true and what false and augmented which we ought to discerne and separate if it be possible to make a right judgement for this is indeed the craft of Calumny to mingle truth with falsehood that something being knowne to be true the rest may passe for such also But Prudencie will sift and separate them and winnow them in a right judgement both that which is true from that which is false and in every point laid against him so much as it hath of truth from that falsehood is mingled with it for Calumniators are excellent in their mixtures and compositions of truth and falshood so that there is great attentivenesse required to distinguish betwixt them yet if we will
attend to them it may be they be discerned Let us then consider the particulars and what particulars we find in any of those to be true let us acknowledge it what is not so let us reject as false and reckon amongst those that are but amplified and augmented for envie After which rule we shall finde in effect the last three to be those which are most true 1. The riches 2. The number 3. The puissance of the house and name of Douglas And yet not simple true as they set them downe for they amplifie them also to stirre envie unlesse we interpret it favourably for not all the riches of the Countrey nor all the honour was in their hands though there were more in theirs then in any others at that time yet there hath been more both riches and honours in the hands of some other before for the Cummines are accounted to have been greater and that their power was beyond the Kings power it was false their power being but a dependant and subordinate and could not be supposed to have been so great so united though they were of one name as was seen afterward And however we find it was thought so of before in the first Earles time yet he never used it to the Kings prejudice after that he was informed of his right which was now out of question but these carry no fault in them The rest which carry fault in them the first two avarice and tyranny are to be tried by the effects the third taking to himselfe the Noblemens Patrimony by law and besides law what he did by law take from them was not theirs what besides law we heare of no instance given There is a fact may seem so in the Earledome of Murray which he tooke not to himselfe but to his brother Neither was that the Patrimony but the Title and Dignity of which we have spoken already and it was but a small peece of matter The fourth and fifth his killing and robbing by theeves and his dependers invading of other mens Patrimonies are of the same quality for we heare of no instance bearing any wrong Neither of the sixth and seventh advancing of new men wrongfully or killing of men for free speeches And truely raising of new men and mean men was the thing that he and all his house did ever dislike very much and was the ground of their discord with the Levingstons and with Creighton And I hope no man will call his brother a new man So that to be short when we have sifted them all we see nothing but falsehood and calumnies and aggravations to move envie which makes it no truth for a truth augmented or diminished is no longer truth though otherwise it were true in substance Wherefore leaving these speeches as the speeches of his enemies that is to say for Calumnies as they are called and as they are indeed wee will come to that which is of greater weight and followes in the Authours owne name Animus per se insolens hee was of an insolent minde of himselfe saith one which being the judgement of one of the most learned and judicious Writers I will not contest but leave it in the middle and soberly crave to have it weighed that wee may see whether there bee any necessitie to make us thinke so or not for it is Historicall onely which I must thinke hee hath found in fact as he hath had leisure and perused his Histories of which we are scarce to wit that he grew by successe to that impotency of commanding his affections that he had his eares closed from the free admonitions of his friends Nothing is more pernicious nor is there a more certain prognostick of ruine to follow then when men are so puft up with the opinion of their owne wisedome that they disdain and contemne to heare and to weigh the judgement of others Yet this that followes is an extreame high degree of it that men might not dissemble their minds in silence to hold their peace at those things which they could not approve was not sure nor safe for them which ought to be safe for all men to say nothing and keep their minds to themselves and God which no other man no not a mans selfe can command altogether He is obedient that obeyes in the rest The minde is his that made it and can search it over which no man should usurp The cause of all this ill followes the aboundance of flatterers and giving eare to them a naturall but a pestiferous fault naturall to all great men and small in their owne kinde men are given to delight in what they beleeve and to beleeve easily most good of themselves whom they love most of any and for aboundance of flatterers who wants them Diogenes said he had his owne Parasites the mouse was if men failed yea men never fail and perhaps failed not him hee whom all the world flattered King Alexander did he not flatter Diogenes what was his speech to him but a flattery both of himself and Diogenes or else anerrour concerning them both when he said If I were not Alexander I would be Diogenes So common is it so naturall is it but notwithstanding it is hurtfull and to be avoyded and the more carefully to be taken heed of the more common and the more naturall it is he hath the fairest of the play that is most wary of it and accounts it his greatest perfection to know his imperfection and he is most accomplished that best knowes his defects and wishes for helps and knowes he hath need of them Out of doubt these were enough to bring down more then one Earle of Douglas as for that which is further said of him His old enemies were drawne to law to plead their cause before the same man both judge and party of whom many were spoyled of their goods some of their lives some to eschew the injust judgement tooke voluntary exile unto them and that which is said of their dependers they overshot themselves carelesse of all judgements because none could contend with them in judgement To all sort of licentiousnesse robbing and stealing holy things profane things and slaying them they could get their hands over neither keeped they any bridle or measure in their wickednesse Of all this concerning his dependers being so generally and almost hyperbolically conceived I could wish among so many that there had been some instance set downe that we might the better have knowne it and discerned it This I am sure cannot be without hyperbole that they did commit some gratuit wickednesse that is such as was for no good to them nor profit and without gain pleasure or profit having no cause in the world for them but onely to keep their hands in ure of wickednesse lest being disaccustomed from ill some honest thought might come into their minde that might tame them from their wickednesse and vilenesse So strange a conclusion would have had cleare and plaine antecedents and not
which being expired and none compeiring they were denounced Rebels Then the King himselfe went with an Army into Galloway where at his first entrie having forced their Captaines to retire to their strengths a small number of his hoast whilest they followed the Rebels uncircumspectly through strait places were beaten backe upon the King not without some disgrace The king moved with great indignation hereat went and assaulted their chiefe fortes And first he tooke the Castle of Lochmabane without great trouble or travell thereafter with great toile and wearying of his men the Castle of Douglas which he razed to the ground He commanded the Farmers Tenants and Labourers of the ground to pay their Meales to his Collectours untill such time as the complainers were satisfied with their Lords goods These things being reported thus as they were done to the Earle Douglas while hee was yet at Rome moved him greatly and greatly astonished them that were in his company so that many withdrew themselves fearing what it might turne to and he with the few that remained with him made what haste they could homeward As hee came through England hee was honourably entertained by the King and Queene there but when hee approached neere to the borbers of Scotland hee stayed a little time and sent his brother James before to trie the Kings minde toward him which when hee found to be placable hee returned home was kindely received and lovingly admonished to put away from him disorderly persons especially the men of Annandale who had in his absence committed many outrages and cruelties This when hee had faithfully promised to performe hee was not onely received into his former place of favour but was made also Lieutenant Generall of the whole Kingdome of Scotland And this was the bitter fruit of his perillous Pilgrimage that hereby hee loosed the reines to his enemies and gave them power so farre to prevaile as to embarke the King in open quarrell against him even to the casting downe of his Houses and intrometting with his Revenues This notwithstanding was either his wisedome or the account and respect of his place and person that the King who had done him such harme and disgrace could bee contented so to forget it receiving him so farre into favour and advancing him whatever blame or imputation may bee laid upon him for his journey which was so rashly taken on and which had so dangerous a sequell yet this retreate from that storme cannot but bee commended and his dexteritie whatever it were acknowledged to have beene great which guided him through such billowes and surges to so peaceable a Port and Haven And it were to be wished that Writers had set downe by what means this was brought to passe for the more perfect understanding of the History but we must beare with this amongst many more defects that are to be found in them Now what ever wisedome though undescribed in the particular may appeare to bee in this as much unadvisednesse is evident in that which hee did immediately after in his journey to England For without acquainting the King hee went to the Court of England and had privie conference with that King and Queene hee pretended that it was for restitution of some goods taken out of Scotland and not restored by the Wardens of England but this cause the lighter it was the greater suspition did it move in his owne King who could not thinke it probable that hee being of that place of that courage of that nature would upon such an occasion onely take such a journey The true cause is thought to be that he went to treat of certaine conditions for his assistance to be given to the King of England against his Nobilitie with whom he was then in hard termes the warres of the house of Yorke beginning to spring up which increased afterward so mightily and prevailed to the ejecting him out of the Kingdome This the Queene of England either foreseeing or fearing some other such like enterprise against her husband had dealt with the Earle Douglas when he came home through England from Rome the yeare before to strengthen them by his help and appointed him to return for performance and perfecting of all conditions of agreement But we finde no effect of this agreement and conditions whether because that conspiracie of the Duke of York was not yet come to maturitie and so Douglas was not employed being prevented by death which fell out shortly aâ—…ter this or because they were not fully agreed is uncertaine Neither is it specified what the conditions were onely it is conjectured that they were the same or such like as the same King Henry the sixth granted afterward to the Earle of Angus in the time of King James the third which if they were they were no wayes prejudiciall to the King of Scotland as shall appeare there yet being done without his knowledge it gave occasion either to the naturall jealousie of Princes to think hardly of it by his owne meere motion or to his enemies so to construct it to the King and stirre him up by their speeches to that suspicion which he enclined to Of both which he ought to have beene warie and not to have given such ground to the one or to the other by such a journey undertaken without the Kings allowance Whether at his returne he acquainted the King with what had past betwixt him and the Kings of England it is not certaine and our Writers seeme to say the contrary yet in that hee brought letters from the Queene of England to the Queene of Scotland and shee thereupon interceded for him it is not improbable that he hath acquainted her and so the King also with the truth of the whole businesse which whether the King did not beleeve or if his jealousie remained not the lesse and that hee was not willing there should bee such an accession and increase of the Earles greatnesse who he thought was greater already then was safe for a King hee pardoned him the fault at the intercession of the Queene and some Nobles but he tooke from him the Office of Lieutenant and all other publicke charge that so he might be made unusefull and unsteadable to the King of England or at least not so able to aid him and so he might be frustrate of the conditions so liberally promised unto him from thence Hee â—…estored also his old enemie Creigâ—…ton to the Office of Chancellour and the Earle of Orkney was made Lieutenant Thus not onely disappointed of his hopes but disgraced at his Princes hands both by being himselfe depressed and his enemies advanced he was incensed against all the Courtiers taking all to proceed from their instigation But more especially his anger was bent against Creighton both as the ancient enemie of his House and also as the chief Authour of all this present dis-favour by his surmisings transported herewith hee gave way to his passion to carry him to a course somewhat more then civill which
it was too late for his death ensuing shortly after hindered the execution of that purpose He died the thirteenth of December 1542. leaving one onely daughter Mary his heir behinde him a childe of five dayes old But although he lived not to effect his determination yet he gave them an honourable testimony of their worth and withall made a confession of the wrong he had done to them and gave them a clear absolviture from all former imputation And so for their part they rest satisfied with it and seek no other The King was dead who had purposed to have brought them home his will is enough to them they stand not on ceremonies they come home now unsent for There were taken prisoners at the Solom-Mosse seven Earles and Lords foure and twenty others of inferiour but good place and quality When King Henry of England had triumphed a while over them causing to lead them from the Towre of London to Court through Cheapside Street the 20. of December upon Saint Thomas day he rebuked them as breakers of Covenant by a long harangue of his Chancellour who magnified the Kings mercy who did said he remit much of the rigour he might justly have used against them After this they had some more freedome and when the news of the Kings death was come he dealt kindly with them and told them his intention which was to have their Kings daughter married to his sonne Prince Edward that so the Nations of England and Scotland might be joyned together by that alliance for affecting of which match he takes their promise to favour his designe and to set it forward at home as farre as they might without dammage to their Countrey or reproach and infamy to themselves So having first taken pledges and hostages of them at New-Castle by the Duke of North-folke for their return in case the peace were not agreed on he sent them home to Scotland the first of January 1543. with these returned our Douglasses the Earle and Sir George after fifteen years exile and were received of all with great joy and gratulation Onely they were not welcome to the Cardinall They had been ever at variance they ranne divers courses in policie he suspected their Religion specially Sir Georges He knew they would not approve nor ratifie the Kings testament which he had forged wherein he was made Protectour and Governour with three Noblemen to be his Assessours He doubted not but that they would oppose him in the Parliament and therefore here he found means to be chosen Governor before their retuâ—…n Yet his fraud was detected before they came home and he debouted and put from that authority In his place James Hamilton Earle of Arran was chosen as being the man to whom it properly belonged as next heire and best beloved partly because they had a good opinion of his towardly disposition and that he was not averse from the reformed Religion whereof he willingly read the controversies partly because they hated the Archbishop Beton and his priests crueltie which put every man in fear of their government That businesse was settled ere they came home The next point was the marriage of the young Queen which they were to set forward with England The Queen mother and the Cardinall and the whole faction of the Priests oppose this way with all their might and power But they prevailed not and the Cardinall because he troubled all and would suffer nothing to be done orderly he was shut up in a Chamber till the matters were concluded and pledges promised to bee given to the English Ambassadour Sir Ralphe Sadler for performance Ambassadours also were sent into England to treat on the conditions They were the Earle of Glencarne Sir George Douglas Sir William Hamilton of Machane and the Secretarie of estate These remained foure moneths in England agreed at last and concluded all articles and conditions But in their absence the Cardinall was set at liberty who troubled all gathered a contribution of the Clergie and what by bribing what by other practices used by him and the Queen turns the Nobilitie quite an other way When those that had been sent into England were returned and found things in this estate they were much grieved at it and laboured to recall things and to perswade them to keep their promise made to King Henry To move them hereto Sir George Douglas spake to them very earnestly and told them the apologue of the asse which a King did love so dearly that he had a great minde and desire to have her to speak and having dealt with divers Physicians to make her to speak they told him it was a thing impossible and gainst nature but he being impatient and not enduring to have his desire crossed slew them because they told him the truth At last he trying about what others could doe one who was made wise by their example being required to do it he undertook it but withall he shew him that it was a great work and would be very chargeable The King being set upon it to have it done told him he should have what allowance he pleased and bade him spare for no charges and that besides he would reward him liberally The Physician told him that it would prove also a long cure and could not be done in a day ten years were the fewest that could be allotted to it The King considered of it and was contented to allow him that time for performing it and so they agreed and the Physician began to fall to work about his asse His friends hearing of it came to him and asked him what he meant to take in hand that which could not be performed in nature He smiled and said unto them I thought you had been wiser than to ask me such a question if I had sayes he refused to take it in hand he had put me to death presently now I have gained ten years time before which be expired who can tell what may happen The King may die the asse may die I my self may die and if any of these happen I am freed In the mean time I shall be in good estate wealth honour and the Kings favour Even so sayes Sir George stands the case with us at this time if wee refuse and leap back from the conditions that are propounded and agreed on wee enter into present Warre for which we are very unfit and ill provided If we embrace them we gain time we shall enjoy peace and quietnesse during the Queens childe-hood and before that be expired Prince Edward may die our Queen may die King Henry may die or the parties when they come to age may refuse one another or then perhaps as things may fall out it may be thought the best way by us all But he could not perswade them to it the Queen mother and the Cardinall the Popâ—…sh and Politick Faction standing for France and drawing all to that end had so wrought the matter that there
as others did to hunt a hare and that it was as naturall to him as any other pastime or exercise is to another man But he lived not long after this nor had he time to doe any memorable thing in it He made onely one roade against the outlawed theeves of the name of Arme-strang most of them after the King was gone home who had beene present at the casting downe of their houses Hee pursued them into the Tarrasse Mosse which was one of their greatest strengths and whither no hoast or companies had ever beene known to have followed them before and in which they did confide much because of the straightnesse of the ground He used great diligence and sufficient industry but the successe was not answerable either to his desire or other mens expectation Neither did hee forget to keepe his intention close and â—…ecret acquainting none of the people of that Countrey therewithall untill he was ready to march Then directing one Jordan of Aplegirth to goe to the other side whither hee knew they behooved to flee hee sent with him one of his especiall followers whom hee knew to bee well affected to the service to see that hee did his dutie Hee himselfe with the Armie came openly and directly to the place of their aboade that they fleeing from him might fall into the hands of Aplegirth and his companie who were come in sufficient good time before the Army could bee seene to that passage which they were sent to keep But the birds were all flowne and there was nothing left but the empty nest having no question had some inkling and intelligence hereof but it could not be tried by whom the notice had been given them In the retreat they shew themselves and rode about to intercept and catch such as might happen incircumspectly to straggle from the Army and they failed very narrowly to have attrapped William Douglas of Ively a young Gentleman of my Lords family for which incircumspection he was soundly chid by him as having thereby hazarded his owne person and his Lords honour After this he came to Langhop where his infirmity having continued long and being now increased through travell it grew at last to a formed disease Wherefore hee was carried from thence to Smeeton neare to Dalkeith a house belonging to James Richison of whom wee have spoken before His care of the good of the Church which was ever in his mouth during his sicknesse shewed that it lay nearest to his heart of all other things There hee departed out of this transitory life with great comfort to himselfe and great griefe of all honest men and with a generall regreting of all men there being none such an enemy to him or who did so envie or hate him as not to professe and expresse his sorrow for his death King Courtiers Noblemen Barons Burgesses Commons men of all degrees ranke qualitie and condition did lament him such was the forceable power of vertue in him Of which wee will say no more onely we will set downe this following Elogium to be considered by the Reader then which nothing can bee said more true Here therefore let it remaine as a witnesse of his vertue and the Writers deserved affection Morte jacet saevâ Angusius spes illa bonorum Terror malorum maximus Cui laude luctu meritis pia turba parentat Patrem Parentem ingeminans Par studium impietas simulat quem carpere livor Vivum solebat mortuum Aut veris sequitur lacrymis aut gaudia fictis Celat pudenda laudibus Saltem non fictis os penè invita resolvit Seque arguit mendacii O laus O veri vis O victoria honosque Cunctis triumphis clarior Yet were not the aspersions of his enemies if hee had any such of any moment or consequence I say if he had any for he had no private enemies who hated him or bore him any ill will for his owne cause onely such as were enemies to the Countrey and the true Religion hated him as a main pillar and supporter of these The greatest objection they had against him I mean that carried any show of truth was his modestie which they termed slownesse but after his death all mouthes were closed The love which was generally borne to him was exceeding great both for his house and families sake which was ever the most popular in this Kingdome of all other names as also and that no lesse for his owne vertue and personall humanitie and courtesie He was of a blackish and swart complexion tall'of stature and of a slender body but well proportioned and straight limmed of a weake and tender constitution and not very able to endure travell but having courage enough and willingnesse to undergoe His death was ascribed to witchcraft and one Barbary Nepair in Edinburgh wife to Archbald Douglas of the house of Casshogle was apprehended on suspition but I know not whether shee was convicted of it or not onely it was reported that she was found guiltie and that the execution was deferred because she was with childe but afterward no body insisting in the pursuit of her shee was set at libertie Anna Simson a famous witch is reported to have confessed at her death that a picture of waxe was brought to her having A. D. written on it which as they said to her did signifie Archbald Davidson and shee not thinking of the Earle of Angus whose name was Archbald Douglas and might have beene called Davidson because his fathers name was David did consecrate or execrate it after her forme which she said if she had knowne to have represented him she would not have done it for all the world He died the day of 1588. yeares his body was buried in Abernathie and his heart in Douglas by his owne direction He is the last Earle of the race of George entitled Master of Angus who was slain at Flowdon c. Of Archbald the ninth Earle of Angus Angus by cruell death lies here The good mans hope the wickeds feare The praise and sorrow of the most Religious who as having lost A father mourn worst men are knowne To faine a woe iâ—… they have none Envie accustomed to wrong His guiltlesse life imployes her tongue Now a loud Trumpet of his â—…ame And weeps if not for grief for shame Enforc't to give her selfe the lie O! Power of Truth O! victory By which more honour is obtain'd Then is in greatest triumphs gain d. Archibaldus Duglassius Angusius OLim saeva truci dente calumnia Clam vanas ad opes fraude viam struens Mussabat posito aut palam pudore Jactabat caput in meâ—…m O si non nimium credita Crimina Foeda atrociaque infandaque crimina Aut Diro Lepedo aut fero Cethegi Patrandum genio nefas Quos caecis stimulis ambitio impotens Aut aestu rabies fervida pectoris Auri aut sacra mali fames in omne Egit praecipites scelus Moliri in patriam incendia