Selected quad for the lemma: truth_n

Word A Word B Word C Word D Occurrence Frequency Band MI MI Band Prominent
truth_n church_n faith_n tradition_n 1,984 5 9.0083 5 false
View all documents for the selected quad

Text snippets containing the quad

ID Title Author Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication) STC Words Pages
A31771 Basiliká the works of King Charles the martyr : with a collection of declarations, treaties, and other papers concerning the differences betwixt His said Majesty and his two houses of Parliament : with the history of his life : as also of his tryal and martyrdome. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649.; Fulman, William, 1632-1688.; Perrinchief, Richard, 1623?-1673.; Gauden, John, 1605-1662.; England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1687 (1687) Wing C2076; ESTC R6734 1,129,244 750

There are 17 snippets containing the selected quad. | View lemmatised text

took no notice of it although it was so weighty an Occurrence to have His prime Minister cut off in the busie Preparations for a great Design till He had finished His Addresses to Heaven and His Spirit was dismissed from the Throne of Grace to attend the Cares of that on Earth This was so clear an Evidence of a most fixed Devotion that those who built their Hopes upon His Reproaches slanderously imputed it to a secret Pleasure in the fall of him whose Greatness was now terrible to the Family that raised it which both His Majesties care of the Duke's Children afterwards as also the Consideration of His Condition did evince to be false and that the King neither hated him nor needed to fear him whom He could have ruined with a Frown and have obliged the People by permitting their Fury to pass upon him Besides His Majestie 's constant Diligence in those Duties did demonstrate that nothing but a principle of Holiness which is alwaies uniform both moved and assisted Him in those sacred Performances to which He was observed to go with an exceeding Alacrity as to a ravishing pleasure from which no lesser Pleasures nor Business were strong enough for a Diversion In the morning before He went to Hunting His beloved Sport the Chaplains were before Day call'd to their Ministry and when He was at Brainford among the Noise of Arms and near the Assaults of His Enemies He caused the Divine that then waited to perform his accustomed Service before He provided for Safety or attempted at Victory and would first gain upon the Love of Heaven and then afterwards repel the Malice of Men. Those that were appointed by the Parliament to attend Him in His Restraints wondred at His constant Devotions in His Closet and no Artifice of the Army was so likely to abuse Him to a Credulity of their good Intentions as the Permission of the Ministery of His Chaplains in the Worship of God a Mercy He valued to some of His Servants above that of enjoying Wife and Children At Sermons He carried Himself with such a Reverence and Attention that His Enemies which hated yet did even admire Him in it as if He were expecting new Instructions for Government from that God whose Deputy He was or a new Charter for a larger Empire and He was so careful not to neglect any of those Exercises that if on Tuesday Mornings on which Dayes there used to be Sermons at Court He were at any distance from thence He would ride hard to be present at the beginnings of them When the State of His Soul required He was as ready to perform those more severe parts of Religion which seem most distastful to Flesh and Blood And He never refused to take to Himself the shame of those Acts wherein He had transgressed that He might give Glory to His God For after the Army had forced Him from Holmeby and in their several removes had brought Him to Latmas an house of the Earl of Devonshire on Aug. 1. being Sunday in the Morning before Sermon He led forth with Him into the Garden the Reverend Dr Sheldon who then attended on Him and whom He was pleased to use as His Confessour and drawing out of His Pocket a Paper commanded him to read it transcribe it and so to deliver it to Him again This Paper contained several Vows which He had obliged His Soul unto for the Glory of His Maker the advance of true Piety and the emolument of the Church And among them this was one that He would do Publick Penance for the Injustice He had suffered to be done to the Earl of Strafford His consent to those Injuries that were done to the Church of England though at that time He had yielded to no more than the taking away of the High Commission and the Bishops power to Vote in Parliament and to the Church of Scotland and adjured the Dr that if ever he saw Him in a Condition to observe that or any of those Vows he should solicitously mind Him of the Obligations as he dreaded the guilt of the breach should ly upon His own Soul This voluntary submission to the Laws of Christianity exceeded that so memorable humiliation of the good Emperour Theodosius for he never bewailed the Blood of those seven thousand Men which in three hours space he caused to be spilt at Thessalonica till the resolution of St Ambrose made him sensible of the Crime But the Piety of King Charles anticipated the severity of a Confessor for those Offences to which He had been precipitated by the Violence of others This Zeal and Piety proceeded from the Dedication of His whole Soul to the Honour of His God for Religion was as Imperial in the Intellectual as in the Affectionate Faculties of it This Profession of the Church of England was His not so much by Education as Choice and He so well understood the Grounds of it that He valued them above all other Pretensions to Truth and was able to maintain it against all its Adversaries His Discourse with Henderson shews how just a Reverence He had for the Authority of the Catholick Church against the Pride and Ignorance of Schismaticks yet not to prostitute His Faith to the Adulterations of the Roman Infallibility and Traditions Nevertheless the most violent Slanders the Faction laboured to pollute Him with were those that rendred Him inclinable to Popery From which He was so averse that He could not forbear in His indearments to the Queen when He committed a secret to Her Breast which He would not trust to any other and when He admired and applauded Her affectionate Cares for His Honour and Safety in a Letter which He thought no Eye but Hers should have perused to let Her know that He still differ'd from Her in Religion for He says It is the only thing of Difference in Opinion betwixt Vs. Malice made the Slanderers blind and they published this Letter to the World than which there could not be a greater Evidence imaginable of the King 's most secret thoughts and Inward Sincerity nor a more shameful Conviction of their Impudence and damnable Falshood Nor did He only tell the Queen so but He made Her see it in His Actions For as soon as His Children were born it was His first Care to prevent the satisfaction of their Mother in baptizing them after the Rites of Her own Church When He was to Die a time most seasonable to speak Truth especially by Him who all His Life knew not how to Dissemble He declares His Profession in Religion to be the same with that which He found left by His Father King James How little the Papists credited what the Faction would have the World believe was too evident by the Conspiracies of their Fathers against His Life and Honour which the Discovery of Habernefield to whose relations the following practices against Him and the Church of England gained a belief brought to light They were mingled likewise
if time be unnecessarily lost 5. Now for the fallaciousness of my Argument to my knowledge it was never My practice nor do I confess to have begun now For if the Practice of the Primitive Church and the universal consent of the Fathers be not a convincing Argument when the interpretation of Scripture is doubtful I know nothing For if this be not then of necessity the Interpretation of private Spirits must be admitted the which contradicts St. Peter 2 Pet. 1. 20. is the Mother of all Sects and will if not prevented bring these Kingdoms into confusion And to say that an Argument is ill because the Papists use it or that such a thing is good because it is the Custom of some of the Reformed Churches cannot weigh with Me until you prove these to be infallible or that to maintain no Truth And how Diotrephes Ambition who directly opposed the Apostle St John can be an Argument against Episcopacy I do not understand 6. When I am made a Judge over the Reformed Churches then and not before will I censure their Actions as you must prove before I confess it that Presbyters without a Bishop may lawfully ordain other Presbyters And as for the Administration of Baptism as I think none will say that a Woman can lawfully or duely administer it though when done it be valid so none ought to do it but a lawful Presbyter whom you cannot deny but to be absolutely necessary for the Sacrament of the Eucharist 7. You make a learned succinct discourse of Oaths in general and their several Obligations to which I fully agree intending in the particular now in question to be guided by your own Rule which is when any Oath hath a special reference to the Benefit of those to whom I make the Promise if we have their desire or consent the Obligation ceaseth Now it must be known to whom this Oath hath reference and to whose benefit The Answer is clear Only to the Church of England as by the Record will be plainly made appear And you much mistake in alledging that the two Houses of Parliament especially as they are now constituted can have this Disobligatory power for besides that they are not named in it I am confident to make it clearly appear to you that this Church never did submit nor was subordinate to them and that it was only the King and Clergy who made the Reformation the Parliament merely serving to help to give the Civil Sanction All this being proved of which I make no question it must necessarily follow that it is only the Church of England in whose favour I took this Oath that can release Me from it wherefore when the Church of England being lawfully assembled shall declare that I am free then and not before I shall esteem My self so 8. To your last concerning the King My Father of Happy and Famous Memory both for his Piety and Learning I must tell you that I had the Happiness to know Him much better than you wherefore I desire you not to be too confident in the knowledge of His Opinions for I dare say should his Ghost now speak He would tell you that a bloody Reformation was never lawful as not warranted by God's Word and that Preces lachrymae sunt Arma Ecclesiae 9. To conclude having replied to all your Paper I cannot but observe to you that you have given Me no Answer to my last Quaere It may be you are as Chaucer says like the People of England What they not like they never understand but in earnest that question is so pertinent to the Purpose in hand that it will much serve for My satisfaction and besides it may be useful for other things C. R. Newcastle June 6. 1646. IV. Mr. Alexander Henderson's Second Paper For His MAJESTY SIR THE smaller the encouragements be in relation to the success which how small they are Your Majesty well knows the more apparent and I hope the more acceptable will my obedience be in that which in all humility I now go about at Your Majesty's command yet while I consider that the way of man is not in himself nor is it in man that walketh to direct his own steps and when I remember how many supplications with strong crying and tears have been openly and in secret offered up in Your Majesty's behalf unto God that heareth prayer I have no reason to despair of a blessed success 1. I have been averse from a disputation of Divines 1. For saving of time which the present exigence and extremity of affairs make more than ordinarily pretious While Archimedes at Syracuse was drawing his figures and circlings in the sand Marcellus interrupted his Demonstration 2. Because the common result of Disputes of this kind answerable to the prejudicate opinions of the Parties is rather Victory than Verity while tanquam tentativi Dialectici they study more to overcome their adverse Party than to be overcome of Truth although this be the most glorious Victory 3. When I was commanded to come hither no such thing was proposed to me nor expected by me I never judged so meanly of the Cause nor so highly of my self as to venture it upon such weakness Much more might be spoken to this purpose but I forbear 2. I will not further trouble Your Majesty with that which is contained in the second Section hoping that Your Majesty will no more insist upon Education Prescription of time c. which are sufficient to prevent Admiration but which Your Majesty acknowledges must give place to Reason and are no sure ground of resolution of our Faith in any point to be believed although it be true that the most part of men make these and the like to be the ground and rule of their Faith an Evidence that their Faith is not a Divine Faith but an humane Credulity 3. Concerning Reformation of Religion in the third Section I had need have a Preface to so thorny a Theme as your Majesty hath brought me upon 1. For the Reforming power it is conceived when a General Defection like a Deluge hath covered the whole face of the Church so that scarcely the tops of the Mountains do appear a General Council is necessary but because that can hardly be obtained several Kingdoms which we see was done at the time of the Reformation are to Reform themselves and that by the Authority of their Prince and Magistrates if the Prince or supreme Magistrate be unwilling then may the inferior Magistrate and the People being before rightly informed in the grounds of Religion lawfully Reform within their own sphere and if the light shine upon all or the major part they may after all other means assayed make a publick Reformation This before this time I never wrote or spoke yet the Maintainers of this Doctrine conceive that they are able to make it good But Sir were I worthy to give advice to Your Majesty or to the Kings and supreme Powers on Earth
no question but there are always some flattering fools that can commend nothing but with hyperbolick expressions and you know that supposito quolibet sequitur quidlibet besides do you think that albeit some ignorant Fellows should attribute more power to Presbyters than is really due unto them that thereby their Just reverence and Authority is diminished So I see no reason why I may not safely maintain that the Interpretation of Fathers is a most excellent strengthning to My Opinion though others should attribute the Cause and Reason of their Faith unto it 2. As there is no question but that Scripture is far the best Interpreter of it self so I see nothing in this negatively proved to exclude any other notwithstanding your positive affirmation 3. Nor in the next for I hope you will not be the first to condemn your self Me and innumerable others who yet unblameably have not tied themselves to this Rule 4. If this you only intend to prove that Errours were always breeding in the Church I shall not deny it yet that makes little as I conceive to your purpose But if your meaning be to accuse the Universal practice of the Church with Errour I must say it is a very bold undertaking and if you cannot justifie your self by clear places in Scripture much to be blamed wherein you must not alledge that to be universally received which was not as I dare say that the Controversie about Free-will was never yet decided by Oecumenical or General Council nor must you presume to call that an Errour which really the Catholick Church maintained as in Rites of Baptism Forms of Prayer Observation of Feasts Fasts c. except you can prove it so by the Word of God and it is not enough to say that such a thing was not warranted by the Apostles but you must prove by their Doctrine that such a thing was unlawful or else the Practice of the Church is warrant enough for Me to follow and obey that Custom whatsoever it be and think it good and I shall believe that the Apostles Creed was made by them such Reverence I bear to the Churches Tradition untill other Authors be certainly found out 5. I was taught that de posse ad esse was no good Argument and indeed to Me it is incredible that any custom of the Catholick Church was erroneous which was not contradicted by Orthodox learned Men in the times of their first Practice as is easily perceived that all those Defections were some of them may be justly called Rebellions which you mention 6. I deny it is impossible though I confess it difficult to come to the knowledge of the Universal Consent and Practice of the Primitive Church therefore I confess a man ought to be careful how to believe things of this nature wherefore I conceive this to be only an Argument for Caution My conclusion is that albeit I never esteemed any Authority equal to the Scriptures yet I do think the Unanimous Consent of the Fathers and the Universal Practice of the Primitive Church to be the best and most Authentical Interpreters of God's Word and consequently the fittest Judges between Me and you when we differ until you shall find Me better For example I think you for the present the best Preacher in Newcastle yet I believe you may err and possibly a better Preacher may come but till then I must retain my Opinion Newcastle July 16. 1646. C. R. His MAJESTY's Quaere concerning Easter propounded to the Parliaments Commissioners at Holdenby April 23. 1647. I desire to be resolved of this Question Why the new Reformers discharge the keeping of Easter The Reason for this Quaere is I Conceive the Celebration of this Feast was instituted by the same Authority which changed the Jewish Sabbath into the Lord's Day or Sunday for it will not be found in Scripture where Saturday is discharged to be kept or turned into the Sunday wherefore it must be the Churches Authority that changed the one and instituted the other Therefore My Opinion is that those who will not keep this Feast may as well return to the observation of Saturday and refuse the weekly Sunday When any body can shew Me that herein I am in an errour I shall not be ashamed to confess and amend it till when you know my mind C. R. His MAJESTY's First Paper concerning Episcopacy At the Treaty at NEWPORT October 2. 1648. CHARLES R. I Conceive that Episcopal Government is most consonant to the Word of God and of an Apostolical institution as it appears by the Scripture to have been practised by the Apostles themselves and by them committed and derived to particular persons as their Substitutes or Successors therein as for ordaining Presbyters and Deacons giving Rules concerning Christian Discipline and exercising Censures over Presbyters and others and hath ever since to these last times been exercised by Bishops in all the Churches of Christ and therefore I cannot in Conscience consent to abolish the said Government Notwithstanding this my perswasion I shall be glad to be informed if our Saviour and the Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty as they might totally alter or change the Church-Government at their pleasure Which if you can make appear to Me then I will confess that one of my great Scruples is clean taken away And then there only remains That being by my Coronation-Oath obliged to maintain Episcopal Government as I found it setled to my hands Whether I may consent to the abolishing thereof until the same shall be evidenced to Me to be contrary to the Word of God Newport October 2. 1648. PRAYERS Used by His MAJESTY in the time of His Troubles and Restraint I. A Prayer used by His MAJESTY at His entrance in state into the Cathedral Church of Excester after the defeat of the Earl of Essex in Cornwal O Most glorious Lord God Father Son and Holy Ghost I here humbly adore thy most Sacred Majesty and I bless and magnifie thy Name for that Thou hast been pleased so often and so strangely to deliver Me from the strivings of my People Father forgive them who have thus risen up against Me and do Thou yet turn their hearts both unto Thee and to Me that I being firmly established in the Throne Thou hast placed Me in I may defend Thy Church committed to My care and keep all this Thine and My People in Truth and Peace through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen II. A Prayer drawn by His MAJESTY's special direction and dictates for a Blessing on the Treaty at Uxbridge O Most merciful Father Lord God of Peace and Truth we a People sorely afflicted by the scourge of an unnatural War do here earnestly beseech Thee to command a Blessing from Heaven upon this present Treaty begun for the establishment of an happy Peace Soften the most obdurate hearts with a true Christian desire of saving those mens blood for whom Christ himself
endeavouring to make any excuse for the Actions of Our Ministers That the measure of Our Justice and Favour by way of Reparation should far exceed the proportion of the Sufferings Our good Subjects had undergone by Us which We were confident would beget so mutual an Affection and confidence between Us that such a foundation of firm and stable Happiness would immediately have been laid for the whole Kingdom that all memory of former Grievances would have been easily buried and that this Parliament should receive a glorious celebration both by King and People to the end of the world And therefore upon the first Convention on the third of November We declared Our resolution in that point and then or soon after desired that whatever mistaking had grown in the Government either of Church or State might be removed and all things reduced to the Order of the time the memory whereof is justly precious to this Nation of Queen Elizabeth and for any expression of their Affection to Us in supply of Our known Necessities We were so far from pressing We resolved not to think of it till all Our good People should be abundantly satisfied in all necessary provision for their Liberty and Property and whatsoever else might disturb them in their Estates or Consciences How firmly We have kept Our Self to this Resolution is evident to all the world At the beginning of the Parliament We quickly discerned by some Circumstances of their proceedings that they meant not to confine or contain themselves within the Paths of their Predecessors which We imputed to the disorder and impatience the former Sufferings of the Kingdom had begot in them and therefore We resolved to take no exceptions to any particular but to do Our part in any point of Reformation as soon and as often as any opportunity should be offered unto Us believing that as soon as they should find themselves restored to their old security and the matter and substance of their Doubts and Fears to be removed they would easily and willingly reduce themselves into their good old way and apply themselves to the usual form of their Predecessors in the course of their proceedings And though We well knew the Combination entred into by several persons for an alteration in the Government of the Church which could not but have an Influence upon the Civil Government of the State too and observed that those men had greatest Interest and power of perswading in both Houses who had entred into such Combination yet Our Resolution was so full for the publick satisfaction of Our People that We believed even those men would either have been converted in their Consciences by the clearness and justice of Our Actions or would have appeared so unreasonable or been discovered so seditious that their Malice and Fury would not have been able to have done mischief And therefore We took no notice of the great labour and skill the prime Leaders amongst them had used to get men of their Faction nominated and elected to serve as Members of the House of Commons and did use to remove others whom they knew to be of different Opinions though they were fairly and legally elected wherein there was no other measure or Rule of Justice observed than singly with reference to the Opinions or Affections of the Persons witness besides their putting out or keeping in men upon questionable Elections without the least colour or shadow of Justice their Order whereby they at one clap expelled a very great number of Persons fairly elected by their Country upon pretence that they had some hand or their names used in some Project Monopoly or Patent without charging them with any Crime or to this day proceeding against them and yet they continue amongst them Sir Henry Mildmay Master Laurence Whitakers and others whose Affections and Opinions they are well pleased with though the first of them is notoriously known to be the chief Promoter of the business of the Gold and Silver Thred a Commission complained of viewed and examined and therefore his name might have been easily taken notice of and the other as conversant and as much imployed as a Commissioner in matters of that nature as any Man We speak not this to excuse Monopolies the Inconveniences of which We are sensible of and shall for the future prevent but to shew the partiality of that Faction and the use they make of them to their own advantage The first Remedy after the impeaching several Persons of High Treason whom they looked upon as the chief causes of the publick Sufferings they proposed was The Bill for the Triennial Parliament to the which though We might justly have paused upon several Expressions and Clauses in it and might very well have insisted upon Our old Priviledge and Custom not to pass any Bill till the end of the Session yet since We really did believe most of the Mischiefs then complained of proceeded from the too-long intermission of Parliaments and were resolved for the future to communicate freely and frequently that way with Our Subjects We passed over those Exceptions and consented to it especially upon this Confidence That when such other Acts should be agreed upon for the ease and security of Our People as We desired and expected should be preferred to Us this Act would be a sufficient earnest and assurance that all those Acts should be faithfully observed by Us and so there should be no room left for any Fears and Jealousies which might prevent that mutual Confidence between Us and Our People We earnestly desired to raise and for some time after the passing this Act We found such an acknowledgment from both Houses of Our singular Grace and Favour in consenting to it and so great expressions of their Affections and purposes towards Us that We believed the sense of it would never have been forgotten and were as much pleased that We had taken that way of obliging Our People as they were with the Benefit it self But We were very well able to discover that whatsoever seemed to be asked of Us or to be complained of to Us there was still a Faction of a few Ambitious Discontented and Seditious persons who under pretence of being enemies to Arbitrary Power and of compassion towards those who out of Tenderness of Conscience could not submit to some things enjoyned or commended in the Government of the Church had in truth a desire and had entred into a Combination to that purpose to alter the Government both of Church and State which they were yet to disguise till by their Art or Industry they had infected some with their Opinions and by their cunning Demeanour and Managery of the publick Interests they had seduced others to an implicite confidence in their Power Wisdom and Integrity And against this Design We only opposed a resolution to contribute all Our assistance for the Peace Happiness and Security of Our People and so to convince their Understandings if their Error proceeded from Weakness
Witnesses cross-examined though they attended above twelve months to do it and if some men had not believed that their general and violent expressions affirming this to be a Plot equal to that of the Gun-powder-Treason would sooner be believed if it were not publickly discussed but left to every mans fancy to heighten according to his own Inclinations and had not feared that if the whole Examinations taken and not such only as they pleased to select had come to light it would have appeared by the Examination of Master Goring purposely supprest with what intention that mention of bringing up the Army was made with what earnestness it was opposed and with what suddenness it was deserted and many extenuations of and many other contradictions to what is now published would have appeared and this impossible Stratagem with which they have so much disturbed Our Subjects and reproached Us could never have been made so much use of After all this readiness in Us to do whatsoever they desired of Us and patience in suffering them to do whatsoever they pleased to Us We gave them warning that if there were any more good Bills which they desired might pass for the benefit of Our Subjects We wished they might be made ready against such a time when We resolved according to Our Promise to Our Scots Subjects with which they were well acquainted to repair into Our Kingdom of Scotland to settle the unhappy Differences there Upon this We were earnestly desired by both Our Houses of Parliament to deferr Our Journey thither as well upon pretence of the Danger if both Armies were not first disbanded as that they had many good Laws in readiness for the settling the Differences here We were by their entreaty perswaded to deferr Our Journey to a day agreed on by themselves assuring Our Self that they would think themselves obliged against that time not only to disband Our Armies but so to prepare and digest the business of Parliament that We might have made a Session before Our going But that Malignant Faction was so prevalent that the debate of the Bishops Bill took up most of their time so that neither any care was taken for the disbanding the Army nor any thing done that had any reference to the publick benefit and when the time of Our stay was expired and even the day come themselves had appointed a new Address was made unto Us for a longer stay of fourteen days because the Treaty was not concluded nor the Armies disbanded which was the main ground of Our deferring it before This Suit which was the first We denied them We could not grant there being that necessity with reference to Our Promise and to the expectation of Our Subjects of Scotland that it was not in Our power to satisfie them as We informed both Houses Our self at a Conference and according to that necessity We undertook that Journey not doubting but that when We should have dispatched the Affairs of that Kingdom which We hoped speedily to do and both Our Houses of Parliament should have refreshed themselves in the Visitation of those for whom they had so well provided by Our Favour We should meet again with mutual Confidence one in another and that it would be Our turn then to receive such Testimonies of that Confidence and Affection as We had deserved But the mischievous and indefatigable industry of that Malignant party which had before Our going interrupted that Correspondence which We deserved from Our People had with no less Malice provided for Our reception at Our Return instead of reducing business to that head that the Distractions of the Kingdom might be composed by the due observation and execution of the Laws We found things far more out of order than We left them and Our good Subjects more puzzled to know their Duties Orders had been made in the House of Commons and published in derogation of the Book of Common-Prayer and for suspension of those Laws in force which concerned the Government of the Church and though another Order of the Lords was likewise published according to Law for the due observation of the Laws established and for suppressing those Disorders which were every day breaking out by the faction of mean loose persons against the Divine Service appointed by Law the House of Commons took upon them publickly to declare against that Order because it was only made with the consent of eleven Lords and that nine other Lords did then dissent from it whereas in truth the said Order was made in a full House in January before and only Ordered then by that difference of number to be printed after the House of Commons had made in a very thin House and after it had been rejected by Vote that illegal Order for such alteration in the Church and if in truth it had been then made and but by the odds of two Voices being in pursuance of the Law all men will think it of much more validity than any Order of the House of Commons against the Law which in truth hath no Authority to make any Orders in business of that nature And therefore the publishing of that Order and Declaration of the ninth of September must be confessed by all men to be such a breach and violation of the Privilege of the Peers House besides the Affront offered to Us and injury to Our good Subjects and to the Law by it that before this Parliament was never heard of and was an apparent evidence that they meant the whole Managery of the Kingdom and the Legislative power should be undertaken by the House of Commons without the Consent either of Us or Our Nobility Yet the Execution of this Order was with great Diligence and Animosity pressed upon Our good Subjects and many troubled and imprisoned for not submitting thereunto When they had made this breach upon the Ecclesiastical State they took care under pretence of encouragement of Preaching to erect Lectures in several Parishes and to commend such Lecturers as best suited with their Designs men of no learning no Conscience but furious Promoters of the most dangerous Innovations which were ever induced into any State many of them having taken no Orders yet recommended by Members of either House to Parishes as at Leusham in Kent and many other places And when Mechanick persons have been brought before them for Preaching in Churches and confessed the same the power of these Grand Reformers hath been so great that they have been dismissed without Punishment hardly with Reprehension All persons of Learning and eminency in Preaching of sober and vertuous Conversations and great Examples in their Lives even such as amongst these Men had been of greatest estimation and suffered somewhat for them were discountenanced and such Men principally cherished who boldly and seditiously preached against the Government of the Church against the Book of Common-Prayer against Our Kingly lawful Power and against Our Person many of which were commended to if not imposed upon
you conceived the continual succession of Episcopacy from the Apostles times was consented to on all parts and that you cannot remember that the contrary thereof was so much as alledged much less that the Unlawfulness thereof was proved the Question of the Unlawfulness thereof having never yet come into debate we desire your Lordships to remember that when a Divine in Commission with you undertook to prove the Jus Divinum of Episcopacy his Arguments were not only answered by another Divine in Commission with us but that 4 or 5 several Arguments were then brought by him out of the Scriptures to prove the Unlawfulness of it and afterwards in an extrajudicial Debate between several Divines on both sides by consent of the Commissioners those Arguments were further made good by the Divines on our side and the pretended continual succession of Episcopal Government from the Apostles times was as we conceive at the same time sufficiently disproved so that we cannot but wonder that your Lordships should forget that the Unlawfulness of it was debated And whereas in your Lordships last Paper of Feb. 20. you were pleased to say That if it might be made appear that the Government by Bishops is unlawful or that the Government which we desire to introduce in the room thereof is the only Government that is agreeable to the Word of God your Lordships would immediately give us full satisfaction in our Proposition we desire your Lordships to remember besides what hath been proved in debate concerning the unlawfulness of Episcopal Government and notwithstanding the general experience that the Government by Arch-bishops Bishops c. hath been a hindrance to Reformation and growth of Religion and prejudicial to the Civil State and the manifest evidence of the thing it self that so much of the Government desired by us as hath been presented to your Lordships is agreeable to the Word of God how we have several times offered our selves to give your Lordships satisfaction by Conference if any Objections remained with your Lordships to the contrary which we are still ready to do and desire your Lordships full Answer to that and the rest of our Propositions concerning Religion The King's Commissioners Answer 21. Feb. VVE did conceive that the continual Succession of Episcopacy from the Apostles times had been so clearly manifested to your Lordships by our Conference on the 12. of this instant that your Lordships had been fully satisfied therein the which since you are not we would gladly be informed when and where any National Church since the Apostles times was without that Government and since your Lordships are of opinion that the Unlawfulness of Episcopacy was made good by those Arguments which were given by the Divines on your part which in truth we did not understand to be made to that purpose when they were first urged and being now again remembred in our Judgments do not in any degree prove the same we being very ready to consent to the abolishing thereof if the same can be proved and your Lordships assuming that you have proved it and so that you can again prove it we desire your Lordships by Conference or in writing to satisfie us in that point which we hope being in your Power as you say to do and being a sure way to put an end to this debate by our yielding your Lordships will not refuse to do it But if neither that nor the other Proposition that the Government intended to be introduced by your Lordships is the only Government that is agreeable to the Word of God can be evinced we hope your Lordships will rest satisfied with the Reasons we have given your Lordships in writing why we cannot consent to your Propositions concerning Religion as they are made and insisted on by your Lordships and that we have offered your Lordships a remedy against all the inconveniences that have been ever pretended in the Government as it is now established by Law and which ought not upon less Reasons than we have mentioned to be taken away Their Reply 21. Feb. WE do not conceive that the continual Succession of Episcopacy from the Apostles times hath been at all manifested to us in Conference by your Lordships and for what your Lordships mention concerning a National Church it is a new Question which hath not as yet been any part of the Subject of our Debate But we desire to bring that to a Conclusion which is in issue between us and not doubting but that your Lordships are fully satisfied that Episcopacy is not Jure Divino we are ready by Conference to shew the Unlawfulness of that Episcopacy which we desire to take away by our Bill and that the Government which we propose is agreeable to the Word of God In pursuance of this Paper the most part of the next day being the last of the Treaty was spent in Dispute between the Divines and after their Commissioners delivered in this Paper 22. Feb. HAving the last night given in a Paper unto your Lordships wherein we signified that we doubted not but that you were fully satisfied that Episcopacy was not Jure Divino we are the more confirmed in it because your Lordships have since that time given us nothing in to the contrary And we hope we have by clear Arguments from Scripture and Reason this day likewise satisfied you that the Government by Arch-Bishops Bishops c. which we desire to be taken away by this Bill is unlawful and that the Government which we desire to be established is agreeable to the Word of God And therefore we desire your Lordships to agree to the passing of this Bill and to give us your full and clear Answer to this and the rest of the Propositions concerning Religion The King's Commissioners Answer 22. February ACcording to your Lordships Paper of the last night we attended your Debate this day concerning the Unlawfulness of Episcopacy but did neither then nor do now acknowledge our selves convinced by any Arguments offered by you that Episcopacy is not Jure Divino the same having been the opinion of very many Learned Men in all Ages which we do not censure or determine but not insisted on by us as the ground of any Answer we have delivered to your Lordships And we are so far from being satisfied with the Arguments from Scripture and Reason this day urged to prove that the Government by Arch-Bishops Bishops c. which you desire to be taken away by this Bill is unlawful that the weightiest Arguments which were urged in our Judgments concluded at most against those Inconveniencies which are remedied by the Alteration offered by us to your Lordships in our Paper of the 13 of this Month and it seems strange to us that your Lordships should think that Government without which no National Church hath been since the Apostles times till within these few years to be unlawful And for the Government desired by you to be established your Lordships have not
Bishop Jewel that Ambrose Chrysostome Jerome Augustine and many more holy Fathers together with the Apostle Paul agree that by the Word of God there is no difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter and that Medina in the Council of Trent affirms not only the same Fathers but also another Jerome Theodoret Primasius Sedulius and Theophylact to be of the same judgment and that with them agree Oecumenius Anselme Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and another Anselme Gregory and Gratian and after them many others that it was inrolled in the Canon Law for sound and Catholick Doctrine and publickly taught by Learned men And adds That all who have laboured in the Reformation of the Church for these 500 years have taught that all Pastors be they intituled Bishops or Priests have equal authority and power by God's word The same way goes Lombard Master of the Sentences and Father of the School-men who speaking of Presbyters and Deacons saith The Primitive Church had those Orders only and that we have the Apostles precept for them alone With him agree many of the most eminent in that kind and generally all the Canonists To these we may add Sixtus Senensis who testifies for himself and many others and Cassander who was called by one of the German Emperors as one of singular ability and integrity to inform him and resolve his Conscience in questions of that nature who said It is agreed among all that in the Apostles times there was no difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter For a conclusion we add that the Doctrine we have herein propounded to Your Majesty concerning the Identity of the Order of Bishops and Presbyters is no other than the Doctrine published by King Henry the 8. 1543. for all his Subjects to receive seen and allowed by the Lords both Spiritual and Temporal with the neather House of Parliament Of these two Orders only so saith the Book that is to say Priests and Deacons Scripture maketh express mention and how they were conferred of the Apostles by Prayer and Imposition of hands By all which it seems evident that the Order of Episcopacy as distinct from Presbytery is but an Ecclesiastical Institution and therefore not unalterable Lastly we answer That Episcopal Government which at first obtained in the Church did really and substantially differ from the Episcopal Goverment which the Honourable Houses of Parliament desire the abolition of The Bishop of those times was one presiding and joining with the Presbytery of his Church ruling with them and not without them either created and made by the Presbyters chusing out one among themselves as in Rome and Alexandria or chosen by the Church and confirmed by three or more of his Neighbours of like dignity within the same precinct lesser Towns and Villages had and might have have Bishops in them as well as populous and eminent Cities until the Council of Sardis decreed That Villages and small Cities should have no Bishops lest the name and authority of a Bishop might thereby come into contempt But of one claiming as his due and right to himself alone as a superior order or degree all power about Ordination of Presbyters and Deacons and all jurisdiction either to exercise himself or delegate to whom he will of the Laity or Clergy as they distinguish according to the Judgment and Practice of those in our times we read not till in the latter and corrupter Ages of the Church By all which it appears that the present Hierarchy the abolition whereof is desired by the Honourable Houses may accordingly be abolished and yet possibly the Bishops of those Primitive times be They are so far differing one from another In answer to that part of Your Majesties Paper wherein You require whether our Saviour and his Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty as they might totally alter or change the Church-Government at their pleasure we humbly conceive that there are Substantials belonging to Church-Government such as are appointed by Christ and his Apostles which are not in the Churches liberty to alter at pleasure But as for Arch-Bishops c. we hope it will appear unto Your Majesties Conscience that they are none of the Church-Governors appointed by our Saviour and his Apostles And we beseech Your Majesty to look rather to the Original of them than Succession Octob. 3. 1648. III. His MAJESTIES Answer to the Paper delivered to Him by the Divines attending the Parliament's Commissioners concerning Church-Government C. R. HIS Majesty upon perusal of your Answer to His Paper of the second of October 1648. findeth that you acknowledg the several Scriptures cited in the Margin to prove the things for which they are cited viz. That the Apostles in their own persons that Timothy and Titus by Authority derived from them and the Angels of the Churches had power of Church-Government and did or might actually exercise the same in all the three several branches in His Paper specified And so in effect you grant all that is desired For the Bishops challenge no more or other power to belong unto them in respect of their Episcopal Office as it is distinct from that of Presbyters than what properly falleth under one of these three Ordination giving Rules and Censures But when you presently after deny the persons that exercised the power aforesaid to have been Bishops or to have exercised Episcopal Government in that sense as Bishops are distinct from Presbyters you do in effect deny the very same thing you had before granted For Episcopal Government in that sense being nothing else but the Government of the Churches within a certain Precinct commonly called a Diocese committed to one single person with sufficient authority over the Presbyters and people of those Churches for that end since the substance of the thing it self in all the three forementioned particulars is found in the Scriptures unless you will strive about names and words which tendeth to no profit but to the puzling and subverting those which seek after truth you must also acknowledg that Episcopal Government in the sense aforesaid may be sufficiently proved from the Scriptures In that which you say next and for proof thereof insist upon three several Texts His Majesty conceiveth as to the present business that the most that can be proved from all or any of those places is this That the word Bishop is there used to signifie Presbyter and that consequently the Office and Work mentioned in those places as the Office and Work of a Bishop are the Office and Work of a Presbyter which is confest on all sides although His Majesty is not sure that the proof will reach so far in each of those places But from thence to infer an absolute Identity of the Functions of a Bishop and a Presbyter is a fallacy which his Majesty observeth to run in a manner quite along your whole Answer but it appears from the Scriptures by what you have granted that single persons as Timothy and Titus
the Church of England as well by their personal Subscriptions as otherwise so attested and declared and which Himself in His Judgment and Conscience hath for so many years been and yet is perswaded to be at least of Apostolical Institution and Practice Truly His Majesty cannot but wonder what should be the reason of your great shiness and unwillingness to discover your minds in a matter of so great and necessary consequence and for a final conclusion of this whole Dispute which His Majesty thinketh fit to shut up with this Paper He must plainly tell you That your endeavours to have given Him satisfaction in the Questions proposed would have added much in His opinion to the reputation of your Ingenuity in the whole undertaking it being not probable you should work much upon His Judgment whilst you are fearful to declare your own nor possible to relieve His Conscience but by a free discharge of yours Nevertheless His Majesty liketh well of your Prayer in the close of your Paper and thinketh you should do very well to joyn therewith your utmost possible endeavours towards the settling of Truth and a happy Peace in this unsettled Church and Kingdom THE END ΕΙΚΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ THE POURTRAICTURE OF HIS SACRED MAJESTY IN HIS SOLITUDES and SUFFERINGS I. Vpon His MAJESTIES Calling this last PARLIAMENT THIS last Parliament I called not more by others advice and necessity of my Affairs than by my own choice and inclination who have always thought the right way of Parliaments most safe for my Crown as best pleasing to my People And altho I was not forgetful of those sparks which some mens distempers formerly studied to kindle in Parliaments which by forbearing to convene for some years I hoped to have extinguished yet resolving with My self to give all just satisfaction to modest and sober desires and to redress all publick Grievances in Church and State I hoped by my freedom and their moderation to prevent all misunderstandings and miscarriages in this In which as I feared affairs would meet with some Passion and Prejudice in other men so I resolved they should find least of them in My self not doubting but by the weight of Reason I should counterpoise the over-balancings of any Factions I was inded sorry to hear with what Partiality and Popular heat Elections were carried in many places yet hoping that the Gravity and Discretion of other Gentlemen would allay and fix the Commons to a due temperament guiding some mens well-meaning zeal by such rules of moderation as are best both to preserve and restore the health of all States and Kingdoms no man was better pleased with the convening of this Parliament than My self who knowing best the Largeness of my own Heart toward my Peoples good and just contentment pleased My self most in that good and firm understanding which would hence grow between Me and my People All Jealousies being laid aside My own and My Childrens Interests gave Me many obligations to seek and preserve the Love and welfare of my Subjects the only temporal Blessing that is left to the ambition of just Monarchs as their greatest Honour and Safety next Gods Protection I cared not to lessen My self in some things of my wonted Prerogative since I knew I could be no loser if I might gain but a recompence in my Subjects Affections I intended not only to oblige my Friends but mine Enemies also exceeding even the desires of those that were factiously discontented if they did but pretend to any modest and sober sense The Odium and offences which some mens Rigor or Remisness in Church and State had contracted upon my Government I resolved to have expiated by such Laws and regulations for the future as might not only rectify what was amiss in Practice but supply what was defective in the Constitution No man having a greater zeal to see Religion setled and preserved in Truth Unity and Order than My self whom it most concerns both in Piety and Policy as knowing that No flames of civil Dissentions are more dangerous than those which make Religious pretensions the grounds of Factions I resolved to reform what I should by free and full advice in Parliament be oonvinced of to be amiss and to grant whatever my Reason and Conscience told Me was fit to be desired I wish I had kept My self within those bounds and not suffered my own Judgment to have been overborn in some things more by others importunities than their Arguments My confidence had less betrayed My self and my Kingdomes to those advantages which some men sought for who wanted nothing but Power and Occasions to do mischief But our Sins being ripe there was no preventing of Gods Justice from reaping that Glory in our Calamities which we robb'd him of in our Prosperity For Thou O Lord hast made us see that Resolutions of future Reforming do not always satisfie thy Justice nor prevent thy Vengeance for former miscarriages Our Sins have overlaid our Hopes Thou hast taught us to depend on thy Mercies to forgive not on our purpose to amend When Thou hast vindicated thy Glory by thy Judgments and hast shewed us how unsafe it is to offend Thee upon presumptions afterwards to please Thee then I trust thy Mercies will restore those Blessings to us which we have so much abused as to force Thee to deprive us of them For want of timely Repentance of our sins Thou givest us cause to repent of those remedies we too late apply Yet I do not repent of my calling this last Parliament because O Lord I did it with an upright intention to thy Glory and my peoples good The Miseries which have ensued upon Me and My Kingdoms are the just effects of thy displeasure upon us and may be yet through thy mercy preparative of us to future Blessings and better hearts to enjoy them O Lord tho Thou hast deprived us of many former comforts yet grant Me and My people the benefit of our afflictions and thy chastisements that thy rod as well as thy staff may comfort us Then shall we dare to account them the strokes not of an Enemy but a Father when thou givest us those humble affections that measure of Patience in Repentance which becomes thy Children I shall have no cause to repent the Miseries this Parliament hath occasioned when by them thou hast brought Me and My people unfeignedly to repent of the Sins we have committed Thy Grace is infinitely better with our Sufferings than our Peace could be with our Sins O thou soveraign Goodness and Wisdom who over-rulest all our Counsels over-rule also all our hearts That the worse things we suffer by thy Justice the better we may be by thy Mercy As our Sins have turned our Antidotes into poyson so let thy Grace turn our poysons into Antidotes As the Sins of our Peace disposed us to this unhappy War so let this War prepare us for thy blessed Peace That although I have but troublesom Kingdoms here yet I may
this That they would not suffer themselves to be over-aw'd with the Tumults and their Patrons nor compelled to abet by their suffrages or presence the designs of those men who agitated Innovations and Ruin both in Church and State In this point I could not but approve their generous Constancy and Cautiousness further than this I did never allow any mans refractoriness against the Priviledges and Orders of the Houses to whom I wished nothing more than Safety Fulness and Freedom But the truth is some men and those not many despairing in fair and Parliamentary ways by free deliberations and Votes to gain the concurrence of the major part of Lords and Commons betook themselves by the desperate activity of factious Tumults to sift and terrifie away all those Members whom they saw to be of contrary minds to their purposes How oft was the business of the Bishops enjoying their Ancient places and undoubted Priviledges in the House of Peers carried for them by far the major part of Lords Yet after five repulses contrary to all Order and Custom it was by tumultuary instigations obtruded again and by a few carried when most of the Peers were forced to absent themselves In like manner was the Bill against Root and Branch brought on by tumultuary Clamours and schismatical Terrors which could never pass till both Houses were sufficiently thinned and over-awed To which Partiality while in all Reason Justice and Religion my Conscience forbids Me by consenting to make up their Votes to Acts of Parliament I must now be urged with an Army and constrained either to hazard My own and My Kingdoms ruine by My Defence or prostrate My Conscience to the blind obedience of those men whose zealous Superstition thinks or pretends they cannot do God and the Church a greater service than utterly to destroy that Primitive Apostolical and anciently-Universal Government of the Church by Bishops Which if other mens Judgments bind them to maintain or forbid them to consent to the abolishing of it Mine much more who besides the grounds I have in My Judgment have also a most strict and indispensable Oath upon my Conscience to preserve that Order and the Rights of the Church to which most Sacrilegious and abhorred Perjury most unbeseeming a Christian King should I ever by giving My Consent be betrayed I should account it infinitely greater Misery than any hath or can befal Me inasmuch as the least Sin hath more evil in it than the greatest Affliction Had I gratified their Anti-episcopal Faction at first in this point with My Consent and sacrificed the Ecclesiastical Government and Revenues to the fury of their Covetousness Ambition and Revenge I believe they would then have found no colourable necessity of raising an Army to fetch in and punish Delinquents That I consented to the Bill of putting the Bishops out of the House of Peers was done with a firm perswasion of their contentedness to suffer a present diminution in their Rights and Honour for My sake and the Common-weals which I was confident they would readily yield unto rather than occasion by the least obstruction on their part any danger to Me or to My Kingdom That I cannot add my consent for the total Extirpation of that Government which I have often offered to all fit Regulations hath so much further tie upon My Conscience as what I think Religious and Apostolical and so very Sacred and Divine is not to be dispensed with or destroyed when what is only of civil Favour and priviledg of Honour granted to men of that Order may with their Consent who are concerned in it be annulled This is the true state of those Obstructions pretended to be in point of Justice and Authority of Parliament when I call God to witness I knew none of such consequence as was worth speaking of to make a War being only such as Justice Reason and Religion had made in My own and other mens Consciences Afterwards indeed a great shew of Delinquents was made which were but consequences necessarily following upon Mine or others withdrawing from or defence against Violence but those could not be the first occasion of raising an Army against Me. Wherein I was so far from preventing them as they have declared often that they might seem to have the advantage and Justice of the defensive part and load Me with all the Envy and Injuries of first assaulting them that God knows I had not so much as any hopes of an Army in my thoughts Had the Tumults been honourably and effectually repressed by exemplary Justice and the Liberty of the Houses so vindicated that all Members of either House might with Honour and Freedom becoming such a Senate have come and discharged their Consciences I had obtained all that I designed by my withdrawing and had much more willingly and speedily returned than I retired this being my Necessity driving the other my Choice desiring But some men knew I was like to bring the same Judgment and Constancy which I carried with Me which would never fit their Designs and so while they invited Me to come and grievously complained of my Absence yet they could not but be pleased with it especially when they had found out that plausible and popular pretext of raising an Army to fetch in Delinquents when all that while they never punished the greatest and most intolerable Delinquency of the Tumults and their Exciters which drave My self and so many of both Houses from their places by most barbarous indignities which yet in all Reason and Honour they were as loath to have deserted as those others were willing they should that so they might have occasion to persecute them with the Injuries of an Army for not suffering more tamely the Injuries of the Tumults That this is the true state and first drift and design in raising an Army against Me is by the sequel so evident that all other pretences vanish For when they declared by Propositions or Treaties what they would have to appease them there was nothing of consequence offered to Me or demanded of Me as any original difference in any point of Law or order of Justice But among other lesser Innovations this chiefly was urged The Abolition of Episcopal and the Establishment of Presbyterian Government All other things at any time propounded were either impertinent as to any ground of a War or easily granted by Me and only to make up a number or else they were merely consequential and accessary after the War was by them unjustly begun I cannot hinder other mens thoughts whom the noise and shew of Piety and heat for Reformation and Religion might easily so fill with Prejudice that all equality and clearness of Judgment might be obstructed But this was and is as to my best observation the true state of affairs between us when they first raised an Army with this design either to stop my mouth or to force my Consent And in this truth as to my Conscience who was God knows
religious Reformations by the Sword as to polish them by fair and equal Disputations among those that are most concerned in the Differences whom not Force but Reason ought to convince But their design now seemed rather to cut off all Disputation here than to procure a fair and equal one For it was concluded there that the English Clergy must conform to the Scots pattern before ever they could be heard what they could say for themselves or against the others Way I could have wished fairer proceedings both for their credits who urge things with such Violence and for other mens Consciences too who can receive little satisfaction in these Points which are maintained rather by Soldiers fighting in the Field than Scholars disputing in free and learned Synods Sure in matters of Religion those Truths gain most on mens Judgments and Consciences which are least urged with secular Violence which weakens Truth with Prejudices and is unreasonable to be used till such means of rational Conviction have been applied as leaving no excuse for Ignorance condemns mens Obstinacy to deserved penalties Which no Charity will easily suspect of so many Learned and Pious Church-men in England who being always bred up and conformable to the Government of Episcopacy cannot so soon renounce both their former Opinion and practice only because that Party of the Scots will needs by Force assist a like Party here either to drive all Ministers as sheep into the common fold of Presbytery or destroy them at least fleece them by depriving them of the benefit of their Flocks If the Scotch sole Presbytery were proved to be the only institution of Jesus Christ for all Churches Government yet I believe it would be hard to prove that Christ had given those Scots or any other of My Subjects Commission by the Sword to set it up in any of My Kingdoms without My consent What respect and obedience Christ and his Apostles pay'd to the chief Governors of States where they lived is very clear in the Gospel but that he or they ever commanded to set up such a Parity of Presbyters and in such a way as those Scots endeavour I think is not very disputable If Presbytery in such a supremacy be an institution of Christ sure it differs from all others and is the first and only Point of Christianity that was to be planted and watered with so much Christian blood whose effusions run in a stream so contrary to that of the Primitive Planters both of Christianity and Episcopacy which was with patient shedding of their own blood not violent drawing other mens Sure there is too much of Man in it to have much of Christ none of whose institutions were carried on or begun with the temptations of Covetousness or Ambition of both which this is vehemently suspected Yet was there never any thing upon the point which those Scots had by Army or Commissioners to move Me with by their many solemn Obtestations and pious Threatnings but only this To represent to Me the wonderful necessity of setting up their Presbytery in England to avoid the further miseries of a War which some men chiefly on this design at first had begun and now further engaged themselves to continue What hinders that any Sects Schisms or Heresies if they can get but numbers strength and opportunity may not according to this opinion and pattern set up their ways by the like methods of violence All which Presbytery seeks to suppress and render odious under those Names when Wise and Learned men think that nothing hath more marks of Schism and Sectarism than this Presbyterian way both as to the Ancient and still most Universal way of the Church-Government and specially as to the particular Laws and Constitutions of this English Church which are not yet repealed nor are like to be for Me till I see more Rational and Religious motives than Soldiers use to carry in their Knapsacks But we must leave the success of all to God who hath many ways having first taken us off from the folly of our Opinions and fury of our Passion to teach us those Rules of true Reason and peaceable Wisdom which is from above tending most to Gods glory and his Churches good which I think My self so much the more bound in Conscience to attend with the most judicious zeal and care by how much I esteem the Church above the State the glory of Christ above Mine own and the Salvation of mens Souls above the Preservation of their Bodies and Estates Nor may any men I think without sin and presumption forcibly endeavour to cast the Churches under My care and tuition into the moulds they have fancied and fashioned to their designs till they have first gained My consent and resolved both My own and other mens Consciences by the strength of their Reasons Other violent motions which are neither Manly Christian nor Loyal shall never either shake or settle My Religion nor any mans else who knows what Religion means and how far it is removed from all Faction whose proper engine is Force the Arbitrator of Beasts not of reasonable Men much less of humble Christians and loyal Subjects in matters of Religion But men are prone to have such high conceits of themselves that they care not what cost they lay out upon their Opinions especially those that have some temptations of Gain to recompence their losses and hazards Yet I was not more scandalized at the Scots Armies coming in against my will and their forfeiture of so many Obligations of Duty and Gratitude to Me than I wondred how those here could so much distrust Gods assistance who so much pretended Gods Cause to the People as if they had the certainty of some Divine Revelation considering they were more than competently furnished with My Subjects Arms and Ammunition My Navy by Sea My Forts Castles and Cities by Land But I find that men jealous of the justifiableness of their doings and designs before God never think they have humane strength enough to carry their work on seem it never so plausible to the People What cannot be justified in Law or Religion had need be fortified with Power And yet such is the inconstancy that attends all minds engaged in violent motion that whom some of them one while earnestly invite to come in to their Assistance others of them soon after are weary of and with nauseating cast them out what one Party thought to rivet to a setledness by the strength and influence of the Scots that the other rejects and contemns at once despising the Kirk-Government and Discipline of the Scots and frustrating the Success of so chargeable more than charitable Assistance For sure the Church of England might have purchased at a far cheaper rate the Truth and Happiness of Reformed Government and Discipline if it had been wanting tho it had entertained the best Divines of Christendom for their Advice in a full and free Synod which I was ever willing to and desirous of
I am afflicted by those whose Prosperity I earnestly desire and whose Seduction I heartily deplore If they had been my open and forein Enemies I could have born it bur they must be my own Subjects who are next to my Children dear to Me and for the restoring of whose Tranquility I could willingly be the Jonah if I did not evidently foresee that by the divided Interests of their and Mine Enemies as by contrary winds the storm of their Miseries would be rather encreased than allayed I had rather prevent my Peoples Ruine than rule over them nor am I so ambitious of that Dominion which is but my Right as of their Happiness if it could expiate or countervail such a way of obtaining it by the highest Injuries of Subjects committed against their Soveraign Yet I had rather suffer all the miseries of Life and die many Deaths than shamefully to desert or dishonourably to betray my own just Rights and Soveraignty thereby to gratify the Ambition or justifie the Malice of my Enemies between whose Malice and other mens Mistakes I put as great a difference as between an ordinary Ague and the Plague or the Itch of Novelty and the Leprosie of Disloyalty As Liars need have good memories so Malicious persons need good inventions that their Calumnies may fit every mans fancy and what their Reproaches want of truth they may make up with number and shew My Patience I thank God will better serve Me to bear and my Charity to forgive than my Leisure to answer the many false aspersions which some men have cast upon Me. Did I not more consider my Subjects Satisfaction than My own Vindication I should never have given the Malice of some men that pleasure as to see Me take notice of or remember what they say or object I would leave the Authors to be punished by their own evil Manners and seared Consciences which will I believe in a shorter time than they be aware of both confute and revenge all those black and false Scandals which they have cast on Me and make the world see there is as little truth in them as there was little worth in the broaching of them or Civility I need not say Loyalty in the not-suppressing of them whose credit and reputation even with the People shall ere long be quite blasted by the breath of that same fornace of Popular obloquy and detraction which they have studied to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamy and wherein they have sought to cast and consume my Name and Honour First nothing gave Me more cause to suspect and search My own Innocency than when I observed so many forward to engage against Me who had made great professions of singular Piety For this gave to vulgar minds so bad a reflection upon Me and My Cause as if it had been impossible to adhere to Me and not withal depart from God to think or speak well of Me and not to blaspheme him so many were perswaded that these two were utterly inconsistent to be at once Loyal to Me and truly Religious toward God Not but that I had I thank God many with Me which were both Learned and Religious much above that ordinary size and that vulgar proportion wherein some men glory so much who were so well satisfied in the cause of my Sufferings that they chose rather to suffer with Me than forsake Me. Nor is it strange that so religious Pretensions as were used against Me should be to many well-minded men a great temptation to oppose Me especially being urged by such popular Preachers as think it no sin to lye for God and what they please to call Gods Cause cursing all that will not curse with them looking so much at and crying up the goodness of the End propounded that they consider not the lawfulness of the Means used nor the depth of the Mischief chiefly plotted and intended The weakness of these mens Judgments must be made up by their Clamors and activity It was a great part of some mens Religion to scandalize Me and Mine they thought theirs could not be true if they cryed not down Mine as false I thank God I have had more tryal of his Grace as to the constancy of My Religion in the Protestant profession of the Church of England both abroad and at home than ever they are like to have Nor do I know any Exception I am so lyable to in their opinion as too great a Fixedness in that Religion whose judicious and solid grounds both from Scripture and Antiquity will not give My Conscience leave to approve or consent to those many dangerous and divided Innovations which the bold ignorance of some men would needs obtrude upon Me and My People Contrary to those well-tryed foundations both of Truth and Order which men of far greater Learning and clearer Zeal have setled in the Confession and Constitution of this Church in England which many former Parliaments in the most calm and unpassionate times have oft confirmed in which I should ever by Gods help persevere as believing it hath most of Primitive Truth and Order Nor did My using the assistance of some Papists which were my Subjects any way fight against My Religion as some men would needs interpret it especially those who least of all men cared whom they imployed or what they said or did so they might prevail 'T is strange that so wise men as they would be esteemed should not conceive that differences of perswasion in matters of Religion may easily fall out where there is the sameness of Duty Allegiance and Subjection The first they owe as Men and Christians to God the second they owe to Me in common as their KING Different professions in point of Religion cannot any more than in civil Trades take away the community of Relations either to Parents or to Princes And where is there such an Oglio or medly of various Religions in the World again as those men entertain in their service who find most fault with Me without any scruple as to the diversity of their Sects and Opinions It was indeed a foul and indeleble shame for such as would be counted Protestants to enforce Me a declared Protestant their Lord and King to a necessary use of Papists or any other who did but their duty to help Me to defend My self Nor did I more than is lawful for any King in such exigents to use the aid of any his Subjects I am sorry the Papists should have a greater sense of their Allegiance than many Protestant Professors who seem to have learned and to practise the worst Principles of the worst Papists Indeed it had been a very impertinent and unseasonable scruple in Me and very pleasing no doubt to My Enemies to have been then disputing the points of different Beliefs in My Subjects when I was disputed with by Swords points and when I needed the help of My Subjects as Men no less than their Prayers as Christians The
may in all reason be thought to have more of Gifts and Graces enabling them to compose with serious deliberation and concurrent advice such Forms of Prayers as may best fit the Churches common wants inform the Hearers understanding and stir up that fiduciary and fervent application of their spirits wherein consists the very life and soul of Prayer and that so much pretended Spirit of Prayer than any private man by his solitary abilities can be presumed to have which what they are many times even there where they make a great noise and shew the affectations emptiness impertinency rudeness confusions flatness levity obscurity vain and ridiculous repetitions the sensless and oft-times blasphemous expressions all these burthened with a most tedious and intolerable length do sufficiently convince all men but those who glory in that Pharisaick way Wherein men must be strangely impudent and flatterers of themselves not to have an infinite shame of what they so do and say in things of so sacred a nature before God and the Church after so ridiculous and indeed profane a manner Nor can it be expected but that in duties of frequent performance as Sacramental administrations and the like which are still the same Ministers must either come to use their own Forms constantly which are not like to be so sound or comprehensive of the nature of the Duty as Forms of Publick composure or else they must every time affect new expressions when the Subject is the same which can hardly be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiencies not to want many times much of that compleatness order and gravity becoming those Duties which by this means are exposed at every celebration to every Ministers private Infirmities Indispositions Errors Disorders and Defects both for Judgment and Expression A serious sense of which inconveniences in the Church unavoidably following every mans several manner of officiating no doubt first occasioned the Wisdom and Piety of the Ancient Churches to remedy those mischiefs by the use of constant Liturgies of Publick composure The want of which I believe this Church will sufficiently feel when the unhappy fruits of many mens ungoverned Ignorance and confident defects shall be discovered in more Errors Schisms Disorders and uncharitable Distractions in Religion which are already but too many the more is the pity However if Violence must needs bring in and abet those Innovations that men may not seem to have nothing to do which Law Reason and Religion forbids at least to be so obtruded as wholly to justle out the Publick Liturgy Yet nothing can excuse that most unjust and partial severity of those men who either lately had subscribed to used and maintained the Service-book or refusing to use it cryed out of the rigor of the Laws and Bishops which suffered them not to use the liberty of their Consciences in not using it That these men I say should so suddenly change the Liturgy into a Directory as if the Spirit needed help for Invention tho not for Expresions or as if matter prescribed did not as much stint and obstruct the Spirit as if it were cloathed in and confined to fit words So slight and easie is that Legerdemain which will serve to delude the Vulgar That further they should use such severity as not to suffer without penalty any to use the Common-prayer-Book publickly although their Consciences bind them to it as a duty of Piety to God and Obedience to the Laws Thus I see no men are prone to be greater Tyrants and more rigorous exacters upon others to conform to their illegal Novelties than such whose Pride was formerly least disposed to the obedience of lawful constitutions and whose licentious humors most pretended conscientious liberties which freedom with much regret they now allow to Me and my Chaplains when they may have leave to serve Me whose Abilities even in their extemporary way comes not short of the others but their Modesty and Learning far exceeds the most of them But this matter is of so popular a nature as some men knew it would not bear learned and sober Debates lest being convinced by the evidence of Reason as well as Laws they should have been driven either to sin more against their Knowledg by taking away the Liturgy or to displease some Faction of the People by continuing the use of it Tho I believe they have offended more considerable men not only for their numbers and estates but for their weighty and judicious Piety than those are whose Weakness or Giddiness they sought to gratify by taking it away One of the greatest faults some men found with the Common-Prayer-Book I believe was this that it taught them to pray so oft for Me to which Petitions they had not Loyalty enough to say Amen nor yet Charity enough to forbear Reproaches and even Cursings of Me in their own Forms in stead of praying for Me. I wish their Repentance may be their only Punishment that seeing the mischiefs which the disuse of Publick Liturgies hath already produced they may restore that credit use and reverence to them which by the ancient Churches were given to Set Forms of sound and wholesom words And Thou O Lord which art the same God blessed for ever whose Mercies are full of variety and yet of constancy Thou deniest us not a new and fresh sense of our old and daily wants nor despisest renewed affections joyned to constant expressions Let us not want the benefit of thy Churches united and well-advised Devotions Let the matters of our Prayers be agreeable to thy will which is always the same and the fervency of our spirits to the motions of thy Holy Spirit in us And then we doubt not but thy Spiritual perfections are such as Thou art neither to be pleased with affected Novelties for matter or manner nor offended with the Pious constancy of our Petitions in them both Whose variety or constancy Thou hast no where either forbidden or commanded but left them to the Piety and Prudence of thy Church that both may be used neither despised Keep men in that pious moderation of their Judgments in matters of Religion that their Ignorance may not offend others nor their opinion of their own Abilities tempt them to deprive others of what they may lawfully and devoutly use to help their infirmities And since the advantage of Error consists in Novelty and Variety as Truth 's in Vnity and Constancy suffer not thy Church to be pestered with Errors and deformed with Vndecencies in thy Service under the pretence of Variety and Novelty nor to be deprived of Truth Vnity and Order under this fallacy That Constancy is the cause of Formality Lord keep us from formal Hypocrifie in our own hearts and then we know that praying to Thee or praising of Thee with David and other Holy men in the same Forms cannot hurt us Give us Wisdom to amend what is amiss within us and there will be less to mend without us Evermore defend and deliver thy Church
Times much restrained I would have such men Bishops as are most worthy of those encouragements and best able to use them If at any time My Judgment of men failed My good Intention made my error venial And some Bishops I am sure I had whose Learning Gravity and Piety no men of any worth or forehead can deny But of all men I would have Church-men especially the Governors to be redeemed from that vulgar Neglect which besides an innate principle of vicious opposition which is in all men against those that seem to reprove or restrain them will necessarily follow both the Presbyterian Parity which makes all Ministers equal and the Independent Inferiority which sets their Pastors below the People This for my Judgment touching Episcopacy wherein God knows I do not gratifie any design or Passion with the least perverting of Truth And now I appeal to God above and all the Christian World whether it be just for Subjects or pious for Christians by Violence and infinite Indignities with servile restraints to seek to force Me their KING and Soveraign as some men have endeavoured to do against all these grounds of My Judgment to consent to their weak and divided Novelties The greatest Pretender of them desires not more than I do that the Church should be governed as Christ hath appointed in true Reason and in Scripture of which I could never see any probable shew for any other ways who either content themselves with the examples of some Churches in their infancy and solitude when one Presbyter might serve one Congregation in a City or Countrey or else they deny these most evident Truths That the Apostles were Bishops over those Presbyters they ordained as well as over the Churches they planted and That Government being necessary for the Churches well-being when multiplied and sociated must also necessarily descend from the Apostles to others after the example of that power and superiority they had above others which could not end with their Persons since the use and Ends of such Government still continue It is most sure that the purest Primitive and best Churches flourished under Episcopacy and may so still if Ignorance Superstition Avarice Revenge and other disorderly and disloyal Passions had not so blown up some mens minds against it that what they want of Reasons or Primitive Patterns they supply with Violence and Oppression wherein some mens zeal for Bishops Lands Houses and Revenues hath set them on work to eat up Episcopacy which however other men esteem to Me is no less sin than Sacriledg or a Robbery of God the giver of all we have of that portion which devout minds have thankfully given again to him in giving it to his Church and Prophets through whose hands he graciously accepts even a cup of cold water as a libation offered to himself Furthe●more as to My particular engagement above other men by an Oath agreeable to my Judgment I am solemnly obliged to preserve that Government and the Rights of the Church Were I convinced of the Unlawfulness of the Function as Antichristian which some men boldly but weakly calumniate I could soon with Judgment break that Oath which erroneously was taken by Me. But being daily by the best disquisition of Truth more confirmed in the Reason and Religion of that to which I am sworn how can any man that wisheth not my Damnation perswade Me at once to so notorious and combined sins of Sacriledg and Perjury besides the many personal Injustices I must do to many worthy men who are as legally invested in their Estates as any who seek to deprive them and they have by no Law been convicted of those Crimes which might forfeit their Estates and Livelihoods I have oft wondred how men pretending to Tenderness of Conscience and Reformation can at once tell Me that My Coronation-Oath binds Me to consent to whatsoever they shall propound to Me which they urge with such Violence tho contrary to all that Rational and Religious Freedom which every man ought to preserve and of which they seem so tender in their own Votes yet at the same time these men will needs perswade Me that I must and ought to dispense with and roundly break that part of My Oath which binds Me agreeable to the best light of Reason and Religion I have to maintain the Government and legal Rights of the Church 'T is strange My Oath should be valid in that part which both My self and all men in their own case esteem injurious and unreasonable as being against the very natural and essential liberty of our Souls yet it should be invalid and to be broken in another clause wherein I think My self justly obliged both to God and Man Yet upon this Rack chiefly have I been held so long by some mens ambitious Covetousness and Sacrilegious Cruelty torturing with Me both Church and State in Civil dissentions till I shall be forced to consent and declare that I do approve what God knows I utterly dislike and in my Soul abhor as many ways highly against Reason Justice and Religion and whereto if I should shamefully and dishonourably give my Consent yet should I not by so doing satisfie the divided Interests and Opinions of those Parties which contend with each other as well as both against Me and Episcopacy Nor can My late condescending to the Scots in point of Church-Government be rightly objected against Me as an inducement for Me to consent to the like in my other Kingdoms for it should be considered that Episcopacy was not so rooted and setled there as 't is here nor I in that respect so strictly bound to continue it in that Kingdom as in this for what I think in my Judgment best I may not think so absolutely necessary for all places and at all times If any shall impute My yielding to them as My Failing and Sin I can easily acknowledg it but that is no argument to do so again or much worse I being now more convinced in that point nor indeed hath My yielding to them been so happy and succesful as to encourage Me to grant the like to others Did I see any thing more of Christ as to Meekness Justice Order Charity and Loyalty in those that pretend to other modes of Government I might suspect My Judgment to be biassed or forestalled with some Prejudice and wontedness of Opinion but I have hitherto so much cause to suspect the contrary in the Manners of many of those men that I cannot from them gain the least reputation for their new ways of Government Nor can I find that in any Reformed Churches whose patterns are so cried up and obtruded upon the Churches under my Dominion either Learning or Religion works of Piety or Charity have so flourished beyond what they have done in My Kingdoms by Gods blessing which might make Me believe either Presbytery or Independency have a more benign influence upon the Church and mens hearts and lives than Episcopacy in its right
constitution The Abuses of which deserve to be extirpated as much as the use retained for I think it far better to hold to Primitive and Uniform Antiquity than to comply with divided Novelty A right Episcopacy would at once satisfie all just desires and interests of good Bishops humble Presbyters and sober People so as Church affairs should be managed neither with Tyranny Parity nor Popularity neither Bishops ejected nor Presbyters despised nor People oppressed And in this Integrity both of My Judgment and Conscience I hope God will preserve Me. For Thou O Lord knowest my Vprightness and Tenderness As Thou hast set Me to be a Defender of the Faith and a Protector of thy Church so suffer Me not by any violence to be over-born against My Conscience Arise O Lord maintain thine own Cause let not thy Church be deformed as to that Government which derived from thy Apostles hath been retained in purest and Primitive times till the Revenues of the Church became the object of secular Envy which seeks to rob it of all the encouragements of Learning and Religion Make Me as the good Samaritan compassionate and helpful to thy afflicted Church which some men have wounded and robbed others pass by without regard either to pity or relieve As My Power is from Thee so give Me grace to use it for Thee And though I am not suffered to be Master of my other Rights as a KING yet preserve Me in that liberty of Reason love of Religion and thy Churches welfare which are fixed in My Conscience as a Christian Preserve from Sacrilegious invasions those temporal Blessings which thy Providence hath bestowed on thy Church for thy Glory Forgive their Sins and Errors who have deserved thy just permission thus to let in the wild Boar and subtile Foxes to waste and deform thy Vineyard which thy right hand hath planted and the dew of Heaven so long watered to a happy and flourishing estate O let Me not bear the infamous brand to all posterity of being the first Christian KING in this Kingdom who should consent to the oppression of thy Church and the Fathers of it whose Errors I would rather with Constantine cover with silence and reform with meekness than expose their Persons and Sacred Functions to vulgar contempt Thou O Lord seest how much I have suffered with and for thy Church make no long tarrying O my God to deliver both Me and It from unreasonable men whose counsels have brought forth and continue such violent Confusions by a precipitant destroying the ancient boundaries of thy Churches Peace thereby letting in all manner of Errors Schisms and Disorders O thou God of Order and of Truth in thy good time abate the Malice asswage the Rage and confound all the mischievous Devices of Thine Mine and thy Churches Enemies That I and all that love thy Church may sing Praises to Thee and ever magnifie thy Salvation even before the Sons of men XVIII Vpon Uxbridg Treaty and other Offers made by the KING I Look upon the way of Treaties as a retiring from fighting like Beasts to arguing like Men whose strength should be more in their Understandings than in their Limbs And tho I could seldom get opportunities to Treat yet I never wanted either desire or disposition to it having greater confidence of my Reason than my Sword I was so wholly resolved to yield to the first that I thought neither My self nor others should need to use the second if once we rightly understood each other Nor did I ever think it a diminution of Me to prevent them with expresses of My Desires and even Importunities to Treat It being an office not only of Humanity rather to use Reason than Force but also of Christianity to seek peace and ensue it As I was very unwillingly compelled to defend My self with Arms so I very willingly embraced any thing tending to Peace The events of all War by the Sword being very dubious and of a Civil War uncomfortable the End hardly recompencing and late repairing the mischief of the Means Nor did any success I had ever enhaunce with Me the price of Peace as earnestly desired by Me as any man tho I was like to pay dearer for it than any man All that I sought to reserve was Mine Honour and My Conscience the one I could not part with as a KING the other as a Christian The Treaty at Vxbridg gave the fairest hopes of an happy Composure had others applied themselves to it with the same Moderation as I did I am confident the War had then ended I was willing to condescend as far as Reason Honour and Conscience would give Me leave nor were the remaining Differences so essential to my Peoples Happiness or of such consequence as in the least kind to have hindred My Subjects either Security or Prosperity for they better enjoyed both many years before ever those demands were made some of which to deny I think the greatest Justice to My self and Favor to my Subjects I see Jealousies are not so easily allayed as they are raised Some men are more afraid to retreat from violent Engagements than to engage what is wanting in Equity must be made up in Pertinacy Such as had little to enjoy in Peace or to lose in War studied to render the very name of Peace odious and suspected In Church affairs where I had least liberty of Prudence having so many strict ties of Conscience upon Me yet I was willing to condescend so far to the setling of them as might have given fair satisfaction to all men whom Faction Covetousness or Superstition had not engaged more than any true Zeal Charity or love of Reformation I was content to yield to all that might seem to advance true Piety I only sought to continue what was necessary in point of Order Maintenance and Authority to the Churches Government and what I am perswaded as I have elsewhere set down My thoughts more fully is most agreeable to the true Principles of all Government raised to its full stature and perfection as also to the primitive Apostolical Pattern and the practice of the Universal Church conform thereto From which wholly to recede without any probable reason urged or answered only to satisfie some mens wills and phantasies which yet agree not among themselves in any point but that of extirpating Episcopacy and fighting against Me must needs argue such a softness and infirmity of Mind in Me as will rather part with Gods Truth than Mans Peace and rather lose the Churches Honour than cross some mens Factious humors God knows and time will discover who were most to blame for the unsuccessfulness of that Treaty and who must bear the guilt of after-calamities I believe I am very excusable both before God and all unpassionate men who have seriously weighed those Transactions wherein I endeavoured no less the restauration of Peace to My People than the preservation of My own Crowns to My Posterity Some men have that
by the unparallel'd prosperity of Solomon's Court and so corrupted to the great diminution both for Peace Honour and Kingdom by those Flatteries which are as unseparable from prosperous Princes as Flies are from Fruit in Summer whom Adversity like cold weather drives away I had rather You should be Charles le Bon than le Grand Good than Great I hope God hath designed You to be both having so early put You into that exercise of his Graces and Gifts bestowed upon You which may best weed out all vicious inclinations and dispose You to those Princely Endowments and Employments which will most gain the love and intend the welfare of those over whom God shall place You. With God I would have You begin and end who is King of Kings the Soveraign Disposer of the Kingdoms of the world who pulleth down one and setteth up another The best Government and highest Soveraignty You can attain to is to be subject to Him that the Scepter of his Word and Spirit may rule in your Heart The true Glory of Princes consists in advancing God's Glory in the maintenance of true Religion and the Churches good also in the dispensation of Civil Power with Justice and Honour to the publick Peace Piety will make You prosperous at least it will keep You from being miserable nor is he much a loser that loseth all yet saveth his own Soul at last To which center of true Happiness God I trust hath and will graciously direct all these black lines of Affliction which he hath been pleased to draw on Me and by which he hath I hope drawn Me nearer to Himself You have already tasted of that Cup whereof I have liberally drank which I look upon as God's Physick having that in Healthfulness which it wants in Pleasure Above all I would have You as I hope You are already well grounded and setled in your Religion the best Profession of which I have ever esteemed that of the Church of England in which You have been educated Yet I would have your own Judgment and Reason now seal to that sacred Bond which Education hath written that it may be judiciously your own Religion and not other mens Custom or Tradition which You profess In this I charge You to persevere as coming nearest to God's Word for Doctrine and to the Primitive examples for Government with some little Amendment which I have other-where expressed and often offered tho in vain Your fixation in matters of Religion will not be more necessary for your Souls than your Kingdoms Peace when God shall bring You to them For I have observed that the Devil of Rebellion doth commonly turn himself into an Angel of Reformation and the old Serpent can pretend new Lights When some mens Consciences accuse them for Sedition and Faction they stop its mouth with the name and noise of Religion when Piety pleads for Peace and Patience they cry out Zeal So that unless in this point You be well setled You shall never want temptations to destroy You and Yours under pretensions of Reforming matters of Religion for that seems even to worst men as the best and most auspicious beginning of their worst Designs Where besides the Novelty which is taking enough with the Vulgar every one hath an affectation by seeming forward to an outward Reformation of Religion to be thought Zealous hoping to cover those Irreligious deformities whereto they are conscious by a severity of censuring other mens opinions or actions Take heed of abetting any Factions or applying to any publick Discriminations in matters of Religion contrary to what is in your Judgment and the Church well setled Your partial adhering as Head to any one side gains You not so great advantages in some men hearts who are prone to be of their King's Religion as it loseth You in others who think themselves and their profession first despised then persecuted by You. Take such a course as may either with Calmness and Charity quite remove the seeming differences and offences by impartiality or so order affairs in point of Power that You shall not need to fear or flatter any Faction For if ever You stand in need of them or must stand to their courtesie You are undone The Serpent will devour the Dove You may never expect less of Loyalty Justice or Humanity than from those who engage into Religious Rebellion Their Interest is always made God's under the colours of Piety ambitious Policies march not only with greatest security but applause as to the populacy You may hear from them Jacob's voice but You shall feel they have Esau's hands Nothing seemed less considerable than the Presbyterian Faction in England for many years so compliant they were to publick Order nor indeed was their Party great either in Church or State as to mens Judgments But as soon as Discontents drave men into Sidings as ill Humors fall to the disaffected part which causes Inflammations so did all at first who affected any Novelties adhere to that Side as the most remarkable and specious note of difference then in point of Religion All the lesser Factions at first were officious Servants to Presbytery their great Master till Time and Military success discovering to each their peculiar Advantages invited them to part stakes and leaving the joynt stock of Uniform Religion pretended each to drive for their Party the trade of Profits and Preferments to the breaking and undoing not only of the Church and State but even of Presbytery it self which seemed and hoped at first to have ingrossed all Let nothing seem little or despicable to You in matters which concern Religion and the Churches Peace so as to neglect a speedy reforming and effectual suppressing Errors and Schisms which seem at first but as a hand-breadth yet by Seditious Spirits as by strong winds are soon made to cover and darken the whole Heaven When You have done Justice to God Your own Soul and his Church in the profession and preservation both of Truth and Unity in Religion the next main hinge on which Your Prosperity will depend and move is that of Civil Justice wherein the setled Laws of these Kingdoms to which You are rightly Heir are the most excellent Rules You can Govern by which by an admirable temperament give very much to Subjects Industry Liberty and Happiness and yet reserve enough to the Majesty and Prerogative of any King who owns his People as Subjects not as Slaves whose Subjection as it preserves their Property Peace and Safety so it will never diminish Your Rights nor their ingenuous Liberties which consist in the enjoyment of the fruits of their Industry and the benefit of those Laws to which themselves have consented Never charge Your head with such a Crown as shall by its heaviness oppress the whole Body the weakness of whose parts cannot return any thing of strength honour or safety to the Head but a necessary debilitation and Ruin Your Prerogative is best shewed and exercised in remitting
furiously designed who were now resolving to encrease our Miseries by Calling in the Scots to their assistance For though they pretended so highly to God's Cause as if they had the certainty of some Divine Revelation yet they would not trust Him for their Preservation notwithstanding their Pretences to his Cause had furnished them with so vast a Treasure and so mighty a Strength but would invite others to the Violation of most Sacred Oaths to sin against all Laws and every Rule of Justice that themselves might be secure in their Usurpations And that perfidious Party that then ruled in Scotland hoping for as great Advantages as their former Wickedness had yielded contrary to all Obligations which the King's Goodness had laid on them and their free and voluntary Execrations as was that of Alexander Lesley who lifting up His arms and hands to Heaven wished they might rot to his body before he died if ever he should heave them up hereafter or draw his Sword against so gude a King drew that people once more into Rebellion against their Prince and to make them more eager and think the Enterprize easie they first raised a Report that the King was deserted by most of His Nobility The Parliament at Oxford having by a Letter moved the Earl of Essex to endeavour Peace did also declare against this Invasion of the Scots by another Letter sent to them in which also they acquaint them with the falseness of their officious Lye and shew how inconsiderable a Number of Lords were with those that invited them in The King Himself writes also to put them in mind of their several Ingagements to be Quiet But with an Insolency fit for most perjured Souls they commanded the Letters to be burned by the hand of the Hangman A more secret falshood He also found in the Marquess Hamilton whose Treasons now came to be more suspected For His Majesty having written to him to use all his Power and Interest to keep his Country-men at home which had not been difficult for one of his Grandeur in that unquiet Nation he by some secret arts doth more inflame them and to cover his Perfidiousness flies from Scotland to Oxford as seeking a shelter for his Loyalty but indeed to be a Spy in the King's Counsels But his Treasons had out-stripp'd him and his Brother the Earl of Lanerick who came with him therefore they were both forbidden the Court. Lanerick not willing to tarry till a further Discovery gets out of Oxford flies to those at London and by them was employed in the Scotch Army which made Hamilton's Treachery more evident and he was sent Prisoner to Pendennis Castle But the dishonour of that Nation was in a great measure repaired by the Gallantry and Faithfulness of the Marquess Montrosse who being Commission'd by the King with an incredible Industry by small numbers of men won many Battels and overthrew well-formed Armies and had not the Fate of his Master which was to be betrayed by those He trusted been likewise common to him he had forced that Nation to Justice and Quiet But ere Montrosse could get his Commission the Scots were entred into England whose coming that it might be less odious to the People who now grew cold in their Zeal to the Cause and saw themselves deluded into so continued Dangers the Faction make use of such Frauds as should make the People either think them necessary Assistances or might divert their Thoughts from apprehending the Miseries they brought with them to this Nation therefore they invent new Slanders of the King and His Party That His Majesty did intend to translate Monarchy into a Tyranny that He would seize upon all their Estates who had any way opposed Him and make their Persons Slaves and that there was no hope of Pardon from Him who was so merciless that He would take away all their Liberties and Privileges as forfeited destroy the Protestant Religion and introduce Popery which at Oxford He did practise Himself and that all men must be forced to go to Mass As for His Party they set them out to be such Monsters that the lower sort of People doubted whether the Cavaliers had the shapes of men For sad Relations were Printed and Published of their Inhumanity and barbarous Murders That they did feast upon the Flesh of Men and that they fed their Dogs and their Horses with the same Diet to make them more fierce for the blood of the Godly Party that no man's house was so poor and mean that a Cavalier would think beneath his Rapine Thus they wrought upon the Melancholy Spirits of some by Fear For those of a Morose and Cholerick temper they had proper Divertisements they permitted to them a tumultuary Reformation to pull down the Pictures and Images of Christ the Virgin Mary and the Saints which with great Solemnity they committed to the Flames that they might suffer as it were another Martyrdom All Crosses though set up for Ornament and Use in the Streets of London and other places they pulled down they invade the Churches and there deface what their Humour or Rapine would call Superstition pull down the Organs tear the Surplices and all this was suffered to please the Rabble who delight in Violences and such Ostentations of their Fury and to make them in something or other guilty that they might despair of Pardon For others who were to be wrought upon by Religion they entertain them with Fasts publick Thanksgivings for slight Victories and solemn Spiritual Meetings as they called them where whatsoever the Faction dictated was commended by the Speakers to their unwary Hearers as the Oracles of Heaven and being thus wrapp'd up in those true Delights which accompany the Worship of God they were securely swallowed by them as Poyson when it is offered in a Sacramental Chalice To please their Ministers whom hitherto they had used as their Properties and Instruments of their Arts Presbytery is set up that they also might have an Imaginary Empire but it was not intended they should exercise it For the Pretensions of that to a Divine Right did so terrifie them who were resolved against all Government that was not subject unto or dependent on theirs that they presently raised all the other Sects Independents Erastians who for the most part were Lawyers that could not endure to hear of any Thunderbolts of Excommunication but what was heated in their own Forges Anabaptists Seekers and Atheists of which there were many sprung up who seeing how Religion was abused to carnal and unjust Ends began first to despise that and afterwards to deny God to write and declame against this new Polity as the most severe and absolute Tyranny under the Sun and the Tenth Persecution But this seeming Modesty of admitting a Church Government served their Ends for the present till they could acquire a greater strength in confidence of which they might slight the Terrors of the Law and the Anathema's of the Church The Liturgy
also was abolished under pretence of a Spiritual Liberty for it was accused of putting a restraint upon the Spirit but in truth because it had so frequent Offices for the King To these were added the Covenant the Fetters of the Scotish Slavery this was to bind the whole Nation to the Interest of the Faction and was used as the Water of Jealousie to discover those whom they did suspect Therefore all the Conspirators of what Sect soever whether Independents or Anabaptists though they refused to take it themselves because it did oblige to the Preservation of the King's Person and Authority yet were as eager Imposers of it as the Presbyterians who in simplicity urged it as the Fundamental Constitution of their Empire upon all who they thought would not prostitute their Souls to their Designs or had any thing fit to be made their Spoils And by this onely Engine many thousand Persons and Families were miserably ruined especially of the Clergy To oblige more fastly those that had no patience to expect nor hopes to receive any Reward for their Service against their Prince in the other life and so would not be satisfied with the shews of Religion but sought more solid Encouragements in the Spoils of it the Lands of the Bishops were exposed to Sale and that at such easie Rates as might invite the hazard of the Purchase satiate their boundless Covetousness and engage them in a pertinacious Faith to their Merchants To cement all these distinct Humours in one common Pleasure the Archbishop of Canterbury was prepared for a Sacrifice and about this time began his Tryal which continued a whole Year being when the Houses were at leisure called by several Months and Weeks to answer to his Charge that by his frequent Passages as a Prisoner he might give a pleasant Diversion to the Rabble who are delighted with the Ruines and Misfortunes of Great Persons and by their Injuries and Reproaches he might be reduced to such a weakness of Spirit as was not competent with the defence of his Cause But his Cause and his Conscience were impregnable and he overthrew their Slanders though he could not their Power By these Arts and Ways was the Winter spent to prepare for the Attempts of the following Summer An. 1644 wherein though the Parliaments Forces encreased by the Scotish Succours had the Success over several bodies of the Royallists yet that small Number that followed the King's Person and were guided by His own Counsels and Example obtained two great Victories For His Majesty having once more provided for the Safety of the Queen in sending Her to Excester there to lay down the burden of Her Love and from thence to seek for Shelter in France taken contrary to their hopes His last Farewel of Her and left Oxford strengthned against the Siege which the Earl of Essex and Sir William Waller threatned that Place with He with a small Party draws out intending to form His Counsels according to the future Occurrences This made the Enemy divide and Essex was designed to reduce the West But Waller with whom usually went Sir Arthur Hasilrigge a Person fitter to raise Seditious Tumults than manage Armies was to hunt the King upon the Mountains of Wales towards which He seemed to direct His Course But hearing of the Resolutions of these two jealous Generals He wheels about to Oxford and from thence drew the greatest strength of that Garrison and with that falling upon Waller at Cropredy-bridge obtained a great Victory which would have been more prejudicial to the Enemy had not the Tenderness of His Subjects Blood restrained Him from prosecuting His Success to a greater Slaughter But contenting Himself to have diverted Injuries from His own Breast He only used this Victory for an advantage to Peace which in a Letter from Evesham July 4. He moves the Parliament unto But the unquiet Criminals rendred it vain and fruitless and represented to the People their yet prevailing Forces in the North and their Army in the West which had now taken in some considerable places to their obedience Therefore to remove their Confidence in Essex's power the King follows him and so closely pursues him that He drove him up into Cornwall and there did as it were besiege him During which He sent a Letter to him which was seconded by another from the Lords and Gentlemen in His Army to sollicite His endeavours for the Peace and Quiet of the bleeding and wasted Kingdom But it met not its desired effect Because that Earl either valued not that solid Glory of being the happy Author of a Nation 's Settlement or feared that his past Actions had wholly despoiled him of hopes of Security in a return to Obedience or knew that his Authority was not so great to put an issue to those Crimes which he had led others to commit For every inconsiderable person may be powerful at Disturbances but to form Peace requires much Wisdom and great Vertues Which last was generally believed for he had found and complained that his Credit declined with the Faction that they were distrustful lest their own Arts might teach him to have no faith to them because he often sollicited them to a composing of the Kingdoms Distractions Therefore making no return to those Letters he provided for his own safety in a Cock-boat and ignominiously deserted his Army of which the Horse taking the advantage of a dark night made their escape but the Commanders of the Foot did capitulate for their Lives and left their Arms Cannon Baggage and Ammunition to the Disposal of the King The speedy and prudent acquisition of these two Victories shewed the King had those Abilities that might have inserted Him in the Catalogue of the Bravest Commanders and had not want of Success in His following Enterprises clouded the Glory of this Summer He had been as eminent among the Masters of War as He was among the Sons of Peace the Honour of which last He most eagerly thirsted as rendring Him most like that Majesty He did represent Therefore after this Victory by a Letter from Tavestock Sept. 8. He re-inforces that from Evesham for an Accord with the Parliament being not transported from His Lenity by the Violence with which Victory uses to hurry humane breasts to an insolence But He knew that Peace though it is profitable to the Conquered yet it is glorious for the Conquerour To busie His Army while He expected their Answer and formed an Association in the Western Counties He sits down before Plymouth but finding this Message had an equal reception with the former and that the Faction intended not to sacrifice their ill-acquired Power and usurped Interests to the publick Tranquillity He rises from thence and marches towards London from whence were by this time in the way to meet Him Essex and Waller recruited and joyned with the Earl of Manchester's Forces that were now returned from their Northern Services And at Newbery both sides joyn in an eager