is first very insolent for I beginne with your later that faith should be a meritour at Gods hands or a meritresse if you will haue it so I pray correct me if I speake amisse for you see whether your absurdities lead me wheras Charity not faith is the fons meriti the actuall deseruer by condignity at least as your selues hold for ex longinquo is another thing and expraeuiâ dispositione c. Where in truth you are so dazeled about this merit of Peters that you say you know not what ascribing that to his charity which is more proper to his faith and againe that to his faith which belongs to his charitie To be cheife in feeding you ascribe to his Loue to Amas me plus his Which is true in our Sauiours sense for exciting his care not in yours to inuest him in the supreame iurisdiction which rather requires the priuiledge of freedome from errour And here his deseruing to be the rock or the principall for bearing sway you impute it to his faith which is too yong to be a deseruer if it be not otherwise accommodated euen by your own doctrine This is one absurdity therefore Secondly that he should merit to be the rocke of the Church whereas a man canot merit that is not first in the Church as yourselues will not deny and so presupposeth the foundation is laid But in no sort can one merit to be the foundation thereof himselfe As S. August often shewes that the Redeemer of the world did not merit the coniunction of his flesh with the deity but beeing inuested once therewith then merited for vs and wrought saluation Whom although we should grant to haue merited to be the foundation of the Church the Iudge of the world c. yet you are not ignorant how it is held by your owne diuines namely per titulum secundarium hauing right to it before out of the worth of his hypostasis which in S. Peter is nothing so But especially if you will take to that of Maximus whom you quote a little after that S. Peter for rowing in a frigot or small boate was made Master and gouernour of the Vniuersall Church for what merit could there be of that in this And suppose that there is an orderly promotion among shipmen from the Lower roomes to the higher till they be Pilots and Admiralls c. or in like sort that the good Deacon gets himself a faire degree as S. Paul speaks to be made Priest Priest a Bishop Bishop a metropolitan c. yet you speake of a promotion in diuersissimo genere which is too too vncouth that S. Peter for steering his materiall vessell at the sea should be preferred to sit in the highest place of the Church and congregation of God Thirdly if this were true that you auouch of his merits S. Peter should not only haue merited for himselfe but for as many monsters miscreants as euer sate after him in that sea Which you doe well to shroud vnder the merits of S. Peter least they appeare too too vgly naked in themselues sauing that pallium breue as the Prophet Esay speaks their couering is too short and non est satis nobis vobis Matth. 25. What For them that beleeue not for them that apprehend not that concurre not in the least sort yea for them that were not borne when S. Peter liued could S. Peter merit As for Hildebrands dictates they are no gospel His words are neither slanders whē they are directed against vs nor testimonies of any force when they are produced for you And will you allowe no qualification of S. Hilaries word Whereas they that haue but tasted the auncient writers know that to merite is to obtaine and procure though by grace and fauour and no further to be vrged He attained then saith S. Hilary a supereminent glory Which glory may be in many things beside his primacie as the Bishop answered you of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. Basils authority and calling it gloriam it seemes he rather points to our Sauiours approbation then to any reall preferment collated vpon Peter Gloria is in fame in predication and report as euen Tully will teach you Orat. pro Marcello which is nothing to office and to installment § 7. As for the coupling of S. Peters person with his faith his faith with his person which is the second point of the twaine about which you sweat and trauell sore casting vp mole-hils and mustering your Metaphysicks long vnskoured the Bishop neuer dreamt as you fantastically imagine that S. Hilary should giue this to a fleeting shadow or to faith without a subiect like your Accidents in the Eucharist which you welcome as well as S. Iames his hoste doth his guests that biddes them warme themselues without a fire feede without victualls and so you them to sit down without a chaire or a stoole Not so But if faith be the proper foundation of the Church as S. Hilary implies by his fiue-fold repetition Haec fides haec fides c. then was Peter in behalfe of his faith onely pronounced by our Sauiour the foundation of the Church Which is another thing then to be preferred for the merit of his faith to be the Churches foundation as you fondly dreame For so it might fall out that he should still remaine the foundation of the Church though he had cast of his faith wherewith he beganne which will not stand with S. Hylaries conceit of it and accordingly none other are at any time to bee reckoned the foundations of the Church but they that shall tread in the steps of faithfull Peter howsoeuer otherwise they may come neere him in calling For where is more promised to Peters successors by vertue of meere succession then to Abrahams children Rom. 4. Nay the adoptiue branch may not challenge so much to it selfe as the naturall Rom. 11. Succession saith Greg. Nazianzen is oft-times between contraries Sickenesse succeeds health night succeeds day so an vnworthy Bishop succeeds a worthy as Nazianzen instanceth So your Popes may Peter Irenaeus saith warily that we must obey those Priests in the Church of God which deriuing their succession from the Apostles together with their succession in Office haue receiued the certain gift of truth lib. 4. cap. 43. § 8. By this also the other places of S. Hilary are declared where he proceeds to call Peter the foundation of the Church as you expound them his person I graunt if ought at all as the Bishop also meant not a qualitie without a subiect which is your chimaera but in respect of his vertue not of his authoritie singular And as all the faithfull may come more or lesse neere to Peters faith so they haue all more or lesse a part in this prerogatiue as you heard lately out of Origen yet still without disturbing the Churches aray Neither perhaps
yet he talkes of a King if you be remembred one time as chasing away all wickednesse with his eye suppose heresies and all another time enacting and decreeing righteousnesse sculpens iustitiam c. 8. which cannot be without the cheife part of it that is relligion as we read in Theodoret. l. 4. c. 5. that Valentinian taught all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beginning with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all equitie as Salomon here saies beginning with piety another time as one against whom there is no rising vp and with many such like elogiums he aduances him as supreame in each kinde Neither Salomon onely but Aristotle himselfe as if it were the lawe of nature in the third of his politicks Assuerus Cyrus the King of Nineue were they not all supreame ordainers in relligion who neuerthelesse were strangers to the law of Moses This Eudoemon might haue told you who twits the Bishop for ioining those aforesaid with the kings of Israel Belike then they are distinct Therefore not onely Israel or they that were guided by the law of Moses but meere Naturalists haue acknowledged thus much that supremacie is the kings by originall right and not of ceremony So as our Sauiour said once about circumcision Non ex Mose sed ex Patribus in like sort here It is neither ceremonie nor iudiciall neither from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rom. 9. this authoritie of Kings in all causes and ouer all persons which you so carpe And if it be lawfull as you tell vs to argue from the old Testament to the newe by way of signe to the thing signified we haue enough in that kind to maintain our assertion though wee had no other argument For who found a type in Nabuchodonosor euen now first fierce against Daniel and Daniels God afterward making lawes as zealously in his behalfe The ouen that was heated to consume the three children consumed their aduersaries And so Daniels Lyons prepared against him deuoured his accusers These are types if you beleeue S. Austen of heathen Emperours turning Christian and countenancing religion with all their might as before they vsed the aduantage of their place onely to suppresse it and destroy it I might tell you of other types that haue gone before in the old testament touching the supremacie of Kings appertaining to the newe As Abrahams harnessing 318. houshold seruants against Kedar-Laomer for the redeeming of Lot which is a type of Constantine say the Fathers of a certain Councell managing and mustering iust so many Bishops in the Nicene Synode to the confusion of Arius The lyon that slew the transgressing Prophet is a figure of Leo the Christian Emperour suppressing heresies c. as Varadatus whome they call excellentissimus Monachus in his Epistle to Leo aforesaid construes it In a word though you be impudent and your fore-head full of blasphemies yet mee thinks you should bee ashamed to bewray your selues so much as to affirme that Kings lost any part of their stroke by our Sauiours appearing in the new Testament as needs they must if the authoritie was but ceremoniall or iudiciall either which they exercised before And therefore I spare from further confutation § 39. As for that the Emperours in the new Testament were heathen and so neither by Christ nor his Apostles obeyed I hope Sir it is enough they were not resisted And if they made no good lawes yet they might haue made them and the Church in such case had beene bound to obey them Neither do the Bishops I trow alwaies preach the truth in which case S. Austen and S. Cyprian giue vs leaue to abandon them So is it when Kings transported by error forsake their dutie yet forfeit not their supremacy Though our Sauiour and his Apostles did no more turne away frō the edicts of Princes cōcerning relligion then from the Scribe and the Pharisee and the chaire of Moses it selfe which you perhaps would haue heard and obeyed in all things Will you say therefore that the chaire was not supreame in those matters To omit that if Princes had been neuer so impious for the time present yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gal. 3. the Scripture that foresees might haue confirmed the type that went of their authoritie in spirituall matters euen in the old Testament against such time as God should raise vp better in the new Yet you say that in the new Testament there is not the least syllable to that purpose Not Rom. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gods Minister v. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 6. which is rather more then the other but still Gods or to God belonging And not in Gods matters trow you In terrorem malis that is to hereticks and all In laudem bonis yet no goodnesse without true relligion in S. Pauls estimation who saies soone after that whatsoeuer is without faith is sinne the last verse of the next chapter So Coge intrare Luk. 14. to the spirituall banquet that is Kings in speciall haue this compelling power saies S. Austen often So Gal. 5. where heresies are reckoned among the works of the flesh which flesh at least the kings authoritie stretches to according to the similitude that you are wont to quote out of Gregorie Nazianzene of the flesh and the spirit though Athanasius Orat. de incarnat verbi makes the King to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the vnderstanding part that sets all on worke Lastly 1. Tim. 2. 1. where shewing that God would haue all men saued the Apostle from thence argues to prayers for Kings knowing Kings if they be Christian are the notablest instruments to worke the worlds saluation Can this be if Kings be not supreame in relligion and the causes thereof as wel in the new as in the old Testament For least you say they are to doe these things indeed but at the Clergies becke and subordinate to them they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supreame Magistrates in the places that assigne them what to doe Rom. 13. 1. 1. Pet. 2. 13. c. But now if a man should aske you where your Pontificall supremacie is established in the new besides that you may fetch it by authoritie frō Moses which we may not and so from Aaron his sonnes nay à maiori saies Bell. de Pontif. Rom. l. 4. c. 16. though Moses figured not the Pope but Christ Heb. 3. 2. and so likewise Aaron Heb. 5. 4. yet perhaps you would quote Luk. 22. Vos autem non sic for that is more pregnant then Duo gladij in the same chapter or Qui maior vestrum est fiat sicut minimus or Regnum meum non est de hoc mundo or for loue to Peter Non dominantes Cleris 1. Pet. 5. 3. Doe not these shew the meaning of Pasce oues meas § 40 You say againe the Bishop equiuocates in this that though Dauid and Peter were both called to
semper quod filius postulat That suite hath euermore easie speeding which the sonne makes Christ to wit Neither does S. Ambrose mention without cause the sitting of Christ at the right hand of his Father to whet his mediation Which S. Paul had mentioned for the very same cause in the place that hee comments vpon Rom. 8. 34. And indeed but to Christ it was neuer said to any Sede à dexteris meis sit on my right hand Hebr. 1. 13. Which by collation of places shewes that there is none other intercessor for vs but he Lastly thus S. Ambrose Vt de Deo patre securi Christo filio eius in eorum fide laetemur That beeing confident of God the Father and Christ his Sonne we may reioyce in the faith that we haue in them So as you see faith and aduocation goes onely still with Christ not with the Saints § 21. NExt is Ruffinus lib. 2. historiae c. 33. who sayes not that Theodosius did inuoke the Saints but as the Bishop answered you and you cannot take away that at the tombes of Martyrs he craued helpe of God by the Saints intercossion Which although it suppose their suing for vs yet it is not coupled with our praying to them What you bring out of Chrysostome who names not Theodosius much lesse points at this fact of his as you dreame both here and numb 50. but onely speakes vniuersally of the Emperours hath been replyed to before We dresse no Crambe Hee names Constantine And if he meant Theodosius why does he not name him But whomsoeuer he meanes they may be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 need the holy ones suppose the Angels and yet not pray to them nor to Saints neither and yet whether they doe or no it makes no lawe Heare S. Cyprian orat de lapsis Mandant aliquid Martyres fieri Sed si scripta non sunt in Domini lege quae mandant antè est vt sciamus illos de Deo impetrâsse quod postulant tunc facere quod mandant That is Doe the Martyrs commaund a thing to be done But if that which they commaund be not written in Gods lawe it is reason we should first know that God allowes what they aske before we doe what they command So as not onely the actions of mortall men though neuer so godly but the commands of Martyrs appearing from heauen must be examined by the law of God ere they may be accomplished by S. Cypr. iudgement Antè est vt sciamus c. Yet you back it by Sozomen lib. 7. histor cap. 24. out of whom that which you bring is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Sozomene it is said or reported though you amplifie it by commonly reported Well what is it First you leaue out Theodosius his going into the Church to pray to God and to none else that he names in that part of the sentence This you dissemble and leaue out as not concerning the matter though nothing more who charge the Bishop so causlesly and sencelesly else where for the same fault yea when it is no fault Secondly as for the Temple which Theodosius built in the honor of S. I. Baptist we might aske you how that agrees with S. Austens Templum Martyribus non ponimus You will say it was called by the Baptists name onely and in memory of him So it may be he but named or remembred the Baptist in his prayer as he had good occasion conuersing in the Church that might put him in minde of him You haue both built Churches and offered sacrifice though you cloake it neuer so much to him and to Martyrs contrary to S. Austen For doe you not offer sacrifice in the honour of the Virgin You will not deny it How then does this differ from the Collyridian heresie To omit howe much more hainous a matter it is to offer Christ our Lord in honour of his Mother then a cake as they The like I might say of vowes which you make to Saints by way of special honour which the aforesaid Valentia seeking fowre wayes to iustifie is most fowle in all One time he saies that the Saints are called for witnesses of what we vow to God A small prerogatiue and yet more then need too euen this Another time that wee vowe to God indeed but for loue to the Saints As if God were not louely enough or had not right enough to our vowes but for the Saints sake A third time that we doe this because we thinke the Saints are well pleased with such seruice when it is performed to God But by this reason we may as well vowe to Saints in earth and in mortalitie Lastly ' he denies it to be an act of relligion if it be done to the Saints of which hereafter As for Theodosius his calling S. Iohn Baptist to be his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it might be materialiter that the pietie which hee had shewed in decking the Temple with the name of the Baptist for distinction sake might bee mentioned by him to God to mooue him to fauour as Ezechias and Nehemias and diuerse more haue done the like And yet not trusting in their owne righteousnesse neither but by some proportion of their indeauour and his good acceptance In this sense S. Iohn Baptist might be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and as our workes are saide to pray for vs vitalis oratio Bellarmine acknowledges another that eleemosyna orabit pro te so this an imploration of S. Iohn Baptist renuing the memorie of the Temple that bore his name before God in his prayer The starres are said to fight against Sisera Heauen is called to reioyce ouer Babylon So all the Saints out of their brotherly sympathie are our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at all times vocati nec vocati and yet when wee call for them we may call for them of God without praying to them Ille educit thesauros ex abyssis This therefore though there were no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prooues no praying to Saints Whereas you say that if we pray to S. Iohn Baptist why not to others We make no question but the reason is alike but you haue heard our answer to Sozomens storie which at another time no man disclaimes more then your selues Sozomenus multa mentitur in historia Greg. de Val Tom. 4. Comm. Theol. p. 1952. The like iudgement giues Bellarmine both of him and Socrates T. 2. edit Ingolstad anni 1605. p. 487. and remember I pray you that he saies Theodosius went in to pray to God so as if he prayed to the Baptist it was besides his purpose § 22. The Bishops reasons against prayer to Saints because we haue no such warrant in the holy Scripture and we know not if they heare vs or no c. how doe you refute The Church of God say you the spouse of Christ the pillar of truth hath done it before vs with whome our Sauiour hath promised to be
Prince is to doe when he doubts a defection And he addes most elegantly as if he had aimed at the courses lately held by his MAIESTIE 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. least proiects without prosecution be despised and derided suppose the penning of the oath without that noble iustification of it against the Cardinalls countermine which soone followed As for the Adioynder in particular a calo of that campe but the meanest of many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is not to be dissembled neither what his ends are or the ends of them that aduance him for their champion We heare he is a married man though most decently he rayle against our Ministers for marrying and carpe the Bishop that defends their doing so And they haue fitted him to the full not onely with heresie the woman as Epiphanius calls her and a shrewd one too but the womans heresie For Idolatrie Disloyaltie being the womans heresies as Epiphanius also calls the one and Waltramus of Naumberge the other in particular his booke is composed of these two elements onely and out of them amounts his whole summe Also his carriage is answerable that you may know what he hath been vsed to and what schoole he hath passed through as partly may appeare by that which hath beene said for the Survay of the whole partly is to be discerned out of the Title and Superscription of euery page of his booke viz. Conviciare audactèr aliquid haerebit Turning the speech which the noble captaine sometime vsed to his souldier into the cleane contrarie Non alo te vt pugnes sed vt latres modò atque incestes Onely giue thy booke a broad and a bitter title Call it A Discouerie of lies and leasings of frauds and falshoods vsed by the Bishop say somewhat that so worthie a monument and preuailing with the world may not seeme to goe cleere away without some contradiction Dart disgraces vent thy virulences fling reproaches boldly though thou canst fasten none And the rather because some Priests are said to stagger here in England after their reading the Bishops Answer to the Cardinalls Apologie and considering how he satisfies the very choicest proofes that the Cardinall could bring etiam totis cōtra veritatē viribus vtens besides his own chusing what points he would speak to the Adioynd taske must be vincta venari as Cyrus was wont to say of his huntings in a garden after the Median fashiō to hunt bound beasts namely to keepe them Popish that are alreadie Papists to diuert olde soakers from admitting the light shining in through the loop-holes of their double captiuitie more preiudiced consciences then imprisoned bodies for this I say the Adioynder must throw dust and cast smoake and rayle with him that beares a head to confound braines onely to disioynt iudgements and to disturbe proceedings And herein I report me to the consciences of those very Priests that haue but read his booke whether this be meet dealing for one that writes against a Bishop or likely to perswade with Christian people But neither could Iannes and Iambres resist Moses in his miracles neither may the Truth of God now be outfaced with the calumnies of lewd and shameles persons as S. Paul promises vs by Moses his example for that which Miracles were then the Truth is now by the tenure of S. Pauls sentence 2. Tim. 3. 8. And as for the Bishops reputation whereof none that I haue obserued lesse sollicitous then himselfe it may well be For his glorie accrewes from hence most of all Semper adventantis fuit omen dignitatis bruta praeter modum iniuria As to persist in the storie euen now touch'd vpon when the people murmured then Aaron prospered when the assembly blustered then his rodde flourished then God gaue testimonie of his worthinesse from heauen and not before as S. Chrysostome also notes Allway when a man is most trampled here vpon earth then God is neerest hand to lift vp his scale An Abstract of the chiefer points treated in the Defence either purposely as drawne thether by the Adioynders method or by incidence And it may serue for a summarie resutation of the whole The Contents of the first Part. CHAP. 1. 1. IN what sense S. Austen saies that Peter represented the Churches person Not as Supreame Magistrate which sauours not of Scripture neither for words nor sense of Tullies Offices rather but as a patterne purposely pickt out by our Sauiour to instance vnitie in and to speake to one what he meant of all euen such as otherwise were cleane out of hearing This is debated by collation of diuers places out of S. Austen from pag. 3. to pag. 31. Insomuch as Sylvester himselfe V. Clavis § 5. Omnes Sacerdotes habent claves Nec obstat quod dictum est Petro Tibi dabo Nam hoc factum est ad ostendendū VNITATEM ECCLESIAE Yea Bellarm acknowledges it to be the exposition of some Diuines of Paris quòd Dominus oravit pro Petro vt TOTIVS Ecclesiae figuram gerebat Meaning thereby that Christ praied not for his person but for the Church which he resembled Or els Bellarm neede not reiect this exposition as he doth if they said onely that our Sauiour Christ praied for Peter as chiefe Magistrate For then it would descend fitly enough vpon the Pope which is Bellarmines drift there But he reiecteth it as I said Therefore gerere personam Ecclesiae is not to be chiefe Magistrate in his or their opinion De Rom. Pont. l. 4. c. 3. in initio 2. How Peter arriued to the glorie of Christs sufferings and yet suffered not for vs though fondly he once presumed to suffer for Christ himselfe pro liberatore liberandus as S. Aust saies Against the bartring of Satisfactions between one man an other an vsuall and againfull trade in Poperie p. 32. 33. 34. 3. Peter the fitter to paragon the Church because a great sinner and so apt to shew mercie The Church likewise in the dispensation of the Keyes p. 35. 4. Peters faults expressed by S. Austen but omitted by the Adioynder where he complaines of omissions Fiue in all to the preiudice of their Primacie not to the proofe of it as Bellarmine would p. 35. 36. c. 5. The peace of the Church stands in the gratiousnes of Princes and their wishing well to Relligion not in Iesuiticall resistance and armes p. 38. 39. c. 6. The Papists pride is the same with the Luciferians in that they will not vnderstand Petrum in petra that is the Church in Christ as S. Austen construes it p. 40. 7. The Luciferians forbid mariages as the Papists doe but not the Fathers nor the Councells though it be after vow as is most probable p. 41. 8. The words of S. Ambrose which the Adioynder impudently charges the Bishop to be of his deuising and vtterly beside the truth of all copies are manifestly shewed first to be in eleuen
of Nazianzene And therefore that implyes no soueraigntie p. 161. 162. c. Vide Procop. in Esa 17. 6. duos tresue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 atque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elicientem Apostolos idque ex verbis Prophetae vt sibi videtur Nominatque vt Nazianzenus Petrum Iacobum Iohannem 79. Pastor a word of basenesse with S. Basil And yet alleadged out of Chrysostome to prooue Peters supremacy by the Adioynder p. 164 80. The Pope alone is not entrusted with the care of conuerting infidell countries to the Faith ibid. 81. Both the Cardinall and the Adioynder corrupt S. Chrysostome foysting the word caput into his Text where there is none in the Greeke And then beeing caught he carps at our men for taking vpon them as he calls it to set out the Greek Fathers A theife displeased with Candle-light p. 165. c. 82. The comparison that S. Chrysostome makes betweene Peter and Ieremy in respect of the latitude of their iurisdictions it aduantageth not the Pope p. 168 83. Whether Peter might create an Apostle of his owne head in the place of Iudas without consulting the communitie It seemes not both by S. Chrysostome and otherwaies though the Adioynder from thence would prooue the Popedome p. 169. 84. More proofes of the Adioynders good skill in Latine The Bishops booke pushes him away with the very style and penning of it tanquam cornibus whiles hee offers to refute it p. 170. 85. Sermones de Tempore neuer so intitled by S. Austen A doubtfull worke and carrying small validitie in it Full of fowle Latine and fonder sense is the Sermon quoted by the Cardinall p. 172 86. Miserable shifts of the Adioynder to defend them ibid. 87. As iust as Germans lippes nine miles asunder The Eue falls out three daies before the holy day and at another time fourteen yeares before the Feast the Adioynders rauing computations p. 173 88. Peters fall was to asswage his fiercenesse beeing a chollericke man And though it were also to encline him to pitty yet without any inference of the Popedome from thence pittie beeing a generall vertue for all Ministers and dealers in Soule-matters besides that Paul was toucht with as deep a sence of his infirmities and remorse for bad courses formerly vsed as any of them all Tit. 3. 1. Tim. 1. 15. Eph. 2. 3. 4. And yet both Bellarmine and the Adioynder are not ashamed to raise such an vnlikely consequence from the fall of Peter for want of better proofe to conclude his Supremacy p. 174 89. Praeferri cunctae Ecclesiae is farre short of the Primacie that they contend for Common also not to the Apostles onely but to all Bishops in generall by Origens iudgement p. 174 90. The Reuerend Bishop not to be taught by the Adioynder how to censure the falls and infirmities of Gods Saints p. 175 91. Appeales to the Pope out of Affrica for bidden vnder paine of Excommunication in a lawfull Synod whereof S. Austen was one p. 176. 177 92. The Fathers words are not supplicatorie but peremptorie against Appeales though preseruing their reuerence as to a worthy Sea and the parties that sate in it otherwise godly men and like enough to be aduised by them p. 178 93. The Bishop forgeth not but the Adioynder slauereth and slaundereth as he is wont All Appeales out of Affrica are interdicted Not only Priests but Bishops too and the Bishops most of all p. 180 94. The Adioynders slight exceptions against this are answered p. 181. 182 95. His monstrous sliding away from the state of the question to fight with an imaginary shadow of his owne And yet therein also he is not onely vnsound but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hee contradicts himselfe in his second instance most apparantly p. 182. 183. 96. Pope Zozimus his drawing of S. Austen to Caesarea to dispatch Church-businesses is no argument of the ones vniuersall authoritie but rather of the others rare sufficiencie Traxit compulit coegit is for equalls as well as for Superiours p. 184. 185. Adde ex S. Prospero Praef. lib. ad Excerpta Genuens de Camillo Theodoro Presbyteris quibus obsequium deferens simplicitatem obedientiae sibi tribuit tantus Episcopus 97. Liberius his letters in behalfe of certaine false dissembling Arrians to the Councell of Tyana for their restitution to which also the Councell yeelded prooue not that the Bishop of Rome is of such authoritie as he must needs be obeyed but that he is not so discerning but he may be gulled and cheated as he was by those hypocrites Reasons out of S. Basil why the Bishops of that Councell had respect to Liberius nothing to the Supremacie First because the abuse springing from those parts in receiuing Eustathius to grace vndeseruing reason it was that from thence also should come the reformation Secondly to auoide the suspition of emulation and home-bred quarrells which is incidenter between Bishops of the same Country then between forreiners Thirdly to fortisie the proceedings in the cause by the concurrence of many Bishops c. p. 186. 187 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrysost At Ecclesiast 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quod referunt huc 98. The Bishops that the Adioynder saies Iulius restored Sozomen saies plainly they were restored by the Emperour Yet happily Iulius was not slacke in the cause to do his best endeauours as becommeth euerie godly Bishop of Christendome according to the abilities that his place affoardeth him And so may we construe Omnium curam gerens Quis scandalizatur ego non vror as it came not from Peter so it belongs to all that are zealous in their rancke The Greekes thinke much that they should come behind the Romans because of the amplitude of that Church where as they presume for certaine that they excell them in piety and vertuous life Lastly they are so hardie as to threaten Iulius for transgressing of the Canons p. 188. 189. 99. Damasus his titles the Adioynders tattles frothie stuffe to conclude for Monarchie p. 189. 190 100. Damasus his gouerning the house of God His letters for Peter of Alexandria ibid. 101. Damasus takes in hand Vitalis an Antiochian heretike to examine him but by the permission of Paulinus his own Bishop So may any body Prescribe a proud word of the Adioynders weauing in cleane besides the truth of the text Damasus confesseth that Paulinus could doe as much as himselfe in the matter but onely to shewe consent between Bishops c. p. 191. 102. The Adioynders buskin tearmes are opened Flauianus his pretended restoring by Damasus was nothing but their mutuall returning to agreement after a priche the manner being in those times for two dissenting Bishops to forbeare the communion of one another till reconciliation and clearing of matters c. p. 192 103. Of Pope Siricius That the Councell of Capua committing to him the small hearing of acause makes for the Councels
it was exalted by consent to be a patriarchall Sea and not euery such neither but the second in order and setting that aside equall to Rome in all respects Else neither should this Canon haue suffered such opposition you may bee sure at the Bishop of Romes hands nor needed the Fathers to name this so distastfull equalitie with Rome in the bodie of the Canon if nothing but the ordaining of Bishops had been assigned him which other Patriarches exercise in their diocesse as well as the Bishop of Rome without his repining And yet lastly you may remember that the Canon of Nice describing the preheminence of the Bishop of Rome as a patterne of Patriarchship vtters it in those words of Ruffinus translation quòd Ecclesiarum suburbicariarum curam habeat that he hath care of the Churches that are abutting vpon the citie to which Canon of Nice spreading so the iurisdiction of the Church of Rome this Canon of Chalcedon may seeme to allude mentioning so many Churches as you here recite and all of them subiect to the Sea of Constantinople § 8. As for that you thrust in here vpon verie small occasion of Athanasius of Alexandria appealing to Iulius Bishoppe of Rome to shewe that Alexandria was subiect to Rome if you meane the subiection of order and ranke it is nothing to the matter and yet it followeth not by your leaue out of your example The subiection of authoritie is that which we contend about and yet that much lesse may be gathered from hence For neither did Athanasius flee to Iulius alone but with his companie of Bishops as his letters shew that he brought in his behalfe Omnibus vbique Catholicae Ecclesiae Episcopis i. To all the Bishops of the Catholicke Church and againe Hac quidem ad omnes ad Iulium scripsere i. This they wrote to Iulius and to all And the Church that enioies more flourishing fortunes or whose arme God hath strengthened with temporall prosperitie may bee sought vnto of the distressed though not subiect to it by any dutie of obedience as one King sayes the Orator easily rescues and succors another though not referring to him by subiection no more then Mithridates did to Tigranes as also I doubt not but if Iulius had suffered wrong and Athanasius could haue holpe him neither would Iulius haue disdained to craue his assistance nor Athanasius haue refused him no more then the aforesaid Bishop of Patara did to sue for Syluerius and to sheild him all he could against the rage of Iustinian as euen now you told vs and yet he of Patara much inferiour to the other without question § 9. But to deale more liberally with the Bishop in this point put case say you that the Councell of Chalcedon did meane to giue to the Church of Constantinople that equality with the Sea of Rome which he affirmeth yet he should nothing gaine by it but rather it confirmes the primacie of Pope Leo whose onely authority was able to quash it How is that prooued First because the Canon tooke not place presently Which is no more then happens for the most part to any lawe to haue slower execution then it hath making But does it follow from hence that either the Bishop alleages a counterfeit Canon for by this reason you may cauill any Canon in the booke or that Leo's authority was of force to disanull it Let vs breifly looke into it as not much to our purpose For in truth what ende may we looke for of dispute if so pregnant allegations be reckoned for counterfeit By a few heads we may iudge of all the rest You obserue 4. things out of Gelasius his Epistle to the Bishops of Dardania to disprooue the Canon § 10. One that Martian praysed Leo for not suffering the old Canons to be violated in that point and yet himselfe zealous for the aduancement of Constantinople The answer is most easie He might take Leo's excuse in good part as grounded vpon pretence of conscience not to crosse the Canons though it was so farre from beeing sound that both Leo might haue altered them as your selfe confesse positiue Canons and afterward it was altered euen by a generall Councell if that of Lateran at least was general as you acknowledge And I hope Sir I may praise Constancy euen in mine aduersary and in a wrong matter though I could wish his constancy were better imployed So might Martian with Leo and somewhat the rather to induce him by addoulcings for direct thwarting alienates rather Is this a good reason now why the Canon should be no Canon or this also scored among the Bishops forgeries § 11. You say secondly that Anatolius in fauour of whom the Canon was made beeing rebuked by Leo for his forwardnes to preferre it deriued the fault vpon the Clergy of Constantinople and said it was positum in ipsius potestate Leo might chuse whether he would grant it or no. Answer That the Clergie of Constantinople concurred to the making of it I hope good Sir derogates not from the Canon but rather fortifies it as likewise the consent of so many other Bishops and if Leo's shake bestriding his praye that is the honour of his seate the singularity rather affrighted Anatolius and startled lentum illum Heli as he calls him that timorous old man what is that to the antiquating of the Decree of a Synode and so populous a Synode as this was For I hope the Canon was not so in fauour of Anatolius whatsoeuer you prattle but that much rather of his Sea then of his person as both the reason shewes which the Canon contaynes drawne as you may remember from the Imperiall city and Martians loue was to the city not to the man Yea it rather tooke place you say after his death What then doe you tell vs of Anatolius § 12. Your third obseruation that Pope Simplicius was as loath to yeild to Leo the Emperour for the aduancement of Constantinople as Leo the Pope had beene to the Emperour Martian in the same cause prooues nothing against the Canon vnlesse it be graunted that the Pope hath a negatiue voice in the making of them which is the thing in question betweene you and vs therefore to be prooued not to be presumed But if you meane that it took not place so soone you haue your answer before it brake out at last like fire in the bones and that 's enough § 13. With like facility to your Quartum Notabile that Acacius obtained the censures of Pope Felix and executed them vpon the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch What then As if one Bishop may not craue aide of another to represse abuses when he cannot doe it himselfe euen as they in Peters boate beckened to the next to come and helpe them for your primacie is that Moses taken out of the waters by your owne description so here Acacius becken to Peter that is to the Pope himselfe as you dreame Neither
onely and the giuer of the onset because a man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so likewise the whole Colledge which he ouersaw neither that seditious nor he tyrānous But the Popes authoritie being extrauagant in it selfe and no way lawfull his tyrannie is not abated by the encrease of the Church or multitude of people as the Adioyndrer disputes out of his hidden Politiques but the more he curbes with it the more cruelly he vsurps And indeede whereas the Bishop made two exceptions against the argument from Peter one from the number of the people to be gouerned the other from the nature of the authoritie to be exercised he onely smothers the one with the other saying Tyrannies are sooner practised vpon smaller states but answers neither § 28. One thing more and so an ende Whereas our Aduersarie would bind the first place to Rome by vertue as he saies of succeeding Peter the chiefe of the Apostles num 38. to omit of Peters non comparuit at Rome of which before sure the Scriptures take no knowledge of his arriuing there whereas S. Paul saies Chrysostome entred Rome like a King or a Generall after sea-fight quasi Rex post naualem pugnam at que victoriam in regalissimam aulam istam ascendit nay as he speakes in another place the very fame of Pauls comming to Rome composed matters and put the citie in order The like whereof Tullie rhetoricates of Pompey and Plutarke reports as a truth of Philopoemen that the opinion of his drawing neere caused the enemies to raise their siege to omit this Nazianzō wil tell him that no promise of grace goes currant with succession simply considered and we are so farre from acknowledging the Prouidence which he speakes of in preseruing that Sea that to say nothing what wee haue groped with our owne experience cōcerning the Apostasie not onely Sedulius an auncient writer obserues vpon those words Rom. 1. Obedientia vestra divulgata est pertotum mundum that the Romanes obedience was divulged throughout the world divulgata magis quà m laudata rather divulged then praised but the Apostle himselfe is thought to point at as much both Rom. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 els thou shalt be cut off euen thou for all thy priuiledge and Rom. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to the Bishop and all of that Sea from time to time viz. not to arrogate too much vnto himselfe not to be wise in his owne conceit as if he were that infallible one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To his fourth Chapter Basil Nazianzen Chrysostome Austen their authorities The BISHOPS Answer stands good against his friuolous exceptions And of the eight Popes who liuing in S. Austens time exercised as the Adioynder dreames an Vniuersall and supreame authoritie § 1. NExt are Basil Nazianzen Chrysostome and Austen To the place of S. Basil De iudicio Dei Ille beatus qui caeteris praelatus discipulis fuit cui claues regni coelestis commissae i. that blessed man Peter who was preferred before the rest of the Disciples to whome the keyes of the heauenly kingdome were committed c. he saies the Bishop hath answered nothing to any purpose num 5. in the ende These are the crakes of this insolent patch the very impatience whereof were able to diuert any man from his busines But how does he take away the Bishops answer who yeilds him euen more then S. Basil saies in fauour of Peter and yet still forsooth no Monarch to returne his owne words scoffing though he vse them not ashamed now in plaine tearmes to plead for the Monarchie of spirituall men I know Bishopricks haue beene called so as by Hilarie Pope in his Epistle ad Leontium but neuer in this sense And so Paschasinus emong Leo's Epistles it is finds a Corona in his great Patron to wish honour and good successe to But these are baubles To the point in hand then If the argument stand in BLESSED that Peter was a Monarch because called blessed either by our Sauiour or S. Basil to omit how many others haue beene called blessed both men and women in holy Scripture they recken some seauen in all I trow of the feminine kinde to whome no Monarchie was decreed Et nos cum Petro beati saies Epiphanius and we are blessed with Peter if we hold fast his confession Nay they say when Bellarmines vncle came to the Popedome the times were so bad that it was thought a man could not be Pope and saued that is Pope and blessed Therefore what doth this argument from beatus on Gods name But to omit this I say the Bishop scanning S. Basils words finds Basil the best opener of his owne meaning both concerning the blessednes of Peter and his beeing preferred before the rest which is the firmer hold of the two for you to trust to if you be wise For immediatly thus it followes in S. Basil after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 preferred before all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is who onely was witnessed of more then others and was pronounced blessed before others Does not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 now limit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Bishop had said Does not the honour that he receiued to be witnessed of by Christ as a little before he had witnessed of Christ and our Sauiours pronouncing him blessed in plaine termes which imports no iurisdiction whatsoeuer you fancie limit his preferment in S. Basils style And though no such thing were in S. Basil yet how many waies are there of preferment besides making Monarch or installing one supreame Prince of the world Your selfe Sir can tell vs soone after very sawcily num 10. of this Chapt. that the King can shewe fauour to some one subiect and yet not make him Primate of the prouince So might Peter be preferred and yet not made a Soueraigne prince much more Though the more I consider it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is lesse then our PREFERRED in English For he meanes hee preferred him in voice verdict not in real exaltation as they commonly take it And that is it which the Bishop answered out of S. Basils owne words preferred but how quoth he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Let vs looke into the third title of Peters style as it runnes in S. Basil Cui claues c. to whome the keyes of the heauenly Kingdome were committed But do you see how Not onely the kingdome is described here to be heauenly not earthly which Peter receiued the keyes of what is this then I wonder to temporall Monarchies which the very place so counterbuffes and yet they would faine establish and establish from hence but how does it make for Peters soueraigntie since as the Bishop hath most pregnantly answered before he receiued the keies indeed as Basil sayes but whether for himselfe or for the Church Basil shewes not Austen does You say you haue refuted this
that is to Rome saies Balsamon that is to the Pope say we and you will not denie Which how could S. Austen and others haue done I would faine know of you if they had beene perswaded of his vniuersall power ouer the Christian world § 11. Here you cast mysts and fogs and raylings But passing by them as the Moone does by the barking of a curre-dogge let vs take you as you lie You deduct three points from the Bishops words as you say and you call them three lies of his in little more then three lines Vsuall modestie but let vs view your parts The first That the Pope had no further authoritie but ouer the Church of Rome in S. Austens time The second That no man might appeale to Rome out of Africk in those daies The third That S. Austen neuer acknowledged those three Popes Zozimus Bonifacius and Celestinus to be heads of the Church and yet cured S. Peters disease in them The first say you will be cleare by the discussing of the second and the third But how if the Bishop neuer affirmed the first neither is any such thing to be gathered out of his wordes What needes your second and third to refute this Why rather doe you not bend against the second and third for their owne sakes to shew that all Appeales were not cut off by the Fathers out of Africk to Rome or that S. Austen cured the swelling disease in the Popes aforesaid Does not this shew that you neither want impudence and yet want matter since the Bishops words that may sound that way to your first propositiō are only these If euer he be healed viz. the Pope let him be head of the Church of Rome as he was in S. Austens time but let no man appeale c. And is this as much as that the Pope had no authoritie ouer more then Rome whereas the Bishop neither denies his Westerne Patriarkship nor otherwise the great sway that he might iustly carrie throughout the rest of Christendome out of the eminencie of his place especially if ioyned with vertues answerable though still his Diocesse were but particular But as for Appeales what more plaine for the proouing that S. Austen censured all such Appellants out of Africk to the sea of Rome with excommunication then that which we read in the Councel of Milevitum Can. 22. enacted both by him and diuers other Bishops there Whosoeuer shall think fit to appeale beyond the Sea let no person within Africk receiue him to fellowship or to communion First therefore you turne away and will not vnderstand till diuers sections after any such Canon or Councell but tell vs of a letter written to Pope Celestine by the African Bishops which you say was petitorie but containing no Decree nor demand as altogether resting in Celestines pleasure whether he would graunt it or no. I will set downe the words that the truth may be seene Though this I must premise that it was nothing vnbeseeming the holy Fathers to vse reuerēt termes euen of petition and request to Pope Celestine when they sued for no more then their owne right as the Apostle S. Peter and diuers others in the like cases I beseech you brethren abstaine c. Sapientem omnia priùs quà m armis experiri decet it is the old saying and Responsio mollis frang it iram So here Strictè exigo strictè praecipio is for the Pope to his Catholiques whome he makes conies But the words are these Our due salutations remembred and done We entreat and earnestly pray you that hereafter you will not lightly giue audience to those that come from hence to you neither any more receiue such to the communion as we excommunicate because your Reuerence shall easily perceiue that order taken by the Nicene Councell For if there appeare a prouiso for inferiour Clerkes and lay-men how much more would the Synode haue the same obserued in Bishops that beeing excommunicated in their owne Province they should not be suddenly hastily or vnduly restored to the communion by your holinesse And likewise your holines must repell these wicked refuges of Priests and other Clergie men to Rome as becommeth you for that by no determination of the Fathers this is derogated from the Church of Africa and the Nicene Canons doe most euidently commit both inferiour Clergie-men and the Bishops themselues to their owne Metropolitans No doubt they most wisely and rightly prouide that all matters should be ended in the places where they first arose neither shall the grace of the holy Ghost be wanting to any Prouince by the which equitie may be grauely weighed and stoutly followed by the Priests of Christ especially whereas euery man hath libertie if he mislike the iudgement of those that heare his cause to appeale to the Councells of his owne Prouince or to a generall Councell Or how shall the iudgement ouer the Seas at Rome be good whereto the necessarie persons of the witnesses either for sexe or for age or sundrie other impediments cannot be brought FOR THAT ANY SHOVLD BE SENT as Legates FROM YOVR HOLINES SIDE VVEE FINDE DECREED BY NO SYNOD OF THE FATHERS § 12. And be here no words but supplicatorie wil you say When they vrge so vehemently that the Nicene Councel tooke order to the same purpose that causes should not be remooued from place to place alluding to the 5. Canon of that Councell and to the latter end of the fourth doe these men thinke it is a matter of meere graunt or wholly depending of the Popes pleasure when they cal such a refuge a wicked refuge of them that runne to Rome doe they not shew what opinion they conceiue of it Is it in the Popes power to license wickednesse or if it bee nowe was it so then Nay when they say hee must repulse such stragling clients is must a word for suters and suppliants when they tell him in the same passage that it becomes him to stop such holes that wretched men would creepe out at doe they not plainely declare that they haue more confidence in it then in a meere sute or petition onely yea when they vrge againe that the Nicene Councell so ordered and no derogation was euer made to that Canon by any contrary constitution doe they leaue it free to the Pope to yeeld to yea or no No doubt say they they most wisely and rightly prouided that all matters should bee ended in the places where they first arose And would these men haue confest that the Pope might with iustice doe to the contrarie When they tell him That the grace of the holy Ghost is not so fastened to Rome but that it is to be foūd in other Prouinces too by the which equitie may be grauely waighed and stoutly followed by the Priests of Christ doe they not priuily taxe him for fondly ouerweening his owne sea if he thinke matters cannot bee ended at home without his interposing When they alledge that witnesses
Cùm tibi placet quod scribo noui cui placeat quoniam qui te inhabitet noui Hee meanes that the holy Ghost dwels in Simplicianus which would haue made a faire shew in a Popes style Largitor enim omnium munerum per tuam sententiam confirmauit obedientiam meam c. He speakes of obedience yeelded to Simplician who yet was not his superiour Againe In meo ministerio dixit Deus fiat factum est Hee calls it his ministerie or his seruice and sets him almost in the place of God In tuâ verò approbatione vidit deus quia bonum est At least there he makes him his God or his superiour directly Generally of all Bishops thus wee read in S. Austen Epist 168. In alijs ciuitatibus tantum agimus quod ad ecclesiam dei pertinet quaentum vel nos permittunt vel NOBIS IMPONVNT earundem ciuitatum Episcopi fratres consacerdotes nostri What is lesse in imponunt then in the iniungunt that you vrge Iniuncta nobis à Zozimo necessitas Yet here you see imponunt is an act that any Bishop might exercise towards S. Austen euen his brothers and fellow-priests fratres consacerdotes not onely Zozimus So Ruffinus in exposit symbol ad Laurent which Laurence was no Pope though he be called Papa there i. a reuerent personage One Laurentius stood with Symmachus for the Popedome I graunt but hee lost it as you knowe Well what saies Ruffinus He calls it pondus praecepti because Laurentius desired him to put his exposition which he had preacht vpon the Creede in writing the weight of his charge or the charge of his commandement Againe Astringis me vt aliquid tibi de side c. Yet Laurence had no power that I know of binding Ruffinus Lastly expositionis à te impositae necessitatem sayes he which answers word for word almost to that which you bring out of S. Austen Iniuncta nobis à Zozimo necessitas But of Zozimus saith hee hereafter wherein we will attend him § 19. First therefore of Liberius a most wretched proofe Certaine Arian hereticks obtained his letters for their restitution to the assemblie of Tyana and by vertue of them they were restored though they did but dissemble in that they feigned their conformitie with the Church of God inwardly remaining deepe Arians Is not this fit to be brought in behalfe of the Pope to shew how wel he stands vpon his watch how meete a man he is to inherit the trust of all Christian soules that suffers such knaues to beguile him in this sort As for that that Liberius letters were of force so should any other graue and worthie Prelates haue been vpon whose testimonie the Synod might relie especially when if there had beene no doubt of their repentance they should haue needed no other mediatour happily then themselues But because he hath quoted S. Basil in the margent let vs heare his words and see what confidence he puts in Rome or in the Bishop thereof Epist 74. thus he saies of Liberius and his restoring of Eustathius that Arian heretick which suspition to say truth Liberius was not free from enclining thither himselfe when time was The rather might he write in the behalfe of an Arian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Since therefore from thence he meanes from Rome and from the Westerne Churches this Epistle bearing inscription to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Bishops of the West since from thence he hath receiued power to hurt the Churches and the libertie that you gaue him Liberius with the rest he to the subuersion of many hath abused it is necessarie that reformation should spring from the same place and that you should send word to the Churches for what cause he was receiued and how beeing changed since in his opinion he makes void the grace that was then giuen him not by Liberius so much as by the Fathers that is they of the Councell of Tyana of which before And in the same Epistle a little afore this place S. Basil giues two reasons why he implores the aide of the Italian Bishops in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The first is because if onely the Easterne Bishops appeare against Eustathius it may be thought to come of emulation and partialitie one Bishop of the same countrey opposing another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But you the farther of the better beleeued Which to say truth hath alwaies bin the Popes felicitie But you see he flies not to them for any vniuersal authoritie or prerogatiue as they imagin frō Peter deriued but for the distāce of the place which makes them seeme to be more incorrupt The second reason is from the consenting of many Bishops together and the power of that to preuaile with peoples minds when there shall be a concurrence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is But of with ioynt consent many shall auerre the same thing the very multitude of them that are of one minde will make it to be entertained without contradiction By which you see the Pope can doe little alone And so speakes Basil in his greatest extremitie euen when he needes the Pope most Else we know how sharply he can taxe Rome and giue the Popes their owne when occasion serues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Westerne pride saith he haereses propagant they spread heresies or multiplie heresies Epist 8. ad Euseb Samosat § 20. Of Iulius and Athanasius I spake before The same was the cause of Marcellus and Asclepas Paulus and Lucian and the rest restored as you say by Iulius Pope tanquam omnium curam gerentem as bearing care of all Tripart l. 4. c. 15. As if euery Bishop were not obliged to doe his seruice to the whole Church as farre as he can which were easie to demonstrate but that I haue done it before and quoted Origen very lately for the same yet Iulius the rather because the prime Bishop but prime in order onely and in a certaine excellencie propter sedis dignitatem as the Tripartite here speakes in the very words that this man quotes not propter auctoritatem S. Austen calls it Speculam his watchtower Besides that this same Iulius is many yeeres before S. Austen and yet he professes to reckon vp onely such as liued in S. Austens time Doe you not see how he labours to vtter his prouision Finally in Sozomene who reports the same matter and is quoted by this man to that very purpose cap. 2. num 8. In Sozomene I say lib. 3. c. 7. thus we read That the persons to whome Iulius wrote in behalfe of the aforesaid catholicke Bishops though they acknowledged the Church of Rome primas ferre apud omnes to be the chiefe Church in euerie bodies estimation as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the schoole of the Apostles and the mother citty of piety not for any succession into the authoritie of S. Peter in particular and yet
instances yet you shew it wrings you at the very heart to bee so met with about Maximus his authoritie when in your numb following you set him downe both in Text and Margent for a man whose head should be confounded with blowes rather then confuted with arguments So notable a champion you are at your Ismaels Logicke whose fist was against euery body and euerie bodies against his which Philo interprets to be the image of a disputer but like none so much as the Popish disputants you may say they dispute in Schola Tyranni Act. 19. from whose butcherly hands I pray God deliuer vs that euen thus declare their fingers to be itching till they may deale with vs. § 12. As for the Bishoprick of Rome ioyned or adioyned to the Bishopricke of the whole Church which you would patterne with the Diocesse and Church of Ely recommended to the gouernment of one man or the gouernment of a whole army and one company in that army entrusted to the care of the same generall and such like how vnlike are these comparisons I report me to your conscience For the gouernment of that company which is a limbe of the maine army while it remaines so is impossible to be diuided from the gouernment of the whole and so Ely Church from Ely Diocesse is not so easily separated in ordine currente as now things goe but he that hath the one must needes haue the other But your selues hold that the Bishopricke of the whole world hath beene actually diuided from the Bishopricke of Rome as namely while Peter sate at Antioch before he came to Rome to say nothing of your later Popes that lay soaking at Auenion seuenty yeares together wherupon Bellarmine graunts as you heard euen now that they may be diuided againe if occasion so require and yet hopes that God will not easily permit it by which you see your comparison halts of one foote But the maine point lyes in this That the Bishop of Ely hath no new induction to his Church of Ely more then was giuen him at first entrance vpon the entire Bishopricke and so the generall of an army hath no newe constitution ouer a part of his army after hee is admitted Generall ouer the whole Whereas you giuing to S. Peter the whole Church for his Bishopricke if afterwards he take vp his seate in Rome by a more peculiar title what doth he but extinguish his former cleane which I thinke will hold euen in Fitzherberts Law § 13. Neither say that S. Iames was Bishop of Hierusalem and yet gouernour of the whole Church with the rest of his colleagues for Iames was extraordinarie as you also confesse but shew that one man may be ordinarie Pastor of the whole Church and yet ordinarie Pastor of a part too by a second title distinct from the former or else you say nothing but palter about the Bishops answer to Maximus and bewray a manifest contradiction in your doctrine § 14. I labour to be briefe and I need not to adde any thing to the Bishops answers which you see how pregnant they are against all reproofe Onely because the Bishop is so exceedingly compendious in his Answer to the Apologie and occasion hath beene giuen me to peruse the Sermons newly quoted of S. Maximus I will set downe in a word or two mine owne obseruations out of the said Sermons lately set forth for F. T. to consider if they make not more for S. Paul then that doth for Peter which the Cardinall alleadged In his second Sermon therefore de eodem festo viz. Natali B B. Petri Pauli speaking of Paul after he had commended Peter for his great faith Cuius tanta est nihilominùs plenitudo sidei Whose fulnesse of faith is so great notwithstanding First fulnesse of faith like plenitudo spiritús which they attribute to the Pope And notwithstanding Peters as deseruing a reward no lesse thē his if there were place for deserts vnlesse you will say that Peter had engrossed all before and nothing was left for Paul though deseruing Yea he addes that our Sauiour in his prouidence chose him peculiarem quodam modo ducem a captaine of his Church in a manner singular and without fellow Erat enim tam praecipuus c. vt ad ecclesiae solatium ad firmamentum omnium credentium Christus eum vocaret è caelo Hee was so singular in his gift that to the comfort of his Church and the support of all the faithfull firmamentum credentium not inferiour to petra our Lord directly called him from heauen Lastly Vt aduerteret princeps futurus nominis Christiani that he which was to bee the prince of the name Christian that is the most eminent in all the Christian congregation might marke c. As for the third Sermon of that argument which is that from whence the words Quanti meriti are quoted whereunto the Bishop answers it followes immediately after them in the praise of Peter thus of Paul That Paul in his Apostleship how highly did he please Christ where you see meritum is counterpoized by placere indeed all one who is his owne witnesse sidelissimus sibi testis who shunning to reueale his owne praise and yet seeking to make knowne the power of his Christ wraps vp in modestie c. Alluding no doubt to those places of his Epistles wherein hee euidently challengeth equalitie with the best and reporteth such things as is wonderfull by himselfe though not tickled thereto by any priuate vain-glorie but meerly enforced by his aduersaries importunitie In the first Sermon of that argument they are ioyntly called both Paul and Peter Ecclesiarum omnium principes Princes of all the Churches and againe reuerendissimi Principes omnium Ecclesiarum the most reuerend Princes of all the Churches § 15. I omit your railing in your num 18. where you say the Bishop hath beene puzled with places and faine to trisle wrangle cogge and lye c. I account it my ill happe to be matcht with such a rakeshame that obserues no reuerence and is onely good at proouing our patience Onely my comfort is as Demosthenes is said to haue said in the like that I shall ouercome in beeing put downe and you loose in conquering in so damned an encounter The Bishop had said of the Cardinalls testimonies cited out of the fathers vnum hoc peccant omnia All the places brought for Peters primacie trip in this that they haue nothing in truth which may not straight be granted except some petty word about which I meane not to iangle And what more excellent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 could there be then this a premunition or an amulet against the errors that might arise in vnstable minds by mistaking the fathers while they vse such speaches For as Epiphanius saies that such cautions must be vsed sometimes euen towards the writings of holy Scripture least the Reader be peruerted rather then edified so in the fathers much more
pascatis Quicquid inde audieritis hoc vobis bene sapiat quicquid extra est respuite And againe Audite vocem pastoris colligite vos ad montes Scripturae sanctae No doubt these are the mountaines that our Sauiour bids vs flie vnto vnder Antichrists persecution that is yours Ibi sunt deliciae cordis vestri addes S. Austen ibi nihil venenosum nihil alienum And lastly when he hath shut them into that sheepcoat and pend them vp in that fold for he vrgeth the word Erunt stabula earum illic he giues them leaue to triumph and say in this wise Bene est verum est manifestum est non fallimur This he calls requiescere in stabulis illic to rely vpon Scripture not vpon the Bishops authoritie Now it is well with vs now we are right now the case is plaine now we are not deceiued when the Scripture first saies it What should I tell you here either of Cyprians licensing the people of God the flocke of Christ to renounce their wicked Bishop not partake with his seruices lib. 1. Ep. 4. or of the third Canon of that famous Councell of Ephesus which enioynes thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Councell giues charge Not to submit to the authoritie of any backe-slided Bishops or Bishops departed that is departed from the truth There may bee Apostaticall Bishops then departers from the truth had you no such Popes aske Lyra aske Genebrard and they are not to be regarded And euen in those which deserue not to be called Apostatae by so heauie name because they fell not so fowly simpliciter errantes as S. Austen calls them de Bap. l. 4. c. 5. yet their lighter errors their moales as I may terme them like that in Cyprians owne breast which S. Austen saith was couered with the dugges of his charitie they make no authoritie for others to follow them least Vincentius Lerinensis pronounce his doome vpon them thus though wondring at it himselfe O mira conuersio absoluuntur Magistri condemnantur discipuli O strange passe The thiefe scapes and the receiuer is hangd the inuentor goes away scotfree and the scholler perisheth in his prone credulity Which you may doe well to take heed of in the present question of praying to Saints if any passion from a multitude or a single Christian hath drawne forth a vowe a prayer or such like if any suddaine motion hath transported further then should yet to beware how you make an article of it § 47. As for that you say the Fathers whome you quote about this point were agents in the Councells which the King and the Bishop professe to reuerenee it is one thing what the Fathers say in seuerall as it were solitarij in tecto another when they meet Synodically in a Councell Is there no grace belonging to Councells Why is it not said then vbi vnus but vbi duo aut tres in nomine meo naming the first multitudes to shew the vertue of an assembly where farre more meet then two or three You haue first no Councells for your supplication to Saints for miserable are your proofes of Flauianus and Proterius they haue toucht the Diamond but they cannot draw like the Diamond they are of kin to the Councell but they are not brought within the Canon Neither againe haue you all the Fathers no not of one whole age among the fiue no not of the later and weaker in authority neerer the bottom and those that you haue they write dispersedly neuer so much as ioyned in domesticall conference which is a great derogation in regard of the credit that goes with lawfull Synods although lesse generall And lastly though you neuer lyn vaunting and prating what you haue produced out of the Fathers as if it were so peremptory yet wee hauing examined and perused them before finde not one of them to depose so pregnantly on your side but that he may be avoided If the streame of the Fathers not onely of one age as you idly crake but sundry ages together could preuaile any thing with you you would neuer haue defined so proudly and so irreligiously of the conception of the Blessed Virgin without sinne of which see Canus your owne author with his legion of Fathers nor giuen sentence against the Dominican for the Franciscan As for the place to the Ephes which you quote to shew that God hath placed Pastors in the Church to defend it from errour Dedit quosdam pastores c. Eph. 4. It is by way of industrie in dispensing Gods word not of infallibilitie that they cannot possibly erre Where vision ceases though the Pastors be neuer so many yet the people perish yea many Pastors are the cause saith God why my vine is destroyed I made indeede my Couenant with Levi and the Priests lips should preserue knowledge Mal. 2. but the Priests oft times depart out of the way and they cause many to stuÌ„ble in the Law IN THE LAVV saith God by misinterpreting it no doubt they haue corrupted the Couenant of Levi saith the Lord of hoasts This in the old TestameÌ„t In the new what If the salt be vnsauoury to the dunghil with it saith our blessed Sauiour of his times Out of you shall come fierce wolues saies S. Paul Act. 20. speaking of theÌ„ soone after that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishops and Priests as S. Chrysost construes it Tom. 7. D. H. Savile p. 219. There shall be false teachers among you as well as in that people saies Peter whome you build vpon 1. Pet. 2. 1. And he addes moreouer bringing in priuily damnable heresies This of yours is priuie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 take heede it be not damnable I haue acquitted the Fathers in my former speech I applie this to you § 48 But S. Austen you say thought the testimonie of sixe Bishops sufficient to conuince Iulian the Pelagian about originall sinne and the baptisme of young infants He meanes sufficient to tame Iulians pride and haughtie humor after he had laid him on his backe with Scripture-arguments which is not all one with deciding the question by the Fathers authoritie Iulian had called Originall sinne Manichaismum S. Austen alleadges those Fathers for it that were knowne to be no Manichees Itâ—â—e tibi fili Iuliane nos omnes Manichai esse videmur l. 1. c. 4. not 2. as you quote it So is it one thing ad hominem and another adrem disputare As likewise it is one thing vincere and another thing triumphare as that memorable Dr. Whitakers was wont to say in this case The Fathers and all come in at the triumph like those that waited on our Sauiour into Hierusalem but it is the Scripture that strikes the stroke Neither doth S. Austen mislike that saying of Iulian l. 1. c. 7. that Scripturarum authoritas goes before eruditio Sanctorum In the establishing of a truth the authoritie of Scripture goes before the learning
the Patriarch euen when he was ready to dye So happy are they to whome I say not in senectute but in morte contigerit huc aspirare as he saies Cui suspiramus semper Where you say that no guile must be in the spirit Psal 32. 2. and therefore sinne is cleane purged in the iust you are to know that all sinne is not guile but the sinne of hypocrisie dissembling our sinnefulnesse and reioycing sinisterly in our supposed perfection of which let them take heede that dance to your pipe and delight in your doctrine The Psalme opposeth it there to dum tacui in the next verse v. 3. for where there is tacui there is guile where no guile no tacui And the Saints in the Reuelation had no guile found in their mouthes because they confessed they were sinners sath S. Austen § 19. ANother fault of the Bishops is here complained of that he hath not layd downe at full the Cardinals argument out of the Epistle of Theodosius to the Councell of Ephesus by which is shewed who should be present at generall Councells And I hope it is no matter whether he lay it downe at length or no so he answer it But you that vndertake the refutation of the Bishops answer to the Cardinalls Apologie why doe you mention but one part of his answer to this very argument Is not this a worse fault and yet in the same kinde As for example one part of the Bishops answer was this that a Count and a King be not all one and when Theodosius forbad the Count to meddle he precluded not himselfe This you mention but the rest you leaue out First that it appeares Theodosius did not set this law to himselfe to be no medler in Councels because he assembled it yea confirmed it and ratified the Acts of it which Count Candidian might not doe Secondly that the Emperour exhorted this noble Courtier and Count Candidian to suppresse them that were at oddes and to curbe the humour of such as loued iangling Could this be without his interposing in their tractate which are the words that you stand vpon And you shall finde in the Trullan Councell that other lay-men are forbidden that thing the libertie whereof is reserued to the Emperour notwithstanding So might it be here And indeede who would euer retort vpon a King out of his owne words or bind Theodosius as it were with his owne girdle so with his owne Epistle which he neuer meant should yoke himselfe To omit that Constantine carried himselfe like a Bishop witnesse Eusebius nay Bishop ouer Bishops that is the oecumenicall Bishop which you would be glad if your Pope had the like plea for himselfe to intermeddle with the matters of Constantine and of the Empire Why then might not Theodosius Or though onely Bishops as you would faine force may haue to doe in Councels yet why should Theodosius or Constantine sit out that are Bishops without the Church as others are within and during diuine seruice See Sozom. l. 4. c. 21. of Leonas and Laritius two lay-Courtiers one satelles aulae another praefectus militum as the author styles them sent to the Councell of Seleucia in Isauria de mandato Constantij by Constantius his commandement that in their presence de fide accuratè inquireretur strict enquiry might be made of Faith And when some Bishops would not enter into disputation about things controuerted because of the absence of other Leonas tamen iussit de fide disceptari Leonas neuerthelesse commanded them to conferre about relligion In the Councell of Syrmium the Emperour likewise appointed Iudges president of his owne pallace doctrinâ auctoritate caeteris praestantes in all likelihood but lay-men Idem Sozom. lib. 4. c. 5. And cap. 13. of the same booke Constantius letter to the Church of Antioch and the Bishops there assembled conteines thus Placet prohibere à conventibus Ecclesiasticis It is our pleasure to forbid certaine from Ecclesiasticall assemblies You may say now if you will after all this that Emperours haue nothing to doe in Councels and that Theodosius meant to barre himselfe by his owne letter or else that he knewe not the right which Constantius exercised and was descended to him by succession euen from Constantine But there is a letter of Theodos and Valentinian ioyntly extant in the Acts of the Ephesine Councell the 3. in number in Surius his edition beginning thus Praeclarissimo Comiti c. Which you may doe well to read to see what lay Emperours may doe in Councells You shall see how he checks the whole Councell there for there partiality and part-taking for their tumults and sicut non conueniebat and how he concludes the matter Quapropter Maiestati nostrae visum est vt huiusmodi authoritas nullo pacto locum habeat quae inordinatè sunt gesta cassentur Wherefore it seemed good to our Maiestie that such authority should by no meanes take place and that those things be abrogated or disanulled which were disorderly done Yea how he tyes the Bishops to their residence at the Councell forbidding any to depart and how he sets an Oportet vpon omnia corroboranda sunt à nostrâ pietate and lastly how he ends most imperially and worthily Maiestas nostra nō hominum aliquorum sed ipsius doctrinae ac veritatis curam gerit Our Maiestie takes not care of mens persons but of Gods truth and the heauenly doctrine The like he doth in the Epistle that you quote and namely chargeth them to heare no accusations but proceede to discussion of faith onely § 20. TO your numb 42. and 43. what we heare from witnesses though sure and certaine witnesses yet we doe but heare when you haue made the most of it So as the Bishop might well say Augustinus nihil praeter auditum habet Austen hath nothing more then heare-say meaning he reports not this of his own knowledge though he would not seem to deny credit to those witnesses Which many a man to say truth is loath to doe I meane to detract any thing from the credit of the reporter euen then when he scarce beleeues that which is told As for the assistance of Angels or apparition of Saints it prooues not that it is lawfull for vs to pray to them as hath been shewed before and therefore it matters not greatly whether that of Felix be true or no. Sure it is that S. Austen in the same booke where he tells this de curâ promortuis argues from the saying of holy Scripture Abraham hath not knowne vs nor Israel c. that Saints departed are ignorant if not carelesse or forgetfull of our state here A figure whereof there may seeme to be in the story of Ioseph whome the butler forgot as soone as himselfe was escaped out of prison as it were the Saint newly departed out of the body and forgetting his late fellowes in pilgrimage the rather because both a Philo and the
Clergy-men writing to the Galatians as he does whē he writes to other Churches Quia nondum habebant neque Episcopum neque Rectorem aliquem ideoque facilius sedici potuerunt And yet Galatia a Church or many Churches in Galatia as it is cap. 1. v. 2. But so much may suffice to his first collection § 48. Now to his second That the Bishop himselfe and other his colleagues here of the Church of England are neither true Bishops nor of any succession mission or vocation viz. because they enter not in by the doore that is are not ordained by Popish Bishops in whom alone the streame of succession runs along as he surmiseth though to this last I shall speak more distinctly by and by Yet in the meane while to answer to his wise illation iuxta prudentiam hominis as Salomon biddes vs Pope Nicholas their first was of another minde as it may seeme at least by his answer ad Consulta Bulgarorū c. 14. where when the people of that place would haue had a certaine Grecian to haue lost his eares to haue his nose slit and other such disgraces for preaching Christ though to the benefit of the people yet without any lawfull ordination the Pope dissents from them and qualifies the matter by these words of the Apostle Siue occasione siue QVOCVNQVE MODO Christus praedicetur non laboro yea hee concludes thus euen of the generall question out of another Popes mouth his predecessor a Pope you see quoting his predecessor Pope and the Apostle S. Paul too Non quaerite quis vel qualis praedicet sed quem praedicet It is no matter who nor what kind of man it is that preacheth but whom hee preacheth viz. whether hee preach Christ or no. Which last words are as strange to me as contrarie to the Adioynder in this place And so perhaps is that peruerting of the Apostles sentence before cited For when wee say Non interest quis praedicet vel qualis we are not to meane it of morall idoneity or morall sufficiencie but of Ecclesiasticall as the Schoole teaches So is the Pope to the Adioynder and the Schoole to the Pope and hard but the truth to them all contrarie In the 16. chapter of the said Responsa it seemes the people had executed their wrath vpon that poore caityfe that had fained himselfe Priest and cropt his eares and done him the despight which afore they trauailed with but questioned whether they might doe it lawfully or no. Belike the Popes answer had not come to their hands or else passion was deafe to milder aduise Whereupon in reproouing their hard vsage of him hee proceeds thus to excuse the matter Si Dauid esse se furiosum finxit vt suam tantum salutem operari posset quam noxam contraxit qui tot hominum multitudinem QV OQV O MODO de potestate Diaboli aternae perditionis abstraxit In English thus If Dauid fained himselfe mad onely to saue his life what fault was he in that pluckt so many men out of the power of the deuill and from eternall perdition IT IS NO MATTER HOVV Is this good diuinitie Or may you plead so and not wee § 49. As for that which he produceth out of Bishop Barlowes Sermon to fortifie this point yet a little better against vs it is meerely ridiculous because when Bishop Barlowe speaks of the succession of Bishops to be the root of Christian fellowship and the proofe of Christian doctrine he meanes as Irenaeus takes succession cum charismate veritatis with the gift of truth which in you is wanting in your hands in your mouthes is found nothing as the Psalmist speakes Doe we not read in S. Austen that Iudas Iudae succedit aliquoties Com. in Psal 141. and lupi agnis id est Apostolis Act. 20. 29. or nox dici as Gregory Nazianzene speakes and morbus sanitati that is one bad man suceedes another and good men are succeeded by the bad many times neither of which successions auaile you any thing or are to be gloried in Neither againe are we heretikes for dissenting from them of whome we tooke our ordination as you rashly imply in your numb 35. For the power of ordination is not taken away de facto from an heretical Bishop vnles he be sentenced and inhibited by authoritie And after that too perhaps the orders are good that he conferres though himselfe doe amisse in peruerting discipline and violating the commission of his superiours Fieri non debuit factum valuit as the common saying is § 50. But to come at last to the third point which is the ground and bottome of the other twaine and so an ende of this matter and in the next of the whole if God say Amen You say Our Bishops in the beginning of the raigne of Queene Elizabeth ordained themselues by mutuall compact beeing destitute of other helpe from Welsh and Irish which in vaine they sollicited And you produce your author one Thomas Neale a worthy wight no doubt though no more be said in conmendation of him Yet you adde that he was Reader of the Hebrew Lecture in Oxford afterward it may well be And thus you haue approoued as you thinke at least that our men were not consecrated by lawfull Bishops and lawfully called I meane ordained of them that your selues call Catholiques From whence what flowes That Clergy wee haue none nor Church none and the Bishop is no Bishop against whom you write c. But these two inferences we haue discussed before how well they follow out of the premisses though they were graunted As for the Bishop in particular that reuerend Prelate the obiect of your enuy and the subiect of our controuersie I might say much and yet conuince in short that the defect of oyle cannot hinder his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Philosopher said wittily that it was not possible that Hercules should be debarred heauen because he was not initiate so that the Bishop should be no Bishop for lacke of Ordainers But the greater his worth the more my silence and his scorne of these reproaches à magnitudine animi non à superbia as Tully saics of Socrates bridles me euen dumbe The summe is that when we say our Bishops were ordained by yours we meane by such as were first ordained by your Bishops though not persisting in their Relligion happily They were yours by Primitiue ordination not yours by constance of profession And this was enough to make good their act For the power by them receiued through imposition of hands makes them fit ordainers not the stedfastnesse of their faith or keeping close to the doctrine or else euery faithfull man might be a lawfull ordainer which you are loath to grant to euery faithfull Priest and much more to Lay-men It were not hard to shewe who consecrated the first Bishop in Queen Elizabeths time which was Archbishop Parker Bishop Barlow I trow was one
base flatterers lend their hand to vnmanly butcheries vpon euery hope of Quid mihi dabis and good men are promiscuously massacred and made away Wherefore S. Austen saies more particularly in the same place that Doeg signified Iudas the betrayer of our Lord who was a spirituall man not a temporall as you know And yet the original of Christs death proceeded from him not from Kings nor from Ciuill Magistrates which is worth your noting Though accomplished it could not be without Pilates faint concurrence and the rather that our Sauiour might shew his subiection to such a silly one onely for authorities sake In this sense the same Father Com. in Psal 1. makes earthly Kingdomes to be Cathedra pestilentiae the chaire of Pestilence though afterward he accommodate it to False Teachers rather that is to Churchmen Not that Ciuill princedome is so in it owne nature as Mr. Sanders would gladly haue it de Clave Dauid lib. 1. cap. 2. Quòd saecularis potest as non potissimum in laudando praemijs afficiendo sed in occidendo vitam auferendo vim suam ostentet which is starke false and trayterous but when abused to tyrannie and to iniquitie It is called the Chaire of Pestilence saies he because the pestilence is a disease that rages generally and sweepes away whole multitudes with it where it comes And so this is a vice that euery bodie is sicke of desire of preheminence ambition and vaine glorie Regis quisque animum habet as the Poet could say more Kinging stinging then Kings themselues if they might be let alone though they complain of Kings Els we are not to doubt but S. Austen is of the same minde that Seneca seemes to be of lib. 2. de Benef. cap. 20. Quòd optimus civitatis status sit sub rege iusto and that Brutus was to blame for beeing wearie of Monarchies who was iustly therfore frighted with the apparition of a blacke dogge for his abhominable assasinate Yea S. Austen himselfe acknowledges as much in plaine tearmes lib. 20. contra Faust cap. 14. Ibi regna foelicia esse vbi omnium pleno consensu regibus obeditur That Kingdomes are there happie where all men obey the King with full consent § 80. To your mistaking of our Act of Parlament in your Num. 57. as if that gaue more power of censure to Kings thē the Reuerend Bishop in his grauest ponderation of these matters alloweth and so the King might excommunicate suspend c. I answer as before for you doe but goe ouer the same thing again as if we had neuer heard of it though nothing be more triuiall Excommunications are not coactions sauing onely as they are inflicted contra voluntatem personae And the Parlament giues power onely coactiue to the King though true it is that without his countenance their very Spirituall proceedings cannot well take place in a wanton age and a contemning nation And if the Kings of our Land may excommunicate by Parlament why neuer doe they so Why doe they let that sword to rust for lacke of vse If they may administer any Spirituall Iurisdiction whatsoeuer as you thinke they may by Act of Parlament why doe they neuer practise some specialties of it at one time or another neuer preach neuer baptize neuer consecrate Bishops c For you cannot say it is for lacke of leisure for leisure they haue as little to many Temporall businesses in their world of employments And some time at least would be set apart for these if it were but to keep their title in vre As for skill and sufficiencie you will neither disparage I hope the times past so much but that skill there was enough to indite a Censure though who knows not how many that might be borrowed of and for the fulnesse of perfection in all manner of faculties that are incident to the wit of man but especially of the Booke which is deliuered him vpon his Throne you may remember who gouernes at this day But no doubt Praxis Consuetudo est optima legū interpres they practise none of this no not in all their life time It is a signe therefore they challenge none by vertue of their Lawes though Parsons and Saunders and the Adioynder cry out neuer so loud that they doe for want of better matter to stuffe their pages and to abuse their Auditours § 81. THE last point of all is about the Bishops defending of those whome we call Puritanes against the scandalous imputation that Bellarmine chargeth them with of dissenting from the Supremacie Whereunto I haue spoken once before What can be more godly thē the Bishops practise to defend all that may be defended euen in the aduersaries themselues euen in them that gather with vs but in halfe to cherish if need be the dimme light and the drooping candle and the smoking flaxe after the example of our Sauiour As we read of Atticus Archbishop of Constantinople that he excused Nouatus and praised Asclepiades an old Bishop of the Nouatians not for loue of the sect I thinke but either to gaine the parties or as not turning from the truth though with aduantage to his aduersaries Socrat. l. 7. c. 25. But this part is handled somewhat crookedly by the Adioynder with cringings and wrenchings now for the Puritanes then against thē but all to bring preiudice to the good Bishop the Truth Howbeit nothing is more easie then the Answer to all The Puritanes saies he defend as good a Supremacy as the Bishop What then It may be that was the very ground of the Bishops assertion that the Reformed Churches maintaine the same opinion about the Supremacie all of them that we doe What shame then can arise to the Bishop from hence Is it not matter of praise and felicitie rather that we are all of vs of one mind in auouching the right that belongs to Kings and oppugning the Papists the opposers thereof But let vs heare his reason For they also say saies he that the King is to gouern and preserue the Church in externis c. And haue we not shewed before that as no bodie can reach to the interna properly by his immediat action not the Priest himselfe but only the holy Spirit of God so the Kings sword is as piercing as anothers to wound the soule and to mortifie vice and corruption in vs and to reforme vs to all pietie and newnesse of life the most part beeing readier to yeeld for feare then either to amend for conscience or for loue of vertue § 82. Neither is that so small a matter as the Adioynder would make of it where he saies the Bishop ioynes with the Puritanes that allow the King no more power ouer the Church then onely to maintaine it and to defend it For whatsoeuer the Puritanes opinion be of this matter which they may abridge in conceit after they haue enlarged in style no bodie
reprooue them The like doth Con. Aneyr. Can. 19. And Eâ—aâ— Sa verb. Ornatus makes it veniall for a Nun to decke beutifie her selfe though it be with danger of pleasing a yong mans fancie Yet inducens in periculum contrahendi mortalis mortale est saith the same Sa verb. Curiositas Therefore Nuns marriages are not so damnable How much lesse then are others sith these are counted among the most dangerous e Baron in Martyrolog Rom. Martij 7. Seconda 〈◊〉 qu. 88. art 10. Cap. 1. num 7. Adioynd The fellonious Edition of S. Ambrose at Lyons Hieron ad Pammach de obitu Paulin. Primus erat sed inter primos So Decem-primi apud Ciâ—er And Multioriâ—â— in Euang multiâ— postremi Ioh. 11. Serm. In Cath. Petri. cap. 14. De praescrip Heb. 7. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bellarm. calls it blasphemie to say the holy Ghost is Christs vicarius a Tractatu de ordin Epil investituta Laic Edit lat Sirm. Iesuita p 418. Sed Aquinas coâ—â—n Heb. 13. Dicit aâ—teÌ„ Christum Pastorem magnum quod omnes alq sunt â—…arij eius c. Vnde 1. Pet. 5. PRINCIPS PACTORVM vocatur Mâ—…n Iob. 21. Qui disputat cui agnos potius quà m ones Christus vocet suos quasi distinguens inter haec duo videat ne doctis hominibus risum praebeat Nihil discriminis est in re sed in voce tantùm * Exercit. 16. c. 133. ad Annal. Baron August contr Faust l. 19. c. 11. Caesareum caput quod caput orbis erat Ovid. de Trist 2 Adioynd c. 1. num 12. c. * In retortió to the Cardinalls words Vbi nemo negare potest S. Petrum factuÌ„ esse pastorem omnium fi lolium ipsorum etiam Apostolorum nisi 〈◊〉 has vtrosâ—â—…sse 〈◊〉 Christi 〈◊〉 The Archbishop of Roane was of another minde for Bishops castles Chron. Angl nostrae sub Rege Stephano Exod. 32. 21. v. 18. Opinio haec est Rabbi Moysis laudatur à Lyrano in locum In 8. Num. quaest 21. a Hector Pintus comment in cap. 3. Nalium ad illa verba Doâ—â—it auerunt pastores tui Rex Assur exponit pastores per confiliarios duces iudices omnes qui temp gubernandam sui cipiunt Citansque aliqunt loca in eam sententiam vt Esa 63. Esa 44. Ier 10. item Ier. 22. concludit inquiens Vides principes gubernatores consiliarios appellari PASTORES Videant hi. Hegesip de exâ—id Hieros l. 2. c. 5. Pilatus Christum nihil aliud docentem nisi quo primum deo deinde Imperatoribus populos faceret obedientes cruci suffixit * Epist 50. a His wordes are For in the booke of Kings we read what pains godly Iosias tooke to bring the kingdome giuen him of God to the true worship of God c. Not that we compare our selues with his holines but that WE SHOVLD ALVVAIES IMITATE SVCH EXAMPLES OF THE GODLY Alwaies saies he as if the force neuer expired b Vide Acta Concilij Sozom. l. 7. c. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is God by aracle instructing the King Of Theodosius choosing Nectarius to be Archbishop of Constantinople Prov. 30. 31. d S Maximus Hom in Litanijs de Ieiun Ninivit Mira res dum se Regem hominum non meminit incipit Rex es 〈◊〉 Iusticiae Et Siue ferro siue iusticiâ pro ciuium salute primus invigilat Et Non perdidit imperium sed mutauit Obtinet nunc coelestium disciplinaruÌ„ principatum e Parallel part 4. de Paradoxis Chalcedon in Actis Ibid. in Actis Herods panick feare Non eripit mortalia qui regna dat coelestia Sedul a Lib. de pastor c. 10. b Lib. 1. epist 4. S. Chrysost Homil. de Pseudoproph Ne mirere etsi Pastores transcaÌ„t in lupos Item Serm. apud Georg. Alexan. in vitâ Chrysost Crucifigit Caiphas coÌ„fitetur Latro. Denique Occidêre Sacerdotes adorauere Magi. See his Epistles for it was his owne case He professes that the Bishops were his heauiest enemies in the cause of God and his truth â—…ues timore 〈◊〉 So Psal 2. Dabotibi gentes hare ditatem tuam possessionem tuim terminos terrae is ioyned with Et nunc reges intelligite c. as the ende with the meanes Deut. 17. Iste locus vel à simili vel à maiori debet etiam intelligi de PP Christianis * Vrbanus 7. may seeme to haue been of another mind whose chiefe care after he came to be Pope was to prouide victualls good store his ground was because he was called to Pasâ—e oâ—â—s meas as he said Cicarella in vitâ Vib. 7. Head of the Church is said in a threefold respect 1 2 3 Theodor. de eurand Graec. affect Chemnic in locis com part 2. de Paupert Espenc in c. 3. Ep. ad Titum opponit eum impio Quasi reputet pium Et Diuinitùs seruatum discimus Nisi referat hoc ad salutem modò corporis * Multo antequaÌ„ nascereris Hieron Annis 210. ante impletam prophetiam Espenc Prov. 14. 4. Tom. 12. in Ep. Pauli p. 251. De iustaÌ„ Ecclesiae author 3. Num 20. Adioynd a Adioyn Num. 21. If the Pope's primacie may be called a temporall primacie for this cause c. then may the Bishop or Pastor be iustly called a corporall B shop and a pecuniarie Pastor because he doth punish men sometimes in his spirituall court not only in their bodies but also in their purses c. Iâ—l Front lib. 4. stratagem c. 7. Cap. 3. huius Comm. in c 1. ad Philip. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ethico Num. 21. * Epist ad Cardinal Bellarm. a Covar part 2. p. 504. Navar. alibi citat ibid à Covar Binsfield Alan De vinc Anathem Comment in Luc 22. Phil. 〈◊〉 Venantius Fâ—…natus de Niceta Treuerensi a pud Baron tom 7. anno 529 XVII Col. 181. Orat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Lib 6. Ep. 1. Hilat. can 30. in Matth. Petrus pro fidei suae calore Quasi Christs dicta efficienda non essent So â—â—oate that he thought Christ might be in the wrong himselfe in the right Petrus alios praevenicbat Petrus feruens ardore Isidorus Pelusiota Ep. 103. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Idem habent Cirillus duo Theodori Heraâ— leota Mopsuestenus Leontius Theophylactus Maximus August Beda Nic phoruâ—… Ambrosius So as Maldonat in Ioh. 21. Viâ— author vllus est qui non dicat c. Iob. 36. 7. Prou. 27. 24. Edit Concil â—…ian p. 251. * De auctor Concil l. 2. c. 17 Vâ—des Dominum reseruare oeconomum suo sol â—…dicio ex Luc. 12. Idem etiam docet vsu omnium â—aâ—…rum Et Serut hoc nec solâ— possunt nec congregati Sâ—il punire vel expellâ—re â—…conomum Id enim ad solum Dominum 〈◊〉 â—tus familiae pertinet Esa 49. Kirsten Not. Matth. 16. Anton. Fussul quoted by F. T. â—p 1. ad Sympt Bono vnitatis A
113. Which the Adioynder quoteth not as his fashion is in all other places least his wilfull forgerie and deprauation might be espied making that to come of conscience Numb 84. in two seuerall periods which the Bishop neuer so much as in the least word insinuateth to haue proceeded therof And yet it might be a truth though reuealed in passion Sa Iesuita in Aphorism v. Menâ—… Cap. 6. of the Adioynder About the adoration of Christ in the Sacrament of the Eucharist Adioynd cap. 10. num 4. Athanas ad Serap Quòd Spiritus S. non sit creatura Cyrill Cateches 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bellarm. de Sacr. Eucharist l. 1. c. 2. where he addes out of S. Bernard Serm de S. Martino that In Sacramento exhibetur nobis vera carnis Christi substantia sed spiritualiter non carnaliter that is that the true flesh of Christ is communicated to vs in the Sacrament yet not carnally but spiritually What other doe we teach at this day Therefore Bellarm in the wordes following puts his finger to his mouth and giues vs an item not to talke too much of this point Non videtur haec vex multùm frequentanda And Periculum est ne trahatur ab aduersarijs c. * The Rhemists are so confounded in their bodily presenâ—e that they make Christs bodie to be a figure of it selfe in the Sacrament Rhem. vpon Luk. 12. adding that Christ is the image of his father and yet of the same substance with him But who knowes not that the Father and the Sonne are two distinct persons or supposita so as well may one be image of the other But Christs bodie is onely one and the same I would they had brought no other images into the church but such as are the same with the primitiue or prototypon S. Hierome in Mark c. 12. saies of Christ Coniungens in coenaÌ„ purâ agnum cum pane finiens vetus novum inchâ—ans testamentum So as the bread remaines For as the passeouer in the lambe so the Eucharist in bread or else the new Testament is not yet begun And the same Hierome soone after in Mark 14. Transfigurans corpus suum in panem formaÌ„s sanguinem suum in calicem that Christ be transubstantiated into the elements not the elements into Christ by S. Hieromes manner of speaking But by this we see the Fathers were farre from beeing so strict for TraÌ„substantiation of the bread as the Papists are now adaies onely labouring to fulfill the veritie of the Sacrament and to bring Christ and his ordinance together Comm. in Iohan 19. Church Politie vbi de Euchar. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The rather perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cyrill ipse Catech. 4. quae est illa quam citat Author For whereas he addes farther in the same place that Cyrill was neuer suspected of error about the Sacrament though he speake so it is a meere bauble As if we dissented from Cyrill and not from them about the meaning of his words 1. Cor. 10. cap. itemqueâ—1 varijs locis versibuâ— Cateches 4. generali quae prima in Graeca editione Morel Anni 1564. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Creatura sanctificatur per orationem verbum dei 1. Tim. 4. 5. Yet the Author of the Manna quotes Mr. Casaubone as if he were astounded with the word Transmutation so often occurring in the Greek Fathers No cause why * Lib. 4. de Sacram. Eucharist c. 29. § De modo autem c. Nempe ipsi Cathoâ—ici qui docent Sacramentum Eucharistiae formaliter esse species panis vini illi negant Sacramentum hoc nisi materialiter esse adorandum That is to say that Christ onely is to bee worshipped and not the Sacrament vnles we will confound them a Luther in formula Missae in lib. de verb s Hoc est corpus meum alihi b Bucer in actis colloq Ratisbon c Ioh. Brentius in Apolog. pro confess Wittemberg Pericop 2. d Chemnit in 2. part exam Trid. Concil sessione 13. cap 5. Bell. vbi prius itemque Valent. ijsdem propè verbis sed ista friuola sunt Nam Christus non quondam in praesepi vt adoraretur sed vt ibi requiesceret tamen illuÌ„ Magi in praesepi adorarunt cum ambularet in terris non ambulabat vt adoraretur tamen passim adorabatur Et quando hic in terris Principes aliquò proficiscuntur non eunt ad eum finem vt ab occurrentibus salutentur tamèn c. Quare aduersarij pluris faciunt printipem terrenum quà m Christum Vide Greg. de Valent. Tom. 3. Comm. Theol. Disput 6. quaest 11. de Idololatria punct 4. Expendant Loctores Bell. vbi priùs ex Ioh. 4. Non in hoc monte c. lib. 4. c. 34. Numb 6. In cap. 5. Mâ—… spoâ—si plâ—â—â— hyacinthâ—â— Iuxta illud Vbi ego sum ibi minister mens erit Greg. Iâ— Mat. can 5. Merces gratuita merces debitae S. Ambr distinct 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rewarding vs aboue our desert Geometricall proportion not arithmeticall * Rom. 8. 10 17 1â— Rom. 9. 7 8 Eph. 5. 1. 5. 8. Phil. 2. 15. And 1. Pet. 1. 14. 1. Ioh. 3. 1. 2. 10. saepiùs ver 2. 5. 15. Chap. 10. num 6. Luther and 〈◊〉 their fellowes howsoeuer they teach that good workes may haue some reward yea 〈◊〉 most rich reward euen in the next life yet they denie that they merit eternall saluation c. num 11. apertiùs Adioynd Retract in Rom. Frontinus stratag Seclusâ promissione diuinâ non suppetit aliquis sufficiens titulus propter quem Deus debeat compensare tale opus vitâ aeterná Valent. 8. 6. 4. The Adiovnder quoting it twice and still false one time 9. for 6. another 14. for 4. consundent vestigia circa specum ne capiatur Misericordia tuâ— super vitam Charitas more The Adioynders words cap. 10. num 8. 9. We are so far from reiecting the consideration of Gods promise that wee ground the merit of euerlasting life specially thereupon The monstrous giddinesse of Vasqueâ— in contradicting God may denie reward but not our desert saith he whereas our desert is none but Gods reward most certain And to be claimed too eâ quae par est humilitate as the Bishop most excellently That to be disclaymed altogether Rom. 11. 6. * S. Cyrill of whom before Catech 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Most things we do are worthy of condemnation This is more then Venial sinnes And describing the forme of their seruice at Communion hee sayes of God ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. i. God in benefitting vs doth not a iustice but a thing aboue all iustice viz. because aboue all desert Indeed if we be in hell then Iustè nos hîc as the good theefe said but if in bonis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 More then our right Chrys in Matth. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
continually assistant What then And this is in stead of Scripture To you it may be But first you haue brought vs no such testimonie of the Church vnlesse you think that all that meete in a Church to heare a Sermon or a Homilie as they did Nyssens of whome we spake a little before are a sufficient assembly to counteruaile a Synode which is the Church without question from whome we should looke for determination in such causes euen by your owne confession Yet now you are offended with vs when we call for Synods As for our Sauiours assistance with vs to the end of the world I see not how that prooues praying to Saints but rather sends vs from them to him as to whome we haue not onely easie accesse but himselfe continually watching about vs. Doe you not read in the Cantic how dangerous it is for the spouse of Christ to run a gadding after the flocks of the shepheards though they be called his fellowes or companions but not fellowes in this And againe in the same booke Paululùm cum pertransissem when I had past a little farther that is as both S. Bernard and Guarricus expound it when I had passed the Angels and soared aboue the creatures then I found where to rest vpon God and Christ no doubt and not before And it prooues not first that the Church cannot erre though shee were the pillar of truth that you speake of 1. Tim. 3. 15. Where if it were lawfull to adde any thing to that which hath beene answered to that place of the Apostle ouer and ouer by our writers I would say that he alluded to the two pillars which the posteritie of Seth are saide to haue erected after the flood containing diuers verities both physicall and Theologicall most memorable in them but not authorizing them at all So happily the Church For to her the depositum was committed coram testibus as the Apostle saies in the next Epistle 2. Tim. 2. 2. the truth as I may say engrauen in her as it were in a marble pillar But secondly though the Church were neuer so infallible for her doctrines yet shee might erre in her practise as you confesse of the Pope For euen the Church her selfe is not more priuiledged with you then the Pope from error Though we neuer read him called the pillar of truth as we doe of others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. O most diuine father the pillar and ground of truth saith Damascen to Iordanes the Archimandrite in his Epistle de Trisagio ad eundem And yet he not infallible neither because no Pope Thirdly your examples put them altogether make no Church Which hole shall we stoppe first in your sieue in your argument § 23. Theodorets beginning is very laudable that they often meete to sing hymnes and praise to the Lord of Martyrs If they went any further I can but say with Epiphanius Haeresis est tanquam mala mulier heresie is like a shrewd woman giue her no aduantage no more then to the water no not a little let her not haue her will If shee had beene curbed at the first it had not come to those riots and extremities that since we labour of Though when I cast mine eye vpon Theodorets owne text not as you trenlace and translate it at pleasure I see very little to make for you if ought at all First he reports onely fashion or vse and that not generall which you promise in your title of this seauenth Chapter Doe you see then how quickly you are fallen away from your tearmes which very tearmes were not answerable to the primitiue challenge although you had kept them which called for sanction not for practise for rules of Fathers not routs of people c. Neither does Theodoret say that the people made their prayers to Martyrs but hauing spoken in the last words of the God of Martyrs he addes immediatly of their praying for all such things as they stand in neede of but specifies not to whome they prayed for them whether to God or to the Martyrs To whome then rather then to the God of Martyrs His words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Thirdly if there prayers were made at first to the Martyrs to them also should their thanks for speeding be returned Of which thankes he speakes in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But your selues in your Liturgyes sieldome returne thankes to the Saints or Martyrs of which I am to speake in another place And indeede if thankes are to be returned to the Saints can it be but that God is in exceeding great danger of loosing his honour with whome such partners shall communicate And as for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it does not force that they prayed to the Martyrs to accompanie them whose companie they might begge as well of God and he licence them Which neuertheles would be thought of how possibly it can stand with another clause of Theodorets in that very chapter viz. the soules of Saints 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 raunge about heauen and their bodies are dispersed into diuers townes and countries How then could they accompanie the poore way-faring man but that Theodoret turnes rhetoricall and meant no other then onely to oppose to the Gentile gods lately by him named or such as intruded vpon the honour of God Antiochus Hadrian Vespasian c. the exaltation of Christian Saints so farre as was compatible with Christs true Relligion And therefore correcting himselfe he is faine to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not absurdly distinguishing betweene dulia and latria as your braines crowe but deprecating the scandall which his former words might seeme to imply Where we haue also the gifts and donaries before spoken of offered to God in plaine and direct tearmes not to the Martyrs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For their Master accepts them saies he not they As for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let the Saints pray for vs as much as you will that is nothing to our question of praying to them And yet Theodoret addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This shewet that their God is the true God Which confirmes what I said in the former Chapter of Mamas spoken of in S. Basil that Deus Mamantis Mamas his God and so here the Martyrs God they are mentioned to this end to shew that the peoples recourse vnto them was not as to certaine fauourites and vnder-officers of the great King to dispence largesses but as worshippers of the same God euen with losse of their dearest blood lately in their life time in whose honourable seruice themselues reioyced and the rather because dignified by such noble partners and fellow-seruants Lastly shewing of what trades and occupations of life diuerse of those Martyrs were while they liued he reckons vp very meane ones not to call them base and concludes thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is Of such men and women consists the Quire of Martyrs Yet Parsons that hell-hound