Terms of the other Articles in all the Writings of their Doctors in all the Sermons of their Ministers in all the Complaints that are made of the Popes even many Ages before the Reformation that the same Name had been given many times to the Roman See by those very People who were never suspected to be bad Catholics that they ought therefore to be less surpriz'd to see this Truth believ'd and confess'd by the Reformed who saw more clearly into the matter which they had study'd more and of which they were convinc'd by Invincible Reasons The Article then pass'd in spite of all Obstacles and the Kings Threats hinder'd not but that there were new Editions of the Confession of Faith in a short time in which it was Inserted The People furnish'd themselves with these New Editions very well pleas'd to see their aversion to the Roman See encourag'd by so Authentick a Decision and almost perswaded that it was enough that the Pope was publickly call'd Antichrist to give 'em grounds of hoping thence that his fall was near But the Court having not been able to hinder things from coming to this pass wou'd have eluded the Decision by some Artifice and to satisfie the Pope they made him believe that they had succeeded therein and that they had rendred this troublesome Decree unprofitable They endeavour'd therefore to make some considerable persons of the Party disown it whether without or within the Kingdom to the end that this disowning it might make it pass for a particular Doctrine Now was it a difficult matter to get Roni and such as himself to disclaim it who treated the Pope with His Holiness But he had been already so often reproach'd with his coldness for Religion and the little Care he had of advancing the concerns of his Brethren that his Name stood 'em in little stead upon this occasion There were a great many found who without disowning the Doctrine judg'd only that the Doctrine was a little out of Season and that in the beginning of a Peace which had been so much desir'd it wou'd have bin better to have left the Articles of the Confession of Faith such as they had been till that time then to have added such a one which might re-kindle the hardly extinguish'd hatred of the Catholics Some for fear some in complaisance favour'd the designs of the Court tho they had no reluctancy to the thing decided They buoy'd themselves up more especially with the Opinion of Scaliger who had condemn'd the Article But the Reformed had as little respect for him when he treated of Theology as they had a veneration for his knowledge in other things Mean while by thus disowning it they distracted those who wou'd have maintain'd the Doctrine of the Assembly But because Ferrier was look'd upon as the Promoter of this Affair by reason that he was vex'd to have been proceeded against for the Propositions which he had publish'd it was believ'd that all wou'd be suppress'd if he cou'd be appeas'd The Endeavours were so fortunate that more was gain'd then was hop'd for They corrupted both his Understanding and his Heart They attack'd him with Pensions and hopes of Interests at Court He made no more use of his vehemence and heat but to trouble his Brethren And in fine she precipitated himself as I have said into Desertion and Revolt It was of great advantage to have for a ground to cry down the Synod the Moderation of Clement VIII of whom they did not then stick to say That he had made no noise of the Edicts granted to the Reformed but out of a decent Formality And that in effect he had given as formal a Consent to those Edicts as cou'd be expected from a Pope 'T is true likewise that he did not seem like his Predecessors to Advise Massacres and Punishments Experience had taught him that the Reformation advanc'd it self amidst oppositions and that in every place where they wou'd have destroy'd it by War it had encreas'd to the danger of the Catholic Religion That in Germany the War did the business of the Protestants That it strengthen'd them in the United Provinces That it was favorable to 'em in many other places and that in France it might have had yet the same effect In other places he fear'd that War would reunite the Protestants who when they undertook to help one another had very formidable Forces But at the bottom it was the Pope fully desirous to re-establish his Authority every where where the people had shaken off the Yoke And it was under his Pontificat that the first knots of these pernicious Intrigues were knit which cost Henry the 4th his Life and which had like to have destroy'd all Europe He was desirous to play a sure Game and procure between all the Princes of his Communion a League so secret and so strong that it might overwhelm the Protestants all at one blow who could not foresee this Tempest The same Synod had likewise done some other things which had anger'd the King They had admitted Foreign Ministers They had receiv'd Letters from the Palatine and had Answer'd ' em They likewise Writ to the Duke of Savoy on the Account of the Reformed of Saluces whom he Persecuted They receiv'd the Duke of Bouillon's Letters which they answer'd without any Hesitation and the Synod themselves took upon 'em to sollicit for him This did not please the King who express'd some resentment of it Tho he did not complain but in Pardoning it because he believ'd said he that they had done it rather out of Indiscretion then Malice He added nevertheless that if these Ecclesiastical Assemblies did not behave themselves with more Moderation he would deprive 'em of their Liberty which hinder'd not but that they us'd it as formerly till a great while in the Reign of Lewis the Thirteenth The Deputies General also were Order'd to represent to the King many things which they drew up in Writing The most Remarkable Article was that where the Reformed desir'd that they might not be oblig'd to give themselves the Name of Pretended Reformed in the Public Acts or in the pleadings of their Advocates And the Synod exhorted 'em to abstain from those Terms An expedient was found out to content 'em which chang'd the Words and left the thing And 't was allow'd 'em to call their Religion Reformed in the Terms of the Edict But the Judges the Advocates and Notaries preserv'd yet a long time the custom of abstaining from the New expression and from the Word Pretended And continu'd to give their Religion simply the Name of The Reformed Religion During this the Jesuits follow'd their business and sollicited the Parlament for the Verification of the Edict by which they were Recall'd It was founded on the conditions that the King had propos'd a long time before and they were discuss'd at Rome There were five or six which the Jesuits found very hard Not because they were in
the ends for which it was given him and applies it wholly to his own advantage forcing him not only to Hunt and to serve him in the Wars but also to carry burthens for his service to draw the Plough and to turn divers machines So the Prince inscensibly and as it were undesignedly extends the bounds of his power in so much that by degrees the protection he owes his people which is the source of his Power ceases to be the principal end thereof and becomes an inlet of Slavery Let all the States of Europe be examin'd and you will not find one in which thâ— Authority of the Soveraign is lessen'd from what it was at the beginning but you will find many in which the liberty of the people is very much decay'd It is the Fate of Monarchies the longer they last the more the Prince incroaches upon his Subjects Tho his policy should hinder him from doing it Time would do it for him especially in Hereditary States The long Chain of Succession creates a greater veneration for the Royal Family and accustoms Subjects to suffer their small Vsurpations without murmuring History affords us sufficient proofs of this Truth almost in all the States of the World From whence it follows that Subjects freely leaving their Rights in suspence and never endeavouring to defend them untill they are violated in the most essential parts the maxim which authorizes their resistance against the Enterprises of their Soveraigns is not of so pernieious a consquence as some imagin Subjects do so seldom put it in practice to the prejudice of a lawful authority that no body ought to be frighted at it And it is so easie for Princes to hinder it from being prejudicial to them that they can blame none but themselves when it produces an ill effect 'T is but to be proud of commanding free People who obey out of Gratitude and Love to keep their Promises to maintain the Laws and to inrich their Subjects To Govern their State with Equity instead of endeavouring to enlarge their Frontiers or their Authority by unjust means It is not impossible to meet with Princes of that Character France has produc'd some Kings who have signaliz'd themselves by that admirable Policy Such may be found elsewhere and if example could prevail with all Soveraigns to Reign thus I could easily name some who might serve them for a Model 9. The passages of Scripture which some oppose to this maxim are manifestly wrested and cannot serve for the use they are applyed to without being taken in a difficint sence from that which is natural to them All the Arguments that are grounded upon those principles are defferent in one of these three cases either they compare things that ought not to be compar'd or they make Laws for Societies of that which only contains Moral Rules among private persons or else they contain precepts which presupose that those among whom there are Relations of Command and Obedience do remain at least prety near within the mutual bounds of their Duty It is not to be imagin'd that God design'd by his word to destroy the Rights of natural Justice which are only grounded upon his own Justice His Will admits of no Contradiction Therefore as there is a Natural Right which authorises Men to defend their Lives when assail'd at least to ward the Blows design'd by the Destroyer and to disarm him of the Weapon he abuses It is not to be believ'd that the precepts of Patience Refignaâ—ion and Charity that are so freequent throughout the Holy Scriptures can receive an explication that anihilates a Right so Just and so Vniversally acknowledged Truths never contradict themselves So that when they seem any-wise to contradict each other they must be understood in such a sence as may reconcile them Neither would it be difficult to find the medium in which they agree if it did not happen as I have already said that by reason of the dispositions of the minds and hearts of Men those things which are speculatively Innocent and True become pernicious or impossible in the Practice From all these considerations which the briefness of a Preface does not allow me to enlarge any farther upon we may inferr this conclusion that tho it were always to be wish'd that people might never take up Arms and that it is even often necessary to exceed in Patience and Submission yet nevertheless there may be occasions in which oppression is so evident in which the good of the State is so openly assail'd in which the most Holy Rights of Justice and Liberty are violated with so little Caution that the defence of the Oppresâ—â—d cannot be look'd upon as unlawful nor can they be justly blaimed for taking Arms for their Preservation Nothing but Sophistry and Clamour can be oppos'd to the Truth of this maxim and I am verily persuaded that those who oppose it would be the first to put it in practice if being assailed they could have hopes to preserve themselves by resistance Profit Ambition Hope may induce men to speak otherwise than Nature when there is nothing present or sensible to give their words the Lye But Nature resumes her Rights and silences Interest and Passion when an urgent accasion obliges man to remember the first of his priviledges which is Self-Preservation If it could be said that the Soul is naturally Christian by reason that notwithstanding her being prejudic'd by the Opinion of the Plurality of Gods which was inspir'd into her by Education and is become familiar to her by example and custom yet as soon as the danger presses and brings man to himself again she only remembers one God we may also say that she is naturally instructed with the Right of repelling Violence and Injustice since that notwithstanding the Clouds wherewith divers Interests obstruct the lights she has receiv'd from Nature upon that Subject yet one pressing danger is sufficient to make her forget all the foreign considerations she had been prejudic'd by and to bring her back again to the use of the right she her self thought to have abandon'd It now remains to know whether the Reform'd were in that condition which authorises the taking up of Arms. But that is a case that will plainly appear by the reading of this History It will discover an open Conspiracy against them which after many ill effects for the space of about Forty Years to reckon from the Reign of Francis the 2d had been rather deffer'd by the kindness of Henry the 4th than stifled by the Authority of his Edicts You will see it renew'd as soon as that Prince was put in his Grave prosecuted during the space of Ten Years by thousand secret Artifices of the Court of Rome conceal'd and covered by all the Veils of a profound dissimulation which however could not hinder them from discovering some glimpses of the means that were put in practice in order to their Ruin You will see the King attacking while his Subjects
should be seasonable The Soldiers of the Garison deserted and the greatest part of the Citizens did as much Thereupon Mombrun having thus render'd the place almost defenceless went away together with some few Captains to the King's Quarter where he was detain'd Pris'ner for fashion's sake on purpose to force the Town to a Surrender at discretion For in reality he had made his Bargain and the Pretence alledg'd for his Detention that he had left the Town before he had secur'd himself by a Capitulation was a meer Shamm So that the Garison of Privas which was retir'd to the Fort of Thoulon astonish'd at the detaining of Mombrun and the Captains that follow'd him and finding themselves without either Chieftain or Governor surrender'd at discretion But when the King's Forces enter'd the Town the Fire took hold either of some Barrels of Powder or else upon some Mine that was prepar'd ready to spring if the place had bin attacqu'd according to the methods of War which Accident blew up some of the King's Soldiers and gave others a Pretence to put the Garison to the Sword So that all the Cruelties that could be exercis'd upon a City taken by Assault were put in practice at Privas The City was plunder'd and burnt and whatever escap'd the Fury of the Soldiers was only reserv'd for the Gibet or the Gallies The Catholics accus'd the Reformed to have set Fire to the Powder and the Reformed accus'd the King's Soldiers to have committed that abominable Fact that they might have a Right to sack the City which they could not have by the voluntary Surrender of the Town And indeed 't is most probable that the Reformed would have taken better measures had they bin the Authors of that Accident For it happen'd too soon to do any considerable damage to the Enemy nor was the little harm it did worth the trouble of making such an Attempt However the Soldiers were believ'd who accus'd the Garison of the foul Play People that are hated are soon believ'd to be criminal and the Antipathy which men have against 'em gives an Air of Evidence and Truth to all Accusations that are laid to their charge For this reason it was that these poor Creatures were lookt upon as guilty of assassinating a Capuchin who was call'd Jerome de Condrieâ— and whom the Monks of his Order will needs have to be a Martyr There has bin also a Relation of this pretended Martyrdom publisht and so exactly drest up with all the Circumstances of it that for a man to have been acquainted with all that is there set down he must not only have bin present at the Action but a patient and quiet Spectator also Nevertheless this pretended Crime must needs be committed in a place where there was no body but the Criminals and the person that suffer'd and the chiefest part of the Circumstances so ill jumbl'd together that it was easily to be discern'd that it was only a Romantic Story of a roasted Horse such as are brought us from Japan or China But the King being extremely tractable superstitious and prepossess'd with an aversion for the Reformed swallow'd without any examination what was urg'd against 'em to foment and buoy him up in his prejudic'd Opinion In like manner they vaunted the Conversions of Soldiers that embrac'd the Catholic Religion before they dy'd But besides what I have observ'd in other places upon these pretended Conversions I shall here speak it once for all that there were many Catholics who bore Arms in the Reformed Army That these Catholics hoping for better Usage if they call'd themselves Reformed then if they acknowledg'd that being Catholics they had serv'd in the Armies of those who were term'd Enemies of the State and the Church tarry'd till there was no longer any hopes of mercy for 'em before they declar'd themselves That some of 'em also sav'd their Lives by this Artifice acting the part of Zealots and of the Godlier sort of the Reformed till the Missionaries put 'em in hope of Pardon upon condition they would change their Religion That these persons easily yielded to whatever was infus'd into 'em by the Monks so that when they met with the Depositions of these false Converts against the Ministers or any other of the Reformed 't was neither Justice nor sound Reason to give Credit to their Testimony Moreover the Cruelties Exercis'd upon the taking of â—rivas were cry'd up as a just piece of Severity and an Exâ—mplary punishment And as if that merciless Butchery had â—ot bin enough to satisfie 'em the King publish'd a Declaration 〈◊〉 the Month of June which forbid all those that were not in â—â—ivas during the Siege to return and Confiscated all their â—oods It deprived all the rest of the Reformed of the Liberty 〈◊〉 settle there without express leave and set forth that posâ—â—ssion it self without permission should not give 'em a Title to 〈◊〉 Right We shall relate in due place the Injustice and Cruâ—â—ties that were committed in these later years under the preâ—â—nce of that Declaration The taking of Privas and the Circumstances of the Reducing 〈◊〉 begat Fear and Consternation on every side And besides the â—avock which was begun in several Places by the little Arâ—â—â—s which the King sent thither quite daunted the Courage 〈…〉 that were capable to defend themselves They were utterly out of Hopes of being Assisted by the English who 〈◊〉 the Taking of Rochelle had still held the Duke of Rohan 〈◊〉 suspence with fair Promises But the Cardinal had begun a â—reaty of Peace with 'em before he carry'd the King into 〈◊〉 and the Negotiation was perfectly concluded during that journey so that the News of that Peace was publish'd while 〈◊〉 King lay before Privas 'T is true that the English Enâ—â—â— assur'd the Duke that the Peace would not be of any long â—ontinuance But tho that Promise might have bin rely'd â—â—on the Duke who stood in need of present Ayd could not 〈◊〉 for an Assistance that was promis'd him in pursuance of an â—â—certain Rupture of so late a Treaty There remain'd only â—â—e Assistance of Spain where Clausell had concluded a Treaty â—â—e Third of May in the Duke's Name But 't was well known â—â—at there was no Confiding in that Succor which the Insupâ—â—rtable slowness of the Councel at Madrid would not permit â—â—â—m to expect in any time so as to reap any Benefit by it Beâ—â—â—es that the Catholic Zeal of that Court gave the Reformed â—â—eat reason to question whether or no she were sincere in â—â—r Treaties with Heretics and then again that Forraign Alâ—â—â—ce did not please several of the Reformed themselves The Men of the Quill wrote to and fro with great vehemency and the Monks coming in for a share most bloody Satyrs appear'd against the Duke and all those that were of his Religion and Party His Adversaries maintain'd against him in all those Writings that the Forraing Succour with which
so Just so Wise an Administration that You have rendered your Name no less Illustrious for your Prudence and the rest of your shining Vertues than the Greatest King in the World I mean WILLIAM III. hath made His Glorious by His Valour Conduct and the Infinite other great Qualities of his Mind and both your Sovereign Majesties are become the Delight of your Honest and Loyal Subjects the Admiration of Foreign Princes and the great Dread and Terrour of your Enemies May you Both live long that your People may be happy long and rejoyce long in you and that your Majesties may be long happy in your People having the Hearts the Esteem and Veneration of ALL your Subjects to be the Felicity and Glory of your Reign So Wishes so Prays with all imaginable Earnestness and Devotion May it please your Most Excellent Majesty Your Majesties most Humble most Faithful and most Obediently Loyal Subject COOKE To My Lords The Lords Deputy Counsellors OF THE States of Holland AND WEST-FRIEZLAND Most Noble and Puissant Lords IF I do 〈…〉 follow here the example of those Writers 〈…〉 place a study'd Panegyrick upon those â—â— whom they have made choice for tâ—…ors at the beginning of their Works t was 〈…〉 fear of ill success that hinder'd me had I had any such design nor of exposing my self to the Distaste that has been long since taken against such kind of undertakings I must confess I have no great reason to build much upon my Eloquence but I might find in the abounding Treasure of the Subject wherewith to supply the defect of my Skill and Parts and I might hope withall to please the Reader since I should have an opportunity to tell him those things which he rarely sees in writings of the like Nature 'T is a difficult thing at this day to force into such an Eulogy those bold stroakes of Wit or Rhetorick that might adorn it with any Graces of Novelty more especially most people believe that Truth very seldom appears in such Applauses But it would be an easie thing for me to do something more then usual upon the Subject which I should have in hand in regard that tho my Praises were never so transcendent they would never be look'd upon as suspected or excessive There would need no more for me then to consider YOUR NOBLE PUISSANCES as an August Body to which all the Merit of the Illustrious Members that compose it is due It would be easie for me by this means to adorn my Discourse with a thousand Ornaments not common to the World neither would any Person presume to suspect me of rearing the Glory of All together too High seeing that if we should take asunder every one of those who rae calld to those Eminent Dignities we should find in his Name in his Endowments in his Employments and his Services as many several Subjects for a just and lawful Panegyrick But I know well MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS that solid Virtue is not ambitious of these vain Oblations Only vulgar Souls are intoxicated with such perfumes They who have a Soul truly Great choose rather to be profitable to the Publick by their noble Actions then to hear either their Persons or their Conduct extolld I make no question but your NOBLE PUISSANCES deem it far more worthy of your selves to engrave your Elogies in the Hearts and Memory of the People by your Sage and Prudent Government then to read 'em in an Epistle Dedicatory Therefore not to engage my self in a labour that would be â—o way grateful to YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES I will only give you an accompt of the reasons which embolden'd me to present you this Piece which I have now transmitted to publick View I have not so good an Opinion of my self MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS to imagine that the Fruits of my Labours are Offerings that merit your Acceptance But the Nature of the Subject which I handle in this History dedicated to Your Lordships may serve to excuse the liberty which I take to lay it under the Protection of YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES and after a full Examination it may be easily acknowledg'd that in reason and justice it could have been no other where address'd It contains a Recital of the misfortunes which in France have befallen those who for these fourscore and ten Years have liv'd in that Kingdom under the Faith of the most solemn Edict that ever was published It represents what they suffer'd till the Revocation of that Law which had been so long the Buckler of their Religion and the Bulwark of their Liberty It shews several thousands of Families by Violence and Injustice reduc'd to abandon the Advantages and Delights of their Native Country and to seek on every side a Sanctuary for their Persons and Repose for their Consciences 'T is true that in all parts of Europe whereever these Persecuted Professors of the true Christian Faith have been led by Providence they have receiv'd great marks of the compassion and good will of Foreigners but in no State or Kingdom were they receiv'd with more tenderness nor cherish'd with more affection than in this The Charity of our Thrice Potent Soveraigns made hast to meet their Petitions Upon their arrival they found all manner of succour ready at hand They shar'd as I may say the Conveniencies and Riches of the Country with the Inhabitants by the free and liberal participation which they met with They no sooner breath'd the Air of these Countries but they tasted the Abundance of it They also whom the common Tempest had cast on other Shores were sensible of this Heroick Beneficence not only because it was a leading example to others but because the effects of it were not enclos'd within the limits of these Provinces If the first Honour of this extreme Bounty be due to our Soveraigns whose Zeal and Piety became â—o signal by such a Glorious Testimonial it cannot be deny'd at least MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS but that the second belongs to your selves You found you distributed the Funds whence these Immense Profusions of Charity were drawn T was by the hands of YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES that so many Professors of the Christian Faith so many persons of Great Quality so many Pastors and Teachers so many ruin'd Families so many people of both Sexes which the Persecution had reduc'd to utmost Exigency have hitherto receiv'd and still receive all necessary Succour and Relief In the midst of such Prodigious Expences occasion'd by a hideous War The care which you take for the Publick does not slackn your Diligence for the Consolation of so many afflicted Innocents and your inexhaustible Charity does the same in procuring them an easie and comfortable Life which your Indefatigable Vigilance performs in suffering nothing to be wanting to the Commonwealth in her lawful designes After all this there is no question to be made most NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS that it is no more than justice to Dedicate to your selves
the History of those whose miseries you so generously asswage and soften As it will make an Apology for their Innocency so it will also magnifie your Bounty and while it makes it appear that neither Seditions nor Conspiracies nor Civil Wars drew upon the Reformed these dreadful Misfortunes so will it also publish to the World that your Favours are so much the more worthy of Immortal Applause by how much it was impossible to place 'em better that a compassion truly Christian produc'd 'em and that you did not relieve those disconsolate Families but because you compassionated an Affliction which they had no way deserv'd I may likewise farther add MOST NOBLE and POTENT LORDS that in presenting this History to your Lordships I do not take so much upon me a liberty which has need of an Excuse as an Opportunity to acquit my self of a necessary Homage 'T is a mark of acknowledgement which all the Refugees in some measure offer to your Lordships by my Hands as it were to make the Returns of succeeding Ages to YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES of those Thanks and Testimonies of their Gratitude which are due to your Lordships And I dare presume to say that they make use of my Pen to make this Protestation to your Lordships that it is not so much their design to preserved to Posterity the remembrance of those Sufferings as the Memory of that relief and those consolations which your Lordships afforded ' em Nor do I hazard any thing in taking upon me to be answerable for their Intentions and their Thoughts in regard the conformity of our common condition ought to inspire into us all an equal sence of Gratitude for the Bounty of our Generous Protectors whose Succour and Assistance was so seasonable and so comfortable to us Besides it is no difficult thing for me to reach the Sentiments of other peoples hearts on this particular occasion They loudly enough express themselves and every where declare that they are beholding for their Lives and their Repose solely to your Lordships Bounty As for my own part MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS I wish to see this Work of mine may be kindly receiv'd in Publick not so much for my own as for the Interest of YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES And it would be less a pleasure to me to see my own Name consecrated to Eternity if my Writings may acquire the priviledge of pretending to it then to Immortalize your Glory by informing future Ages what share you had in the relief of so great a number of unfortunate Sufferers But if my endeavours cannot soar to such a height it will suffice me MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS to obtain at least one thing which I aspire to as the Lawful Recompence of my labour That in pursuance of that extraordinary Favour â—nd good Will of which YOUR NOBLE PUISSANCES give such Proofs to all the World you would be pleas'd to accept this History which I present your Lordships with as a Testimony of my Profound Respects and as an engagement to be all the days of my Life with as much Zeal Submission and Sincerity as the Heart of Man is capable to express Noble and Puissant Lords Your Noble Puissance's Most humble most Obedient and most faithful Servant B. M. A. D. April 10. 1693. THE General Preface IF History be Properly consecrated to preserve to Posterity the remembrance of things the most remarkable that fall out in the World it cannot be deny'd but that the deplorable end of the liberty which the Reformed enjoy'd so long a time in France is one of the most memorable Accidents that merits to be taken in hand for the information of succeeding Ages There is not any thing in that Revolution which does not deserve particular Reflexions Vpon whatever circumstance of that Horrid Desolation a man fixes his mind he shall find enough to exercise his Wit either in wondering at the Malice and Wickedness of those that were the Authors of it or in admiring at the Patience and perhaps in taxing the Pusillanimity and want of Courage of those that were envelop'd in it That a Clergy compos'd in truth of great Personages but of persons more intoxicated with the Grandeur and Maxims of the World then sensible of the true Maxims of Religion or capable indeed of understanding 'em should make it so entirely their business to Extirpate poor People that were no longer in a condition to dispute their Possessions and Priviledges with 'em and who had no further occasion of difference with 'em then what concern'd the Right of Believing and Preaching in certain places what seem'd to them to be most agreeable to the Truth This is enough to astonish those who understand that Men must have some specious pretence at least to excuse their proceedings to Extremities of Injustice and Cruelty That a King who might have pass'd for one of the most Potent of those that ever wore the same Crown before him and might have been the most Glorious of all his Predecessors had he given his Subjects as much reason to admire his Equity and the Fidelity of his word as he had given Strangers an occasion to dread his Prosperity and his Conquests should so far extend his complacency to a Confessor and two or three other Ecclesiasticks as without any apparent cause to revoke one of the most solemn Edicts and most worthy to have been inviolably observ'd had it been for nothing else but only in respect to the Author That this same Prince should deal more Rigorously then he would have done with Rebels with an Innocent Peaceable and well-affected People far from Plotting and Sedition who for above these five and fifty Years have neâ—re been known to have appeared in Arms but for the Service of the State And who when they had taken Arms in a Conjuncture of high importance perform'd Atchievements as much to the advantage of the Grandchild of Henry the Great as their Ancestors had done near a hundred years before to support the Rights of that same Prince of Happy and Triumphant memory These are things I say would hardly be believ'd had we not before our Eyes a thousand Testimonies that convince us of it That a Counsel so profoundly and refin'dly Politick and which to all the Enterprizes it undertakes confers an Air of Grandeur which may seem to exceed the bounds of human Condition nevertheless should carry on this particular design after a manner so little proportionable to the ordinary Maxims it profess'd that for the Oppression of People not in a capacity to defend themselves it should not spare to make use of Acts of Violence and Injustice of Litigions and Impertinent wrangling the most mean and most malicious imaginable so as to forget some certain forms of Decency and Decorum which are never to be neglected in things that are acted under the Kings Name is thatwhich Posterity would never be convinc'd of were it not confirm'd to future Ages by Authentick Proofs That a People
also who were able to raise a hunder'd thousand Men able to bear Arms who in many places surpass'd the Catholicks in Number Wealth and Reputation who were in no want of stout experienc'd Officers full of zeal for their Religion who often met with favourable opportunities for the resettlement of their Affairs That such a People I say for thirty Years together should undergo Oppression so unjust a hunderd times more difficult to be endur'd by men of Courage then the worst of injuries That they should suffer themselves to be expos'd on all hands to be reduc'd to such cruel Extremities by a thousand shameful Artifices so as to behold nothing but Snares and Precipices on every side to be so cow'd as not only not to dare to make the least Complaint and shew the least Resentment of their Sufferings but also not to dare believe what they felt that they should labour under a Persecution for a long series of Years spun out by the Malice of their Enemies as if it were not so much the purpose of their Oppressors to extirpate as to weary 'em out and put 'em besides all their Patience That in the midst of these Calamities and Afflictions these People thus overwhelm'd should sit still with such a Conscientious and precise Submissiion without seeking any other Consolation then that of Sighs and Tears without opposing the Designs of their Oppressors any otherwise then by repeated Petitions by humble respectful moving Remonstrances enough to have mollifi'd the hearts of all that had any remainders of humanity left that they should literally practise the Christian Precept of praying for their Persecutors that they should all along continue to the end in doing them Service that erected before their eyes the preparations for their ruin That they should make it a point of Duty to be faithful to those that always broke their words with them This is that which Ages to come will very hardly be perswaded to believe Neither do I know whether the Testimony of History will be sufficient to convince a Reader never so little difficult of belief of the Truth of an Event attended with so many extraordinary Circumstances Now in regard there are some things very false which often cover themselves with such appearance of Truth that the most Prudent and Circumspect may be deceiv'd so there are some Truths that have something rare and unheard of that makes 'em taken for Improbabilities And this in my opinion may be rightly apply'd to the Persecution which I have undertaken to give the Publick an accompt of And it may well fall out one day that some doubt may be made of the most signal Actions that refer to this History since they who have been Eye-witnesses of them they who have experimentally felt 'em to their sorrow have much ado to believe 'em and cannot comprehend that the fruit of a long fidelity of several important services of an Innocency beyond all reproach of a try'd Submission and chiefly of an invincible Patience should be forc'd by necessity to renounce the sweets and conveniencies of a delightful Country to abandon their temporal Estates and Advantages to lose the more precious and natural part of Liberty which is that of serving God according to the Rule which we are perswaded he has set down himself And lastly to seek for that under another Dominion and in a Foreign Air which is denyed 'em by the Commands of their natural Prince and by those with whom they had breath'd the same Air from their Birth It happens sometimes that men may take a plausible pretence for the commiting so many Cruelties from the Politick Factions and Enterprizes of them against whom they are exercis'd and in regard the service of God has often serv'd for a Cloak to the Ambitious to cover the Design of their Quarrelsome Claims 't is no wonder that sometimes they make use of the same pretence against those whose Religion they seek to destroy tho in reality they had no Intent to disturb the publick Peace But there was nothing of this that could give the least Colour for the last Oppression of the Reformed They had neither Protector nor Arms nor Cities neither were they in Confederacy and the fear of giving an opportunity to those who had sought so long after one to persecute 'em oblig'd 'em to carry themselves with the most exact Obedience imaginable The Faith of the Kings Promises and the good will of their Soveraign had been so long preach'd up among 'em as a better security for them then all the strong Holds in the Kingdom that they avoided to the utmost of their power all occasions of rendring themselves unworthy of his Favours They were depriv'd of the means to signalize themselves in publick Employments because they had by degrees excluded 'em from almost all Offices of State but in all Employments from which they could not debar 'em in the Exchequer Employments where their Exactness and their Fidelity maintain'd them a long while in Employments of Trade the greatest part of which their Vnderstanding and Reputation had drawn into their own hands in warlike Employments to which they ran as often as the Kings service call'd 'em In a word in all things else wherein they were permitted to distinguish themselves there was not any of the French Nation that shew'd more Zeal than they for the glory of their Prince or who have more honour'd their Country by their noble Actions I could here set down a very considerable Catalogue of those who since the taking of Rochel as well by their merits as their services have remov'd all the obstacles which their Religion layâ—d in their way to Preferment and attain'd to the highest Employments both Civil and Military 'T is known that the most noble Atchievements of Turenne and which were of greatest advantage to the Crown preceded the change of his Religion But I cannot forbear saying this farther that at the very same time that the Act of Nantes was revok'd the two greatest Captains in the Service were Both of the Reformed Religion Mareschal Schomberg has spread the Reputation of his Masters Arms as far as well it could fly and after the death of Turenne France thought her self happy in such a person as he to support the Kings Honour after it had receiv'd so great a loss The deceased Prince of Conde who was one that well could judge of a Souldiers Capacity made no scruple to compare 'em both together and to discover in M. Schomberg something I know not what more sprightly quick and ready when he was to resolve upon an unexpected Accident The Marquis of Quesne who commanded the French Fleet had no body after the death of Admiral Ruyter that would dispute with him for priority in that Profession So that Merit has raised two of the Reformed notwithstanding the malice born to their Religion to the Highest Dignities in the Military Art as well by Sea as Land What likelyhood was there that at a time
Declarations In short Declarations were expresly given out to make those things Criminal which were either most Innocent or most Indispensable to the end they might be always secure of a Pretence to abuse and evil-intreat 'em because of their having done something which they could not avoid the doing or which in Conscience they were oblig'd to do so for their own safety and the welfare of their Families Thus it was that they were condemn'd to the Galleys when they sought to depart the Kingdom or to send away their Wives and Children into Places of more security that they ruin'd 'em by their Garisons dragg'd 'em from Dungeons to Dungeons and sent 'em to the newfound World because they refus'd to go to Mass They were forbid the one the other they were commanded All the mischief therefore which they suffer'd for having disobey'd was no more say they but a just punishment of their disobedience As if it had been a reall Crime to abstain from things unjustly forbidden or not to do those things that were unjustly commanded All these Artifices and others of the same nature may so alter the outward Face of things that it would be impossible that ever Posterity should be rightly inform'd if men did not take the pains to represent 'em in their natural Condition and with their legitimate Circumstances The second Reason for writing the History of these Transactions is because we do not meet with any thing since the death of Henry the Great which gives us an exact accompt of the Affairs of Religion in reference to the Churches of France Before that time we find Memoirs sufficient Writings in abundance wherein Affairs of that Nature are laid down And in regard the Catholicks have compos'd great Volumes to throw the blame of all upon the Reformed They on the other side have not sate mute nor have they fail'd to make good defences for themselves There have been passionate Writers of both Parties who have discours'd the general Affairs with heat and Violence and who have run themselves too far into â—omplaints and Invectives But there have been others more moderate who have treated of the same things with extraordinary Modesty and impartial Equity The President James Augustus Thuanus and the Historian Mezeray are of the number of those who have handl'd this Subject with most mildness and reserv'dness And tho by the Style of their Writing they may well be discern'd to be Catholicks and prejudic'd in favour of their Religion yet there is a certain splendor of Truth that shines forth and which gives satisfaction to an impartial Reader A man may easily in reading these Historians disintangle that which is infus'd by zeal for Religion from that which is the pure and naked Truth And the matter of Fact being genuinely recited the Writer's judgment does no way deprive the Reader of his liberty to be of a contrary opinion But since the death of that Prince we meet no longer with any faithful Historiographers Several Catholicks have written that which pass'd under the Reign of Lewis XIII But they have interlarded their Writings with so much Violence and Fury that there is no perusing them with Patience They who desire to make tryal of this need no more than only to cast their Eyes upon the History of the Rebellion or upon that which was compil'd by the unfaithful Du Pleix They also who have not suffer'd themselves to be transported to the same excesses which those Authors of Lower Rank have been guilty of nevertheless have not observ'd sufficient measures to procure 'em the name of just and Equitable as having stuft their Writings with so many venomous Expressions so many malignant Reflections so many Testimonials of their Passion and Hatred that that same perpetual Character of Bitterness and Parliality renders 'em suspected in what ever they say and is the reason that we dare not believe 'em when they speak Truth Nor have the Reformed been so careful to oppose better Histories of their Affairs to these injurious Relations So that they seem by their silence to have authoriz'd the Invectives of their Oppressors as if they had nothing solid to return 'em â—n answer ' Iis true that there have been some persons who either by the Command or Approbation of National Synods have attempted to Collect the Meâ—oirs of such important events in reference to Religion But the one have written with more zeal than knowledge others have been constrain'd to aband on the Enterprize because the Times would not permit ' emâ—â— deliver their Sentiments with freedom The Designs that were laid before the beginning of the Civil Wars under Lewis XIII could no longer be put in execution with security after the prosperous success of that Prince had brought down the strength and conâ—age of the Reformed 'T was then a Crime of State â— say that the Court had broken their word To excuse the Actions of those who had taken up Arms or set forth the Justice of the Complaints upon so maâ—â— Breaches of the Edict which the Court would never make good was enough to expose a Man to all the Punishments of the most infamous Rebels After that the King began to be troublesome to the Ministers upon pretence that they had committed or spoken something prejudicial to his service and the least words that they could lay hold of to mi construction drew upon 'em Prohibitions not to meet at Synods Commands to stay till new Orders in certain places that were assign'd 'em for Prisons Injunctions not to act in their Functions within the Kingdom Menaces of more severe usage if occasion offer'd there was no body that dar'd take upon him to inform the Publick of these Truths so ill receiv'd by those who thought themselves offended by so doing and so fatal to those that had the boldness to utter ' em 'T is no time for a Man to make his Apology when he is reduc'd for his own preservation to submit in all things and to take it as a favour at his Enemies hands for granting life to the Innocent upon condition they will confess themselves guilty However such was the Condition of the Reformed after they were once depriv'd of all their Places of Security Disarm'd Disunited Vanquish'd that they were constrain'd to talk of their own Conduct as the Victors discours'd to condemn with them whatever was past as if they never had had any just cause of Fear or any good reasons for them Complaints And to thank 'em as for a most endearing favour that after they had taken from their Churches all Support and Maintenance they did not altogether quite exterminate their persons 'T is not therefore to be thought a wonder that at a time when it was so dangerous to speak Truth and so necessary to keep silence there should be no History of the Reformed written which would have certainly cost the Author inevitable ruin But in regard that many times Truth grows less odious the older it is Time
according to the stile of the Roman Church that he should make himself a Catholick in that time Thoseare 2 things which they neither distinguish in Speech nor Practice to be instructed according to them being to promise to relish their Doctrine and to engage to make Profession of it Whereas reason requires that Instruction should be only an Essay after which one should have entire Liberty to advance no further towards the Roman Religion if after such Instruction the Conscience be not fully satisfied The second condition was That the exercise of the Reformed Religion should be suspended during that time The third That the King should grant no Office to any Protestant for those 6 Months this the Catholicks desired to secure those that were in possession of them from being turn'd out The last was That they should have permission to send to the Pope to give him an account of their Reasons for submitting to the Kings obedience Altho it was very hard for the K. to buy a Crown so dear that was legally â—aln to him yet he consented to all but the 2d Article And in effect besides the shame of depriving himself of the exercise of his Religion it would have been a piece of injustice to take away from his Subjects the priviledg they enjoy'd before his coming to the Crown and 't was to be fear'd he would find them resolute and strong enough to maintain them in spite of all Prohibitions The Catholicks did not take well this denial but however to induce them to approve it he promis'd to re-establish the Catholick Religion in those places where the exercise of it was not before free The Article which concern'd the K's Instruction was not much contested by the Protestants themselves of whom he took Counsel and himself assures in a Letter which he wrote upon this Subject that the principal of those that were his followers did not disapprove his proceedings The Reason of it was because the Protestants were perswaded that if they proceeded to this instruction in a method agreeable to his Dignity and the importance of the thing they should â—ather gain than lose by it For they thought of nothing for that effect but General or National Councils or at least eminent Assemblies of the most Ecclesiasticks Reformations of Abuses sincere and serious conferences and they hoped to make the Truth of their Doctrine shine forth there so clearly that instead of losing the King they should gain many Lords who hated not their Religion but only out of ignorance of its Principles Du Plessis Mornay was pre possess'd with this Hope as well as others and it was for this Reason that two years after he agreed so easily with Villeroy upon this Article The Catholicks would have had a Declaration signed by the King for the assurance of the things which he had granted them and notwithstanding all the Complaisance he had for them they were not entirely contented Some signed the Accord with regret and others refused to sign it Vitri carried the matter further and threw himself into the League The Duke of Nevers stood in a kind of Neutrality under pretence That his Conscience would not let him joyn himself to the Enemies of the State such as he esteemed the Leaguers nor serve the King because he was not a Catholick He persisted in those Sentiments a long time and it was nothing but the King's Victories which determined him to his service In the Provinces the Governours of Places who held for the King did in a manner the same thing Some were brought others promising to obey declared without ceremony That they should do it with regret whilst the King continued an Heretick But nothing did him so much mischief as the Retreat of the Duke of Espernon who quitted the Army without discovering what Party he would take nor the true reason of his Conduct He would fain have the World believe he did it out of a pure Motive of Zeal for Religion but 't was suspected he had other considerations besides c. He fear'd perhaps that he was not in security at the New Court which did not love him because he abused the Favour which he had under the late King or whether he could not resolve to submit to the mean figure in which he must have lived had he staid since there arose already some contests about his Rank either perhaps he had no inclination for the New King nor confidence in his Friendship or whether in retiring to his Government he thought himself strong enough to Cantonnize that part and there expect what would befal the Realm and in case of dismembring it he would keep what he had Yet however in a little time after his Retreat he promised the K. to serve him in those Provinces where he governed But his Example proved of considerable consequence because the Lords and Captains retired likewise and the Troops disbanded themselves and the fine Army which would easily have brought Paris and the League to reasonable terms dispersed in a few days Some even of the Protestants with drew themselves and because their enemies made it a great Crime afterwards it is necessary to observe that the Dissipation began first by the Catholicks and for a few others quitting it that Retreat ought not to be imputed to the whole Party It is certain that the K's true Servants were as useful to him in the Provinces as in the presence of his person In effect there were many Cities which waver'd at the News of Hen. III. his Death and the Resolution taken at Paris not to receive an Heretick King upon the Throne of St. Lewis appear'd so pleasing to the Catholicks that it drew a great number into the League and 't was thought it would bring over many Cities which held out for the King And therefore the Protestants had need of some part of their Forces to bridle those that had a mind to stir and to keep their own places from being surprised in whose preservation the King had as much Interest as themselves So that they were oblig'd to disperse part of their Troops into divers places to keep as much of the Country as they could in obedience From whence it follows that if we judge equitably we must not make the Protestants guilty of a Crime where they can excuse themselves either by the Necessity of the Time or by the Example of the Catholick Nobles or because if they did go off from the King's Army it was but to serve him elsewhere In the mean time the dissipation of the King's Army made the League take Courage and they had fresh Springs for succour and the King who was in no estate to enterprise any thing being retired towards Diepe to receive the Forces which he expected from England the D. of Mayenne pursued him and reduced him to so great an extremity that he was upon the point of passing the Sea as despairing of his affairs But the Mareshal Biron hindred
Viva voce and to be put in practise without any other Law than the Conformity of Custom receiv'd in the Churches of the same Synod which is the Reason that the Acts of these Establishments are very rarely mention'd in Writing In the third place it is to be observ'd that under the Name of one Church they comprehended two three or more places where Free Exercise was allowed according to the Edict but for their Reciprocal Conveniency put themselves under the pastoral Charge of one Shepherd who divided the Officiating his Duty among 'em according to the private agreement These different Places which they call'd Quarters or Annexes were United Separated Clos'd and divided as the Synods pleas'd who as they saw convenient of several Churches made one or of one several which might probably sometimes augment the Number of the Places of Exercise thô there were nothing of Usurpation in the Excess of the usual or prefix'd Number Nevertheless these Truths which ought to be beyond all dispute by reason they are so evidently demonstrable have been look'd upon in our days as Unjust and Chimerical pretensions But to return to the Synod there were some Reflexions made among 'em what should oblige the General Assembly to depart from the Pretentions of the Churches to content themselves with the Edict as they had obtain'd it They were offended as it was but just that the Members of the Assembly had been long at variance among themselves But it was more easie to declaim against the Disease then procure a Remedy And when the Mischief is incurable the discovery of the Cause adds little to the Cure of the Distemper There was also some Discourse in the Synod of Erecting of Schools and Colledges of Divinity in several Places several Regulations also were under Debate for the preservation of the Churches and for bringing them under an exacter Discipline Nor were they less employ'd about Projects for a Reunion with the Roman Church with which the Kingdom was fill'd For they had been very earnest for the publishing several Pieces of that Nature which were pleasing enough to the Catholics who were of Opinion that an Accomodation could not choose but be always to their Advantage But the Reformed were as much scandaliz'd at it for the same Reason and look'd upon all those Writings as Prevarications which betray'd the Cause of Truth and only tended to disguise the Errors of the Roman Church to render 'em less Odious Foreign Protestants also were no less Offended at 'em than others and made their Complaints to the Synod Which Condemn'd some Books that went under that Character and Order'd others to be Examin'd that were no less suspected But this was all to no purpose and the Itch of Re-union lasted till the Revocation of the Act at which time also the Projects for an Accommodation flew about every where There was likewise one particular Act that was discours'd of in that Assembly The Province of Languedoc had Rais'd a Fund of 17760 Crowns which was sent to Geneva there to be put out to Use and the Revenue to be employ'd for the Maintenance of Resolvers of Cases Lesdiguieres who minded nothing so much as to take of all sides seiz'd upon this same Money under pretence that it had been Rais'd contrary to Law and without the Kings permission and that it could not be sent out of the Kingdom and that he might have some specious Right to detain it he begg'd it of the King Who in regard he came so easily by it made no great difficulty to give it him without ever troubling himself the to consider what Complaints the Reformed might make leaving it to Lesdiguiers to defend himself against them as well as he could And indeed Commissioners were sent to him to recover the Money out of his Hands who lay'd before him the Injustice of the Act and put it hard upon his Conscience as being of the Reformed Religion but that was not his sensible Part so that after many years and several Importunities they had much ado to get him restore some part By this it may be judg'd that 't was not his Conscience that retain'd him in the Profession of the Reformed Religion and the next year he did many things which would have clear'd the Suspicion but that he was asham'd to do 'em publickly For the Jesuit Cotton so Famous afterwards in France being then at Grenoble Lesdiguieres enter'd into a strict Alliance with him but for fear of rendring himself suspected to the Ministers he built a Back Gallery by which the Father might be brought to his Apartment without being perceiv'd by any but those that were privy to the Secret By which means the Jesuits and He were frequent in Conferences Lesdiguieres's Daughter of the same Religion as her Father had the same kindnesses for the Jesuit and went much farther then her Father For she Abjur'd the Doctrine of the Reformed while Cotton held her Hands in his and afterwards privately gave her the Communion and every year sent her a Priest for the same purpose till time and her Father should permit her to declare her self During this Interval the Jesuit was not so tender Conscienc'd but that he gave her leave to make outward Profession and Repair to all the publick Exercises of the Reformed Religion and perhaps it might be found that she Communicated on both sides if her Life were more narrowly Examin'd Such is the Religion of the Jesuits For according to their Maxims Hypocrisie and Prophaness are no Obstacles but that people may be truly Pious and Devout at the same time As to what remains in this Synod it was that the first distribution was made of Mony granted in Lieu of Tithes and there was a Division of a hundred and thirty thousand Livres among the Churches Thus the Reformed were very diligent to make their Advantage of the Edict before it was fully brought to perfection in regard it was not as yet verify'd For it was agreed at the importunity of the Legat that they would stay till he was gone before they publish'd it This delay put back the Business so far that the Reformed were impatient and thô the Marshal de Bouillon took upon him to make all whole again at the Assembly of Chatelleraud yet he could not be every where to give her Reasons to the mistrustful nor could his Reputation stop the Mouths of all Men. In the mean time there happen'd one thing which made a great Noise and which was attended with tedious and unlucky Consequences Du Plessis publish'd a Book in July upon the Eucharist The Pope was therein very coursely handled as being call'd by the Name of Antichrist And the Church of Rome had seen very few Books set forth by her Adversaries where there had been less kindness shew'd to her Errors Du Plessis had put his Name and all his Titles in the first Page and among the rest that of Counsellor of State The Name of the Author
did not extinguish the Reformation in that little Country And those of Berne having made themselves Masters by Force of Arms it was there so well Establish'd that there were fewer Parishes in the Country of Gex then places where the Exercise of the Reformed Religion was Publick The Roman Religion was only tolerated and those few people that profess'd it no longer Exercis'd it with that Pomp that attends it where it is Mistress The Reformed enjoy'd all the places and apply'd the Ecclesiastical Revenues to their Use They were in possession of Houses and Church-yards There was no Town but only that of Gex within whose Walls had not yet one Church This was the condition of this Country when it fell under the Dominions of Henry the Fourth who as soon as he had taken Possession gave the Government of the Citadel of Bourg Capital of Bresse and the only place of Defence that there was in those parts to a Gentleman of the Reformed Religion The Reason of this Choice was that he believ'd these places better secur'd to him by the Reformed then those he had given to the Catholics in regard he did not look upon the latter to be resolute enough to hold out against the Spanish Faction When as he was perfectly assur'd of the Fidelity of the other and this was a third thing that displeas'd Rome which could no digest that a Man inaccessible to all the Intrigues that are hatch'd beyond the Mountains should be Master of a Place so near Italy chiefly because his Relgion was the Cause that he was prefer'd before the Catholics There was yet another that the Pope could not endure to remove whom he was long very Importunate with the King This was the Governour of Chateau Dauphin an inconsiderable Castle on the very extremity of Dauphine which a Reformed held not only as Governour for the King but also by a Deed of Engagement He had establish'd his own Religion there and a Reformed Garrison The Duke of Savoy exasperated the Pope upon this occasion for that this Castle incommoded him and that he would fain have remov'd a Man thence that would not easily engage in his broils Insomuch that this Trifle made a great Noise at Rome so that they appear'd there sufficiently troubled to see all Dauphine intirely and a 11 or 12 strong places in particular at the Command of Lesdiguieres The Creation of New Employments in all the Jurisdictions of the Kingdom ev'n in the Parlaments which was one of the Expedients that Roni propos'd to Raise Mony may be look'd upon as one Business of the Edict These New Creations ever Vex those who are in Possession of Old Employments whose Fees are made less considerable in retail when the Number of Persons that should share 'em is Augmented This is the Reason that the Parlament of Paris would have confounded these New Offices with those out of which the King was to gratify the Reformed according to the Edict one part of which was of a Preceding Creation and t'other of the first Offices of Ancient Erection which would become vacant by Death The Parlament was desirous by that to lessen the Number of New Offices But that did not accommodate the Reformed who were to have the Places that were design'd 'em given 'em Gratis whereas the others were to be Purchas'd Besides this confusion had been of no Advantage to the King who had partly lost by that the Fruit he expected from these New Creations which was the cause that he readily promis'd the Reformed that their Offices should not be comprehended in the Number of New Employments But the most important Assair of this Year was the Execution of the Edict to which End Commissioners were sent into many Provinces But the measures they took were not alike For there were some places where they did acquit themselves with the same exactness that was done in others There were some Provinces where they went from Town to Town from Jurisdiction to Jurisdiction and where they Visited the Places which ought to be deliver'd for their Exercise therein in Order to settle all things as close to their Commissions as possibly they could Others only went to the Capital Cities contenting themselves to receive the Petitions the Pretensions and Objections of Parties without coming near the particular places where the Disputes arose to which nevertheless they commonly sent Subdelegates There were likewise some Provinces to which they never went at at all There were Places where the Catholics were more scrupulous others where they were more Moderate and Tractable There were some where the Reformed were Exact and Diligent and others where they did their business with a great deal of Negligence Which was grounded upon divers considerations They waited an approaching decadency of the Roman Religion as if they had had express Revelations And they doubted not that their Doctrine would make great Progresses in a little time for that they might Embrace it without exposing their Goods their Lives or their Hopes As if there had been nothing to surmount but the Prejudices of Interest and of Fortune to the End that the Truths of which they were convinc'd might become evident to all the World This was the Reason that they did not think it necessary to take their measures in many things in which this Happy Juncture might have been much more securely provided for This thought inspir'd 'em with another of vexing the Catholics a little in placing themselves as far as the Edict would permit it in those Places where the Clergy were troubled to see ' em This was one little Mortification which they would have put upon 'em in return of those many acts of Injustice and Cruelties with which they had Treated them This was the Cause that in some places they had less regard to their own profit that they might have the pleasure of putting their Enemis to more Pain A third consideration serv'd as a Foundation for their Negligence They rely'd too much on the Integrity of these who made 'em believe that no interruption should be given to the establishments once made and as they were resolv'd to make no Attempt on the Catholics they were apt to believe that the Catholics would never consult to disturb their Possession with Wranglings In fine they imagin'd that as these settlements were made in the sight of the Catholics and that the Grounds of that Right which they had acquir'd were publick and manifest to all the World the Children would never come to dispute what had been so Evident and Notorious in their Fathers time One or other of these Considerations cast the Reformed in many places into a Negligence common to those who believe that what they once possess shall never be taken from ' em Many were contented with the notoriousness of the things as sufficient proof of their Possession never minding to have it attested by the Commissioners Many were satisfy'd with the Verbal or tacit consent of the Catholics in
their very Being Therefore every individual compris'd in one of those Bodies has a right to require of the other Members to keep their promise and to contribute on their part without Fraud and Treachery what they owe towards their mutual preservation The Third which is likewise evident is that in all the relations that are among Men there must be something reciprocal of Course There are none in which the Obligations can be proved all on one side Therefore we must look on those that are observ'd between the Head and the Members as on all others The Head must owe something to the Members as well as the Members to the Head The Duty of these is very different according as the precautions people have taken in submitting themselves to a certain Power are more or less favourable for liberty But there are two certain and invariable Characters in all the Forms a State can take The one is that even in those in which Liberty has the greatest priviledges the Duty of Subjects is of a great extent and obliges them to submit to whatever may be advantagious for the Common Good Nay even in cases in which particular losses are recompenced by the advantages of the general The other is that even in those in which Liberty has the narrowest bounds Subjection can never extend so far as to oblige men to suffer themselves to be destroy'd out of Duty or Conscience Those must needs have a strange depravation of mind who can conceive that when people did submit to one or many it could be on condition that their Rulers should be allowed to destroy them right or wrong meerly by Vertue of Soveraign Power Even those who surrender on Discretion do it only in hopes of being preserv'd by the clemency of the Conqueror or at least to purchase the Redemption of the whole Body at the cost of some few unfortunate Members The Duty of Soveraigns receives the same variation as that of their Subjects according to the limitations that were given to both at the first formation of the State But it has two Characters which answer those of the submission of the People The one is that how narrow soever the Bounds of Supreme Power may be yet still it is of a vast extent and might be stil'd in some respect Infinite in relation to the publick good to which it must always have a relation The other is that even in those States in which it is most extended it never dispences the Soveraign from watching for the preservation of his Subjects nor from sincerely applyng to that end the power he is intrusted with It is contrary to nature to think that destruction without a cause upon the bare account of a Power given to the Soveraign can be the Right of supreme Authority God who might do it if he thought fit claims no such right over mankind He never destroys without a just Cause and only to show his Soveraign Power Therefore there is no reason to believe that he au horizes men to exert a right over others which he is not willing to assume himself 5. It follows from those Truths that when a Prince endeavours without a lawful cause to destroy his people whom he is oblig'd to preserve when he publickly violates his Faith which is the Seal of the mutual obligations of his people towards him and of his towards his people when he makes use even of their Patience and Submission to ruin them the more easily when he pursues them with open Force and that disdaining to observe the very formalities of Justice to destroy them with some shaddow of Reason he makes use of Fire and Sword in all places to reduce all his Subjects to his Will and Discretion It follows I say that granting those conditions the resistance of Subjects is not Criminal They never have a right to attack But after having us'd all the Submissions and Remonstrances requir'd in such Cases after all that Prudence can advise to avoid falling into the utmost extremities there are neither Divine Laws nor Humane Reasons to take away from them the Right of defending themselves It is a Right that is born with all Men which nothing can ever deprive them of 6. Example being of a decisive force in Political Questions it is most Certain that there is no Subject upon which so many can be alledg'd as that of the Resistance of Subjects to their Soveraign when he visibly endeavours to oppress them We meet a world of them both in Ancient and Modern History It is the source of divers Revolutions which have from time to time chang'd the face of the World And even in those States in which Princes have pretended to the highest degree of Power the People being oppress'd have often put a stop to the said oppressions by Vigorous oppositions which otherwise would have been carried farther and this Maxim that Publick preservation is a lawful reason for People to defend themselves is so certain and so well known that even in Seditions and Civil Wars in which the Ring Leaders have other ends they never fail to place Publick Good at the Head of their Motives to perswade the World by that specions Tittle that their Cause is Innocent and to engage such into their Party as would be averse to it otherwise out of the scruples of a Tender Conscience 7. If any should alledge that it is impossible to decide to whom it belongs to judge in what degree of oppression it is lawful to lay a side Patience and that whatever we fix upon in that case we must needs expose our selves as well as all the Authors that have Writen about it to inexplicable difficulties I answer that the Reason why those Writers are at such a loss is that they endeavour to find out subtle study'd solutions to an absurd Objection No man can judge so well as he whose Life 's in Jeopardy whither he be in danger of losing it by suffering the Agressor to have his Will It would be a cruel absurdity to say that a Man being set upon on the Highway by a Company of Arm'd Men who have drawn him into that Peril under a fair pretence may not lawfully resist them without having first consulted an able Lawyer or obtain'd leave of my Lord Chief Justice On such occasions Nature pleads her self and supplies the want of a Doctor or a Magistrate So likewise supposing the case of an evident Oppression in which every one beholds the Chains that are preparing for him in which not only the Estates and Priviledges of some particular Persons are concern'd without minding other Rights of less Consequence but in which the whole State suffers or at least a considerable part thereof which is not to be dispis'd in which the most natural and most precious part of Liberty is at stake in which there is reason to fear that the Patience of the Oppress'd may authorise the progress of Oppression In such a case I say no body can judge
better of the necessity of making a defence than those who see and feel the progress of the slavery that is impos'd upon them 8. If any body exclaims against these and the preceeding Maxims as being attended with pernicious Consequences as favouring Rebellion as containing pretences and excuses which the Factious and Disturbers of the Publick Peace may make an ill use of I answer first that it is a misfortune annex'd to several Truths that they are lyable to great inconveniencies but yet that they are not thereby deprived of the Right of Truth by reason that those inconveniencies do not proceed from the Nature of those Truths but from the Corruption of the Heart of Man which extracts a Poyson out of the most profitable things Thus the very Weapons of the Law are made use of to create disputes tho made to suppress them which abuse does not hinder those Laws from being Just and Necessary Thus Casuists daily discover things in Theory which tho very True are neverteless attended with ill Consequences in the Practice which I mean of the most rigid as well as of those that are accus'd of slackness The most indispensible Duties of Religion and Morality are so many Arguments of Dispair to Weak Souls when represented to them in their whole extent with the absolute necessity thereof attended with all their Circumstances and Consequences Yet those inconveniencies do not deprive those Duties of their natural Justice and do not discharge Men of the obligation they lay under of submitting to them To love our Neighbour is an indispensible Duty The command of loving him as our selves receives no exceptions It is the Epitomy of Natural Justice It is the Summary of one half of the Divine Law It is the Center from which all the Precepts of Charity proceed as so many Lines which is the greatest of all Virtues Yet by the state to which sin has reduc'd the heart of Men it happens very often that he who applies himself to that important Duty exposes himself to a thousand dangers Charity is only a Law to himself and while he observes it scrupulously the Wicked take the advantage of it to be the better able to annoy him There is no greater inconvenient than to give way to the Oppression of the Innocent That inconvenient is met with in the fundamental precept of Charity but yet the truth thereof is not therefore the less evident nor the Duty less necessary This shows that the inconveniencies that attend a Doctrine do not always hinder it from being True Secondly I answer that the opposite Maxim which abandons the Liberty of the Subject to the discretion of Soveraigns and allows nothing to the People but Submission and Patience is attended with as many inconevniencies as the other I confess that it would be liable to none if we could be certain of two things the one always to have a good vertuous Prince a True Father of his Country The other that having such a one he would harken to and employ none but true Patriots Persons without Interest Ambition or Disguise by whom he might be well serv'd and council'd We may indeed and often do see the first but the second is very rare or to say better impossible It is easie to determine the Fate of those People whose Fortune Life and Liberty pass through the hands of those who cannot be great without oppressing them or Inrich themselves without their Ruin I say in the third place that both sides being attended with inconveniencies those are evidently less considerable which attend the maxim which allows people when they are oppress'd to resist oppresion than those that attend that which makes it a Crime for them to oppose their own destruction The reason of it is that the People are commonly very ill serv'd very easily divided tyr'd and blinded whereas Princes have all the advantage on their side That the people never perceive the evil untill it is committed when it is too late to remedy it whereas Princes aim at a great distance and take their measures before their Subjects are aware of them That the People often betray each other and sacrifice Publick Interest to particular advantages Whereas Princes raise Soldiers among those very People to attack them and money to corrupt them So that it often comes to pass that the Maxim which authorisâ—â— them to defend their Lives and Liberties becomes for them a truth in speculation only It also happens often that finding the Prince ready in all points and provided beforehand with all things necessary for his Enterprize the People forfeit the remainder of their Liberty when they bethink themselves of taking Arms to defend it In those cases their Resistance is called Rebellion and the Yoke that is impos'd upon them is still'd a Just punishment for their Revolt Moreover the Resistance of Subjects ought never to extend to the Life of the Soveraign No Circumstances nor Authority tho from the Pope can justifie an attempt of that Nature It is the Prerogative of Supreme Power to fix something that is Sacred in those in whom it resides which ought to secure their Lives against all enterprises Whatever Power People reserve to themselves to hinder the person they acknowledge for their Soveraign from incroaching upon their Priviledges they can preserve no Right of Life and Death over him They are so many Tribuns of the People whose person is inviolable and even their faults when they commit any do not deface that character of Majesty which sets them above all others and exempts them from Corporal Punishment Resistance therefore can go no farther on the People's side than to reduce them to those Bounds to which their Authority is limited by the Laws or at most to deprive them of a Power which they apply to awrong and unlawful use when instead of imploying it for the Protection of their Subjects they imploy it to their ruin Finally the maxim which Authorises the Resistance of Subjects against the unjust violences of their Soveraign being only allowable in this one case the Consequences thereof are not so dangerous as they seem to be by reason that Subjects very seldom form designs against the Authority of Princes unless Princes abuse it to the utmost extremity We commonly find that whatever precautions have been us'd at the founding of a Monarchy yet he who is invested with the Regal Authority will by degrees usurp some part of the Liberty the People have reserv'd to themselves but there are few examples of Peoples incroaching upon the Prerogatives of their Soveraigns The Prince and People may be compar'd to the man and the Horse of the Fable which was invented to explain this matter in a popular manner As the Horse can never pretend to free himself of the Bitt and Saddle having once submitted to it the people are oblig'd forever to wear the Yoak they have freely impos'd upon themselves But whereas man by degrees extends the power he has receiv'd from the Horse beyond
expressing their Obedience and in Actions and Deportments which might testifie their Fidelity This praise perhaps was a little too great for an Obedience of a Fortnight's standing but the Commonality is often taken that way They are ingag'd to give what is requir'd of them by supposing it to be given already People are ingag'd in honour and are dispos'd to render themselves worthy of the Praise which flatters them by giving it to them before they have deserv'd it The second was that experience had taught Lewis the 13th's Predecessors that Fury and the Violence of Arms had not only been inefectual to bring those back to the Roman Church that had quitted it but that it had rather prov'd disadvantageous to them which had oblig'd them to apply themselves to mildness by granting the free exercise of the P. R. Religion The third was that the Edict of Nantes had establish'd a firm Peace among the Subjects of both Religions which had never been interrupted since The fourth was that the Edict of Nantes being Perpetual and Irrevocable had no need of being confirm'd by any Declaration It was natural to judge by this Clause that this last Edict was only given to explain the sence and force of the words Perpetual and Irrevocable and that iâ— determin'd the signification of it in the most natural and plainest sence that could be given in the Common dialect We easily believe what we wish besides it is natural to believe that others look upon those things as truths which appear to us certain and undeniable Therefore as the Reform'd look'd upon those four Points as evident truths and did passionately desire that every body might look upon them as such they easily believ'd that the Court had the same thoughts The major part of them suffer'd themselves to be blinded by it and imagin'd that a King who did declare so plainly that his hands were tyed by the Edict of which he became Garantee and Executor in the King his Father's room would never do any thing against those irrevocable and perpetual dispositions Moreover the Court in order the better to heighten the sincerity which they design'd to make a show of publish'd a Brief that same day which confirm'd the favour the Reform'd had receiv'd four years before from the late King by permitting them to perform the exercise of their Religion in the Town of Charenton And to omit nothing that might contribute to deceive the simple Persons were appointed to insinuate among the People that nothing waâ— so proper and so necessary in order to revenge the King's Death which the publick Voice imputed plainly to foreign Intreagues as a good understanding and Peace between the Catholicks and the Reform'd Persons of that Character were not wanting to intrude among the Curious and Idle sort of People who met together to discourse about publick Affairs and they never fail'd to say that it were better to perish than to leave that cruel death unpunish'd Those words mov'd the Reform'd to the very bottom of their Hearts because they imagin'd that all those that were oblig'd to revenge it were induc'd to it by the Principles of Affection which mov'd them By those Artifices those People were brought back again who fled at first out of fear and all the rest were deluded into an assurance of safety and never perceived their Error till it was too late to remedy it The Clergy harrangu'd the King and Queen that year but they only mention'd their own affairs At least it did not appear that they ask'd any thing against the Reform'd whose jealousies they were unwilling to renew Nevertheless they perceiv'd through all those affectations that evil designs were hatching against them and that it behov'd them to seek out better Sureties than the bare promises of the Court They were soon inform'd that a private Council was held there in which none but Italians or Jesuits or old Leaguers or Biggots were admitted that nothing was talk'd of there but the Marriage of the King and of his eldest Sister with the Infanta and Infant of Spain The breaking of ancient Alliances the removing of the Reform'd from all affairs of State The Annihilation of Edicts all which things were suppos'd to be link'd together the one leading of necessity to the other Notice was taken of the abusive answer of Villeroy to Sully in a Council at which the Queen was present and in which they were treating about Expedients for the safety of the State The last oppos'd the putting of a Garrison in Lyons where it was no longer necessary by reason that by the Conquest of Bresse the said City was no longer a Frontier to which Villeroy reply'd that it was nevertheless necessary to keep Forces there because it was in the Neighbourhood of Lesdiguieres and of the Huguenots who were as much to be fear'd as the Spaniards The Reform'd also observed with grief that all the Kings designs were buried with him and that the Council hardly minded the affairs of Cleve and of Juliers for Honour and for form sake The whole project of that War was alter'd and the third part of the Forces the King had design'd for it were not sent thither The Command of the said Army was given to the Marshal de la Chatre tho it had been promis'd to the Marshal de Bouillon which alteration was made at the solicitation of the Pope's Nuncio who was affraid the said War might prove advantagious to the Protestants and that the Reform'd being Commanded by a General of their own Religion would be too severe towards the Catholicks For the same Reason most of the Forces that were rais'd by Lesdiguieres in Dauphine in order to be joyn'd with the Duke of Savoy were disbanded All the hopes that had been conceiv'd of seeing the Kings Death reveng'd vanished in a short time Since that far from going about it with that Vigour that was expected it was observ'd that even those who were oblig'd in duty to prosecute it took care to stifle what ever might be capable to discover the mistery of that Parricide There were so many Instances of the coldness the Court had express'd to revenge the Death of that Prince that it almost form'd a demonstration of a desire to the contrary There seem'd to be a great deal of constraint and study in their Mourning and whereas they affected the contrary of all the Maxims of the late King people presum'd that they were not much concern'd at the Death of a Prince who had put so long a constraint upon their inclinations It was daily observ'd by some words that fell from those who should have been most concern'd at that loss that they did not look upon that accident as a great misfortune and the remembrance of the domestick vexations the King had been so much troubled with in his latter years gave great cause to suspect that those who had occasion'd them had but little regret at his Death The speculative added to
order thereunto they settled the form of deputing to those particular Assemblies and of receiving the Votes there 〈…〉 they excluded from it all such as had no express Deptutations They allow'd the King's Officers and Magistrates to assist at the same provided they were deputed according to the form prescrib'd on condition that thy should make no distinct Body in the Assembly and that they should side either with the Nobility or with the Third Estate according to their quality The Presidentship of those Assemblies was alloted to the Gentry and finally they fix'd to five at most and to three at least the number of the Deputies every particular Assembly should send to the General Proceeding in the next place to the Functions of the Provincial Councils they charg'd them to send whatever advice they should receive to those to whom it should be necessary to Communicate them either within or out of the Province and in order to facilitate the said Communication they ordain'd a Fund for the Charges and that the Contiguous Provinces should take measures together before their breaking up to advise each other with more speed They authoris'd the Council that should receive the advice incase they were not able to perform it to call such persons â—…o their assistance as should be able to assist them according to the nature of the thing propos'd In some Important Cases they allow'd the Council to require at least three adjacent Provinces such as they should think fit to assist them with their advice and they order'd the Provinces so requir'd to send one or many Deputies in the place appointed to them to deliberate about the means to prosecute such affairs as should intervene in such a Province as if it were their own And supposing they could obtain no satisfaction it was left to their Prudence to give the Provinces notice of it and to invite them to joyn in order to make the said prosecution more effectually They grounded that order upon the duty of the General Union of the Churches which were oblig'd to interest themselves in their mutual affairs to the end that those that were abus'd and consequently more inclin'd to violent resolutions should be hinder'd by the Prudence of the others from proceeding to â—xtremities or seconded by them in order to obtain justice the sooner They order'd the said Councils moreover to mind the conâ—…ition of the Places of Suerty to depute persons of capacity to â—…isit the said places and to take a review of the Garrisons to be certain of the Religion of the Souldiers who by reason that it was necessary to reinforce the said Cities with men could not be Inhabitants either of the said Cities or Suburbs They exhorted the Governours to approve it and in order to â—…dress the abuses committed in time past as to the number and â—ayment of the Soldiers to be pleased to allow the regulations added by them viz. That the Governour should receive the third part of the sum appointed for the Garrison free from all Charges and that he should give an Acquittance for the remaining two to the person that should be nominated by the Council of the Province who should pay the soldiers with it and all other Charges relating to the Place and Garrison which were afterwards specifi'd That an estimate should be made of the real sum to which the extarordinary Charges might mount to reserve a Fund for it which should not exceed the third or forth part of the two thirds retain'd upon the whole sum That the Person imploy'd in order thereunto should give an account of his administration in the Council in presence of the Governour That incase the King should grant any sums for the Reparations and Fortifications of the said places the Governours should order how they should be imploy'd but that the Council should inspect the same and should have the direction of the disposal thereof making of Proclamations Adjudications c. and that incase a Fund were necessary for the said Reparation the direction thereof should be given to a person which should be nominated by the Council who should give an account of it in the Governours presence That without prejudice to the Officers appointed by the King the Governours should inspect the Magazines in order to keep the Corn Wines Provisions Powder and Matches and other Amunition liable to corruption in a good Condition They impower'd the same Councils to determin all Quarels Lawsuits and Animosities that might arise among the Reform'd of what quality soever To cause the settlements granted by the King to be observ'd incase any of the Governours of the said places should dye To maintain a good Correspondence with the Neighbouring Provinces by sending Deputies into their mutual Assemblies and as to a General Correspondence they were charg'd to maintain it with the General Assembly when in being and to apply themselves to the Deputys General after their Dissolution Moreover in order to preserve Union among all the Churches it was agreed upon that once a year at a certain time and place there should repair a Deputy of every Council as privately as possible could be and in such a conjuncture of affairs as it should be thought of most use and the chief reason of that enterview which was only to last for a few days was to give each other a mutual account of the state of their Provinces and to renew the Sentiment of their Common Interests The General Assembly at their breaking up was to nominate the Council which should appoint â—…e time and place for the first Enterview The Marshal Duke de Bouillon approv'd the said Regulation as well as the rest and sign'd it but he protested against the Ministers whom he would not allow to make a â—…ody a part and he writ the said Protestation when sign'd it La â—…otte Grimout Counsellor in the Parliament of Rouen was â—…e only person who imitated him His motive for it was 〈…〉 particular grudge for having receiv'd a Censure from the Assembly to which he did not doubt but the Ministers a â—…rt of people a little inclin'd to censure had contributed considerably But the Marshal's Motive was his being abandon'd by the Ministers who formerly us'd to follow â—…s advice almost Implicitly Some of them had said some â—…ings in their Sermons which he took to be design'd against him and notwithstanding du Plessis remonstrated to â—…m even after the Dissolution of the Assembly That the â—…d Protestation was not only useless but of ill consequence 〈…〉 still persisted in it and threatened that the thing should â—…t remain so The truth is that he excepted some Ministers who by reason of their mildness and capacity seem'd 〈…〉 him to deserve a Rank in the Assemblys This perhaps â—…as an effect of Resentment but that Resentment was so â—…ell suited to the Maxims of the Court where the Conâ—…toriats had been so long reputed the persons who were to be â—…ar'd in Assemblies That it look'd as
into others and to say the truth it cannot be deny'd 〈…〉 he impos'd Laws upon the Court if we reflect on 〈…〉 manner in which those troubles were ended He demanded more advantagious Conditions than those the Assembly of Saumur had obtain'd and for his own particular he 〈…〉 sir'd the removal of La Rochebeaucour and of Foucaud whâ—… he did not like to have the disposition of the Compâ—… of the first To Nominate a Deputy General himself 〈…〉 his and his Brothers and his Friends Pensions should be restor'd together with the arrears that had been stopt 〈…〉 that all manner of proceedings should cease against such 〈…〉 had been prosecuted upon his account Those pretentiâ—… were so high that there was no likelyhood to expect tâ—… the Queen would condescend to them Great difficulâ—… arose upon it and while the Council was deliberatiâ—… bout them there arose new ones A Messenger haâ—… subpaened Hautefontaine to appear in the Parliament of Bordeaux was very ill us'd at St. John d' Angely where the â—…signs of the Court advanc'd as little by proceedings of â—…stice as by threatnings of War On the other hand Saujon Gentleman of Saintonge who had been sent by the Duke 〈…〉 to the upper Guyenne to try what succors he might expâ—… â—… those provinces and to maintain Rambures in the Government of Aiguemortes against Berticheres whom the Reâ—…'d were jealous of was stopt at Rouergue and us'd like 〈…〉 Prisoner of State So that people were exasperated on 〈…〉 sides Nevertheless the Court not finding it self in a Condition sustain by effects the height of their first threatnings â—…mis'd the Duke all that he had desir'd The truth is 〈…〉 the Queen was not displeas`d at the removal of La Rochebeaucour by reason that the Government of Chatelleraud 〈…〉 vacant at that time she bestow'd it upon him She only â—…'d in order to save appearances that the Duke Rohanâ—…ld â—…ld receive him for eight or ten days in St. John as if the â—…en having had the power to maintain him had only reâ—…uish'd it in order to promote a peace without being any 〈…〉 obliged to it But whereas the Generality of the Reform'd began to be heated she was also oblig'd to grant them 〈…〉 of those things which had been refus'd to the Assembly Saumur I have said that the National Synod had renew'd 〈…〉 demands of it and that they had charg'd the Deputies General with a Cahier in which they were contain'd Some â—…hose Articles were favourably answerd ' The Reform'dâ—…e â—…e allowed not to stile their Religion Pretended Reform'd 〈…〉 Court promis'd the Ministers the same exemptions â—…he Ecclesiasticks of the Roman Church injoy'd The â—…ods were restored to their former Liberty which had been â—…tle incroach'd upon by the last Declarations They proâ—…d to redress the grievances of the Provinces and to give 〈…〉 Reform'd satisfaction for the Towns of Aiguemortes Essone 〈…〉 Mas d' Agenois They promis'd to revoke all the Expeâ—…ons Letters Acts Decrees that had been given since the â—…mbly of Saumur against the Reform'd But that which was â—…st considerable was the toleration of Provincial Counâ—… The Queen had express'd a great repugnancy towards 〈…〉 but whether it were that she was afraid they would keep â—…m up against her will or because she had a mind to that the Reform'd a favour to blind them she finally consented to that Settlement but with a Clause which miâ—â—â— occasion some dispute but yet could not be refus'd whâ—â— was that they should use that priviledge as modestly 〈…〉 they had done in the Late King's time But when the Duke de Rohan receiv'd an account of tâ—â— promises of the Queen he was in the first transports of 〈…〉 anger for the violence committed against Saujon So â—â—â— he refus'd even to answer the Reasons that were alleâ— to him to oblige him to receive those good offers 〈…〉 threatned the utmost severities incase that Gentleman 〈…〉 ceiv'd the least ill treatment and protested that he woâ—… hearken to no reason untill he had receiv'd satisfaction upâ—â— that Article Thus all those promises which the Qâ—… made perhaps less to keep them than to dissipate the 〈…〉 which was to repair at Rochel prov'd ineffectâ—â—â— and the Deputies met there on the appointed day Tâ—â— Court found no other expedient to prevent their takâ— any vexatious Resolutions that to send Rouvray thither 〈…〉 to prevail with Du Plessis to assist at it They could 〈…〉 prevail with the Assembly not to meddle with such Afâ—… as might create most occasion of vexation and morâ—oâ— the Assembly us'd them almost like suspected Perâ—… The reason of those suspitions was that they distrusted 〈…〉 Queens promises and that they partly discovered her Inâ—tions through the fair words wherewith she design'd to amâ—… the World What ever Rouvray could say to justifie 〈…〉 sincerity of her promises prov'd ineffectual the Assemâ—… refus'd absolutely to break up untill they beheld the eâ—… of it and all that could be obtain'd from them was thâ—â— they would break up without leaving any marks of thâ— having made any deliberations on condition that 〈…〉 Deputies should meet at the same place again on the 2â— of December to see whether the said promises were pâ—â—formed and to confer about it without holding the soâ—â— of an Assembly Nevertheless in order to make them coâ—â—ply to this Rouvray promis'd to add some new Aâ—â—â—cles to those which the Synod had drawn and among â—… they desir'd that whenever there should be a vacancy of Government of any place of Surety the Churches â—…ld have the liberty to Nominate three Persons to the â—…g out of which he should chuse one That what had 〈…〉 retrench'd out of the Sum promis'd for the payment â—â—e Garrisons should be restor'd That the form promis'd the Edict of Nantes should be given to the Chamber of Edict of Paris That the Reform'd should be allow'd Nominate the Person that should Collect the Sums that â—…ld be given to them for the maintenance of their Garriâ—… and of their Ministers and some others of that kind 〈…〉 little Assembly seem'd to exceed the bounds of their â—…er since that according to the Intention of the Reguâ—…n of Saumur they ought not to have exceeded the 〈…〉 of St. John d' Angely upon the account of which they 〈…〉 been conven'd But the relation of that affair to all â—…rest and the jealousies occasion'd by little things in â—â—ch a mistery was suspected made them pass over â—…e reflections And Rouvray could obtain nothing withâ—… those Conditions â—ouvray having made his report to the Court the â—…en found that bare words would not satisfie Perâ—… so well resolv'd but she thought her Authority too â—â—h concern'd in the continuation of that Assembly to â—ny thing at their request Therefore a Council was 〈…〉 on purpose upon that Subject in which it was resolv'd â—…o nothing that might seem to be granted in favour â—hat Assembly which was look'd upon as unlawful 〈…〉
the same Powers who had now had a new Meeting there under pretence of the Exchange of the Princesses created no small Jealousies in them A Queen of the same Name the like Conjuncture of Affairs a strict Alliance with a Crown that was an Enemy to their Religion gave them cause to fear that something was concluded there against them according to the Bloody Maxims which the Duke of Alva had then inspir'd to the Council of France It is reported that the Reformed Ministers being prejudic'd by those Suspicions Preach'd in sundry places that Persecution was at hand The Catholicks on their side express'd their Zeal a little too much and spoke publickly of a War of Religion as if it had been resolv'd upon The Sermons of the Jesuits were particularly Animated by the same Spirit that is observ'd in their private Conversations and divers marks appear'd in sundry places of the Notions they inspir'd their Penitents with at their Confessions And yet it is most certain that Religion was not the real Motive of that War It was a pure Affair of â—tate into which none but the Lords on the side of the Reform'd did ingage with a small number of their Creatures â—he People several intire Provinces and almost all the Cities â—emain'd within the bounds of their Allegiance So that the â—eclaration spoke the Truth upon this Subject in saying that â—he greatest number of them remain'd Peaceful and Loyal But the King's return to Bourdeaux after the exchange of â—he Princesses and the Declaration of the Assembly of Nimes â—â— favour of the Prince of Condé were attended with very â—â—l Consequences Although the number of the Reform'dâ—here â—here was very inconsiderable compar'd to the Catholicks and â—â—oreover most of them Merchants whose Genius and Proâ—ession is not inclin'd to War the Sheriffs thought fit to disarm â—hem after the King's Departure This Precaution only serâ—ed to fling them into a strange Consternation and Despair They fancy'd that the Catholicks had a design to be rid of them â—y a Massacre and that their Arms were only taken from them â—o dispatch them the sooner The Reform'd had already been â—s'd ill in several parts of the Province but particularly at â—as a' Agenois where they had been accus'd of favouring the â—esigns of the Duke of Rohan and to have held Intelligence with Cilonges one of his Captains in order to deliver up the Place to him From whence they concluded that the Reform'd being every where suspected of holding a correspondence with the Prince of Condé according to the Resolution of their Assemâ—ly their Enemies would make use of that pretence to exert a thousand Violences against them And that it was not safe for them to remain without Arms at the Mercy of so Mutinous and so Seditious a People as those of Bourdeaux were Therefore the Consistory being assembled at Begle the usual place in which they perform'd the publick Service of their Religion about a League distant from the City resolv'd to discontinue the said Exercise for fear of exposing the whole Church to a Massacre which would be easily executed they being all Assembled together The Service of the said Church was perform'd at that time by two Forreigners Cameron and Primrose Learned Men full of Zeal and of great Credit who seconded the Resolution of the Consistory But there were two Advocates of the Parliament among the Elders call'd Saint-Angel and Auvergnat who oppos'd it and us'd their utmost Endeavours to hinder it Nevertheless the Authority of the Ministers prevail'd Whereupon the said Advocates whither out of fear of losing their Practice in case they should consent to a Resolution which show'd a diffidence of the sincerity of the Court or whether they held any secret Intelligence there or lastly whither they design'd to distinguish and set a value upon themselves by some extraordinary proceeding accus'd the Consistory before the Parliament and represented the said discontinuation of the Exercise of their Religion as a very odious Enterprize tending to fill the Minds of People with Allarms and Jealousies as also very injurious to the Magistracy that had taken the Reform'd under their Protection and had promis'd them a Guard for the safety of their Assemblies The truth is thâ—â— the said Resolution struck a Terror every where And the People supposing that the Consistory had powerful Reasons â—â— fix upon that Expedient look'd upon this proceeding as a â—â—gâ— that they did not confide in the Protection promis'd by the last Declaration And that there was no relying on that Phantasm of the Publick Faith so often violated The Parliament receiv'd the Deposition of the two Advocates and on the 5th of January of the following Year they made a Decree Commanding the Reform'd to continue the said Exercise as they were wont to do at the usual place â—â— pain of being Punish'd as Criminals of leze Majesty But they did not think it safe to Obey since that being depriv'd of Arms to defend themselves they would be expos'd to the Mercy of Friends and Foes both at the place of their Worship and by the way They did not think the Guards that were promis'd them sufficient to defend them against the Troops that serv'd the Prince or those that were in Arms for the King or the Seditions that the Indiscreet Zeal of the Catholicks might excite against them But then they were afraid of exposing their Ministers to the Indignation of the Parliament by their Disobedience Therefore they thought fit to remove them from the City to secure them and accordingly they did send the one to Tonneins and the other to Royan So that the said Reform'd of Bourdeaux having no longer any Ministers to perform Divine Service had a lawful pretence by their absence to discontinue the same and to keep at home But after the Peace was made the Church having recall'd their Ministers and reassum'd their former Exercises of Religion the Consistory Assembled as they us'd to do and the first thing they did was to call the two Advocates to an Account for what they had done in that Affair Saint-Angel was more obstinate and passionate than the other who hearken'd to Reason and at last submitted to the Censures of the Consistory â—t the Request of his Friends So that all the Indignation of â—hat Assembly fell upon Saint-Angel who would never submit But before he was abandon'd by his Companion the Consistory cited them both to appear before them according â—o the forms prescrib'd by their Discipline Saint-Angel had â—lledg'd in order to excuse his opposing of the two Ministers â—hat the Discontinuation of the Publick Exercise of their Reâ—igion would prejudice the Right granted by the Edicts to which the Church would seem to renounce by interrupting â—he course of the Assemblies But when he found himself â—ress'd by those that brought the Citation of the Consistory to â—im he concluded that they would laugh at his Pretence in â—ase he should appear and that
vigorously press'd They were afraid that the Marshal a'Ancre after this being Proud of their Defeat and moreover an Enemy to the Reform'd would inflict a Punishment upon them for the Resolutions taken at Nâ—â—es which had reduc'd him upon the very Brink of the Precipice But his unexpected fall remov'd the pretence of those Terrors When Fortune seem'd to have plac'd him above the reach of his Enemies a Tragical End was preparing for him by means which he never could foresee nor prevent The King was hardly minded at Court He was young and of a Weak Constitution He Lov'd Hawking and Music and pass'd his time in those little Amusements leaving the sole Authority of the Government to the Queen his Mother He was nevertheless Jealous of his Power even to Excess though he neither understood it nor could injoy it During the whole Course of his Life he never could exert it himself nor suffer it into the Hands of another It was equally impossible for him not to raise his Favourites to a vast degree of Power and to endure them when Possess'd of that Grandeur to which he had rais'd them himself By making them Rich he put them in a State to displease him The Excess of his Complaisance for them was as it were the first degree of his Hatred And I question whither an Example could be found in his History of any Favourite whose Death or Ruin he was concern'd for But his Sentiments were conceal'd in his own heart And whereas he only Communicated them to few those who are of Opinion that there is always a Mystery in the Conduct of Princes accus'd him of a Black and profound Dissimulation To say the Truth the reason of his silence was that he neither confided in himself nor in others and that he had a great deal of Timorousness and Weakness Most of those who have spoken of him acknowledge that he had Courage and that he did not lose his Judgment in danger that he lov'd and understood War that he was a good Scholar but that he was not capable of Reigning There was a Man about him whom no body was Jealous of because his parts were too mean to be fear'd He was suffer'd with him as a Man who amus'd him with the pleasure of Hawking which those who had the Authority were very well pleas'd to see him imploy'd about to the â—nd that they might do what they pleas'd They say that this Man begun to insinuate himself into the King's Favour by â— present he made him of two Wary Angles taught to Fly â—t small Birds in Hedges This Animal is not much larger than a Sparrow and is naturally addicted to peck others â—nd to keep them from his Nest So that Application and Care may easily form him for that small War to which he â—s naturally inclin'd This Present Inchanted the King who â—ook a great deal of Pleasure to see those little Birds imitate those of a higher Flight They diverted him at all times â—n Rainy Weather hâ— made them fly in his Chamber or in some Gallery He affected to go often to Mass to the Capuâ—ins their House being conveniently Seated to afford him that pleasure by reason that his way thither was through â—he Thuileries a Royal Garden in which he met with Birds which he caus'd to be taken by those Wary Angles He had a little Net set up at the End of the Hedge into which those Birds being thus pursued never fail'd to Intangle themselves and he took abundance of pleasure to see them pluck'd by those little Animals which he often carried himself upon his Finger with Bells and Varvels like Hawks And lâ—st that Pleasure should fail him sometimes for want of Birds he caus'd abundance to be taken and bred which he never set free again but to be taken by those Wary Angles Whereas the Reader may perhaps never find in any other Book which were the beginnings of the greatest Fortune that ever a Subject was rais'd to I thought I might make this digression to oblige him The Person I am speaking of was Luines a Man almost unknown and even during whose Favour some question'd whither he was born a Gentleman It is certain at least that he was very Poor And 't is reported that when he came first to Paris with Brantes and Cadenet his two Brothers they had but one Cloak amongst them which they wore by turns two of them remaining at home while the other was in the City or at Court about their common Affairs No Body thought him capable to perswade the King to any thing but the Pleasures of Hawking But they were mistaken and Luines having found the Ascendent he had over the King's Mind made use of it to destroy the Marshal d'Ancres Whither he were put upon it by the Male-contents who had gain'd him or whither he were Animated by the Spaniards who dreaded the Marshal's growing so Powerful as to have no longer occasion for them or whither he design'd to raise his Fortune upon the Ruins of that Wretch he took the advantage of the King's Foible which he knew and stuff'd his Head with Jealousies and Vexations against those who abus'd his Authority and Treasure Three Men serv'd Luines in that design Deagean a Suttle Violent and Ambitious Man who was first Clerk to Barbin the Queen's Creature betray'd his Master and came every Night to give the King an Account how they play'd with his Power Marcillac an inconsiderable Person who Traffick'd for his Service seconded in the day time by his Discourse what the other had advanc'd Desplans a Souldier in the Guards had a share in the said Conspiracy Deagean was the only Man of Parts among them But he had too much Genius for Luines who in order to be rid of him bounded his Fortune to a Place of President in the Chamber of Accompts of Grenoble where he sent him to reside under pretence of watching the Conduct of Lesdiguieres The King being perswaded by those Agents of Luines who among other things never fail'd to acquaint him with the Murmurs of the People against the disorders of the Government was at a Loss which way to rid himself of his Wardship He had a mind to Fly to Meaux there to Summon his Subjects from all Parts to his Assistance Some propos'd to him to go to the Parliament upon some Pretence and there to cause the Marshal to be seiz'd in his Presence and to give an Order for his Tryal But Luines either Dreading the King's Weakness or the Queen's Authority chose to have him Seiz'd in the Louvre The King gave Order to Vitri to do it who apparently had receiv'd secret Orders from Luines about it to whom the King having sent him back again to know his Pleasure he carry'd the thing farther than it was design'd He caus'd him to be kill'd on the 4th of April under pretence that he had leave so to do in case he made any resistance Yet he
out of the Grave as to revenge his Murther Principally in Affairs of Religion the false Assertion of a Bishop though contrary to what was publickly known was believ'd to the prejudice of the Reform'd when they alledg'd Truths attested by Proofs above â—ll Exceptions Therefore Lescun obtain'd nothing but leave â—o treat of the Affairs of the Churches of Bearn joyntly â—ith those of the other Churches of the Kingdom and by the same Deputies The meaning of this was that by virtue of the Re-union they were look'd upon as making but one â—ody with the others That their particular Complaints were laid aside and order'd to be Annex'd to the General Affairs and that whereas the Court only granted Illusory Words to the rest of the Churches upon their Remonstrances â—hose of Bearn were to expect the same Treatment Accordingly while the Estates of Bearn were preparing their Instructions and that Lâ—scun was ready to carry them to the Court the King answer'd the Cahier left by the Clergy â—o their Agent and without acquainting Lescun or the Deputies General in the least with it the King granted them on the last of Aâ—gâ—st besides the restitution of all the Ecclesiastical Houses and Church-yards on certain Conditions the Presidentship in the Estates of the Country The admission into the Common-Council and Soveraign Courts The Eâ—emption from all Jurisdiction but the Popes The Establishment of Jesuits in Bearn without restriction of Number â—â— of Functions and without retrenching any thing of the Privileges of Scholarship from those who should study in their Houses One Article only was excepted against The Clergy desir'd four Cities of Surety in Bearn This could be of no use to them in a Country where according to their own relation there were six Catholicks to one Reform'd Moreover the said Proposition was most ridiculous in the mouth of those very Persons who had imputed it as a great Crime to the Reform'd to have taken such Precautions with their King But 't is the Nature of Mankind We daily see Persons who Exempt themselves from Common Laws and think those things Lawful in them which they impute as Crimes to the rest of the World After this great Victory the Bishops of Bearn went to Bourdeaux and to Thoulouse to obtain the Verification of the Edict publish'd upon the aforesaid Restauration After which the Bishop of O'eron came back to Court and the Bishop of Lescar repaiâ—'d into Bearn in order to press on both sides the Accomplishment of an Affair so far advanc'd He had the Cunning to flatter La Force with the hopes of a Marshalâ—… Staff and a Sum of Money to Indemnifie him by which means the said Lord promis'd to obtain the Approbation of the Edicts of Re-union and Re-implacement in Bearn But â—â— soon perceiv'd that the Court Laugh'd at him They thought they might dispence with his Credit because they had a Party in Bearn which would get the upperhand though never so weak being seconded by the King's Authority This Party consisted of the remainders of the Faction of Grammâ—â—t which had been so famous for the Disputes between them and that of Beaumont their Rival which had finally occasion'd the loss of the Upper Navar which Ferdinand had Usurp'd The Count of Grammont was a profess'd Enemy to Lâ— Forâ—e being Jealous of his Authority and for other particular â—easons Insomuch that his Relations and Friends being joyn'd â—o those which the Zeal of Religion the Credit of the Bishops â—nd Confessors the Pensions or the hopes the Levity or the â—mprudence of the People could ingage in the same Interest â—ere preparing a considerable Succour for the Court. Moreover Luinâ—s hated La Force either because he had an Aversion â—or all those who had Merit and Capacity or because Forceâ—ad â—ad two Sons at Court who began to get too great a share 〈…〉 the King's Favour to expect any from a Favourite full of Ambition and Jealousie They were Aimet and Mompouillan who had been bred with the King from their Infancy and â—ad wherewithal to obtain a preference before all others of their Rank Particularly Mompouillan advanc'd apace towards the highest degree of Favour and he seem'd only to want a little more Age to have as great a share in the Government as he possess'd already in his Prince's favour Luinesâ—ad â—ad imploy'd him to raise his own â—ortune upon the Ruine of â—he Marshal d'Ancre The Clergy had us'd their utmost Endeavours at that time to obtain the aforesaid Decree of Restauration and Luines told Mompouillan in order to animate â—im the more against that Odious Favourite that he was the Man who seconded the Pretensions of the Prelates and moreover that he design'd to take the Government of Bearn from â—a Force lest he should hinder by his Credit the alterations they propos'd to make in that Principality So that Mompouillan a young Man without Experience thinking to promote the advantage of his Family promoted Luines speaking continually of the said Marshal to the King as of a Man that Usurp'd his Authority and did abuse it to the prejudice of every body By this means he ruin'd his Favour to lay the foundation of anothers And when Luines had destroy'd the Marshal d' Ancre the only Recompence he bestow'd on Mompouillan who had serv'd him so effectually in that Affair was to involve his whole House in his Personal Disgrace Neither was it likely that Lâ—ines would promote the Fortune of the Father since he dreaded the Progress of that of the Children nor that a Man whose Favour was not yet setled would suffer the Children of an Ingenious Man near the King or that the Jesuits would permit that Prince to honour Hereticks with his Confidence and Affection La Force by endeavouring to keep measures between the Court and Bearn as if he had had a prospect thereby to reader himself the more necessary on both sides by forming difficulties which he should have the honour to remove creaâ—â—â— Jealousies on both sides And finding that he was play'd upon by the Court he was oblig'd to protect Bearn a little more than he had done in order to preserve some Credit and some Recourse But the Marshal de Bouillon only had the Art â—â— gain by those Intrigues and to behave himself with so much prudence or good Fortune that he was equally courted oâ— both sides That he was at once the Author of the Leagues that were form'd by his Advice and the Mediator who dissolv'd them by his Intermission ever in Credit with the Princes and Lords over whom his Genius had an Ascendent and ever caress'd at Court because they could never dissipate the Confederacies he had form'd without him Nevertheâ—esâ— La Force finding at last that neither his Merit nor his Services could procure him the Recompences that were due to him and which had been promis'd him while Henry IV. was alive took the contrary Party like a Wise Courtier And being sensible that the best
probability however the word was lookt upon as â—ery seditious And I have seen Petitions presented to the Magistrates which have produc'd Informations Sentences and Decrees of Parlament which forbid the use of that word the â—…nely Crime mention'd in the Complaint 'T was the same thing with the word Parpaillot of which the Reformed complain'd as of a heinous Injury though perhaps they would have found it a hard task to have told what was so â—â—ensive in it unless it were that they from whose foul mouths 〈◊〉 came spoke it with a design to affront ' em The Reformed then being assail'd at Lion by that seditious Rabble were among other foul language call'd Parpaillots and threaten'd with the Halter To which while some were a â—â—ttle too forward to return as good as the other brought they â—â—nflam'd the fury of those that were already sufficiently heated and whose number was already swell'd to three or four thousand by the concourse of Lacqueys Children and the Rifraff of the People so that at last they broke into the houses of the Reformed plunder'd whatever was of value burnt what they could not carry away beat wounded and kill'd several of those that fell into their hands This Fury lasted three days neither the Magistrates nor the Governor being able to stop the Career of those Violences And yet to say the truth considering the condition the City was in at that time they must needs have bin very remiss or else it ne're could have bin so difficult a matter to have reduc'd that Canaille to reason For d'Alincourt the Governor of the City had his Guards the City was divided into Quarters which had every one their Captains and their Streamers and could have easily rais'd men enow to have dispers'd those Rakehells The Queen and the Queen-mother were both at Lion together with the Bishop of Lusâ—â— soon after made a Cardinal with some Soldiers to guard ' em But at Lion as well as at Paris they were much afraid of spilling Catholic Blood Otherwise they might have drawn together a little Army able to have done much more then stop the Insolence of a handful of Lacqueys But they would not take any other course to suppress the Mutineers then by Remonstrances and perhaps they would not have put themselves to the trouble of giving 'em any molestation had they not him afraid lest the Rabble having once tasted the sweets of Pillage should have flown upon the Catholics after they had got what they could from the Reformed All the severity of the Magistrate went no farther then to place Guards in some places and to threaten some of the most tumultuous to send 'em to Prison At length indeed the Queenmother caus'd herself to be carri'd to the place where the disorder was most violent and then the seditious Rout already almost aweary began to retire But there was no body punisht for all this Insolence but the Reformed for instead of giving 'em satisfaction d'Alincourt disarm'd ' em Nor was there any care taken to revenge the death of those that were massacr'd or to repair the damages of those who had bin plunder'd and burnt Nay they were made believe they had a great Favour done 'em that so much care had bin taken to prevent their being torn in pieces by the multitude As for the Catholics there were some indeed committed â—o Prison but releas'd agen in a few days after without either Fine or any other punishment The only harm that was done â—em was only their being forbid to use the word Parpaillot for the future A little violent Rhetoric would have made these Acts of Injustice look very odious And had the Reformed â—appen'd to have done such a thing in the very sight of both their Queens all the blood in their bodies would not have sufâ—â—'d to have expiated their Crime While the King lay before Mompelier the Count of Soissonsâ—ress'd â—ress'd hard upon Rochel by Land and the Duke of Guise by â—ea and that potent City was every way hard beset The Count laid the Foundations of Fort-Lewis which was like to â—rove a great Annoyance to it in regard it commanded the Channel so that the Sea was no longer open to her nor could he be reliev'd on that side but with great difficulty Nevertheless the Assembly stood their ground and issu'd forth the â—est Orders they could for the support of the common Cause they held Correspondences in several places and sometimes â—â—me of the Nobility and some Soldiers of good Note got into the City to defend it However several of their Enterpriâ—es had no success and though Rochel had bin the occasion of sufficient damages to the Royal Army and Navies both by Sea â—nd Land she was at last reduc'd to fight for her own Walls â—he Duke of Soubise after the Overthrow he had receiv'd went into England and left no Stone unturn'd to procure some considerable Succor from the King but that Prince always obstinate in his Maxims would not hear a word of it but forbid his â—ubjects to assist the Reformed whom he made no scruple to all Rebels Nevertheless he offer'd his Intercession with the King of France for obtaining a tolerable Peace between him â—nd his Subjects In short he order'd his Ambassadors to make 〈…〉 their business as he had done before when Montauban was â—esieg'd where Hay his Envoy had already made some Overâ—â—res and when the Conditions were resolv'd upon as a ground work for entring into a Treaty he earnestly prest the Duke of Rohan and the Rochellers to submit to ' em In the â—ean time the English were not of his mind as to the War of France for they gave such considerable Assistance to the Duke Soubise that he got together a Fleet of ten or twelve Sail laden with all things necessary for the relief of Rochel But that Fleet was unfortunately cast away in the Harbor before it set Sail so that when the Duke came to take shipping he found nothing but the ruins of his warlike Preparations and all the marks of a terrible Shipwrack But before Mompelier things did not succeed according to the King's Wishes The City held out stoutly the Season spent apace and the ill success of the Siege of Montauban was not forgot and though on the one side the Reformed had reason to fear that the King at last would take the City on the other hand the King had as much reason to believe that he should be forc'd to lose all his labour and go without it These Fears on both sides bent their Inclinations to Peace but the Prince of Condé would by no means so much as hear talk of it and therefore the design of concluding it was to be kept private from him Lesdiguieres created Constable but a little before undertook the Negotiation once again and after several Obstacles surmounted which had like several times to have dash'd the whole Negotiation to pieces at length it was decreed and the Constable
considerable of the Reformed However the Reformed made no opposition to a Declaration of this importance at least they carri'd it not very far seeing that three months after they held Synods in all the Provinces and summon'd a National Synod at Charenton to meet the first of September They thought they might by Submissions and Petitions discharge themselves from this Restraint more injurious by reason of the Motives which induc'd the other Party to subject 'em to it then inconvenient because of the necessity which lay upon 'em to expose to the view of the Court the Seâ—…et of their Discipline and the display of their Policy In a word at first it many ways perplex'd ' em For there were several Provinces where the Governors started a thousand Difficulties about the nomination of a Commissioner and took that â—…ccasion to vex 'em as most proper to exercise their malignant â—…d no less ignorant Zeal against ' em Insomuch that all the Commissioners which arriv'd at Charenton came not till after â—…e day appointed for the sitting of the Assembly and that â—…veral excus'd their slowness as being occasion'd by the Obstaâ—…es and Delays by means of which the King's Governors and Officers protracted the summoning of the Synods in their Proâ—…nces The Commissioner appointed by the King for this Synod was â—…us Gâ—…d a person who lov'd the Reformed Religion â—…d whose Offspring of later years have given great Testimoâ—â—â—s of their Zeal and Affection for the Truth But he was one of those Reformed who made the Service of God and the King 〈◊〉 almost equally parallel and who persuaded themselves â—…t a blind obedience of Subjects to their Prince was essential to Christianity He believ'd that Sincerity was altogether on â—…e Court-side and he had reason to believe it because his Religion was no hindrance to his Advancement and his being made 〈◊〉 Councellor of State But he was not aware that this was but an effect of Policy to cover the Design that was laid to ruin all to â—…eap Favours apon some to â—â—ll others asleep till they were in 〈◊〉 condition to oppress all together He therefore serv'd the Court with great Affection and Constancy and in regard he â—…rew from thence considerable Recompences for his good Serâ—…ce he found himself expos'd to the Reproaches and Indignaâ—…n of his Brethren The Commission which was given him â—…as worded so as seem'd to render it perpetual and made People conjecture that for the future there should be no National Synods held any other-where then at Charenton to the end the Court might be more near at hand to observe the Proceedings of those Assemblies Nevertheless they were afterwards permitted to be held in other places As for this Synod they receiv'd him with respectful Protestations that they did it out of pure Obedience to which they added some Complaints to see their Liberty so narrowly confin'd and the Synods accus'd of going beyond their permitted Limits by medling with other Affairs then their Church-Discipline and they decreed to make their humble Remonstranâ—… to the King upon these Heads The general Commissioneâ—… declar'd that they had done what lay in their power to hindâ—… the registring of the Declaration which had bin drawn up and publish'd without any regard to what they had representeâ—… though their Importunities had put off the verification of iâ—… for above a month After this they sent their Commissioneâ—… to the King to return him thanks for his permission the Commissioners were kindly receiv'd and enjoin'd to assure the Synod of the King's good-will if they continu'd in their Obedience But he charg'd 'em by word of mouth to carry back two thingâ—… One That the King was willing to tolerate such Foreign Ministers as were already admitted but that he would not that any more should be admitted for the future The other was That he took it ill that they had resolv'd to uphold the Doctrine decided in the Synod of Dort which he call'd a new Doctrine which he would not afford his protection To which the Commissioners return'd for answer That that Doctrine was the same with their Confession of Faith Whereupon Reply was made That the King left the judgment of their Doctrine to themselves nor would he concern himself with it but that he did 〈◊〉 understand the making any person swear to another man's Faith or that any man should be depriv'd his liberty of believing what Faith he pleas'd so that in those times there was a great latitude allow'd to Liberty of Conscience It may be wonder'd from whence it should proceed that the Court was so inclin'd to favour the Arminians 'T is not probable certainly that they had any other reason then to make some great division by giving free course to a Doctrine which had created so wide a chasm in the Low Countries Besides the Arminians who saw themselves quell'd and born down by the censure of their Doctrine flatter'd the several Potentates in hopes to raise themselves by means of their Protection if it were possible Tilenus proceeded to very great extremities upon this subject against the Reformed of France He wrote against 'em upon all occasions without any moderation or curb upon himself Besides his Admonition to the City of Rochel which he publish'd in 1621. he printed the next year an Answer to a Treatise which was attributed to la Milletiere and which was entitl'd A Discourse of the true Reasons for which the Reformed of France both may and ought in good Conscience resist by force of Arms the open Persecution with which they are oppress'd The Author of that Discourse after he has cited the History of Brochard Baron which I have mention'd in another place compares the Edict of Cyrus in favour of the Jews to that of Nantes those who exclaim'd against the first to those that ruin'd the second the Calumnies of those that sought to render Cyrus jealous of Jerusalem to those that were made use of against the Protestant Cities He distinguish'd the ancient and natural Subjects from those who had bin subdu'd He asserted That if the Rights of the latter could be grounded upon no other then upon Concessions and Favours the Immunities of the other were founded upon a relative Obligation of the King to his Subjects and of the Subjects to their Sovereign He said that Henry IV. was bound to grant the Edict of Nantes by a twofold Obligation the one Personal which oblig'd him to preserve those who had preserv'd himself the other Royal which engag'd him to maintain the Liberties of those who had supported his Crown After this he justifi'd the taking of Arms and that there is sometimes a Reason for lawful Self-defence upon which he forgot not to enforce the example of the Maccabees He answer'd the contrary Arguments and shew'd that the War proceeded from the Pope and his Maxims He concluded with the necessity of expelling the Jesuits out of France as they had bin driven out of Venice
stifl'd and extinguish'd so many Fires kindl'd to reform and punish 'em and 〈…〉 set up in their room Lights more pure and innocent to illuminate their Consciences and Understandings But for all this â—…ir Beginning he fail'd not to accuse the Reformed of three â—â—ings extremely odious The first was for openly violating â—â—e Edicts the second was for ceasing to pray to God for the â—…ing in their Psalms and the third for prophaning and blaspheming the Sacred Things The great Proof of the first Accusation was drawn from the Act of the National Synod in the Year 1631 wherein it was declar'd That the Lutherans might be admitted to the Communion to intermarry and present Children to Baptism Which he pretended was contrary to the Edicts because it tended to the introducing of a new Religion into France as if by that Act of Fraternal Communion the Synod had ever pretended to associate the Lutherans in the same liberty of teaching their Opinions and publicly exercising their Religion as the Reformed haâ— obtain'd by the Edicts Which nevertheless was so far from thâ— intention of the Synod that in the Act of the Union itself 〈…〉 was expresly requir'd That such Lutherans as should be made choice of for Godfathers should promise to teach 'em no other Doctrines then those about which there was no dispute How ever the Bishop hung fast upon the Apology for that Reunion which Daillé had publish'd about two years after the Synod broke up That same Minister had taken for the foundation 〈…〉 his Justifications the difference of Errors of which there were some that were not so heinous as others and among whiâ—â— as there are some that are intolerable that brake all communion between the Orthodox and the Erroneous so there anâ— others that may be born withal as no way tending to such 〈…〉 Rupture He alledg'd for an Example of the latter the Opinion of the Greeks about the proceeding of the Holy Ghose which he did not believe to be of that consequence as to authorize a Schism He endeavour'd also to settle general Rules to judge what those Errors are that break communion by reason of their extreme distance from the Truth This was a very prudent Apology and the Author's Principles were manag'd with so much discretion that it was impossible for any person to be offended at 'em unless blinded either by his Passion or hiâ— Ignorance The same Daillé publish'd the next year a little Treatise which he entitl'd Faith grounded upon Scripture which destroying the Authority of Tradition when the Dispute lay about Articles of Faith prov'd exactly the Doctrine oâ—… â—…e Reformed and gave light to the Rules which he had proâ—…'d for the discerning of Errors The Bishop attacqued these two Books with extraordinary â—â—olence He could not endure that Daillé should think the â—â—nathema pronounc'd against the Greeks too severe only for an 〈…〉 considerable deviation from the Doctrine of the Latins â—…uching the proceeding of the Holy Ghost and so insisting upon that Indulgence and some other Principles that Dailléâ—â—d â—â—d maintain'd he accus'd him of teaching either in express â—…erms or by Consequences necessarily drawn from his Doctrine â—…at all Heresies would admit of a Dispute except eight of the most important I know not how the Episcopal Charity 〈…〉 that Prelat could accommodate the usual Maxims which â—…each up Union and detest Schism in such vigorous Terms â—…ith this Complaint of a horrid Attempt of a Minister that â—…t no more then eight Reasons of Division among the Chriâ—…ans as if the grand Interest of public Edification and â—…iversal ought not to make all good men wish that â—…ere had bin less then eight Reasons of Divorce if they â—…uld have bin reduc'd to a lesser number without doing â—…jury to the Truth But the Bishop's aim was to indicate that this was to teach an Indifferency in Religion â—â—nâ—rary to the Edict and that according to Daillés Principles no Man was bound to quit his Sect to embrace a better opinion The second Accusation was still more malicious And the â—…etence which the Bishop took for it was the Alteration made 〈…〉 the 20th Verse of the 20th Psalm which is the 19th according to the Latin and begins with these words Lord save the â—â—ing and in the French Paraphrase of the Reformed thus â—…he Lord hear thy Prayer 'T is true that this last Verse had â—…rmerly bin paraphras'd after this manner Be pleas'd O Lord 〈…〉 defend us and preserve the King Be pleas'd to hear our Prayers when we cry unto thee But the Reformed having made â—everal Alterations in Marot's Paraphrase when they â—â—ppli'd it to the Public Use of their Devotions because his expressions were a little too harsh too roving and somewhat toâ—… slight and having made these Alterations at several times anâ—… upon several occasions it happen'd that this Couplet of the Psalm was corrected among others as having bin translated by the Poet after a manner more conformable to the Vulgar theâ—… to the Hebrew Original Thereupon this Paraphrase was inserted instead of the former Be pleas'd O Lord to defend 〈…〉 and cause the King to hear our Petitions Encounter all our Fears I make no question but that when this Correction was made the Reformed had a design to have a formal Prayer extracted from the Words of the Holy Ghost to desire of God who governs the hearts of Kings that he would encline hiâ— to be favourable to their Suits Upon that score theâ—… found this New Paraphrase more suitable to their Occasâ—…ons as being in their Opinion more conformable to the Hebrew then the former But certainly he must see with the Eyes of a very Irregular Passion who sees any thing in the Alteration with which a Sovereign Prince could be justly anâ— deservedly offended Nevertheless the Bishop found as he thought two Groâ—… Errors in this Correction The one was That the Sense was corrupted And the other was That the Reformed had put themselves in the King's room and that they had assum'd the Prayer to themselves which the Holy Ghost haâ— dictated in his behalf This was branded as a piece of Insolence and an Attempt which abolishing the Prayer that ought to be offer'd for the Preservation of the King ravish'd from him as much as in 'em lay the Honour Fear and Tribute that was due to him So that the Bishop would fain have prov'd from thence That had it bin as much in the power of the Reformed to deprive the King of all the Prerogatives of his Crown as it was to alter the words of the Psalm they would never have scrupl'd to have done it And this Accusation was aggravated with all the Tours the Dresses and Enamellings of a Quaint Wit that Propense Malice and Black Malignity could infuse into a Quick Imagination Nevertheless there is one Reflection to be made upon the Transports of this Outragious Bishop sufficient to â—…scover the Injustice of 'em that this Alteration had bin
be inviolably kept and observ'd and the Offenders punish'd with the utmost Rigour of the Laws as Disturbers of the Publick Peace To this purpose we enjoin all our Officers to be carefully assisting upon Pain of being answerable and punish'd for their Negligence or Connivance with the same Severity as the Offenders The same Injunctions and Commands we lay upon our Beloved and Faithful Counsellors c. to see that these presents be Read and Publish'd c. For such is our Will and Pleasure In Testimony whereof we have caus'd our Seal to be affix'd Given at Paris March 5. 1615. and fifth of our Reign Sign'd Lewis By the King De Lomenie Seal'd with the Great Seal of Yellow Wax upon a double Label Read Publish'd and Register'd upon the Motion of the Kings Advocate General and Order'd to be sent to the Bayliwicks and Seneschal ships to be there Publish'd and Register'd and carefully observ'd by the Advocate Generals Substitutes who shall certifie the Court of their Sedulity within a Month upon Pain of answering in their own Names At Paris in the Parlament April the last 1615. Sign'd Voisin A Declaration of the King upon Arms being taken by some of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion containing a new Confirmation of the Edicts and Declarations formerly made in Favour of those of the Religion Given at Bourdeaux November 10. 1615. and Publish'd at Paris in Parlament December 7. the same Year LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. The Declarations set forth and reiterated by us since our coming to the Crown in Confirmation of the Edicts Declarations Brevets Decrees and Regulations made in favour of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion during the Reign of the Deceased King Henry the Great our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father whom God Absolve have been sufficient to make it known that it has been always our Intention and Desire to cause them to be inviolably observ'd as being Laws requisite to preserve our Subjects in Peace and Friendship one with another and in their Obedience and Duty toward ourselves Which being well and prudently consider'd by the Queen our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother she during her Regency took great care to see 'em observ'd and that the Breaches and Infringements thereof should be repair'd so soon as she receiv'd the Complaints We have also since our Majority follow'd the same Counsels and in Imitation of Her have accumulated New Gratifications and Favours many times also conniv'd at Extravagancies and Violences committed by some of 'em thô they deserv'd very great and severe Punishment out of an Intention always to assure 'em of our good Will and favour and by that means to render 'em more inclinable and more studious to keep themselves within the bounds of their Duty To which would they but have added the remembrance of the kind and favourable Usage which they receiv'd at the hands of the Deceased King our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father to whose Memory they owe the Confirmation of their Liberty and the Exercise of their Religion which they enjoy with all Security they would out of a praise-worthy Gratitude and the Duty of an entire Obedience and Fidelity have acknowledg'd to our selves all those Obligations at a time especially when the Innocence and weakness of our Infant Years ought to have excited the Vertue Courage and Fidelity of all our good Subjects to defend and preserve the Authority which God has put into our Hands upon which alone depends the Publick Security and the particular Safety of every Private Person Nevertheless this Conduct thô full of Goodness and Mildness has prov'd no way beneficial to us several having betaken themselves to Arms against us to favour the Commotion began by our Cousin the Prince of Condè Among whom there are some who make use of Religion as a specious Pretence to cover and Cloak their Ambition and furious desire of advancing themselves upon the Disorders and Ruins of the Kingdom others have been misled and deceiv'd by false Impressions and vain Fears which the former have infus'd into 'em that they were in danger of Persecution if they did not speedily join Arms with 'em for their own Preservation making them believe the better to surprize their simplicity that upon the Marriages with Spain secret Articles were made and a Conspiracy enter'd into to expell 'em out of the Kingdom To which they too easily giving Credit have precipitated themselves into this enterprize believing themselves to be constrain'd thereto for their just and necessary defence which renders their fault â—â—e more excusable and rather meriting Compassion then Punishment But they had not run themselves into this inconvenience had they better consider'd that this â—ame Impudent and Malicious Lye was without any appearance of Truth there being no Body so void of Sence and Judgment that believe since the Alliances were sought by honourable ways on both sides as has been accustom'd among great Princes that Conditions should have been requested or desir'd by us which could not be fulfill'd without plunging the Kingdom into Fire and Sword and laying it waste with Depopulation As questionless it would have fallen out by breaking the Edicts of Pacification and so severe and unjust a usage of our Subjects of the Religion as they give out by a lye Artificially invented and with a very wicked design For nothing has been done privately in the pursuit and resolving upon those Alliances but every thing has been Publick seen imparted concluded and decreed with our Deceased Cousin the Count of Soissons a wise Prince and of solid Years and great Experience with our Cousin the Prince of Condè and other Princes Lords Officers of the Crown and most eminent Persons of our Council then about us Among whom our Cousin the Marshal de Bouillon was always present having altogether unanimously approv'd these Alliances without the least Opposition of any one every one being free to think and speak what he thought in his Conscience most profitable for the good of the Kingdom without fear of offending us or incurring our displeasure forasmuch as neither the Queen then Regent nor we our selves had the least prejudice in our Minds but only a desire to be satisfi'd what was most expedient to be done in a debate of that Importance All Soveraigns who think it their Interest to preserve the Ancient Reputation and Grandeur of this Kingdom having likewise acknowledg'd thâ—se Alliances never to have been made with any evil design have had no suspition or distrust of 'em after they were inform'd that our Intention was to make 'em serviceable as much as in us lay toward the securing of the peace of Christendom not for any enterprise or Invasion of the Countreys or Kingdoms of any Princes or Soveraigns whatever much less to interrupt the Peace and Repose which all our Subjects happily enjoy'd before this Commotion began Nevertheless they of the Pretended Reformed Religion who have taken Arms