But we will let them run unto the end of their Line and then pull them back 38. And first We will begin with the Conspiracies and Treasons of Francis Steward Earl of Bothwell Son of Iohn Prior of Coldingham one of the many Bastards of K. Iames the Fifth who by the Daughter and Heir of Iames Lord Hepborn the late Earl of Bothwell became the Father of this Francis A man he was of a seditious and turbulent nature principled in the Doctrines of the Presbyterians and thereby fitted and disposed to run their courses At first he joyned himself to the banished Lords who seized upon the King at Sterling not because he was any way engaged in their former Practises for which they had been forced to flye their Countrey but because he would ingratiate himself with the Lords of that Faction and gain some credit with the Kirk But being a man also of a dissolute Life gave such scandal to all Honest and Religious men that in the end to gain the Reputation of a Convert he was contented to be brought to the Stool of Repentance to make Confession of his Sins and promise Reformation for the time to come Presuming now upon the Favour of the Kirk he consults with Witches enquires into the Liâ—e of the King how long he was to reign and what should happen in the Kingdom after his decease and more than so deals with the Witch of Keith particularly to employ her Familiar to dispatch the King that he might set on foot some Title to the Crown of that Realm For which notorious Crimes and so esteemed by all the Laws both of God and Man he was committed unto Ward and breaking Prison was confiscated proclaimed Traytor and all Intelligence and Commerce interdicted with him After this he projects a Faction in the Court it self under pretence of taking down the Power and Pride of the Lord Chancellor then being But finding himself too weak to atchieve the Enterprise he departs secretly into England His Faction in the Court being formed with some more Advantage he is brought privily into the Palace of Haly-Rood House makes himself Master of the Gates secureth the Fort and violently attempts to seize the King But the King hearing of the noise retired himself to a strong Tower and caused all the Passages to be locked and barred Which Bothwell not being able to force he resolves to burn the Palace and the King together But before Fire could be made ready the Alarm was taken the Edenbourgers raised and the Conspirators compelled with the loss of some of their Lives to quit the place 39. The next year he attempts the like at Falkland where he showed himself with a Party of six-score Horse but the rest of the Conspirators not appearing he retires again is entertained privately by some eminent Persons and having much encreased his Faction lives concealed in England The Queen negotiates his return and by the Lord Burrough her Ambassador desires the King to take him into Grace and Favour Which being denyed a way is found to bring him into the King's Bed-chamber together with one of his Confederates with their Swords in their hands followed immediately by many others of the Faction by whom the King is kept in a kind of Custody till he had granted their Desires At last upon the Mediation of the English Ambassador and some of the Ministers of Edenborough who were of Counsel in the Plot the King is brought to condescend to these Conditions that is to say That Pardon should be given to Bothwell and his Accomplices for all matters past and that this Pardon should be ratified by Act of Parliament in November following That in the mean time the Lord Chancellor the Lord Hume the Master of Glammir and Sir George Hume who were all thought to favour the Popish Lords should be excluded from the Court. And finally That Bothwell and all his Party should be held good Subjects But these Conditions being extorted were not long made good Agreed on August the 14 th and declared void by a Convention of Estates at Sterling on the 7 th of September Some Troubles being raised upon this occasion and as soon blown over Bothwell is cited to appear at Edenborough and failing of his day is declared Rebel which only served to animate him to some greater Mischief For being under-hand assisted by the English Ambassador he prepares new Forces desires the Lords which were of his Confederacy to do the like under pretence of banishing to Popish Lords but in plain truth to make the King of no signification in the Power of Government Accompanied with Four hundred Horse he puts himself into Leith to the great affrightment of the King who was then at Edenborough But understanding that the rest of his Associates were not drawn together it was thought good to charge upon him with the Bands of that City and some Artillery from the Castle before his Numbers were encreased Which Counsel sped so well that he lost the day and therewith all his hopes in Scotland and in England too 40. For Queen Elizabeth being sensible at the last of the great Dishonour which she had drawn upon her self by favouring such an Infamous Rebel caused Proclamation to be made That no man should receive or harbour him within her Dominions And the Kirk moved by her Example and the King's Request when they perceived that he could be no longer serviceable to their Ends and Purposes gave Order that the Ministers in all Places should disswade their Flocks from concurring with him for the time to come or joyning with any other in the like Insurrections against that Authority which was divested by God in His Majesty's Person The Treasons and Seditious practises of which man I have laid together the better to express those continual Dangers which were threatned by him to the King by which He was reduced to the necessity of complying with the desires of the Kirk setling their Discipline and in all points conforming to them for His own preservation But nothing lost the Rebel more than a new Practise which he had with the Popish Lords whereby he furnished the King with a just occasion to lay him open to the Ministers and the rest of the Subjects in his proper colours as one that was not acted by a Zeal to Religion though under that disguise he masked his Ambitious Ends. In fine being despised by the Queen of England and Excommunicated by the Kirk for joyning with the Popish Lords he was reduced to such a miserable condition that he neither knew whom to trust nor where to flye Betrayed by those of his own Party by whom his Brother Hercules was impeached discovered and at last brought to Execution in the Streets at Edenborough he fled for shelter into France where finding sorry entertainment he removed into Spain and afterwards retired to Naples in which he spent the short remainder of his Life in Contempt and Beggery 41.
through the lower part thereof over which there is a passage by two fair Bridges one of them the more ancient and the the better fortified belonging heretofore to the old Helvetians but broken down by Iulius Caesar to hinder them from passing that way into Gallia The compass of the whole City not above two Miles the Buildings fair and for the most part of Free-stone the number of the inhabitants about seventeen thousand and the whole Territory not exceeding a Diameter of six Leagues where it is at the largest Brought under the obedience of the Romans by the power of Caesar it continued a member of that Empire till the Burgundians in the time of Honorius possessed themselves of all those Gallick Provinces which lay toward the Alpes In the Division of those Kingdoms by Charles the Bald it was made a part of Burgundie called Transjurana because it lay beyond the Iour and was by him conferred on Conrade a Saxon Prince son of Duke Witibind the third and younger brother of Robert the first Earl of Anjow At the expiring of whose line by which it had been held under several Titles of King Earl and Duke it was by Rodolph the last Prince bestowed on the Emperour Henry sirnamed the Black as his nearest kinsman and by that means united to â—he Germane Empire governed by such Imperial Officers as were appointed by those Emperours to their several Provinces till by the weakness or improvidence of the Lords in Chief Those Officers made themselves Hereditary Princes in their several Territories 3. In which division of the prey the City and Signiory of Geneva which before was governed by Officiary and Titulat Earls accountable to the German Empire was made a Soveraign Estate under its own Proprietary Earls as the sole Lords of it Betwixt these and the Bishâ—ps Susiraâ—ans to the Archbishop of Vienna in Daulphine grew many quarrels for the absolute command thereof In time the Bishops did obtain of the Emperour Frederick the first that they and their Successors should be the sole Princes of Geneva free from all taxes and not accountable to any but the Emperours which notwithstanding the Earl continuing still to molest the Bishops they were fain to call unto their aid the Earl of Savoy who took upon him first as Protector onely but afterwards as Lord in Chief For when the Rights of the Earls of Geneva by the Marriage of Thomas Earl of Savoy with Beatrix a Daughter of the Earls fell into that house then Ame or Amade the first of that name obtain'd of the Emperour Charles the Fourth to be Vicar-General of the Empire in his own Country and in that right Superiour to the Bishop in all Temporal matters and Ame or Amade the first Duke got from Pope Martin to the great prejudice of the Bishops a grant of all the Temporal jurisdictions of it After which time the Bishops were constrained to do homage to the Dukes of Savoy and acknowledge them for their Soveraign Lords the Authority of the Dukes being grown so great notwithstanding that the people were immediately subject unto their Bishop onely that the Money in Geneva was stamped with the Dukes Name and Figure capital offenders were pardoned by him no sentence of Law executed till his Officers first made acquainted nor league contracted by the people of any validity without his privity and allowance and finally the Keys of the Town presented him as often as he should please to lodge there as once for instance to Charles the Third coming thither with Beatrix his Wife Daughter of Portugal But still the City was immediately subject to the Bishops onely who had as well the Civil as the Ecclesiastial jurisdiction over it as is confest by Calvin in a Letter unto Cardinal Sadolet though as he thought extorted fraudulently or by force from the lawful Magistrate which lash he added in defence of the Genevians who had then newly wrested the Supream Authority out of the hands of the Bishop and took it wholly upon themselves it being no Felony as he conceived to rob the Thief or to deprive him of a power to which he could pretend no title but an usurpation 4. In this condition it continued till the year 1528 when those of Berne after a publike Disputation held hâ—d made an Alteration in Religion defacing Images and innovating all things in the Church on the Zuinglian Principles Viretus and Farellus two men exceeding studious of the Reformation had gained some footing in Geneva about that time and laboured with the Bishop to admit of such Alterations as had been newly made in Berne But when they saw no hopes of prevailing with him they practised on the lower part of the People with whom they had gotten most esteem and travelled so effectually with them in it that the Bishop and his Clergie in a popular tumult are expelled the Town never to be restored to their former Power After which they proceeded to reform the Church defacing Images and following in all points the example of Berne as by Viretus and Farellus they had been instructed whose doings in the same were afterwards countenanced and approved by Calvin as himself confesseth Nor did they onely in that Tumult alter every thing which had displeased them in the Church but changed the Government of the Town disclaiming all Allegiance either to their Bishop or their Duke and standing on their own Liberty as a Free Estate governed by a Common Council of 200 persons out of which four are chosen annually by the name of Syndicks who sit as Judges in the Court the Mayors and Bayliffs as it were of the Corporation And for this also they were most indebted to the active counsels of Farellus whom Calvin therefore calls the father of the publike Liberty and saith in an Epistle unto those of Zurick dated 26 Novemb. 1553 that the Genevians did owe themselves wholly to his care and counsels And it appears by Calvin also that the people could have been content to live under their Bishop if the Bishop could have been content to reform Religion and more then so that they had deserved the greatest Censures of the Church if it had been otherwise For thus he writes in his said Letter to Cardinal Sadolet Talem nobis Hierarchiam si exhibeant c. If saith he they could offer to us such a Hierarchy or Episcopal Government wherein the Bishops shall so rule as that they refuse not to submit themselves to Christ that they also depend upon him as their onely head and can be content to refer themselves to him in which they will so keep brotherly society amongst themselves as to be knit together by no other bond then that of Truth then surely if there shall be any that will not submit themselves to that Hierarchy reverently and with the greatest obedience that may be I must confess there is no kinde of Anathema or casting to the devil which they are not worthy of But
the Government both of Church and State Some Hugonots which afterwards were took in Gascoyne and by the Marshal of Monluck were exposed to torture are said to have confessed upon the Rack that it was really intended to kill the King together with the Queen and the two young Princes and having so cut off the whole Royal Line to set the Crown upon the head of the Prince of Conde But Charity and Christianity bids me think the contrary and to esteem of this report as a Popish Calumny devised of purpose to create the greater hatred against the Authors of those Wars 27. But whether it were true or not certain it is that the design was carryed with such care and closeness that the Queen had hardly time enough to retire to Meux a little Town twelve Leagues from Paris before the whole Body of the Hugonots appeared in sight from whence they were with no less difficulty conducted by the Switz whom they had suddenly drawn together to the Walls of Paris the Switz being charged upon the way by no fewer then eleven hundred Horse and D' Andelot in the head of one of the parties but gallantly making good their March and serving to the King and the Royal Family for a Tower or Fortress no sooner were they come to Paris but the Hugonots take a resolution to besiege the City before the Kings Forces could assemble to relieve the same To which end they possessed themselves of all the passes upon the River by which provisions came into it and burned down all the Wind-mills about the Town which otherwise might serve for the grinding of such Corn as was then within it No better way could be devised to break this blow then to entertain them with a Parley for an accommodation not without giving them some hope of yeilding unto any conditions which could be reasonably required But the Hugonots were so exorbitant in their demands that nothing would content them but the removing of the Queen from publick Government the present disbanding of the Kings Forces the sending of all strangers out of the Kingdom a punctual execution of the Kings Edict of Ianuary liberty for their Ministers to Preach in all places even in Paris it self and finally that Calice Metz and Havre-de-grace might be consigâ—ed unto them for Towns of caution but in plain truth to serve them for the bringing in of the English and Germans when their occasion so required The Treaty notwithstanding was continued by the Queen with great dexterity till the King had drawn together sixteen thousand men with whom the Constable gives battel to the Enemy on the 10 of November compels them to dislodge makes himself master of the Field but dyed the next day after in the eightieth year of his age having received his deaths wound from the hands of a Switz who most unmanfully shot him when he was not in condition to make any resistance 28. In the mean time the City of Orleance was surprised by the Hugonots with many places of great importance in most parts of the Realm which serving rather to distract then increase their Forces they were necessitated to seek out for some Forraign aid Not having confidence enough to apply themselves to the Queen of England whom in the business of Newhaven they had so betrayed they send their Agents to sollicite the Elector Palatine and prevailed with him for an Army of seven thousand Horse and four thousand Foot to which the miserable Country is again exposed Encouraged with which great supplies they laid Siege to Chartres the principal City of La Beaue the loss whereof must of necessity have subjected the Parisians to the last extremities The chief Commanders in the Kings Army were exceeding earnest to have given them battel thereby to force them from the Siege But the Queen not willing to venture the whole State of the Kingdom upon one cast of the Dice especially against such desperate Gamesters who had nothing to lose but that which they carryed in their hands so plyed them with new Offers for accommodation that her conditions were accepted and the Germans once again disbanded and sent back to their Country During which broyls the Town of Rochel strongly sâ—ituated on a bay of the Ocean had declared for the Hugonots and as it seems had gone so far that they had left themselves no way to retreat And therefore when most other places had submitted to the late Accord the Rochellers were resolved to stand it out and neither to admit a Garrison nor to submit to any Governour of the Kings appointment in which rebellious obstinacy they continued about sixty years the Town being worthily esteemed for the safest sanctuary to which the Hugonots retired in all times of dangeâ— and most commodious for the letting in of a forraign army when they found any ready to befriend them in that cause and quarrel The standing out of which Town in such obstinate manner not only encouraged many others to doe the like but by the fame thereof drew thither both the Admiral and the Prince of Conde with many other Gentlemen of the Hugonot Faction there to consult about renewing of the war which they were resolved on To whom repaired the Queen of Navarre with the Prince her Son then being but fifteen years of age whom she desired to train up in that holy war upon an hope that he might one day come to be the head of that party as he after was And here being met they publish from hence two several Manifests one in the name of all the Hugonots in general the other in the name of that Queen alone both tending to the same effect that is to say the putting of some specious colour upon their defection and to excuse the breaking of the peace established by the necessity of a warre 29. This rapture so incensed the King and his Council that they resolved no longer to make use of such gentle medicines as had been formerly applyed in the like distempers which resolution was the parent of that terrible Edict by which the King doth first revoke all the former Edicts which had been made during his minority in favour of the Reformed Religion nullifying more particularly the last capitulations made only in the way of Provision to redress those mischiefs for which no other course could be then resolved on And that being done it was ordained and commanded That the exercise of any other Religion then the Roman Catholick ever observed by him and the King his Predecessors should be prohibited and expresly forbidden and interdicted in all places of the Kingdom banished all the Calvinist Ministers and Preachers out of all the Towns and places under his Dominion and within fifteen days upon pain of death to avoid the Realm pardoned through special grace all things past in matters of Religion but requiring for the future under pain of death a general Conformity to the Rites of the Catholick Church and finally ordained that no person should
of those uncomfortable times which she found amongst them Against Sunday being the 24 there were great preparations made for celebrating Mass in the Chappel-Royal of Holyâ—ood-House At which the Brethren of the Congregation were so highly offended that some of them cryed out aloud so as all might hear them That the Idolatrous Priests should dye the death according to Gods Law others affirming with less noise but with no less confidence That they could not abide that the Land which God by his power had purged of Idolatry should in their sight be polluted with the same again And questionless some great mischief must have followed on it if the Lord Iames Steward to preserve the honour of his Nation in the eye of the French had not kept the door which he did under a preâ—ence that none of the Scottish Nation should be present at the hearing of Mass contrary to the Laws and Statutes made in that behalf but in plain truth to hinder them by the power and reputation which he had amongst them from thronging in tumultuously to disturb the business 33. For remedy whereof for the time to come an Order was issued the next day by the Lords of the Council and Authorized by the Queen in which it was declared that no manner of person should privately or openly take in hand to alter or innovate any thing in the State of Religion which the Queen found publickly and universally received at her Majesties arrival in that Realm or attempt any thing against the same upon pain of death But then it was required withal that none of the Leiges take in hand to trouble or molest any of her Majesties Domestick Servants or any other persons which had accompanied her out of France at the time then present for any cause whatsoever in word deed or countenance and that upon the pain of death as the other was But notwithstanding the equality of so just an Order the Earl of Arrane in the name of the rest of the Congregation professed openly on the same day at the Cross in Edenborough That no protection should be given to the Queens Domesticks or to any other person that came out of France either to violate the Laws of the Realm or offend Gods Majesty more then was given to any other subjects And this he did as he there affirmed because Gods Law had pronounced death to the Idolater and the Laws of the Realm had appointed punishment for the sayers and hearers of Mass from which he would have none exempted till some Law were publickly made in Parliament and such as was agreeable to the Word of God to annul the former The like distemper had possest all the rest of the Lords at their first coming to the Town to attend her Majesty to congratulate her safe arrival but they cooled all of them by degrees when they considered the unreasonableness of the Protestation in denying that Liberty of Conscience to their Soveraign Queen which every one of them so much desired to enjoy for himself Onely the Earl Arrane held it out to the last He had before given himself some hopes of marrying the Queen and sent her a rich Ring immediately on the death of the King her Husband but finding no return agreeable to his expectation he suffered himself to be as much transported to the other extreme according to the natural Genius of the Presbyterians who never yet knew any mean in their loves or hatred 34. Iohn Knox makes good the Pulpit in the chief Church at Edenborough on the Sunday following in which he bitterly inveighed against Idolatry shewing what Plagues and Punishments God had inflicted for the same upon several Nations And then he adds that one Mass was more fearful to him then if ten thousand armed Enemies were landed in any part of the Realm on purpose to suppress their whole Religion that in God there was strength to resist and confound whole multitudes iâ— unfeignedly they depended on him of which they had such good experience in their former troubles but that if they joyned hands with Idolatry they should be deprived of the comfortable presence and assistance of Almighty God A Conference hereupon ensued betwixt him and the Queen at the hearing whereof there was none present but the Lord Iames Steward besides two Gentlemen which stood at the end of the Room In the beginning whereof she charged him with raising Sedition in that Kingdom putting her own Subjects into Arms against her writing a Book against the Regiment of Women and in the end descendâ—d to some points of Religion To all which Knox returned such answers or else so favourably reports them to his own advantage for we must take the whole story as it comes from his pen that he is made to go away with as easie a victory as when the Knight of the Boot encounters with some Dwarf or Pigmy in the old Romances All that the Queen got by it from the mouth of this Adversary was that he found in her a proud minde a crafâ—y wit and an obdurate heart against God and his Truth And in this Character be thought himself confirmed by her following actions For spending the rest of the Summer in visiting sâ—me of the chief Towns of her Kingdom she carried the Mass with her into all places wheresoever she came and at her coming back gave order for setting out the Mass with more solemnity on Alhallows day then at any time or place before Of this the Minâ—sters complain to such of the Nobility as were then Resident in the City but finde not such an eagerness in them as in former times For now some of them make a doubt whether the Subjects might use force for suppressing the Idolatry of their Prince which heretofore had passed in the affirmative as a truth infallible A Conâ—erence is thereupon appointed between some of the Lords and such of the Ministers as appeared most Zâ—alous against the Mass the Lords disputing for the Queen and urging that it was not lawful to deprive her of that in which she placed so great a part of her Religion The contrary was maintained by Knox and the rest of the Ministers who seeing that they could not carry it as before by their own Authority desired that the deciding of the point might be referred to the godly Brethren of Geneva of whose concurring in opinion with them they were well assured And though the drawing up of the point and the Inditing of the Letter being committed unto Ledington the principal Secretary was not dispatched with such poâ—â— haste as their Zeal required yet they shewed plainly by insisting on that proposition both from whose mouth they had received the Doctrines of making Soveraign Princes subject to the lusts of the people and from whose hands they did expect the defence thereof 35. A general Assembly being indicted by them about that time or not long after a question is made by some of the Court-Lords whether such Assemblies might be holden
disobedience against them but rather is to be accounted for a just obedience because it agrees with the Word of God 42. The same man preaching afterwards at one of their General Assemblies made a distinction between the Ordinance of God and the persons placed by him in Authority and then affirmed that men might lawfully and justly resist the persons and not offend against the Ordinance of God He added as a Corollary unto his discourse That Subjects were not bound to obey their Princes if they Command unlawful things but that they might resist their Princes and that they were not bound to suffer For which being questioned by Secretary Ledington in the one and desired to declare himself further in the other point he justified himself in both affirming that he had long been of that opinion and did so remain A Question hereupon arising about the punishment of Kings if they were Idolaters it was honestly affirmed by Ledington That there was no Commandment given in that case to punish Kings and that the people had no power to be judges over them but must leave them unto God alone who would either punish them by death imprisonment war or some other Plagues Against which Knox replyed with his wooted confidence that to affirm that the people or a part of the people may not execute Gods Judgments against their King being an offender the Lord Ledington could have no other Warrant except his own imaginations and the opinion of such as rather feared to displease their Princes then offend their God Against which when Ledington objected the Authority of some eminent Protestants Knox answered that they spake of Christians subject to Tyrants and Infidels so dispersed that they had no other force but onely to cry unto God for their deliverance That such indeed should hazard any further then those godly men willed them he would not hastily be of counsel But that his Argument had another ground and that he spake of a people assembled in one Body of a Commonwealth unto whom God had given sufficient force not onely to resist but also to suppress all kinde of open Idolatry and such a people again he affirmed were bound to keep their Land clean and unpolluted that God required one thing of Abraham and his Seed when he and they were strangers in the Land of Egypt and that another thing was required of them when they were delivered from that bondage and put into the actual Possession of the Land of Canaan 43. Finally that the Application might come home to the point in hand it was resolved by this learned and judicious Casuist that when they could hardly finde ten in any one part of Scotland who rightly understood Gods Truth it had been foolishness to have craved the suppression of Idolatry either from the Nobility or the common subject because it had been nothing else but the betraying of the silly Sheep for a prey to the Wolves But now saith he that God hath multiplyed knowledge and hath given the victory unto Truth in the hands of his Servants if you should suffer the Land again to be defiled you and your Prince should drink the cup of Gods indignation the Queen for her continuing obstinate in open Idolatry in this great light of the Gospel and you for permission of it and countenancing her in the same For my assertion is saith he that Kings have no priviledge more then hath the people to offend Gods Majesty and if so be they do they are no more exempted from the punishment of the Law then is any other subject yea and that subjects may not onely lawfully oppose themselves unto their Kings whensoever they do any thing that expresly oppugnes God 's Commandments but also that they may execute Iudgement upon them according to Gods Laws so that if the King be a Murtherer Adulterer or an Idolater he should suffer according to Gods Law not as a King but as an Offender Now that Knox did not speak all this as his private judgement but as it was the judgement of Calvin and the rest of the Genevian Doctors whom he chiefly followed appears by this passage in the story It was required that Knox should write to Calvin and to the Learned men in other Churches to know their judgements in the Question to which he answered that he was not onely fully resolved in conscience but had already heard their judgements as well in that as in all other things which he had affirmed in that Kingdom that he came not to that Realm without their resolution and had for his assurance the hand-writing of many and therefore if he should now move the same questions again he must either shew his own ignorance or inconstancie or at least forgetfulness 44. Of the same Nature and proceeding from the same Original are those dangerous passages so frequently dispersed in most parts of his History By which the Reader is informed That Reformation of Religion doth belong to more then the Clergie and the King That Noblemen ought to reform Religion if the King will not That Reformation of Religion belongeth to the Commonalty who concurring with the Nobility may compel the Bishops to cease from their Tyranny and bridle the cruel Beasts the Priests That they may lawfully require of their King to â—ave true Preachers and if he be negligent they justly may themselves provide them maintain them defend them against all that do persecute them and may detain the profits of the Church-livings from the Popish Clergy That God appointed the Nobility to bridle the inordinate appetite of Princes who in so doing cannot be accounted as resisters of Authority and that it is their duty to repress the rage and insolency of Princes That the Nobility and Commonalty ought to reform Religion and in that case may remove from honours and may punish such as God hath condemned of what estate condition or honour soever they be That the punishment of such crimes as touch the Majesty of God doth not appertain to Kings and chief Rulers onely but also to the whole body of the people and to every member of the same as occasion vocation or ability shall serve to revenge the injury done against God That Princes for just causes may be deposed That of Princes be Tyrants against God and his Truth their subjects are freed from their Oaths of obedience And finally that it is neither birth right or propinquity of bloud which makes a King rule over a people that profess Iesus Christ but that it comes from some special and extraordinary dispensation of Almighty God 45. Such is the plain Song such the Descant of these Sons of Thunder first tuned by the Genevian Doctors by them commended unto Knox and by Knox preached unto his Brethren the Kirk of Scotland In which what countenance he received from Goodman and how far he was justified if not succeeded by the pen of Buchanan we shall see hereafter In the mean time the poor Queen must needs be in
hated thirdly the weakning of the Queen both in power and credit and consequently the drawing of all Affairs to their own disposing Bothwel in order to the plot makes use of Ledington to prompt the Queen to a Divorce which he conceived might easily be effected in the Court of Rome and is himself as diligent upon all occasions to work upon the Queens displeasures and make the breach wider betwixt her and her Husband The greatness of which breach was before so visible that nothing was more commonly known nor generally complained of amongst the people But never was it made so eminently notorious in the eye of Strangers as at the Christening of the young Prince in December following At which time she would neither suffer the Ambassadors of France or England to give him a visit nor permit him to shew himself amongst them at the Christening Banquet From Stirling where the Prince was Christened he departs for Glasco to finde some comfort from his Father To which place he was brought not without much difficulty for falling sick upon the way it appeared plainly by some symptoms that he had been poysoned the terrible effects whereof he felt in all the parts of his body with unspeakable torments But strength of Nature Youth and Physick did so work together that he began to be in a good way of recovery to the great grief of those who had laid the plot Some other way must now be taken to effect the business and none more expedient then to perswade the Queen to see him to flâ—tter him with some hopes of her former favour and bring him back with her to Edenborough which was done accordingly At Edenborough he was lodged at a private house on the outside of the Town an house unseemly for a King as Knox confesseth and therefore the fitter for their purpose where on the 9 of February at night the poor Prince was strangled his dead body laid in an Orchard near adjoyning with one of his Servants lying by it whom they also murthered and the house most ridiculously blown up with powder as if that blow could have been given without mangling and breaking the two bodies in a thousand pieces 8. The infamy of this horrid murther is generally cast upon the Queen by the arts of those whom it concerned to make her odious with all honest men nor did there want some strong presumptions which might induce them to believe that she was of the counsel in the fact and with the good Brethren of the Congregation every presumption was a proof and every weak proof was thought sufficient to convict her of it But that which most confirmed them in their suspitions was her affection unto Bothwel whom she first makes Duke of Orknay and on the 15 of May is married to him in the Chappel of Halyrood-house according to the form observed by those of the Congregation But against these presumptions there were stronger evidences Bothwel being compelled not long after to flee into Denmark did there most constantly profess both living and dying that the Queen was innocent Morton affirmed the same at his execution above twelve years after relating that when Bothwel dealt with him about the murther and that he shewed himself unwilling to consent unto it without the Queens Warrant and Allowance Bothwel made answer that they must not give themselves any hope of that but that the business must be done without her privity But that which seems to make most for her justification was the confession of Hepbourne Daglish and others of Bothwels servants who were condemned for murdering the young King and being brought unto the Gallows they protested before God and his holy Angels that Bothwel had never told them of any other Authors of so lewd a counsel but onely the two Earls of Morton and Murray In the mean time the common infamy prevailed and none is made more guilty of it then this wretched Queen who had been drawn to give consent to her marriage with Bothwel by the sollicitation and advice of those very men who afterwards condemned her for it In order to whose ends Buchanan publishes a most pestilent and malicious Libel which he called The defection wherein he publickly traduced her for living an adulterous life with David Risio and afterward with Bothwel himself that to precipitate her unlawful marriage with him she had contrived the death of the King her husband projected a Divorce between Bothwel and his former Wife contrary to the Laws both of God and Man Which Libel being printed and dispersed abroad obtained so much credit with most sorts of people that few made question of the truth of the accusations Most true it is that Buchanan is reported by King Iames himself to have confessed with great grief at the time of his death how falsly and injuriously he had dealt with her in that scandalous Pamphlet but this confession came too late and was known to few and therefore proved too weak a remedy for the former mischief 9. He published at the same time also that seditious Pamphlet which he entituled De jure Regni apud Scotos In which he laboured to make proof that the Supreme power of the Scottish Nation was in the body of the people no otherwise in the King but by delegation and therefore that it was in the peoples power not onely to control and censure but also to depose and condemn their Kings if they found them faulty The man was learned for his time but a better Poet then Historian and yet a better Historian then he was a States-man For being of the Genevian Leven he fitted all his State-maximes unto Calvins Principles and may be thought in many points to out-go his Master Now in this Pamphlet we may finde these Aphorisms laid down for undoubted truths which no true Scot must dare to question unless he would be thought to beâ—â—ary his Country that is to say That the people is better then the King and of greater Authority That the people have right to bestow the Crown at their pleasure That the making of the Laws doth belong to the people and Kings are but Masters of the Rolls That they have the same power over the King that the King hath over any one man That it were good that rewards were appointed by the people for such as should kill Tyrants as commonly there is for those that have killed either Wolves or Bears or have taken their Whelps That the people may arraign their Princes that the Ministers may excommunicate their King and that whosoever is by Excommunication cast into Hell is made thereby unworthy to live on earth 10. And that he might make sure work of it he takes upon him to reply upon all Objections which sober and more knowing men had found out to the contrary For whereas it had been objected That custom was against such dealing with Princes That Jeremiah commanded obedience to Nebuchadnezzar That God placed Tyrants sometimes for punishment of his people
for ever continue and maintain such their Right and Title in the Church's Government with all Equity and Christian Moderation 15. At this time grew the Heats also betwixt Hooker and Travers the first being Master of the Temple and the other Lecturer Hooker received his Education in Corpus Christi Colledg in Oxon from whence he came well stocked in all kind of Learning but most especially in Fathers Councils and other approved Monuments of Ecclesiastical Antiquity Travers was bred in Trinity Colledg in Cambridg well skilled in the Oriental Tongues and otherwise better studied in Words than Matter being Cotemporary with Cartwright and of his Affection He sets up his studies in Geneva and there acquaints himself with Beza and the rest of that Consistory of whom and their new Discipline he grew so enamoured that before his coming into England he was made Minister as well at least as such hands could make him by the Presbytery of Antwerp as appears by their Certificate for I dare not call them Letters of Orders dated May 14 1578. Thus qualified he associates himself with Cartwright whom he found there at his coming in preaching to the Factory of English Merchants and follows him not long after into England also By the commendation of some Friends he was taken into the House of William Lord Burleigh whom he served first in the nature of a Pedagogue to his younger Son and after as one of his Chaplains Preferments could not chuse but come in his way considering the Greatness of his Master whose eminent Offices of Lord Treasurer Chief Secretary and Master of the Wards could not but give him many opportunities to prefer a Servant to the best places in the Church But Travers knew his incapacity to receive such Favours as neither lawfully ordained according to the Form prescribed by the Church of England nor willing to subscribe to such Rites and Ceremonies as he found were used in the same But being a great Factor for promoting the Holy Discipline he gets himself into the Lecture of the Temple which could not easily be denyed when the Chaplain of so great a Councellor was a Suitor for it 16. In this place he insinuates himself by all means imaginable into the good affections of many young Students and some great Lawyers of both Houses on whom he gained exceedingly by his way of Preaching graced with a comely Gesture and a Rhetorical manner of Elocution By which advantages he possest many of the long Robe with a strong affection to the devices of Geneva and with as great a prejudice to the English Hierarchy the fruits whereof discovered themselves more or less in all following Parliaments when any thing concerning the Church came in agitation And by the opportunity of this Place he had the chief managing of the Affairs of the Disciplinarians presiding for the most part in their Classical Meetings and from hence issuing their Directions to the rest of the Churches And so it stood till Hooker's coming to be Master who being a man of other Principles and better able to defend them in a way of Argument endeavoured to instruct his Auditors in such Points of Doctrine as might keep them in a right perswasion of the Church of England as well in reference to her Government as her Forms of Worship This troubled Travers at the heart as it could not otherwise to see that the fine Web which he had been so long in weaving should be thus unravell'd Rather than so Hooker shall tell them nothing in the Morning but what he laboured to confute in the Afternoon not doubting but that a great part of the Auditors would pass Sentence for him though the truth might run most apparently on the other side Hooker endured it for some time but being weary at the last of the opposition he complains thereof to the Arch-bishop who had deservedly a very great opinion of him and this Complaint being seasonably made in that point of time when Cartwright Snape and other Leading-men of the Puritan Faction were brought into the High Commission it was no hard matter for him to procure an Order to suppress his Adversary silenced from preaching in the Temple and all places else Which Order was issued upon these grounds that is to say That he was no lawfully ordained Minister according to the Church of England That he took upon him to preach without being licensed and That he had presumed openly to confute such Doctrine as had been publickly delivered by another Preacher without any notice given thereof to the lawful Ordinary contrary to a Provision made in the Seventh year of the Queen for avoiding Disturbances in the Church 17. But Travers was too stiff and too well supported to sit down on the first Assault He makes his supplication therefore to the Lords of the Council where he conceived himself as strong and as highly favoured as Hooker was amongst the Bishops and the High Commissioners In this Petition he complains of some obliquity in the proceedings had against him for want of some Legalities in the conduct of it But when he came to answer to the Charges which were laid upon him his Defences appeared very weak and flat and could not much conduce to his justification when they were seriously examined in the scale of Judgment His exercising the Ministry without lawful Orders he justified no otherwise than that by the Communion of Saints all Ordinations were of like Authority in a Christian Church The Bishop of London had commended him by two Letters unto that Society to be chosen Lecturer and That he took for a sufficient License as might enable him to preach to that Congregation And as for his confuting in the Afternoon what had been preached by Mr. Hooker in the morning before he conceived that he had warrant for it from St. Paul's example in withstanding St. Peter to his face for fear lest otherwise God's Truth might receive some prejudice The weakness and insufficiency of which Defences was presently made known in Hooker's Answer to the Supplication Which wrought so much upon the Lords and was so strongly seconded by the Arch-bishop himself that all the Friends which Travers had amongst them could not do him good especially when it was represented to them how dangerous a thing it was that a man of such ill Principles and of worse Affections should be permitted to continue in his former Lecture which what else were it in effect but to retain almost half the Lawyers of England to be of Councel in all Causes which concerned the Church whensoever those of the Genevian or Puritan Faction should require it of them But so it hapned and it hapned very well for Travers that the Queen had erected an University at Dublin in the year fore-going 1591 Founding therein a Colledg dedicated to the Holy Trinity to the Provostship whereof he was invited by the Arch-bishop of Dublin who had been once a Fellow of the same House with him Glad of which opportunity
do somewhat which is worse p. 85. Which notwithstanding they gave out That all was theirs and that they had obtained an absolute Victory but more particularly that the King gratified Dr. Reynolds in every thing which he proposed and that Dr. Reynolds obtained and prevailed in every thing they did desire That if any man report the contrary he doth lye and that they could give him the lye from Dr. Reynolds his mouth that these things now obtained by the Reformers were but the beginning of Reformation the greater matters being yet to come That my Lord of Winton stood mute and said little or nothing That my Lord of London called Dr. Reynolds Schismatick he thanks him for it but otherwise said little to the purpose That the King's Majesty used the Bishops with very hard words but embraced Dr. Reynolds and used most kind speeches to him That my Lord of Canterbury and my Lord of London falling on their knees besought his Majesty to take their Cause into his own Hands and to make some good end of it such as might stand with their Credit 7. All this and more they scattered up and down in their scurrilous Papers to keep up the spirits of their Party two of which coming to the hands of Dr. Barlow before-mentioned he caused them to be published at the end of the Conference The Truth and Honesty of whose Collections having been universally approved above fifty years hath been impugned of late by some sorry Scriblers of the Puritan Faction and a report raised of some Retractation which he is fabled to have made at the time of his death of the great wrong which he had done to Dr. Reynolds and the rest of the Millenaries The silliness of which Fiction hath been elsewhere canvased and therefore not to be repeated in this time and place But for the clearing of that Reverend person from so soul a Calumny we shall not make use of any other Argument than the words of K. IAMES who tells us in his Proclamation of the fifth of March that he could not conceal That the success of that Conferrence was such as hapneth to many other things which moving great expectations before they be entred into in their issue produce small effects That he found mighty and vehement Informations supported with so weak and slender Proofs as it appeared unto him and his Council that there was no cause why any change should be in that which was most impugned namely the Book of Common-Prayer containing the publick Service of God here established nor in the Doctrine which appeared to be sincere nor in the Forms and Rites which were justified out of the practise of the primitive Churrh And finally that though with the consent of the Bishops and other Learned men then and there assembled some passages therein were rather explained than altered yet that the same might very well have been born amongst such men who would have made a reasonable construction of them Which I conceive to be sufficient for the vindication of that Learned Prelate for clearing him from doing any injury to Dr. Reynolds in the repeating of his words as is suggested by some Puritan Scriblers of these present times 8. But to proceed this Conference was followed with the Proclamation of the fifth of March in which his Majesty having first declared the occasion and success thereof in the words formerly laid down proceeds to signifie the present course which he had taken for causing the Book of Common-Prayer to be so explained and being so explained to be forthwith Printed not doubting but that all his Subjects both Ministers and others would receive the same with due reverence and conform themselves to it Which notwithstanding he conceived it necessary to make known his Authorizing of the same by his Proclamation and by that Proclamation to require and enjoyn all men as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal to conform themselves thereunto as to the only publick Form of serving God established and allowed in this Realm Which said he lays a strict Command on all Arch-bishops and Bishops and all other publick Ministers as well Ecclesiastical as Civil for causing the same to be observed and punishing all Offenders to the contrary according to the Laws of the Realm made in that behalf Finally He admonisheth all his Subjects of what sort soever not to expect hereafter any Alteration in the publick Form of God's Service from that which he had then established And this he signified as afterward it followeth in the said Proclamation because that he neither would give way to any to presume that his Judgment having determined in a matter of such weight should be swayed to any Alteration by the Frivolous Suggestions of any leight head nor could be ignorant of the inconveniencies that do arise in Government by admitting Innovation in things once setled by mature deliberation and how necessary it was to use constancy in the publick Determinations of all States for that saith he such is the unquietness and unsteadfastness of some dispositions affecting every year new Forms of things as if they should be followed in their unconstancy would make all Actions of State ridiculous and contemptible whereas the steadfast maintaining of things by good Advice established is the Preservative and Weal of all publick Governments 9. The main Concernments of the Church being thus secured his Majesty proceeds to his first Parliament accompanied as the custom is with a Convocation which took beginning on the twentieth day of March then next ensuing In the Parliament there passed some Acts which concerned the Church as namely one for making void all Grants and Leases which should be made of any of the Lands of Arch-bishops and Bishops to the King's Majesty or any of his Heirs and Successors for more than One and twenty years or Three Lives Which Act was seasonably procured by Bishop Bancroft to prevent the begging of the Scots who otherwise would have picked the Church to the very bone There also past an Act for the repealing of a Statute in the Reign of Queen Mary by means whereof the Statute of King Edward the sixth touching the Lawfulness of Ministers Marriages were revived again as in the Millenary Petition was before desired And either by the Practise of some Puritan Zealots who had their Agents in all corners or by the carelesness and connivence of his Majesty's Council learned in the Laws of this Realm who should have had an eye upon them that Statute of K. EDWARD was revived also by which it was enacted That all Processes Citations Judgments c. in any of the Ecclesiastical Courts should be issued in the King's Name and under the King's Seal of Arms which afterwards gave some colour to the Puritan Faction for creating trouble to the Bishops in their Jurisdiction The Convocation was more active some days before the sitting whereof the most Reverend Arch-bishop Whitgift departs this life and leaves it to the managing of Dr. Richard Bancroft Bishop of London