some persons of Quality were coming up to Westminster to the King which he and Sir Thomas Trivet privately sent away to London upon the discovery thereof That he was a sutable Tool to carry on great mens intreagues or at least thought fit enough to be made a Property to work upon why may we not conclude in that we find him elected at the latter part of the last Kings Reign and admitted at the Tower of London into the Mayoralty when the proud haughty Duke of Lancaster had got the other Mayor put out of his Office as not quick enough it seems to run along with that aspiring Dukes designs who aimed at that time to have put by his Nephew from the Throne and have intruded thereunto himself contrary to right reason and justice and the publick interest of the Nation Who knows likewise by whose influence and for what intents he was kept in the Office of Mayor for three years together in the seventh eighth and nineth of this King What a vast difference was there as to Principles and Practices between this man and the fam'd John Philpot his fellow Sheriff in the forty sixth of the precedent King The one prov'd as great a Patriot to his Country before in and after his Mayoralty as the other shew'd himself an ambitious Courtier under a Gold Chain in the City But what great wonder is this to see men once joyn Partners in an Office vastly differing each from other in their Judgments and Actions when raised to places of higher Dignity and Prâ—ferment I don't think but 't is easie enough to find an instance at present if there were any great occasion or necessity thereof 'T is said of this Sir Nicholas Brembar that if he had liv'd he had been created Duke of Troy or of London by the name of Troy What a pity 't was that he had not had a Patent ready sign'd and seal'd lying by him to have shrowded himself and all his old crimes under this new Dignity upon Occasion But this I Fancy would never have past upon that Parliament either Lords or Commons to have sheltred him from the Law of the Land though he had become really in act as well as desire and design a Peer of the Realm However this intention of his if truly related sufficiently shews us his Ambition to become a Titulado unless we shall venture upon a conjecture that some of the Courtiers sham'd upon him with the empty promise of this titulary honour when they wheadled him out of the directions they had before sent him for the better management of their designs which they were unwilling to let remain in his hands after they had made as much use of his Place and Power as opportunity would permit that they might not be produc'd as Evidences against them in a day of Tryal which they probably fear'd might one time or other come upon them and did it seems in this Parliament with a Vengeance For I will take the boldness to conclude that it was some other more skilful hand hid behind the Curtain that order'd the Scenes and manag'd the Machines though he was made the publick stalking horse to deceive the vulgar Herd the Skreen to shelter other mens heads from the violence of popular fury the open Actor in the face of the world the common Engine to set the Wheels of more politick mens contrivances a going though against Water Wind and Tide It being very unbecoming the Apes subtilty to put her own foot into the fire when she may make use of the Cats But if the Worshipful Sir Nicholas suffer'd himself thus impolitickly to be trapann'd whom had he to blame but himself if he were made at laâ—â— to pay so dear for his own folly and imprudence And that such is the ominous fate of less wary men who venture upon Actions not warranted by Law to serve a present turn and humour their own ambitious desires or other mens greatness is evidently demonstrable as in general from History and Experience so more particularly from an instance in Spain under one of the Philips of a certain Officer of that Kings who having by the Kings Order done an Act for which he was afterwards questioned and thrown into Prison and upon fair words and promises parted with the Kings Letter which he could have produc'd for his Warrant was soon after left in the lurch and suffer'd to fall a Sacrifice to his own imprudent Credulity and the Law of the Land Whether I have been exact as to all circumstances of the story I shall not positively affirm as not being fully sure but my Memory may deceive me in twelve or thirteen years space and being uncertain in what Book to look for it now or where I read it at first unless in some of the famous Fullers works perhaps in his holy or prophane State but as to the substance and truth hereof I dare aver it from Historical Relation and leave the Application to more Philosophical Logicians that I may press further forwards towards the mark the end intention and scope of this my present undertaking viz. To shew the respect and esteem several of the Nobles in particular had for this honourable City and their solicitous care for her welfare under this King Richard How that before the Parliament that wrought wonders was ended particular care was taken expresly to have the Citizens of London included in â— general Pardon to prevent doubtless new exactions upon old pretences hath been before related amongst the Commons requests as a sign of their good will and therefore now to be wav'd though it would not be impertinent in this Point to shew the Lords affection if that be a truth which is delivered by a modern Writer that in our Ancestors time most of the Members of the house of Commons thought it an honour to retain to some great Lord and to wear his blew Coat to make up his train and wait upon him from his own house to the Lords and make a Lane for him to enter thereto which argues how much the Lords did or might over-rule them in their frequent Petitions on the City's behalf But I shall pass over the consequence of this Conclusion as an Argument depending on the Readers Will and Choice which he may grant or deny at pleasure and produce an instance or two less dubitable and not left so much at discretion How hard a matter it hath generally prov'd to bring Offenders if great in Power Place and Authority to Justice is plain from History and Experience As evident likewise is it that the Offences to such imputed have been Exactions Extortions oppressions corrupt Abuses of the Law Illegal Principles Arbitrary Designs Unjust Actions and the like National Grievances ordinarily comprehended under the name 〈◊〉 ill Government dayly heapt up under weaâ— or negligent Princes by the exorbitant Power oâ— headstrong Favourites who through the excess of their Soveraign's kindness the easinesâ— of his Nature the mildness
Londinum Triumphans OR AN HISTORICAL ACCOVNT OF THE Grand Influence THE ACTIONS OF THE CITY of LONDON Have had upon the AFFAIRS of the NATION for many Ages past SHEWING The Antiquity Honour Glory and Renown of this FAMOUS CITY The Grounds of her Rights Priviledges and Franchises The Foundation of her CHARTER The Improbability of a Forfeiture and Impossibility of a Legal Seisure The Power and Strength of the Citizens and the Prevalency of the Commonalty in their Contests with the Magistracy Collected from the most Authentick Authors and illustrated with variety of REMARKS Nullum est jam dictum quod non dictum sit prius No new thing under the Sun LONDON Printed for the Author and are to be Sold by L. Curtis at the Sign of Sir Edmondbury Godfreys Head MDCLXXXII THE DEDICATION To the HONOURABLE SIr Thomas Allen Kt. Aldermen of the City of LONDON Sir John Frederick Kt. Sir John Lawrence Kt. Sir Robert Clayton Kt. Sir Patience Ward Kt. Sir Thomas Gold Kt. Sir John Shorter Kt. and Henry Cornish Esq And to the Worshipful Thomas Pilkington Esq Another of the Aldermen of the said City and Samuel Shute Esq The Worthy SHERIFFS for the year Past Sir Thomas Player Kt. Chamberlain of the same Thomas Papillion Esq John Dubois Esq And to all the rest of those Eminent Citizens who have so worthily asserted the Rights Liberties Priviledges Franchises and Immunities of this Ancient and Honourable CITY This Book is most HUMBLY DEDICATED by W. G. TO THE READER IF Antiquity and Duration wealth and riches strength and power can make a City famous If an honourable renown visible grandeur and unparallel'd priviledges may render her glorous in the eyes of the World If the Spirit of her Citizens influence of her actions and a continued train of Successes can justly give her the denomination of powerful Then may this great ancient and renowned City of London deservedly be esteem'd one of the eminentest Cities of the Vniverse unless the Lie be given to the most Authentick of all our English Historians and we must not like the Papists believe our own eyes nor give credit to our ears but bid adieu to all rational knowledge and deny the force of true Logical Illations inferences and conclusions Such being the subject of this following Treatise purposely design'd for a demonstration of Londons power and a convincing argument of the irresistible influence of her actions over all the Nation for many hundreds of years strongly founded on undeniable Truths and throughout carried on in an uninterrupted series of affairs by a train of inflances and examples and an unbroken chain of inductions And being conscious to my self of no base slurs nor abuses ingentilely impos'd upon the faith of any one by false quotations corrupting of Authors or wilful mistakes as knowing my self easily disprov'd if guilty and therefore so much the more cautious by how much the more certain that these Papers would be made to undergo the severe Ordeal of a strict and rigid examination from a critical age I am apt to flatter my self into the hopes of being accepted among the lovers and admirers of this Honourable City and of having presented the worthy Citizens with somewhat grateful pleasing and delightful to their palates because treating of their Ancestors glory and renown their own power and the necessary consequence thereof the grand influence of their publick actions and fixt resolutions upon the Councils of this Kingdom But whether my trust and confidence in my own poor abilities and my hopes are so good as my ambition is great to serve this Honourable City and I have any sound reasons to believe it within the sphear of my Capacity and the power of my pen to lay any thing looking like an obligation upon the worshipful Citizens thereof others are the most proper judges and the event will best shew If any out of prejudice to the subject and a censorious Spirit shall lay it to my charge that the whole book looks reflective in answer to the imputation I shall humbly desire this favour at his hands that he would be pleas'd to give himself the trouble of turning to the Authors to whom I so often refer and thence he may be abundantly satisfied of my honesty and sincerity if he be not over much prejudic'd already or of so narrow a Soul as to be wholly and altogether byass'd to the interest of any one particular party against the plainest evidence of sense reason and truth Besides in my further vindication I can assure him that a great part hereof was drawn up the last Autumn and undeniably prove it too by demonstrative Arguments if need were So that if it had appear'd in the world so early as was at first designed though I have been unwillingly hindered hitherto some on the other side might have been by this time ready to have term'd it predictive Though it was never intended as the off-spring of Prophecy or Astrology but only the result of an ordinary judgment and common foresight grounded on easy unforc'd deductions from plain historical truths and the apparent consequences of things acted on the English stage heretofore Therefore I shall not value the impertinence of weekly observations nor dread the doughty remarks of the whole tribe of common ordinary Scriblers as thinking my self secure within the strength of the argument and the authorities here produc'd to confirm and illustrate it whereupon I am bold to defy the art and malice of evil minded men to disprove me in any thing necessarily material as to the substantial part thereof though as to what concerns any of the lesser Errata I hope the courteous Reader will be so much a Gentleman as to look on them but as venial errors and favourably pass over those slips of my Pen if he apprehend any such as unavoidable weaknesses always incident to human frailty For I profess my self rather a Transcriber than an Author and esteem this Relation the product of my reading more than the issue of my brain Which if it may be in any wise advantagious to the publick and acceptable to the Learned and Ingenious I know not but upon good encouragement I may be ready enough to produce somewhat else more extensive than to the Rights of one particular City though it be acknowledged time out of mind to have been the Epitome and Abridgment of the Kingdom as well as the head both of King and Laws Londinum Triumphans HOW considerable a Figure the City of London makes in the present Government is conceal'd I suppose but from few in the Land But the Influence its Actions have had upon the Affairs of the Nation in past Ages is not so generally known The Glory and Splendor of this Noble City is so obvious to the Eyes of the Curious that they cannot rationally conceive it to be the Work of a Day or an Age but that like other Cities eminent in Story it hath risen up by Degrees from small Beginnings to
its present Greatness through a long Tract of Time and the Concurrence of many considerable Circumstances to make it Famous The Original of this City is sufficiently acknowledg'd to be Antient but where to fix the true and certain Bounds of its Antiquity is not so easily agreed upon by Writers What one sets down for a Truth another many times esteems to be Fabulous Scarce any thing being more common amongst the Learned than to have different Sentiments about the Original of Things and be at variance amongst themselves about the first Beginnings of Times and Places True indeed we can deduce the very first Origine of the World from the Sacred Leaves of Holy Writ but They who have not had the Benefit of those Heavenly Oracles or do not with Us believe their Divine Verity are compell'd to grope in the Mists of Darkness and Confusion while they search after the First Existence of all Things in the Writings of Prophane Authors The prime Pieces of Antiquity that we meet with amongst the Heathens are the Theban and the Trojan Wars and those too sullied with the Fabulous Narrations of their Poetical Writers Besides which we scarce find amongst them any thing deserving Credence and Belief except the mention of the Argonaut's Voyage and a few Passages more All the rest are hudled up in such a confused Mass of Fables and Fictions And yet these so celebrated Pieces bear Date some hundreds of Years after the Flood So short do the Prophane Writings fall of the Divine even in Time as well as Truth unless we account the Dynastyes of the Aegyptian Kings mentioned by some Writers worthily esteem'd Fabulous for true History and make any Reckoning of some Men's Relations who tell us of Chronologies amongst the Chineses of Thousands of Years before the Creation according to our Account The whole Tranfactions whereof they would do well to produce in our European World that we might be able to judge what Credit ought to be given to their Words and not any longer suspect that they shield themselves under the Protection of the Priviledge antiently allow'd to Poets and Travellers Seeing then in these Humane Writings we are left so much in the Dark in what concerns the First Being of the Universe we have little Reason to wonder at the variety of Men's Opinions about the Settling of Nations and first Inhabiting of Countries Much less are we to admire that the Foundations of Antient Cities are involv'd in so much Obscurity that we can scarce trace them up to their Original without being often put to the stand in our Searches as finding but little certain Truth mix't with a great deal of apparent Falshood Therefore I hope the Courteous Reader will the more readily pardon what he meets with of Humane Infirmity and Frailty in this Attempt and pass over the Errata's he finds in this Historical Relation as Venial Faults SHOULD I lay the Foundation of this Honourable City in the Days of Brute I might to some seem a Relater of Fables Should I not trace its Original so high others might be apt to think I slighted its Antiquity So difficult a thing it is to please all so in a manner impossible to displease none Let me do the utmost of my Endeavours to avoid the Imputation of seeming Fabulous I should nevertheless be in doubt where safely to fix by reason of the different Esteem Men have of different Ages One preferring This Another That and a Third perhaps valuing Neither as thinking the Relation of Things done in Times so far distant from Ours not worth our Regard Wherefore rather chusing the Part of a Faithful Historian than courting Men's Favour and Applause I shall deliver some of the most material Passages which I find of this Antient City upon Record Only with this Request unto the Reader That as he sees Cause he would judge of me as an Impartial Relater without thinking me over ready to give Credit to all that Authors have said of those Elderly Times The Trojan War hath been so Celebrated by Homer's Pen that the Fall of Troy may deservedly be judg'd to have rais'd it higher upon the Wings of Fame than if it had still continued in its antient Grandeur For I find it to have been the Ambition of many Writers in some Ages past to draw the Original of their own Nations from some War-like Hero of the Trojan Race The Romans Glory in the Trojan Blood as drawing their Pedigree from Aeneas and the Trojans that he brought with him into Italy Padua is deriv'd from Antenor another Trojan Leader And not to mention any more Brute descended of Aeneas with his Trojans is said by some to have given Original to the British Nation That this hath been the Endeavours of some Authors is plain enough as being Matter of Fact but the Reason of this Design is not so obvious unless it may be lawful to conjecture That in the grosser Times of Popery the Scriptures being kept from the Eyes of the Vulgar by being lock't up in unknown Languages and the Monkish Writers lacking either Will or Ability to peruse them and so becoming ignorant of Divine History thought it the readiest way to ennoble their own Nations by deriving them from some of the Antientest Hero's that they meet with in 〈◊〉 Story Or else depending upon Rome as their Mâ—â—â—er-Church they were desirous to vye with her in their Original as well as accord with her in Religion Whether Brute Descended from Aeneas by a Son of his Eldest Son Ascanius or by his Younger Son born of Lavina is a Point not fully decided among Historians This Brute Exil'd his Country according to some for having accidentally slain his Father with his Trojans after many Chances and Dangers past is said to have directed his Course towards this Western Island by the Advice of Diana which he receiv'd in his Sleep in an Old Temple of hers standing in a Part of Affrica In his Sailing hitherward he met with it seems a small Navy of Trojan Ships under the Conduct of his Nephew Corineus and joyning together at length after other Dangers over-past he Landed in Cornwal at a Place since known by the Name of Totness This was in the Year since the Worlds Creation 4063. according to Fabian who professes to follow the Account of the LXX about the Time of Ely's being High-Priest in Israel Forty Years after the Destruction of Troy which is held by some to have fall'n out in the Time of Abdon's being Judge in Israel before the Building of Rome Four Hundred and twenty Years before our Saviour Christ's Incarnation One Thousand One Hundred and Thirty Six But in this Point Chronologers differ Stow places it Anno Mund. 2855. before Christ's Nativity 1108. After Brute's Landing in his Searching the Country he is said to have destroy'd I know not how many great and mighty Gyants one whereof named Gogmagog wrestled forsooth with Corineus and having of him caught a Fall down Dover-Clifts left
then thought unpardonable by the Londoners who in words and deeds espoused the Queen's Cause seis'd on the Tower of London and kept it for the Queens use and not long afterwards received her into their City with great Joy and Honour A demonstrative evidence in my opinion of the City's strength and power For if London when she pleas'd could maintain the King's peace in the midst of Arms as was shewn above so inviolably as that none dar'd in opposition to break it and afterwards in the very same age and within the compass of half a dozen years did actually assert the Qeens cause and assist her in her proceedings as was pretended for Reformation of the Realm tho the Consequence thereof was in truth the unfortunate Kings resignation what greater instance can there be to shew her great influence upon the whole Nation in those unsetled times London having so visibly appeared in favour of the Queen the Prince and his party and contributed so much towards this notable revolution of affairs we have no reason to think but that out of Common gratitude her Citizens were to be aboundantly rewarded and that they themselves out of self interest and natural Prudence would so well and wisely look to their own affairs as to make hay while the Sun shines to the procuring new grants and Graces and so accordingly we find the event For in the first year of Edward the third Fabian tells us he confirmed the Liberties and Franchizes of the City making the Major Chief Justice in all places of Judgment within the same next the King every Alderman that had been Major Justice of Peace in London and Midlesex and such as had not been Justice in his own Ward Granting them also the Fee-farm of London for three hundred pounds and that they should not be constrained to go out of the City to â—o fight or defend the Land for any need A priviledge greater than what was claimed as their liberty in his Fathers days when unwilling to engage against the Queen and Prince they refused not to go out on condition of returning the same day as is related before But the most beneficial of all the grants was that the Franchises of the City should not be seized into the Kings hands but only for Treason or Rebellion done by the whole City It having before been a Common thing to have their Liberties seized on as hath been plainly manifested in the Precedent Relation on almost every petty disgust conceived by the Court against them were it but for the pretended offence of a particular Officer or for mony alledged to be owing by the City to some great ones at Court or some such like small trivial pretence But now at this time they took such care to have their Liberties setled and secured by this Royal Grant that it may be thought almost if not wholly a thing impossible for the City to forfeit her Charter and have it justly according to that grant taken from her The bringing of Southwark under the Rule of the City and the power allowed their Major to appoint such a Bailiff there as liked him best was a very advantagious favour at the same time by this King Edward bestowed on London but not comparable with the former grant which may most deservedly be esteemed Paramount to all others A particular Officer may offend and oftentimes does nay many may but for a City a whole City so great and glorious a City as London Traiterously to Rebel and so forfeit all her Liberties Priviledges and Franchises at one clap seems to me so great a contradiction as to imply little less than an Impossibility in Nature not to go a step or two higher This King being one of the most powerful Princes of his time and in the strength of his age very succesful in his Wars against the French King 't is not for us hastily to imagine there was any occasion given for so wise and good a King to contest with his Subjects much less with his Loyal Citizens We are rather to expect to hear of the City's Triumphs and glory the Joy and rejoyceing wherewith she often received her Victorious King returning Conquerour from France the frequent Justings Tiltings and Tournaments shewn thereat for his Recreation and entertainment the Wealth Riches and Ability of her head Officers whereof one to Londons great glory is said to have sumptuously feasted four Kings at once in the thirty first of this Kings Reign besides the famous Black Prince many Noble Knights and others to whom with the King he gave many Rich Gifts the splendor of the Citizens in general oâ— publick occasions and the harmonious concord of all in their own private and particular concerns relating more especially to the Cities good order and Government This King may be supposed too great and too good either to create or to permit differences and discord at home He had wherewithal to exercise his Wisdom and valour abroad in forreign Countries and such success too in his Enterprizes as might make him both feared and beloved by his Subjects at one and the same time Yet notwithstanding such still was Londons power strength and resolution to maintain her Liberties that this Victorious Prince Conquerour over others having sent out Justices into the Shires to make enquiry about his Officers offences and delinquences and the City of London not suffering as Stow tells us any such Officers to sit as Justices in their City as Inquisitors of such matters contrary to their Liberties he thought good rather to appoint those Justices their Sessions in the Tower for Inquisition of the damages of the Londoners and they refusing unless conditionally to answer there and a tumult thereupon arising among the meaner sort claiming their Liberties he esteemed it greater prudence to wave the Justices sitting as to that place and forgive all offences than to enter into a contest with such powerful tho Loyal Subjects as the Londoners were and such undaunted assertors of their own rights priviledges franchises and liberties For as 't is plain the City was very potent so we may as certainly perhaps conclude the Citizens no less suspicious of any thing done under the shadow of this Kings Authority if but looking towards the least breach of their Priviledges as the Commons of England in general seem to have appeared jealous of their Common liberty when upon this Kings laying claim to the Kingdom of France they procured a Law whereby it was enacted that the King should not Rule England as King of France and so Subject them to the insolencies of a fellow-Subjects Deputyship Would you know what esteem and respect the house of Commons in this King's reign had for â—he City Look in Cotton's abridgment of the Records â—n the Tower and there you may find the Commons â—ver and anon petitioning the King that the City â—f London may enjoy all her Liberties and the King's â—nswers generally to such petitions seem rather to â—rant than
deny such their important Requests â—o glorious and gracious did the City appear in the â—â—ght of the good people of the Land or rather â—â—ch was the influence she had upon the Nations reâ—resentatives As to the Common's Desires that 〈◊〉 the Counties might conform themselves to the â—eights and Measures made in London and the â—â—der there made against Usury might be observed â—â—oughout the Realm as if they would have this so famous a City more particularly give Law as well as example to all England I pass them over without pretending from thence to draw an Argument of the City's Grandeur and likewise Wave the priviledg by this King granted the Citizens that the Officers of the Mayor and Sheriffs should from that day forward use Maces of Silver parcel gilt as not intending to insist thereon as a more especial mark of honour design'd the City above the rest of the Nation in those days And choose rather to pass on to the last part of this King's reign wherein I must needs acknowledge there was a strong though short contest between the King and the Court But when was that and how hapned it 'T was when the King was grown old near to dotage after his good Queen Philippa was dead and he himself amidst the Infirmities of sickness and old age indulg'd his own lustful pleasures in the lascivious Embraces of a wanton Miss leaving the guidance of his Realm and all things about him to so ambitious a spirit as under the Wings of his Authority durst aspire so high as to the hopes of the Crown against the good Will of the people and the Title of a person much more affected and beloved at London The contest was short and sharp as may be seen in Stows Annals where it is plac'd in the fifty first i. e. the last year of the Kings Reign So short as not taking up the whole space of time between Christmas and the latter part of June wherein the King died and yet so sharp that the Cities Priviledges were in great danger menaces there were of deposing the Major which was at length actually done and of Creating a Captain in his Room with many other things threatned against their Liberties And all by the arts devices and contrivances of the aspiring Uncle who would fain have mounted up into the Throne of the Kingdom over his young Nephews head but that the Londoners opposed him in his designs both honourably and succesfully too So far were they from being Hector'd or trapan'd into a base Compliance with this Ambitious pretender and his flattering favourites desires who thought to have carried all before 'em because they esteem'd themselves sure of the Kings Authority and so lookt upon the principals of the opposite party if not under a Cloud at least under a great disadvantage comparatively such were their fond hopes and pretensions In the good Parliament as it was commonly called held in the fiftieth of this Kings Reign several Reformations had been made and divers at the Commons suit remov'd from about the King as evil Counsellors by the Mediation of the Black-Prince but the Parliament being ended and he dying the old King contrary to his promise soon recalled the former persons before removed and Committed the Government of the Realm again to his third Son John of Gaunt that aspiring Duke of Lancaster whereby the Tide being turn'd at Court the storm fell heavy upon some Patriots of the late Parliament who had been the greatest promoters and occasioners of â—he before mentioned change so lately made of the Ministers of State Now was the time to remember â—nd revenge all things about the King being mannaged by the Dukes order who making use of the Kings Authority turn'd out â—nd put in at his pleasure the more easily to bring â—bout his designs by his own Creatures now â—rought in again into the Government and manâ—gement of the affairs of State which tended to no less than the putting his Nephew the young Prince Richard an Orphan by the Fathers side though not the Mothers from the Crown and setling himself in the Throne upon the old weak Kings decease This it seems had been intended by the Duke for some time but now carried on more vigorously with all the art imaginable A Parliament is summoned to meet at Westminster after Christmas honour is openly shewn to the young Prince and his name made use of by his crafty Uncle to further and promote his own privy intentions and intreagues The name and power of the French as that they had raised great Armies and made new Confederacies to bloâ— out the English Tongue and Nation is likewise made use of for a stale to induce the Commons the more readily to part with a good round sum of Mony to put the King into a good posture of defence to speak and act as a King And the old Knights who in the last Parliament had stood up so couragiously in behalf of the Commonalty are by the Dukes meanes for the most part remov'd and Creatures of his own are made the chiefest managers of Parliament-business so that now he seemâ— ready to carry almost all things before him Buâ— only there lies a rub or two in the way that mighâ— spoil his bowling if they were not timely removed London was not nor would be at the Dukeâ— beck and therefore 't was thought daâ—gerous to attempt publickly what was privately and principally intended as long as the Laws and Customs oâ— the City were in force Moreover the Church oâ— England it seems in those days was look't upoâ— by the Duke as none of his best friends thougâ—â— I don't find but he might have been before anâ— was a Church-Man good enough afterwards as to outward appearance whatever he was in his heart and therefore if Stow may be Credited who writes after Walsinghams Pen he attempted to overthrow it for that end favouring Wickliff and his Disciples who went then under the name of Lâ—llards among the Commons and were as much hated in those days for pretended Heresies laid to their charge for at that time you must know the Nations Religion was Popish as the Papists are now adays for repeated Plots and Conspiracies proved upon them Whether or no it was to pull down the English Bishops the better to facilitate his own intents and purposes that he was a favourer of the fam'd John Wickliff as Walsingham a great Papist and also a Monk affirms Providence out of the Dukes sinful Ambition raising Protection for the Maintainers of the true Religion or else that being convinced of the Conformity of Wickliffs Doctrine to Truth and Godliness He like Herod heard John gladly and did many things at his instance I shall not now pretend to determine But most certain it is from the story that 't was London not the English Clergy that put the greatest stop to the Dukes aspiring designs and dash'd all his Ambitious Intreagues in pieces to his and his Favourites no small Disappointment
so far as to acquaint us that even the Duke of Lancaster John of Gaunt appeared likewise in their favour an Intercessor unto the King Whether out of respect to them or secret dislike of his Nephews proceedings forgetfulness of Londons past opposition or his desire at last to become Popular and to ingratiate himself with the Citizens whose power he had before try'd to his loss I dare not venture to resolve upon such unsure grounds as my own bare surmizes But this I presume may easily be granted me that he was then grown ancient and the burning fires of his Ambition were much â—abated if not altogether quenched through forâ—â—er disappointments length of time and the visible increase of years old age growing fast upon him So that the first heats being over he might probably be inclin'd to try his fortune in foreign Countries and content himself with the titulary â—onour of a King abroad now that he had long 〈◊〉 the smart of a frustrated expectation at â—ome London having then such powerful Friends of â—ame and note in the time of her adversity parâ—icularly exprest in History how many more may 〈◊〉 presume she had not expresly mention'd of 〈◊〉 same or somewhat inferior rank and quality â—ho either out of their own affection and particular respect or through the prevalency of these great Examples ingag'd themselves in the Cities interest and became Reconcilers and Repairers of her late Breaches But if the Readers candour will not yield me this not irrational supposition these doubtless in themselves are enough to make out the truth of my assertion and free me from the undesirable imputation of a vain pretender when I offer'd to shew the esteem the Lords singly consider'd in themselves had for this great and honourable City The aforementioned passages shew their good will yet all this notwithstanding somewhat else was expected at Court which the Cities Enemies mainly drove at and seem resolv'd by one means or other to compass and bring about The City was Rich in Priviledges Rich in Glory Rich in Coyn besides the Spirit and Courage of her Citizens all which conjoyn'd made her powerful at home and abroad fam'd in Foreign Countries for Trade and Commerce and highly honour'd within the Circle of the Brittish-Isle through which she was known I lanet-like to dart her over-ruling influences Among Arbitrary Designers these have been generally look't upon as Malign and therefore no wonder if at Court ill-affected Their Liberties and Priviledges are thought too great let 's then have 'em lesâ—ened now time serves And so they were For the Londoners being Commanded to come to Windsor there to shew them and product then Charters both old and new some of them arâ—â—atified some condemn'd some restor'd others detain'd Their Glory likewise is to be made to suffer if possible a diminution in the eyes of the world and therefore almost all the Lords are gather'd together at Windsor against their coming thither and also a great Army that the people might think them terrified thereby and frighted into submission and so have the less esteem for them hereafter as such as may easily be accus'd of offences and as easily be made to undergo grievous penalties for them whoever was originally in fault These Preparations must needs occasion considerable charges but the Londoners must pay the shot if they are Covetous of peace and quietness And so they did at last to their no small expences 'T was not the Honourable Cavalcade of principal Citizens sent out in one Livery to meet and Conduct the King and Court through the City 'T was not the Triumphant Reception of him in his passage through a lane of Livery-men lowdly ecchoing forth his Name the running of Cheapside Conduit with more than one sort of Wine the adorning the Windows and Walls of the Streets with Tapistry Cloth of Gold Silver and Silk nor other gawdy shows to entertain him 'T was not the Rich and Chargeable Presents made to him and his Queen as they pass'd along or afterwards the next day the Costly Crowns and Tables of Gold Horses with their Noble Trappings Plate of Gold and Silver Cloth of Gold Silk Velvets Buttons and Ewers of Gold Gold in Coyn Precious Stones and Jewels so Rich excellent and Beautiful that the value and price was inestimable that could fully appease the Angry King or rather satisfie the ravenous Courtiers Covetuousness until they had laid down also Ten thousand pounds in ready mony And this did the feat for that time And but for that time as far as I can find For new Lords new Laws New Favourites produce new Changes and old ones being cast out of Doors they are for finding out new Crimes Pretences and Devices to empty other mens Purses and enrich themselves under the common notion of levying Fines and Amercements for the King King Richard had received Royal Gifts and Noble Presents of his truly Royal Chamber of London in the sixteenth year of his Reign Yet within less than half a dozen years space this was forgotten and quite out of memory or else so well remembred as to make some heartily desirous of more such Boons as hoping that some of Daâ—ae's showers might descend also into their own laps These being the true Chymical Drops to restore enliven and invigorate the tir'd spirits of such hunger-starv'd Expectants And where throughout the whole British World are they to be had in greater plenty than at London And by the sequell of the story we may believe this was an approved Recipe in those days For some Informations had been given in against the Londoners which incens'd the King to such a degree that the Commonalty Fabian tells us was indicted with other Sheriffs and therefore consequently their own likewise which might have brought great damage afresh to them but that Providence then rais'd them up two Potent Friends and Favourers among the Spiritual Lords by whose advice they made an humble supplication to the King and so by their aid and assiâ—â—ance with help of other Lovers of the City the Kings anger was much appeased But yet nevertheless Blank Charters were brought into the City and many of the most substantial meâ— thereof forc't to seal them highly to their disadvantage which was likewise soon after put in practice in many other Counties So fatal was the Citizens Example to the rest of the Land and so little gain'd they themselves in these Conjunctures by their Submissions Resignations and other like compliances to the Court besides expence charge and much trouble and the continual fears of greater molestations for the future But when was this and how was it brought about If we trace the Serids of times and affairs a little backwards by the unerring Clue of Authentick History we shall find these transactions to bear date some years after the end of the Parliament that wrought wonders when possibly 't was almost forgot and it's Statutes by some Mens Artifices slighted through disuse and inexecution