ac impunitatem nedum in vita sed post obitum aere licet immodico comparari posse à Nundinatoribus illis Indulgentiarlis semel persuasum habent Verum si quis unde numeret habeat jam nedum Praesentes Indulgentur harum constitutionum transgressiones sed in futurum impune ut eas ipsas transgredi liceat indulto permittitur Quo fit ut ansam inde accipâ—ant ii cum quibus ita dispensatum est Pejerandi Homicidia Adulteria similia flagitia perpetrandi quando quilibet ex Sacerdotum vulgo Absolutionem emptitiam virtute indulti his impartiri potest Gravam German § 3 6. that the true Romanist would boldly commit any villany under the security or shadow of these Pardons or Indulgences which he by Tradition supposed to be Protection enough both to himself and sins But what need we talk of guilt or sins or trouble our heads about procuring Indulgences or Pardons as if he that is obedient to the commands of the Pope and a through-paced son of the Roman Church could in his so doing either commit the one or stand in need of the other As for the Church of Rome to which this grand All-obedience is due 't is nothing else but the a Cardinales cum Papa constituunt Ecclesiam Rom Quare Episc jurans fidelitatem Ecclesiae Rom. Papae successioribus ejus obligat se non tantum ipsi Papae sed Collegio Cardinalium Mar. Altercus disput de Censuris Eccles Tom. 1. lib. 5. disp 14. cap. 1. pag. 655. Pope and his Cardinals as some say or as others will have it by the Church there is nothing else to be understood but the b Jacob. Gretser defens Card. Bellarmin lib. 3. cap. 10. col 1450. Pope whose almighty Infallibility is not to be call'd in question Therefore if there be any doubt of any thing the Holy Scriptures Andr. du Val de Ecclesiastica Politica potestate pag. 88 89. and other such means must be thrown aside as being doubtful and like the Lesbian or Leaden Rule may be bended this way or that way and so may serve for any mansturn they must therefore not be credited or trusted to And so none is to be judge but the Pope who in his determinations cannot erre neither of right or matter of fact for which we need go no farther then the positive sentiment and judgement of their grand Masters the Jesuits of their Colledge of Clermont in their publick Theses publish'd by themselves to be held vindicated and maintained against all the World and that of very late days as appears by part of it as followeth XIX Christum nos ita caput agnoscimus ut illius Regimen dum in Coelos abiit primum Petro tum deinde Successoribus commiserit EANDEM QVAM HABVIT IPSE INFALLIBILITATEM concesserit quoties ex Cathedra loquerentur XX Datur ergo in E. R Controversiarum fidei Judex Infallibilis ETIAM EXTRA CONCILIVM GENERALE tum in Questionibus Juris tum FACTI c. Propugnabuntur Deo Duce auspice Virgine in Aula Collegii Claromontani Societatis Jesu die XII Decembris 1661. We acknowledge Christ so to be the Head of the Church that during his absence in Heaven he hath given the Government thereof first to Peter and then to his Successors and bestowed unto the Popes his Successors THE VERY SELF-SAME INFALLIBILITY WHICH HE HIMSELF HAD as often as they speak e Cathedra There is therefore Constituted in the Church of Rome an Infallible Judge i. e. the Pope of Faith and that even without a General Council as well in questions appertaining to Right as in matters of Fact These shall be defended by the assistance of God and the favour of the Virgin in the Hall of the Colledge of Clermont belonging to the Society of Jesus the XII day of December 1661. And by their Canon-law 't is as plain as a Pike-staff that the Popes b Dist 19. c. Si Romanorum Decretory Letters not onely carry Authority along with them and what he a Ib. c. Enimvero commands to be obey'd and are to be received as if they were the very words of b Ib. c. Sic Omnes St. Peter but they are also to be reckon'd and esteem'd as authentick as the Word of God or c Ib. c. In Canonicis Holy Scriptures themselves Therefore they say 't is d Dist 40. c. Non nos Gloss Quis enim Sacriledge to question the Popes actions and downright e Dist 81. c. Si qui sunt Paganism not to to obey him and he is f 25 q. 1. c. Generali decreto curst of God who violates the Popes Censures so we must be g Extra Com. l. 1. Tit. 8. c. unam Sanctam Si quid quod oculis nostris apparet album nigrum illa esse definierit debemus itidem quod nigrum fit pronunciare Ignat. Exercitia Spiritualia apud finem Regulae aliquot servandae ut cum Orthodoxa Ecclesia verè sentiamus Reg. 13. obedient to him upon peril of our Souls And no less man then their late great Saint Ignatius Loyola layeth this down for a certain and perpetual Rule of Obedience If the Church affirm that to be black which our own eyes judge to be white we ought also then to declare that it is black And we are not to question the Truth and Authority of this Rule being so strongly confirm'd commended and ratified by the h 1548. Bull of Pope Paul III as every thing also is which is contain'd in the said Exercitia Spiritualia and how can any thing be amiss in it if it was as some say by Inspiration from Heaven dictated to Ignatius And now who dares call himself a son of the Roman Church and not be of the same Religion with the Pope be of the same Opinion Obey his commands and dictates seeing there is no difference between the sentiment and judgement of the i Sententia Papae sententia Dei una est sententia August de Ancona Q. 6. art 2. Pope and that of God and what a grand Power and Authority the Pope hath for diversion sake take them thus in verse out of Andrew Melvin from their own Writers Quod Paepa Romanus vult norma est juris aequi Delit. Poet. Scot. vol. 2. pag. 150. Quod Papa cumque facit ratum habet Deus aethere in alto Posse Papam quodcunque Deus par aequa potestas Cumque Deo Christoque Papae commune Tribunal Est major Paulo Papa major foedere prisco Contra Evangelium statuit Papa Scriptaque Pauli Articulos fidei condens Oecomenicumque Concilium cogens decretaque sancta reformans Si currus plenos animarum ad Tartara trudat Secum ipse haud quisquam potis est contendere contra Dicere cur facis hoc Stat pro ratione voluntas The Papal Fiat of all right is the guide What he doth here in Heaven
in Sevil for an example of their fact and forwardness which he required them to imitate that it would be well taken that they all did thus shew themselves desirous of the Lady Infanta for their Queen 'T is known well enough that there hath been an old Saying or Prophecy the English People doting most on such whimsies running thus There shall be seen upon a day Between the Baugh and the May The black Fleet of Norway When that is come and gone England build Houses of Lime and Stone For after Warrs shall you have none And this as the Lord * Essayes Ess 35. of Prophecies Bacon saith was commonly understood of the Spanish Invasion in 1588 the King of Spain's Sirname being as they say Norway But Dr. * Challenge chap. 6. pag 177 178. Sutclyff the Dean of Exeter tells us That Parsons made another Interpretation of it to wit some after-Invasion yet by the Spaniards though the words of the Prophesies do somewhat differ yet of these Toys are we told that Parsons made use of to instigate the King of Spain to another Invasion in which his Majesty need not doubt of Success and a Conquest as he said seeing his Majesties Name was Philip Norway of whom the English had an old Prophecy Between Bostons Bay And the Pile of Foudray Shall be seen the black Navy of Norway And that nothing might be left undone to advantage the Spanish Cause and Title the chiefest about the Queen were sollicited to assist that Interest Watson the Priest telling us * Quodlibets pag. 150. 189. 51. 126. 132. That Father Parsons sent a Jesuit-Priest to the Earl of Essex to have had him to take a Pension of the King of Spain privately for the advancement of his designments and with others also they were not wanting And of this the Learned * Eliz. An. 8598. Cambden will give us some farther light telling us That the Earl of Essex affirmed that Anthony Rolston an English Fugitive was by the Spanish Agitators sent into England Creswell the Jesuit assisting in it as if the business were only to get a peace betwixt the two Crowns but in truth as Rolston himself confessed to discover what preparations the English had for warr to animate and confirm the Romanists and by bribes and large promises to corrupt some great Lords about the Queen in particular the Earl of Essex Neither was Parsons less active and zealous when he saw that ill success had render'd the Spaniard more cold in the business for the Pope's Designs upon England whether it were for the Duke of Parma or his younger Brother Cardinal Fernese as the wise Cardinal D' Ossat doth in several places discover and for which Pasquin at Rome gave him a rub for proof of this we need go no further than his own Countrey-man John Colleton born in Somersetshire of Lincoln Colledg in Oxford and as Pits thinks once Fellow of it a great Romanist for which for some years he under-went imprisonment was one of the greatest esteem amongst them having been not only an Assistant to two of their Arch-Priests but in the vacancy supplied the place it self and by them called Arch-Deacon of London This man of such credit and repute tells us thus of Father Parsons * Just Defence pag. 240 241. The Magistrates have in their hands and de facto have shewed to some Prisoners at the time of their Examinations for proof and to exaggerate the Disloyalties and Treasons objected one or more Letters which they affirm to be Father Parsons wherein his concurrence and furtherance to an Invasion were expressed Then the man's restless tampering in State-matters being reported to have proffered and re-proffered the Crown of our Countrey to several Princes now to one now to another as the meeting of matters and opportunities could most recommend and credit his words and entertain the Personage with hopes thereof c. Neither is Father Parsons holden only of our Magistrates for a Statist or Merchandizer of the Crown and Diadem though this were enough to estrange and divorce us from having any connexion or partaking in ought with him but his Travels and Negotiations this way are become so notoriously known that even Pasquine in Rome as Intelligence is sent us speaketh in this manner of him If there be any man that will buy the Kingdom of England let him repair to a Merchant in a black square Cap in the City and he shall have a very good Penniworth thereof That this is the true Copy word for word I cannot say but rather the substance of it or else only a Translation the Original of it being either in Italian or Latin because hung upon Pasquin's Buttock in the night time by a Roman Gentleman as * A. C. a Letter to his dis-Jesuited Kinsman pag. 43. one telleth us who giveth us another rendring of it thus If there be any Citizen here in Rome that is minded to purchase the Realm of England let him repair to the Rector of the English Colledg here within the City and he in Jesus Name will afford him a good Penniworth Which of these two is the truest Translation I cannot tell 't is certain the sense is the same and it cannot be denied but that he was the most active man in carrying on the designs against England for which he was in great repute and authority both with Pope and Spaniard whereupon there were some thoughts of a Cardinal's Cap for him To which purpose they tell us that his Friends Holt the Jesuit and Quodlibets p. 120 121. The Discovery pag. 61. A Copy of certain Discourses p. 127 Dr. Thomas Worthington who also became a Jesuit drew up a formal Letter supplicative in the Name of the people of England to the King of Spain humbly beseeching his Majesty that for the good of England he would earnestly deal with the Pope that Father Parsons might be a Cardinal affirming that to be the only means to unite the English hearts to his Majesties Service and Interest A little after 1597 Parsons gets from Spain to Rome where he is no sooner arrived but Cardinal Baronius and another Spanish Cardinal visit him and it is talked about that Parsons is to be a Cardinal too Of which they tell one story how he being advised by his Physicians to keep his stomach warm sent his Brother George for some Scarlet intending to make it a Stomacher his Brother's head being possest with Robert's advancement went to the Merchants and had carried into the Colledg a great deal of divers pieces of Scarlet for the making of his Brothers Cardinals Robes for so he gave out to all his acquaintants he met Father Parsons wondring at the reason of so much Scarlet but understanding the mistake was not a little vext and troubled knowing what sport would be made with it so the better to conceal it he dismist the Merchants secretly out at a Back-door Many more Stories might be told of Father Parsons
THE HISTORY OF POPISH TREASONS AND USURPATIONS THE HISTORY OF ROMISH Treasons Usurpations Together with A PARTICULAR ACCOUNT Of many gross CORRUPTIONS and IMPOSTURES In the CHURCH of ROME Highly dishonourable and injurious to Christian Religion To which is Prefixt A Large PREFACE to the ROMANISTS Carefully Collected out of a great number of their own approved Authors By HENRY FOVLIS B. D. Late Fellow of Lincoln-Colledge in Oxford S. Joh. 18. 36. Jesus answered My Kingdom is not of this world S. Luke 12. 14. Who made me a Ruler over you LONDON Printed by J. C. for Richard Chiswell at the two Angels and Crown in Little-Britain 1671. THE PREFACE Gentlemen I Am apt to fancy that at the first sight of these Papers I shall be loaded with your severest Censures condemn'd as the worst of Hereticks nay and branded as the greatest of Lyers and Slanderers And all this because I onely tell you what the Pope and his boldest Champions would have you to believe because I tell you what grand Authority his Holiness hath what great power and jurisdiction lyeth in your selves what bloudy actions have been done to maintain these priviledges and as a Preparative to all have afforded you the Glories Commendations and Prerogatives of your Religion from Brutes and Blocks Fools and Devils themselves with suchlike odd Arguments as some of your Graver Wits have troubled themselves confirm'd their Religion and pleasured us with But My Masters I may assure my self of a mitigation of your Fury when you have seriously considered that here I say nothing but what is asserted and vindicated by your own Authors approved of by your own Authority and agreeable to the Sentiments and Doctrine of the Pope himself From whence will follow that with what ill will or names you prosecute me for these Collections you must do the same to his Holiness and the greatest Assertors of his Religion I being but the Compiler or Transcriber of their words and actions which used to be your Patterns and Examples to live by and now to turn tail to oppose and contradict the Pope and his Learned Doctors not to believe in his infallible Documents might renew a Dispute about your disagreements or that there might be two contradictory Truths this may be true at Rome and yet the quite contrary also true in England as Father Coton and other Jesuits affirm'd at Paris In short thus to withstand the Pope would shew your selves no good sons of his Church though it might good subjects to your King which is a great part of a good Christian But by way of Apology for my self I must add that your own Writers occasioned and provoked these Collections that their slanders ingaged me to a Vindication and this Retort and I think Duty and Truth obligeth me to justifie my Mother the Church of England as well as they theirs of Rome And to deny us this favour would be a Restraint beyond all Story for if yours take upon them the liberty to oppose and defame our Church it would be strange if you would not allow us in England to vindicate her And by the by it had been well if they had not so much troubled themselves in opposing our Oath of Allegiance and clamouring against the Magistrates for requiring it which yet is more talk'd of then done seeing these Papers will shew both from Principles and actions that some mens Doctrines are so dangerous and pernicious that the strictest Oaths are scarce strong enough for them and that this especially is favourable enough considering the occasion of its making and the seditious Principles of some people 'T is said that those of ill names are half hang'd and the poor woman that durst not kill her Landlords ill-lucky Dog got her designe by crying out he was Mad whereby the Neighbours presently knockt him on the head And thus it fares with our Religion Of all names nothing more odious then a Traytor and the Romanists will scarce have any to be such but those of the Reformed Church which Charge they lay so heavy upon us and with such often Repetitions that most of their Gentry who in this and other things are apt to be Priest rid now use it as the onely Argument to bespatter the Church of England and I fancie have got some Proselytes by the strength of these Reproaches But I would have them to remember once for all that every one in England is not of the Church of England and for other Churches at this time I shall not concern my self and for ought that I know our Presbyterian and Independant are as great enemies to our Church as the Romanist Certain I am the Papists ought to be cautious in their Accusations against these mischievous Non-Conformists also lest at the same time they do but condemn themselves and I a Utinam eorum nonnulli qui rectissime damnant non pessimè imitarentur Bp. Sanderson de jurament Prael 7. § 3. wish there were no reason for such a supposition yet it is too true that at the same time that the former were Rebels against the King in England the Romanist was as active in Ireland despising and vilifying his Majesty through his Viceroy then Marquess of Ormond as much as those did the King in England And though here the Presbyterians imprison'd the King renounced him by their Non-Address and by their other villanies set up the Scaffold and the Independants and other Phanaticks struck off the Head yet will the Irish-Romanists gain small honour by this Objection seeing they did as much as lay in their power to act the same to their Viceroy by fighting against him excommunicating him combining to take away his life or to deliver him up to the Independant Army by trayterously offering themselves and Kingdom to the command of Forreigners as Lorraine the French the Spaniard nay the Pope himself Not to insist here how grateful the Kings Murther was to several Romanists and how formerly they have gloryed in the Murther of other Princes Yet will their Writers take the confidence to declare their innocencie and loyalty to the face of the whole world and thereby not onely seem to quit and clear themselves but at the same time bespatter and asperse what in them lyeth us wicked Hereticks as they are apt to call us Pedro de Ribadeneyra a Jesuit of no small Sanctity and credit amongst them being a Disciple and acquaintance of their Founder Ignatius though as arrant a Railer as the best of them would gladly perswade the world that a Hoc i. e. Evangelium mentiri docet hoc pejurare hoc fingere hoc dissimulare hoc adulare hoc Hypocritas esse hoc Principes ovinam pellem induere nihilominus laniare occidere sanguinem prosundere more luporum gregem dominicum devotare Quantas Deus bone seditiones quantas turbas tumultus novum hoc vestrum Evangelium ab eo tempore quo primum eme◠sit in mundo excitavit Quot
Boâ—aventure Aâ—â—inus Perron c. rather say that these with your other chiefest Doctors Divines School-men Canonists Lawyers with your grat est Scholars and Writers have belyed and slander'd you and your Religion rather then I who am onely the Instrument to convey to you the Words sentiments and belief of these your grave Oracles leaving at your own discretion either to approve or reject them For if you doubt or question the truth of this Assertion According to the Church of Rome Kings may justly and lawfully be deposed it being nothing to the purpose which way or by what knavish distinction The true-blew Romanists will positively assure you that it is a truth so certain that not so much as any one do make any doubt of it For as saith Bellarmine It is agreed on by all Nor amongst the School-men is there any Controversie about it nor can they shew one Catholick Author against it And to say that Kings may be deposed is a golden sentence and this is not a meer Opinion but a certain truth amongst all Catholicks And that this may be justly done none but a Madman will deny Decianus saith that it is the true and common Opinion so that Germonius affirmeth that it is madness not to believe it It is now evident and conspicuous to all says Mancinus and Capistranus Botero would have us believe that it is ridiculous to think otherwise or as Gretser saith to deny this King-deposing Doctrine as the same to deny the Catholick faith And this he repeats over and over again that he might be the better believed and offers at some reason for it too which he need not have troubled himself with to have convinced King James seeing his Majestie would easily believe him if by the Catholick Faith he meant the Roman Religion as we need not question but that he did In behalf and vindication of Allegiance in King James his time was here publish'd by Authority a little Book call'd God and the King In opposition to this Tract is another Dialogue printed by the Romanists beyond Seas and also call'd Deus Rex wherein is affirm'd that this King-deposing Doctrine is doubtless the suffrage of all men Gregorius Nunnius Coronel telleth us that if we should read all the Ancient and Modern Divines and Lawyers we shall finde that they do unanimously affirm this Doctrine and those who think otherwise are not onely far from truth but madmen If you ask Cardinal Perron of this thing he will tell you that it was always the judgement of the Roman Church that all Magistrates and Divines maintain'd the same and to believe the contrary would make them Schismaticks and Hereticks or else the Church must have fail'd and so the Pope not to have been Christs Vicar but a perfect Heretick and Antichrist If you advise with Adolphus Schulckenius Vicar-General of Colen he will plainly tell you that it is the judgement of all their Divines Lawyers Councils and Popes that he is no good Catholick that denyeth it which cannot be opposed without great rashness and blasphemy and no less man then Cardinal Allen assureth the Catholicks that by maintaining this Principle they are no Traytors nor hold Assertions Treasonable false or undutiful His friend Father Parsons saith that it is asserted and taught in all the Schools both of their Divines and their Lawyers and that the Doctrine is certain and must be believed as an Article And again that it is the most certain undoubted Common Judgement of all the learned Catholicks And in another of his Books thus he assures his good Romanists All Catholick Subjects also of other Countries do hold and acknowledge this Doctrine If this Doctrine be not true Sanctarellus will have the Church to erre and Suarez affirms that it is as certain as it is certain that the Church cannot erre That to believe otherwise is against Ecclesiastical Custom the practice and agreement of the General Councils against the opinion of all learned Catholicks â—nd against reason it self Nay in short that to believe the contrary is downright and flat Heresie as several of them tell us Carerius calls it the very Heresie of Calvin and suchlike Hereticks meaning in not allowing the Pope to have power to depose Kings and Solarzanus testifieth the same with this addition that it hath been formerly condemn'd as Heretical No less man then Leonardus Lessius though under the disguise of Singletonus tells us that to think that Kings may not be depos'd is expresly against the great Lateran Council whence he makes these following Conclusions and the same method and arguments are also used and approved of by Cardinal Bellarmine I. If Kings may not be deposed then of necessity must that General Council of Lateran have erred and not onely this but also that of Lyon that of Vienna that of Constance c. nay that the very Council of Trent it self must also have erred and also not onely these his General Councils but also several Provincial ones II. If this King-deposing Doctrine be not true then must the Popes themselves also be fallible for then must Gregory VII have erred Vrban II have erred and so must also Gregory IX III. If this Principle be not true then must also the Church it self have erred for many Ages nay farther to have erred willingly or maliciously with a designe or on purpose And that Hell hath prevail'd against the Church and so the Roman Church not to be a true Church nor the Church of Christ IV. And if the Church Councils Popes have erred in this they may also erre in other Articles as the Sacraments Trinity Incarnation c. and that with greater ease and facility whereby Christ must be a Deceiver and so we may suspect the whole Christian faith it self Thus you see the judgement of their so much cryed up holy Lessius who farther assures us that to deny this Doctrine is the meer cunning and instigation of the Devil Again That there is scarce any Article in the Christian Religion the denying of which is more dangerous to the Church then this Doctrine Again That it is more pernicious and intolerable then to erre concerning the Sacraments And to conclude with him he at last conjures all that call themselves Catholicks upon their Salvation to have a care how they deny this For as Coquaeus will tell you this King-deposing Doctrine is agreeable to the holy Scriptures and the Rules of Christ Another assures us that to doubt of the truth of it would seem not onely to oppugn the verity of the Christian Faith but to savour of perfect Heathenism But not to trouble my self or Reader with their zeal and resolution in defence of this King-deposing Doctrine in which I might be endless I shall tell you that no less man then our Cardinal Allen declares his judgement in these very words God had not sufficiently provided for our Salvation and the preservation of the Church and Holy Laws if there were no way to deprive
idle evasions A knack or knavery onely fit for those Romantick or Melancholy Don Quixot Virtuosi who love to be call'd Schoolmen whose Trade is onely to rack Divinity and Reason and to smother up Truth with insignificant distinctions and never think themselves knowing enough till they can tell the colour dimension weight and contexture of all Vices Vertues or Actions a sort of people that can be zealously grave upon empty nothings and like the little Spirits in Mines idly keep a great deal of clutter and toyl without any proficiencie like d Lib. de Mirabilibus Aristotles madman who took as much pleasure and was as observant in an empty Stage as others at a real Act. But it may be these may take it ill to have their distempers corrected like the fellow in e Epist lib. 2. Epist 2. Horace who was angry at his friends for curing him of his Madness protesting he had lost his life and greatest happiness yet in some men this study is convenient because 't is fit our enemies should be fought with at all their respective Weapons But why should we blame the good-natured Romanist for espousing this King-deposing Doctrine seeing he hath such grand incouragements for his so doing and hath such fine pretty sweet Rules laid down for his guide that it is almost an impossibility for him to sin and to make him the more bold and confident in any daring Enterprize they have invented two excellent Crutches to support the undertaker and help every lame Dog over the Stile and are call'd by their Masters in this Science The two Rules of Directing the Intention Probable Opinion By which is taught if we may credit either the f Vid. les Provinciales Jansenist or g Vid. Responces aux Lettres Provinciales pag. 103 104 105 108 110 111 115 116 334. Jesuit that if you mean well though your actions and deeds be bad all is safe and that the judgement of one or two Doctors or Divines is enough to make an Opinion to be probably true and that which is thus render'd a Probable Doctrine may honestly without sin be followed and perpetrated and the Priest and Confessor is obliged by his Office to absolve such an one for his thus acting according to the probable opinion And what wickedness may be committed under the protection of such deluding Salvo's is no difficulty to conceive But suppose that for all these Guards and Protections it were possible for a Romanist to sin in any of these his undertakings yet is there Pardon to be had Dog-cheap according to the old and careful Custom of their Mother-Church of Rome for it is but trudging thither and they are cock-sure of Absolution of which a few instances for their greater comfort take as followeth At St. Peters Church in the Vatican from the Ascension of Christ to the Calends of August is every day granted pardon for 14 years At St. Pauls Church is every day granted pardon for 18 years Pope Silvester granted to any one that shall but enter such Churches at Rome pardon for 47 years In the Church of St. Agnes are pardons for 46 years In the Church St. Maria Maggiore is every day granted pardons for 48 years In St. Pauls Church upon every day of his Conversion is granted pardon for 100 years In the Churches of St. Lucia of St. Elizabeth of St. Clara are every day granted in each of them pardons for 100 years In the Church of St. Catherina are granted pardons for 200 years In St. Agnes Church on his Feast-day are also granted pardons for 200 years In St. Susanna's Church are pardons for 200 years In the Church Del S. Croce upon every Sunday and Wednesday are granted pardons for 254 years In St. Sebastians Church there is a pit where the bodies of St. Peter and St. Paul as they say lay hid an hundred years before they were found at this place pardons are granted for 300 years In St. Martins Church where St. Silvester was buryed are every day granted pardons for 300 years But because some may think that these few hundreds are not enough to satisfie for the journey their Indulgent Mother hath enlarged her bounty to thousands as followeth In St. John's Church in the Lateran is a Chappel call'd Sancta Sanctorum not far from which is an ascent of 33 steps and how if a man shall ascend them for every step he shall have 1000 years pardon in all 33000 years In St. Peters Church upon every Feast of St. Peter St. Paul and the Virgin Mary and the Ascension of Christ are pardons granted for 1000 years In St. Sebastians Church from Christs Ascension to the Calends of August are every day granted pardons for 1000 years In St. Maria Maggiore upon every Feast-days of St. Mary the Birth and Resurrection of Christ and St. Laurence his day are pardons for 1000 years In St. James his Church they say there is a stone upon which Christ stood when he was presented in the Temple and at it are granted pardons for 1000 years In St. Catherina's Church upon her Festival are pardons for 1000 years In St. Petronella's Church are pardons for 1000 years In St. Minerva's Church are pardons for 1000 years In the Church St. Maria Annunciata for every day one shall visit it are granted pardons for 1040 years In the Church St. Maria del Popolo are every day granted pardons for 2800 years In a Cloyster adjoyning to St. Pauls Church upon every Sunday and some other holy-days are pardons granted for 3000 years To whomsoever that shall drink of the three fountains where St Paul was beheaded whose head when cut off gave three leaps and so made them is granted from every Fountain a thousand years in all 3000 years Whosoever shall but visit the Sepulchre of St. Stephen and St. Laurence in St. Laurence's Church to him is granted pardons for 7000 years In St. Pauls Church upon the day of its Dedication are pardons granted for 8000 years In St. Peters Church in the Vatican in the high Altar is the Hankirchief which they say Christ wiped his face with and since that bears his picture which is some times â—hew'd to the people by vertue of which the Roman people have pardons granted for 7000 years Those that dwell out of Rome have 9000 years Those that live out of Italy and come to see it have pardons for 12000 years In short in St. Sebastians Church there is a vault wherein the Christians in old time of persecution used to hide themselves and to this Vault they say do belong so many pardons and Indulgences as none can number but onely God But what need we stand fiddle-fadling about the numbers of years seeing the Church of Rome is so brisk debonnaire frank and free to her sons that rather then to give them any disincouragement she will venture all her interest and credit for their sake and in this her stock is so great that we cannot suppose her to
distance and according to his skill in Astronomy he makes the Pope to be about forty seven times better than a King But this seeming too little for his Holiness it fairly concludes him to be above 7744 times greater than any King And though this seems brave and sound high yet e Chimaera fol. 97. a. Stanislaius Orichorius of a later cut makes it his business to out-vapour the Gloss by affirming that a common Priest is as much better than a King as a Man is better than a Beast Nay farther that as much as God Almighty doth excel a Priest so much doth a Priest excel a King And this may somewhat agree with Gaspar Scioppius a great man amongst them though of more words and passion than Charity or Discretion who in the swindge of his Zeal alloweth all Lay-men to be no better than Horses Mules or Asses and that with such small distinction that the Romanist Ecclesiasticus cap. 147. himself hath but the honour to be a tame Ass whilst the Heretick is a wilde one Nor do the Kings of the Popish perswasion get any more addition of esteem from him then that they are the foremost or leading Asses with fine jangling Bells about their necks And that favorite of their Church Reges Catholici sunt Asini cum Tintinnabulâ— c. Charles the Great is honour'd enough as Schoppius thinks by calling him a wiser and greater Ass than our King James because he was obedient to the Pope And the truth is many of our chief Princes by their too much debasing themselves to that Chair have rendred themselves little better than Scioppius his comparisons or his Holiness must have thought them to be so in respect of his Almighty Greatness Witness the great Kings and Emperours who have held the Popes Stirrops have kiss'd his Toe have like Foot-boys led their Horses along witness Alexander the Third for presuming to Vid. Tho. Bozium de Italiae statu l. 3. c. 4. pag. 298. tread upon the Emperour Frederick Barbarossa's neck witness Gregory the Seventh for making the Emperour Henry the Fourth to wait upon him three several days in the midst of Winter bare-foot bare-headed and fasting and several suchlike impudent stories which may be seen more at large in the prosecution of this History And for more confirmation of this Papal Pride and Greatness let us take a short view of somewhat to this purpose which they have left upon Record with a strict injunction to be performed by all Kings and Emperours whatsoever The Pope in the Book of their holy Ceremonies doth command as a Law Sacrarum Ceremoniaâ—um Edit Rom. 1560. lib. â— That when an Emperour goeth to be Crown'd by a Pope a Fol. 22. he is as soon as he espyeth his Holiness to kneel and worship him bare-headed then to approach nearer and kiss his feet and the same is to be done by the b Fâ—l 2â— Empress when she is Crowned When the Emperour is Crowned at the publick Procession before a world of people he is to c Fol. â—6 go to the Popes Horse and there to hold the Stirrop till his Holiness mounts on Horse-back and then like a Lackey must he lead the Popes Rosonante some way by the Reins And this piece of service or slavery must the d Fol. 17. Emperour King or chief Potentate perform when the Pope is chosen in his Procession to the Lateran Church But if there be two Kings present then hath the Pope expresly commanded that e Ibid. one of them on his Right-side the other on his Left must lead his Palfrey along by the Bridle And this Office of the Yeoman of the Stirrop they are confidently pleas'd to tell us that Constantine the Great did it to Pope Sylvester But the f 〈◊〉 Dâ—nâ—â—io vâ—l Privilâ—gi â—â— Constantant Copy whence they produce this I shall prove to be a whilking lye and forgery in the following History The Pope goeth on in his proud Laws by decreeing that the best Lay-man though he be Emperour or King must g Sacâ—aâ— Ceâ—em lib. 1. fol. 20. carry water for the Pope to wash his hands in nor must his trouble and slavery cease here but he must also carry up the first dish of meat to his Table And as if all this were not enough to debase the Temporal Princes the same Authority goeth on commanding that if the Pope will not ride on horse-back but be carryed in his Chair that then the four of the greatest Princes yea although the Emperour be one of them shall put their h Fol. 1â— shoulders to the said Chair and so carry him some space yet this being a tyranny beyond all expression therefore somewhat to mitigate it they provide that four lusty fellows shall so far assist as to ease those Royal Shoulders from the great weight The truth is the Pope is wont to call himself the servant of servants of God But 't is none of the least signs of great Pride to affect a seeming Title of humility when in the mean time they make it their design to Domineer over the whole world and something to this purpose their Gloss upon Gratian affords us this Distich * 1 q. 7. c. Quoties Cordis Gloss Et per te Servierant tibi Roma prius Domini Dominorum Servorum servi nunc tibi sunt Domini The greatest Kings once serv'd thee Rome but now To th'least of Servants thou thy neck must bow And such another like cheat as this doth his Holiness afford the Romans or rather the holy Scripture when he is elected and carryed to the Lateran where he takes up as much a Sacrar Cerem lib. 1. fol. 17. money as he can in his hand and throws it amongst the people saying * Acts 3. 6. Silver and gold have I none but such as I have give I thee A most ridiculous Ceremony for his Infallible Holiness thus to abuse the words of St. Peter And though Pope Julius the Third was content to call himself no more than Gods Vicar yet the extravagancy of the expression spoil'd the Complement For as the story goeth having once commanded a Peacock to H. Estiâ—ne Apol pour Herod p. 291. be set by that he might eat it cold and being missing when he desired it forced him into a great rage and being desired by a Cardinal not to be angry for such a Trifle thus replyed If God was so angry for an Apple as to drive Adam out of Paradise why might not he that was Gods Vicar be angry for a Peacock of more worth And like this was another reply of the said Pope who wanting his Dish of Pork and being told that his Physitian had forbad it as not then good for him thus unholily commanded Bring me my Pork in spight of God Porta mi quel mio piatto al dispetto di Dio. Methinks Johannes Andraeas Bishop of Aleria in Corsica thought himself no
Whether the Pope have power to discharge any of her Highness Subjects or the Subjects of any Christian Prince from the Allegiance or Oath of Obedience to her Majesty or to their Prince for any cause V. Whether the said Dr. Saunders in his Book of his visible Monarchy of the Church and Dr. Bristow in his Book of Motives writing in Both of them affirming that Kings may be deposed by the Pope allowance commendation and confirmation of the said Bull of Pius the Fifth have therein taught testified or maintain'd a truth or a to falshood VI. If the Pope do by his Bull or sentence pronounce her Majesty to be deprived and no lawful Queen and her Subjects to be discharged of their Allegiance and obedience unto her and after the Pope or any other by his appointment and authority do invade this Realm which part would you take or what part ought a good Subject of England take The Answer of Mr. Luke Kirby LUke Kirby To the First he saith that the Resolution of this Article dependeth upon the general Question whether the Pope may for any cause depose a Prince Wherein his Opinion is that for some causes he may lawfully depose a Prince and that such a sentence ought to be â—beyed II. To the second he thinketh that in some cases as infidelity or such-like her Majesty is not to be obeyed against the Popes Bull and sentence for so he saith he hath read that the Pope hath so done de facto against other Princes III. To the third he saith he cannot answer IV. To the fourth that the Pope for Infidelity hath such power as is mentioned in this Article V. To the fifth he thinketh that both Dr. Saunders and Dr. Bristow might be deceived in these points in their Books but whether they were deceived or not he referreth to God VI. To the last he saith that when the case shall happen he must then take counsel what what were best for him to do Luke Kirby John Popham Da. Lewes Thomas Egerton John Hammond Mr. Thomas Cottoms Answer THomas Cottom To the first in this and in all other Questions he believeth as the Catholick Church which he taketh to be the Church of Rome teacheth him And other answer he maketh not to any of the rest of these Articles By me Thomas Cottom Priest John Popham Da. Lewes Thomas Egerton John Hammond Mr. Lawrence Richardsons Answer LAwrence Richardson To the fifth he answereth that so far as Dr. Saunders and Dr. Bristow agree with the Catholick Doctrine of the Church of Rome he alloweth that Doctrine to be true And touching the first and all the rest of the Articles he saith that in all matters not repugnant to the Catholick Religion he professeth obedience to her Majesty and otherwise maketh no answer to any of them But believeth therein as he is taught by the Catholick Church of Rome Lawrence Richardson John Popham Da. Lewes Thomas Egerton John Hammond Mr. Thomas Ford's Answer I. THomas Ford. To first he saith that he cannot answer because he is not privy to the circumstances of that Bull but if he did see a Bull published by Gregory the Thirteenth he would then deliver his Opinion thereof II. To the second he saith that the Pope hath Authority to depose a Prince upon certain occasions and when such a Bull shall be pronounced against her Majesty he shall then answer what the duty of her Subjects and what her right is III. To the third he saith he is a private Subject and will not answer to any of these Questions IV. To the fourth he saith that the Pope hath Authority upon certain occasions which he will not name to discharge Subjects of their Obedience to their Prince V. To the fifth he saith that Dr. Saunders and Dr. Bristow be learned men and whether they have taught truely in their Books mentioned in this Article he referreth to answer to themselves for himself will not answer VI. To the last he saith that when that case shall happen he will make answer and not before Thomas Forde John Popham Da. Lewes Thomas Egerton John Hammond Mr. John Sherts Answer JOhn Shert To all the Articles he saith that he is a Catholick and swerveth in no point from the Catholick Faith and in other sort to any of these Articles he refuseth to answer John Shert John Popham Da. Lewes Thomas Egerton John Hammond Mr. Robert Johnsons Answer I. RObert Johnson To the first he saith he cannot answer II. To the second he cannot tell what power or authority the Pope hath in the points named in this Article III. To the third he thinketh that the Pope hath authority in some cases to authorize Subjects to take arms against their Princes IV. To the fourth he thinketh that the Pope for some causes may discharge Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to their natural Prince V. To the fifth he saith the Answer to this Article dependeth upon the lawfulness of the cause for which the Pope hath given sentence against her But if the cause was just then he thinketh the Doctrine of Dr. Saunders and Dr. Bristow to be true Whether the cause were just or not he taketh not upon him to judge VI. To the last he saith that if such deprivation and invasion should be made for temporal matters he would take part with her Majesty but if it were for any matter of his Faith he thinketh he were then bound to take part with the Pope Robert Johnson John Popham Da. Lewes Thomas Egerton John Hammond Mr. John Harts Answer I. JOhn Hart. To the first he saith that it is a difficult Question and that he cannot make answer thereunto II. To the second he saith that her Majesty is lawful Queen and ought to be obeyed notwithstanding the Bull supposed to be published by Pius the Fifth But whether she ought to be obeyed and taken for a lawful Queen notwithstanding any Bull or sentence that the Pope can give he saith he cannot answer III. To the third he cannot answer and further saith that he will not meddle with any such Questions IV. To the fourth he saith he is not resolved and therefore he cannot answer V. To the fifth he saith he will not deal with any such Questions and knoweth not whether Saunders and Bristow have taught well herein or not VI. To the last he saith that when such a case shall happen he will then advise what becometh him to do for presently he is not resolved This he did acknowledge to us after he had fully perused the same but refused to subscribe to it John Popham Da. Lewes Thomas Egerton John Hammond Mr. William Filbee's Answer I. WIlliam Filbee To the first he saith the Pope hath authority to depose any Prince and such sentences when they be promulgated ought to be obeyed by the subjects of any Prince But touching the Bull of Pius the Fifth he can say nothing but if it was such as it is affirmed to be he doth allow
of Pope Zachary Giulio Cerrio having been somewhat large in respect of the bulk of his Tract in examples of the Popes power in deposing Kings fairly concludes that t Hora in simili casi altri appertenenti alla Fede niuno puo dubitare che l'autorità de i sommi Pontesici non se stenda assolutamente sopra qual si voglia dignita Temporale Certio Risposta per la verita no man must doubt of the Popes absolute jurisdiction over Kings in some causes and this may be interpreted to the worst sence well enough since the whole drift of that Letter F pag. 111. is in opposition to those who deny this deposing power to be in the Pope To tell any man what Cardinal Bellarmine was would be impertinent since his name is come into a Proverb They say that many were formerly much beholden to Lyranus for his Writings Nisi Lyra lyrasset Nemo nostrum saltasset Some think Cambden as much beholden to Leland Pitseus to Bale however we know that several have walk'd in English habit for Authors which in truth have scarce been so good as Translations and so Samuel Clark the poor botching Presbyterian-story-teller is a voluminous partial Plagiary beyond all mercy one as fit to write the Church-history as Alexander Rosse to continue Sir Walter Raleigh As for Bellarmine you may look through him like a Multiplying-glass and perceive multitudes of people toyling themselves out of his Bowels to get themselves published in the world that if he had never writ the Romish Church had wanted at least an hundred Authors to augment their Catalogue and in this sort our Country-men make as bold with him as any to thrust their little English Pieces both for gain and honour amongst their party in these Nations This learned Cardinal was a true son of his Church as he shews through all his writings especially when he is concerned for her greatness and authority in one place he saith that the Pope can sometimes u Potest mutare Regna uni auferre atque alteri conferre Bellarm de Roman Pont. lib. 5. c. 6. change Kingdoms take away from one and give to another he being the judge x Ib. c. 7. to determine whether a King be fit to be deposed or no and if it be thought fit that he should be deposed then y Nec ulla eis injuria fiet si deponantur Ib. there is no wrong done to him if he be turned from his Throne And this jurisdiction he defends in another of his a Possit eos Regnis atque Imperiis exuere eaque Regna Imperia ab aliis ad alios transferre Id. De Translat Imper. Rom. lib. 1. c. 12. Books and in another b Si quidem inter omnes convenit posse Pontificem maximum Haereticos Principes jure deponere subditos eorum ab obedientia liberare Mat. Tort. Respons pag. 9. Book he declares that this Opinion is agreed upon by all and this power he affirms in another of his c Contra Barchaium cap. 27. Books Though 't is d Jac. Fuligatto vita Card. Bellarm l. 1. c. 2. said of him that he would never remember that he either ever told lye in his life or beguil'd the truth by excuse or jeasts yet I shall scarce believe that he speaks altogether truth in his thus attributing so great authority in temporal things over Monarchs to the Pope yet for all that he was the Chief Champion of that See and allow'd to its Bishops all the aforesaid power and jurisdiction yet we are assured by the Testimony of a learned Romanist e De potestate Papae cap. 13. pag. 101. cap. 40. pag. 329. Guilielmus Barclaius that Pope Sixtus the Fifth was sometimes thinking to Censure and extinguish all Bellarmines works because as he thought he allow'd him too small authority in Temporals There were two of different Orders viz. Johannes f Epitome Controvers ex Bellarm. part 2. quest 21. p. 180. Andraeas Coppenstein a Dominican and g Solida Christianor fidei demonstratio lib. 3. cap. 10. Baldwinus Junius a Franciscan who have severally Epitomiz'd this Cardinals Controversies and with him they embrace this King-deposing Maxime They were after translated into French by the appointment of Cardinal Perron Jacobus Gretserus as an industrious a Jesuite as ever Germany brought forth whose resolution zeal and speedy pen made his Books almost innumerable and as in all other things so in this of the Popes authority he endeavours to vindicate h Gretser defensio Controversiarum Card. Bellarm. Tom. 2. col 1153 1154. c. Bellarmine and seems to wonder at King i Commentar Exegit in Reg. Britan. c. 6 7. James for denying such power to be in the Pope nay when he seems to make it his business to vindicate his Society from the suspition of Rebellion and to tell to all the world what brave Subjects to temporal Kings they are and will be even then doth he ruine all their loyalty by one exception k At si Pontifex aliquem ab haeresin à regno arceat ne subditos in haeresin inducat tum libere fateor nos nostrum judicium ad Pontificis judicium aggregare satiusque reputare Defens Apol. Gal. pag. 591. But yet saith he if the Pope should deprive any King for heresie marry then I do freely confess that we shall submit our selves to the Popes judgement A very good Item for which they deserved the teeth as well as the heart of Henry the Great Another of the same Order l Juris Canon Compend § 984. Petrus Alagonia and m Juris Canon Compend lib. 5. Tit. de Haeret § 13. Johannes Honorius van Axel with the Canon-law write down the same Principles in their Compendiaries and the Carmelite Fryar Giovanni Antonio Bovio findes fault with Father Paul the Venetian famed for his learning judgement moderation and integrity that amongst the Offices belonging to the Pope he doth not set down n Doveva anco se volea numerare tutte le Opere del Carico Pastorale fac mentioner dello trasferire de gli Imperii d'Oriente in Occidente habilitare inhabilitare alli Regni instituere destituere i Re che anco questo possono fare i supremi vicarii di Christo in Terra quando cio besogni per conservatione della fede Religione Christiana l'hanno fatto quando è venuto l'occasione ha hanuto effeâ—to è stato cio riceunto appovato da tutta la Christianica Anton. Bovio Risposta alle consideratione del M. Paolo pag. 69. his translating of Empires setting up and pulling down of Kings since he hath such authority An Article that I dare say Bovio never learned from the Virgin Mary whom they brag to be the Patroness and Foundress of their Order William Allen or Allain born in Lancashire a great darling with the secular Priests for whom he was the
of Constantine is a foolish and absurd forgery to be disposed and hist at by all men being onely maintain'd by a company of ignorant people And i De Script Eccles Tom. 1. pag. 237. Philippe â—abâ—e another French Jesuite well versed in these things confesseth that Baronius Morinus and others may very well doubt it XIII They write that this Baptism and supposed Donation of Constantine was in the CCCXXIV and yet the Decree it self of such a Donation with the story of his Baptism is dated Constantine and Gallicanus being Consuls And yet according to the Fasti of the Consuls Crispus and Constantinus were then Consuls and not Gallicanus who was Consul with Bassus some VII years before this and was again V years after the Nicen Council and this false dating is another sign of the cheat XIV If Constantine gave all this to the Church of Rome in Pope Sylvesters time how cometh k 12. Q. 1. c. Futuram Melchiades who was Pope before this Sylvester to take notice of Constantine's being a Christian and expresly to relate his building of Churches his giving great things to Rome and his leaving of that City to the Popes The truth is they are both cheats to the shame of the Collectors of their Canon-law who would thus fob such forgeries upon us And Gregory XIII his amendments were to small purpose leaving such gross lyes as these in their Canon to deceive the more ignorant More might be said against the pretended Donation of Constantine but this is enough to satisfie any man of its forgeries and that there was never any such thing However because they pretend to give some reasons for it take some for example sake I. First they say that Eusebius in his book call'd Enneadoes writes the storie of the Leprosie Baptism and Donation of Constantine and so why not true Answer This is a spurious and counterfeit Book never made by Eusebius as a An. 1191. § 51. Baronius and b Var. Resol l. 4. c. 16. § 8. Covarruvias confess and the true Eusebius writes no such thing but quite contrary as aforesaid II. Again they say that S. Hierome in one of his c Beginning Saepissime rogatus Epistles to Eustichius affirmeth Constantine to have been baptized by Sylvester and so not at Nicomedia as Eusebius saith Answer This is also a forged Epistle never writ by S. Hierome but by some cheat or other and father'd upon him as many other writings are as is confess'd by d Not. in Martyr Rom. Aug. 1. Baronius and e Apparat. in Hier. pag. 752. Possevine with f Tom. 4. pag. 202. Annot. ante Epist Praef. ante Tom. 4. Hieroâ— Erasmus and several g See Jo. Hen. Hottinger Elench Scriptor suppositiorum page 83. others III. Again they say that h Dist 96. c. 14. Constantinus Gratian having collected the storie of it into his Decrees and so become a part of the Canon-law we need not suspect the Antiquity of it no question but they had good reason and true for putting of it there Answer I hope you will not take all to be Gospel in these Decrees for if so i Dist 34. c. 4. 5. with the contents Edict Ludg. 15 44. 1572. Edict Paris 1561. Concubines will thank you for allowing them so fair a plea. But to the purpose 't is confest by k Hist part 1. Tit. 8. c. 2. § 8. Antonius Bishop of Florence by l Antropol l. 23. fol. 270. a. Volateran by m De concord Cathol l. 3. c. 2. Cusanus and others that this was not inserted by Gratian nor is it in the Ancient Copies and the Palea or Chaff prefixt to its Title tell you what stamp and authority 't is of However to prove this donation though not inserted by Gratian yet to be set in these Decrees in his time n De jurisdict part 1. c. 30. § 35 36. Dr. Marta tells us a storie of a plagiary Cardinal why such Chapters were so call'd But another Italian Lawyer o De juris peritis Catellianus Cotta saith that Palea was one who was Schollar to Gratian and probably one is as true as the other Several other suchlike spurious Authorities as these are alledged in behalf of this Donation to which I need not trouble the Reader with an Answer but refer him to Dr. Crakinthorp And in truth Dâ— Barwâ—ck's lite of Bishop Morton some of them are impudent to a miracle in this way of forgery witness their yet confident storie of the Nags-head Ordination as notorious a lye as ever was spread abroad witness their affirming that the Reverend Bishop Mâ—rton confest the truth of the storie in a Speech in Parliament as true as the other But had the storie been true might not we say we took the Example from Pope John XII who a Baron anno 963. § 17. Binius Concil ordain'd a Deacon in a Stable Here basely the Fathers and others have been abused and corrupted in their Additions I shall not at this time undertake to declare but refer you to b Corruption of Father See also Blondel Psâ—udo-Isidor W Crashaw's Romish forgeries and falfications Dr. Tho James and Archbishop Vsher left a large Manuscript behind him much to the same purpose The aforesaid c Appendix to the Reader Dr. James an industrious Toyler amongst all sorts of Books and Writings tells that in the Vatican Library there are certain men maintain'd onely to write out the Acts of the Councils or Copies of the Fathers works who are brought up to imitate the ancient Letters and writings of some of them which Possevine the Jesuit confessing that Manuscripts themselves need a Purgation To prevent the thrusting of these Abuses upon us the Noble Prince Henry had some thoughts to erect a Royal Library with all sorts of Books and Editions as I think betwixt St. James and the Muze And in the Proposition presented to the aforesaid Prince both to forward and to shew the means to carry on such a glorious design I finde these following words according to my Manuscript confirming the former observation of Dr. d It would be well if several of his Books were reâ—â—inted to shew the abuse of some Editions of Fathers James The Pope gathereth up all the Manuscripts he can into his Library the Vatican and there useth them at his pleasure One of their tricks is Notorious they have men that can counterfeit any hand and write the old hands that were written 500 and 1000 years ago then they have an artificial Ink which within three days after the writing looks as it had been written 500 years afore Thus having altered and taken out all that made for us they suppress the old true Copies and produce these new ones they written by themselves as afore as the Authentical Books In this was also designed a noble maintenance for the Library-Keepers and other Officers thereunto belonging to
And Mr. a Scetâ—◠§ Murray Cambden tells us the place was Kinloss and that the body was found there at which time and place Flowers did miraculously spring up whence at first it was call'd b I. e. The Kirk or Church of Flowers Kill-flos but by corruption Kinloss or Killoss where was formerly a famous Monastery belonging to the Cistercians founded by St. David King of Scotland As for Donald to prevent suspition about the time of the Murther he went amongst those who kept the watch as he had been careful of the Kings preservation and there he continued till morning but when noise was raised that the King was murder'd and his body not to be found for they had taken special care that no bloud should be seen out of the Chamber but his bed was all bloudy he as if amazed and ignorant of such a thing ran suddenly to the Chamber where finding the Chamberlains he slew them as guilty of that heinous murther and running up and down every place as if to discover finding the Postern-gate open he threw the fault upon the Chamberlains whom before he had slain affirming them to have had the Keys of the Gates committed to their keeping all that night And the truth is he made himself so strangely busie in the discovery that several began to mistrust him though at that time they durst not speak of it At this horrid murther their Authors tell us that for six Moneths after neither Sun nor Moon appear'd in that Kingdom but they had enough of strange tempests and thunders which put the people out of their little Wits After this horrid Murther Culene was King who made it his business to finde out and punish the Murderers of King Duffe which within half a year he accomplished found and took up the body of the King which they say was no sooner done but the Air cleared and the Sun appeared gloriously again The body was by order buryed in the little c Amongst the Hebrides Western Island of Scotland call'd Colmekill or Columbkill from the d The Irish say he was their Countryman Scotch Apostle St. Columba who sometimes lived there some think it the same with the Island Iona. In which Island was a famous Abbey or Monastery built by King Fergus the Second which for many years was the burying place of the Kings of Scotland As for King Culene he gave himself wholly over to sensuality and negligence which made the Nobles resolve to depose him to which purpose they summoned a Parliament at Scone the place where the Scottish Kings were Crown'd Culene informed of this and knowing himself not strong enough to oppose resolves to go thither also but being on his journey he was a An. 971. murder'd at Meffen-Castle by one Radard or Cadhard Lord or Governour thereof whose Daughter the King had ravished Upon this Murther Kenneth the Third is King at Scone one hugely commended for all manner of Kingly vertues nor had he any thing to blemish that great Reputation he had justly deserved and got but one wicked crime viz. the poysoning of his Cousin Malcolme Governour of Cumberland which heinous fault though no man suspected him yet his own Conscience accusing him he confest it himself and did really repent of that crime But leaving this let us see the manner of his end Cruthnet Son to Fenella of whom hereafter the Chief Governour of Merres having been the occasion of great troubles fewds and murders was at last with his Companions taken whom with the other chief Actors were executed by the Kings command the poorer sort as a people ignorant and misled were pardoned and let go to their respective habitations which Justice and Mercy was much commended in his Majesty It chanced that the King having been at Fordon a Town in Mernes to visit the Reliques of St. Palladius a holy Grecian who came into Scotland about the year 431 which they say lay here in a little Church to this day corruptly call'd from him Padiâ—kirk went for curiosity to see the Castle of Fettercarne then pleasantly seated in a Forrest well stored with wilde Beasts though now no such pleasantness about it The Lady of this Castle was the forenamed Fenalla or Finabella as some call her who received the King with a great deal of seeming kindness and nobleness Yet she resolved upon his Murther being incensed against the King for executing her Son Cruthnet and what she intended she brought to pass but by what means I cannot positively conclude Some there are that tell a pretty story of rare inventions and contrivances to intice the King to his own ruine as that she knowing the King to delight much in buildings and rare curiosities had provided a place in the Castle richly hung with Tapestry and rich Arras and in it a noble brasen Image holding in one of his hands a fair golden Apple set full of precious Stones all which was framed with that Art and Cunning that if any one took the Apple out of its hand several Arrows from artificial Cross-bows placed so cunningly would fly out and kill him The King after dinner was led into this Chamber by Fenella Kenneth was presently delighted with the glorious Furniture but above all with the Image and asking the meaning of it was answer'd by the Lady that that rich Apple was placed there as a poor gift for himself At length after some looking and admiration he went to remove the Apple and presently the Cross-bows discharged their Darts by which the King was b An. 994. kill'd This story though related by several old Chronicles George Buchanan doth not think worthy of belief nor indeed is it probable that such great riches as their stories here speak of such Art and such Workmanship should meet together under the power of such a Lady in such a part of the World so long ago and in such a little while Whereupon he rather agrees with some other Writers that he was murther'd by four Horse-men laid purposely for that wickedness in ambush by the said Finabella and his body was afterwards buryed at Colmkill I shall not here question by what Right or Title a An. 987. Hugh Capet came to be King of France because the present powers of that Kingdom may think themselves concerned in that dispute onely 't is confest of all hands that Charles of Lorraine was the true Heir and b Pag. 495. Jean de Bussieres could even the other day and that by publick Authority call Capet an Invadour And this was the beginning of the Capevingien Family which yet continues and the end of the Carlovingiens in France that Imperial Line having before this ended in Germany The end of the third Book A CONTINUATION year 1000 OF THE REBELLIONS AND Treasonable Practises Of the ROMANISTS In Deposing and Murthering of their Emperours and Kings From the Year M to the Year MCC BOOK IV. CHAP. I. 1. The Murther of Edmund Ironside King of
Henry is not punished against whom he rants to the purpose The Legats again endeavour a peace and therefore they try Henry to see how far he would yeild To whom the King replyed That for his part for the love he bore to the Pope and Cardinals he would permit the Archbishop Thomas to return in peace § 67. to his See and dispose of his Church and all things thereunto belonging and because there had been long contention about the Customs he said That he and his Children would be content with those which his Ancestors had enjoy'd And yet if this condition of peace did not satisfie Archbishop Thomas he affirmed he was ready to stand to the determination as well of the Bishops of England as those beyond Seas as of Roan Baieux and Le Mans And if this were not yet enough he would submit himself to the judgement of the Pope with this Salvo that he would not impeach his Childrens right for during his own life he was content that the Pope should abrogate what he pleas'd But yet could not these condescentions do any good All these indeavours failing Lewes the Seventh King of France undertook the business he and Henry being now made friends and in this he behaved himself so wisely that he had wrought pretty well upon Thomas and so having procured a meeting Thomas § 85 86 humbled himself at the feet of Henry saying I commit to your determination the whole controversie which hath been the cause of dissention between us still excepting the honour of God Which last reservation greatly troubled Henry Thomas always making use of such Salvo's that render'd all but conditional and so void when himself fancied Henry at this turns to the King of France saying See my Lord if it please you let any thing not fit this mans humour and he presently condemneth it as contrary to the honour of God whereby he challength not onely his own but also whatsoever belongeth to me But that it may appear that I withstand not the honour of God nor yet of him i. e. Canterbury I make this offer There have been many Kings of England my Predecessors of greater or less Authority than I am and there have been many Archbishops of Canterbury before him of great worth and holiness what therefore the more eminent and virtuous of his Predecessors have done to the least of my Predecessors let him allow the same unto me and the Controversie shall be ended Upon which followed great Acclamations that the King had humbled himself enough Thomas holding his peace the King of France said My Lord Archbishop will you be greater than other holy men will you be greater or better than Peter what do you doubt loe peace is even at the door At last Thomas fell a commending his Predecessors but that they had left something for him to do and then extol'd Peter for resisting the Tyrant Nero with the loss of his life c. Thus the Peers of both Kingdoms England and France seeing no good to be done with him turn'd all against him imputing the want of peace to his a Imputantes arrogantiae Archiepiscopi impedimentum pacis Bar. an 1168. § 87. Arrogancie one Earl protesting he ought to be cast out of France as he had been out of England nay the very Courtiers who had been Mediators for his peace did now in his presence deeply charge him that he was b Semper superbus elatus sapiens in oculis suis propriae semper sectator volunta sentencia c. § 88. always proud high-minded wise in his own conceipt a follower of his private fancie and opinion Adding moreover that it was an exceeding mischief and great damage and danger to the Church that he was ever made a Governour thereof and that the same being already partly ruinated by him would now be quite overthrown Yet they tell us that the King of France presently alter'd his opinion and countenanced Thomas as much as ever All these indeavours failing the Pope once again undertook the year 1169 business and so sent two Nontio's Gratian an Vivian to take up the Controversie but when it came neer the conclusion they could not agree about the formality of the words and so returned as wise as they came Yet did not the Pope give over but sent two other Simon and Bernard who earnestly perswaded Thomas to humble himself to his King and so to please him with prayers Baron an 1169. § 39 40 43. and ready service And to work more upon him the King of France the Archbishops Bishops and other Lords there present earnestly advised him to the same Thomas seeing no remedy and all against him condescended to their desires went to King Henry and kneeling down submitted himself to God and the King but still with this reservation of the honour of God and his holy Order But this Henry rejects as imperfect alledging that Thomas by that Salvo would upon any occasion exclude the honour of his King However Henry declared that he required nothing of him but that he as a Priest and Bishop should before them all truely promise without any deceipt to observe the Customs which the holy Archbishops of Canterbury had observed to their Kings and which Thomas himself had once promised him to do But Thomas would consent to nothing without such Salvo's as formerly mentioned which conditional obedience so vext the King that he affirmed Thomas should never enter England till he had done to him as he ought to do and had undertaken to observe what others had observed and what himself had formerly promised And thus broke off this business And the truth is the King might have some reason to be more and more incensed against Thomas who instead of seeking the favour and friendship of his Soveraign had excommunicated his chief Friends and went so far against others that there was Speed § 32. scarce found in the Kings own Chappel and presence such as might perform the wonted Ceremonies And besides did daily threaten an Interdict against his whole Dominions and had done it but that some more prudent over-perswaded him to the contrary and the Pope himself thought it best to lay his commands on him not to do it till farther Order But this was not all for they proceed yet more and more to vex his Majesty For he being now about fifty years old and seeing the uncertainty of obedience and not knowing what the pretence of Church-authority might do to his Children if he should dye excommunicated as it was daily threatned him or not in favour with the Pope as he might suspect upon Thomas his account Upon these and other reasons he rosolved to settle his Succession by the Coronation of his Son Henry now fourteen years old This resolution being made known the Pope thought that now year 1170 he might compel the King to admit of Thomas or neglect the Coronation under the pretence that that Ceremony belong'd of right to
indued with many rare vertues yet some do so dote upon a blind Pontificall Obedience that they will impudently take upon them the part of an Omnipotent Diety and tell you that he is e Vâ—d Spondam an 1250. § 19. damn'd and all this I suppose because he would not let his Empire be childishly and foolishly taken and pluck'd from him by his Holiness who hath as much authority to depose Kings as Cromwell or Ravillac to murther them Sect. 4. The Guelfs and Gibbillins with other troubles of the Empire AT these times those who took part with the Popes were called Guelphs and those who sided with the Emperours Gibbilins the occasion of which denomination some Authors tell as followeth though the beginning of the story every man may believe as he pleaseth Irmentrudis Wife to Isenbard Earle of Altorff not only abusing Pezel part 3 p. 109. a poor woman for having several children at a birth but also causing her to suffer as an Adulteress as if by a judgement was the next year after her self brought to bed of twelve Sons and fearing to suffer by her own former judgement ordered a woman to drown eleven of them she reserving onely one The woman hired to obedience goeth towards the River meets the Earl who asked her what she was carrying she replyed Whelps he desired to see them she denyeth but by force he obtains makes the Woman confess the truth at which we may suppose him not a little troubled he hath them conveyed to a Miller there privately nurs'd up and the woman to keep Counsel but to return and tell her Lady that she had drowned them Six years after the Earle makes a great Feast hath these eleven Boys clad as the twelfth was and brought in and inquired of his guests what punishment was fitting for those who would have killed such pretty children at which the Lady suspecting swounded but coming to her self again upon her knees confest all pleaded simplicity and desired pardon which was granted her but for memory of the story the Earl ordered that their sirnames should be Whelps or Guelfs i. e. little young dogs or whelps Thus much for the original name of these after Dukes of Saxony and Bavaria But f Hist de Guelfis principibus vid. Hen. Canâ—s Antiq Lection Tom 1. pag. 179. Altorfensis or Weingartensis tells other stories of this name as probable as the former and it may be all alike As for Gibelin the common opinion is that the Emperour Conrade III. or his Son Henry was either born or nursed at a Town so called in Schwaben and that this Emperour being very powerful in arms the Italians fear'd him and so the better to keep him imployed at home Roger King of Sicily stir'd up the Bavarians Naucler p. 750. and others against him The two Armies joyning the Bavarians cryed out Hie Guelff their General being called Guelpho and the Imperialists shouted out as loud Hie g Weâ—bâ—ingen a Castle not far from Stutgartâ— in the Dukedom of Wâ—rinâ—burg in Seâ—â—â—â—â—n Gibelin in relation to their General young h Or Conrade himself Christ Besâ—ld Synopsiâ— hist p. 406 Henry so called from the Town of his birth or nursery And the Pope in this was concerned too Innocent II. being supposed to have an hand in this Revolt and war against the Emperour But these Names some say were almost forgot till they were again revived in the days of Frederick the II. Others will not go to Germany for this story but lay its original in Italy that when there were deadly feuds between the Pet. Mexia selva rinovata part 2. c. 39. Cancellieri and Panciatici in the City Pistoia in Tuscany at what time also there chanced to be two Potent Brothers called Guelfo and Gibellino the one siding with one party and the other with the other and that with such eagerness that from them each faction after took denomination as a Tho. Lans consult orat contra Italiam p. 816. Italy hath been several times rent by such private feuds and afterwards Frederick adhering to one and Gregory joyning to the other the Imperialists were called Gibbelins and the Popelins Guelfs under which two names Italy for several years suffered infinite miseries not only Cities and Towns but Families and nearest Relations being divided in this quarrel whereby they prosecuted one another with all fury imaginable Father against Son Brother against Brother nay the Wife and Husband oftentimes indeavouring one anothers destruction Of which unnatural Hatred and Tyranny the old Mendicant Fryer b Figurae Bibliae foâ— 65 66. Anthonius a Rampengolis according to his old way will tell you many Scripture-Allusions But to conclude some say they took beginning first at Pisa there the Faction first arising After the death of Frederick II. some of the Italianized Historians are willing to have the Empire voyd for some years some more or less but be it as it will I shall hastily run over some passages between the Popes and those by others held for Emperours of the West William we see the Pope cannot well deny having been so great an instrument to his promotion and c Bzov. an 1251. § 2. Spond § 1. perswading of him again to it and yet we find him very earnest with d Mat. Paris an 1251. p. 808. Haco King of Norway to take the Empire upon him Now Innocent seeing Frederick dead resolves for Italy and it is pretty to observe with what a complement he took his farewell of Lyons where he had been entertain'd all this while For the more glory of the business by a Cryer all the Citizens are Mat. Paris p. 819. warned to attend his Holiness and being all met Cardinal Hugo in the Name of the Pope made a Farewell-Sermon to them concluding thus Loving friends we have performed much good and done great Alms since our being in this City for when we first came hither we found but e Tria vel quatuor Prostibula inven mus sed nunc recedentes unum solum relinquinâ—s verum ipsum durat continuatum ab orientali pâ—rta â—lvita tis usque ad occidentalem Mat. Paris p. 856 Mat. Paris p. 892. three or four common Stews or Brothel-houses but now at our departure we leave you but one but such an one that extends it self all along from the East-gate even to the West-gate of the City Innocent being in Italy bends himself against Conrade Son to Frederick by the Germans call'd Emperour by others King of Naples and Sicily whom he perswaded William to root out of the Empire assisted with his Excommunications and Deprivations and sollicites Richard Brother to our English Henry III. to take upon him the Protection of Conrades other Territories in Italy For this Richard desired some assistance from the Pope and some Frontier Towns whither upon occasion he might retire but the Pope denying all conditions as if all people were obliged to fight for him and he
8 And though he thus denyed his Allegiance and obedience renounced his Soveraign and her Authority and by this action as much as in him lay deprived her of Title Rights and Dominions yet we shall finde no man more commended by the Romanists for this deed then this Felton If the Learned c Lib. 44. Ingenti five audacia five timeritate Thuanus say that it was a very bold or a rash action the Index Expurgatorius will not have those words to stand as if they derogated from the glory of the action and so orders them to be blotted out of his History Father d Respons ad Edict Reginae § 352. Parsons will assure us that he was a glorious Martyr of which Title e De visib Mon. pag. 734. Concertat Eccles Cathol in Anglia part 2. fol 42. Sanders and others declare him abundantly worthy And in this opinion joyns with them no less man then f Anno 1570. § 4. Spondanus Bishop of Pamiers who shews his partiality by his willingness to trust too much to lying Sanders But above all well fare Hilarion de Coste a zealous Fryar as you may suppose for he will have him to out-do all the Worthies and Heroes in the world calls him g Ce Valeureux Soldat brave Champion de Jesus Christ avec une force d'Esprit invincible l'Ardeur de la foy qui le poussoit eut bien le courage l'asseurance d'attacher en plein ville de Londres Certainement cette action fut merveilleusement genereuse Heroique Aussi l'Eglise d' Angleterre met son Martyre parmy les plus glorieux Trophees au range de ses Victoires plus signalees comme celuy par lequel ainsi que j'ay desie dit elle semble avoir triumphé plus glorieusement de l'Heresie avssi ce coup genereux sait par ce brave Gentilhomme Anglois est chanté rechanté par tons les Escrivains qui ont traitté de Schism de la persecution d' Angleterre lequels universellement le lâ—üent extollent comme un acte courageux comparable à ces miracles de valeur ces Prouesses que fiâ—ent jadis un Mutius un Horace one Clodiá vierge Romaine qui mirent leur vie au hazard pour salut de la Patâ—ie de la Republique qui pour cela sont seroâ—t eternellement renommez dans l'Histoire Hil. de Coste Histoire Catholique l. 3 pag. 560. The valiant Souldier and brave Champion of Jesus Christ commends his invincible courage and zeal for the Faith which was sowonderful Noble and Heroick that England doth place his Martyrdom amongst her most glorious Trophees and most signal Victories having thus bravely triumph'd over Heresie whereby his fame is renoun'd in all Writers who for his valour and courage do praise and equal him with Mutius Horatius and Clodis who ventured their lives for the safety of their Country Thus much for the honour of Felton yet when the same Pen cometh to tell us of Elizabeth it will allow her no other commendation then a Cette impie maudite Reine Elizabeth vraye Izabel de nostre temps ib. The impious and wicked Queen the true Jezabel of our Days Thus our late Puritans or Presbyterians and this man seem to have the same School-master who can commend an Oliver and suchlike Rebels but throw all the filth and slanders imaginable upon their Soveraign King Charles the Martyr Another remark there is concerning this Bull the determination whereof shall be left to the judgement of the Reader and for his greater light let him take this following Narrative One John Nichols born in Wales thence went to Oxford staying one year in White-hall since call'd Jesus Colledge then removed to Brazennose Colledge so to his own Country where he taught a Gentlemans Children is Ordain'd turns Curate in Sommersetshire at last gets to London whence he ships himself for Antwerp goeth to Rheimes and at length to Rome where he is admitted year 1579 into the English Colledge Here he staid about a year returns again into England is seiz'd on at Islington and sent to the year 1581 Tower of London where he makes a publick Recantation and in a little time publisheth these following Books for no more are come to my knowledge His Pligrimage A declaration of his Recantation His Oration and Sermon made at Rome with his Answer to an infamous Libel In one of his b Declaration of the Recantation K. VIII Books he hath these words About c 1580. Midsomer 〈…〉 was twelvemonth they renewed these Bulls of Excommunication granted by this Pope d Gregory XIII Gregory under the colour and name of Pius Quintus published There were five hundred Copies printed at Rome as two of you my Brethren can verifie the same and how they were publish'd as I heard at Rome in the English Seminary at Rhâ—ims and were put fast to Pillars in the City Those Bulls of Excommunication were scatter'd throughout all Italy Spain and part of Germany Then a little after he proceedeth thus One of your Readers in Divinity-positive I am certain before two hundred Scholars and not so few as one of you may testifie the same most impudently and devilishly spake that it was lawful for any man of Worship in England to give Authority to the vilest wretch that is to seek the death of our Soveraign Queen But this Nichols stayeth not long in England but slips again year 1582 beyond Seas upon what account I know not though I am not apt to think upon any designe of turning Mahumetan as e Sanders de Schism lib. 3. pag. 415 416. one would hint to us however it was being got as far as Rouen he is seiz'd on clapt up in prison and like to pay for his old Tales he had vented against the Romanists In this perplexity and restraint they tell us how he f De Schism pag. 415 416 4â—7 418 419 c. Card. Allens Answ to the English Justice p. 30 31. recanted all he had formerly utter'd against them protesting that what he had formerly divulged was either through vain-glory envy fear or hopes of Reward That he did recant we onely have from themselves and I can trace him no farther then his imprisonment at Rouen for what they did with him or what became of him afterwards I know not this I am certain that after they say he went out of England that Dudley Fenner an old Puritan publish'd a a Call'd An Answer to the Confutation of John Nichols his Recantion London 1583. In quarto Book in his behalf and it is as true that Nichols himself doth several times protest and call God to witness that he hath publish'd nothing but truth to which purpose he himself did in print answer the objections and imputations laid against him by Father Parsons But however it be I think no great stress is to be laid upon it
goeth to Greenwich where the Court then was watcheth opportunity and being informed that the Queen was to ride abroad goeth to her Horse holds him according to his place and cunningly puts strong poyson upon the Pummel of the Saddle yet saying with a loud voice as she mounted God save the Queen But such was the providence that her Majesty neither in getting up riding or getting down once touch'd the Pummel yet he doubted not but that in time it would work the intended ruine fully perswaded the Queen had laid her hands on it Presently after this the Earl of Essex set sail for the Island-voyage against the Spaniard And in this Fleet Squire ventured once more as a Souldier with which he return'd into England and lived for some time securely not thinking that he should ever be discover'd But see the luck on 't of this poyson being great expectation amongst some and seeing no signes of any such effect they became incensed against Squire thinking that he had left them and the Cause in the lurch and meerly deluded them Thus jealous and inraged a revenge is resolved on and Squire cunningly accused of some designe against the Queen Squire upon the noise is examined and wondring how any thing should be known against him yet suspecting Walpoole his Confessor and believing year 1598 all was fully discover'd freely confesseth all as abovesaid so as a Traytor is condemn'd and executed Of these late bloudy Treasons Watson and Bluet two Priests thus in Print declare to the world Father Holt the Jesuit and others with him perswaded an See Bels Anatomy p. 22 23. Irishman one Patrick Collen as himself confessed to attempt the laying of his violent and villanous hands upon her Majesty Shortly after 1593 that notable stratagem was plotted for Dr. Lopez the Queens Physitian to have poysoned her This wicked designation being thus prevented by Gods providence the Traiterous Jesuit Holt and others did allure and animate one York and Williams to have accomplish'd that with their bloudy hands that the other purposed to have done with his poyson we mean her Majesties destruction Hereunto we may add the late villanous attempt 1599 of Edward Squire animated and drawn thereunto as he confessed by Walpoole that pernitious Jesuit These words are set down in their Important Considerations pag. 33. And yet Father a Answer to the fiâ—th part of Sir Edw. Cokes Reports Epist Dedicat. v. 2. Parsons doubts whether Squire for all this committed Treason or no such was the loyalty and honesty of this Jesuit Thus in part have we seen the great dangers Queen Elizabeth run through her life being continually sought after both by her own subjects and Forreigners nor did they want incouragements to oppose their own Queen and Country Pope Gregory XIII allowed them a b See the Bull tom 2. p. 319. Colledge at Rome the Guisians in France another aâ— c Sixtus V by Bull desires all to assist it ib. p. 411. Rhemes the Spaniard gave them one at d Clement VIII confirmed this vid Sand. de Schism lib. 4. sive Appendix p. 104. Valladolid in Castile and allowed them e See Thomas Fuller's Church-Hist lib. 9. Cambden anno 1595. others in other places besides allowed the chiefest of them Pensions and maintain'd many hundred English in his Wars though his pay and Pensions were but badly paid to them yet more and better then such Trayterous Fugitives deserved And for all these Pensions private fees for Treason and vast Treasure spent in his attempts against the Queen what did the Spanish King expect for a recompence but the Crown and Kingdom of England for the obtaining of which the nearest that he came was once viz. July 1595. when Diego Brocher with four Callies got very early in a morning unperceived upon the Coâ—sts of Cornwal struck into Mounts Bay by St. Michaels Mount fired Pauls Church standing alone in the Fields Mouseholes Meulin and Pensâ—ns three poor fisher-Towns and presently stole home again without killing one man This beggerly enterprize was all the reward and recompence of his vast Treasure and toyl spent against England And let them never prosper otherwise who attempt any mischief against it and so unworthily foment and maintain Traytors against their respective legal Soveraigns But better had it been for Philip and Spain if he had followed the advice of his Grand-father Charles V that famous Emperour who used often to lay down this for a certain Rule insomuch that it was one of his Proverbs Con todo el mundo guerra Y puse con Inglatierra With all the world make War But with England do not Jar. Whilst these Murtherers were according to their engagements consulting the death of the Queen we must not think the Spanish interest altogether Idle but they had also their other Instruments and preparations on foot the better to secure this Kingdom to them upon her fall As for the Jesuits how active they were for the disturbance of England a Romanist himself shall tell you his words are these We have also certain intelligence that the Jesuits have devised a A. â— Reply to a notorious Libel p. 81 82. means to have had the Tower of London seized into their hands and how they would have it held until the Spaniard came to rescue them Divers of their Letters have been shewed to divers prisoners for proof against them when they have answered in defence of the Jesuits that they thought them free from such stratagems and amongst the rest there is one of the XX of June 1596 wherein there are these words It may be if the Kings faintness and pusillanimity hinder us not as heretofore it hath the Armado will be with you about August or September This is one good help Ireland will be onely for us The Earl of Tyrone and Odonnel would gladly have help from hence and they are well contented to let the Spaniards have certain Holds and Forts for their uses This will greatly pleasure to trouble and disquiet England and in the mean time serve for Harbour for their Ships that shall pass that way c. It were necessary you should make it known aforehand that no Catholick man or woman shall take harm either in body or goods Let every man be quiet till the Spaniards be landed then shall there presently Proclamation be made of all security Of these Proclamations there were two hundred printed in Spain Amongst other contrivances to bring this Kingdom into confusion was the designe of Anthony Rolston an English Fugitive Cambden an 1598. who was sent over into England by the Spanish Agitators and Father Creswell under pretence of procuring a Peace but the truth was as Rolston himself confessed to discover what provisions there were for war to incourage the Romanists and by Bribes and fair promises to corrupt some great Lords about the Queen amongst the rest Essex as the said Earl confess'd himself And the better to make cock-sure and carry
resolved to exclude King Henry the IV. if he turn'd not presently Romanist hoped that change would never be and so doubted not being of the Royal blood to get the Crown to himself This Plot he carried on secretly by his Favorites amongst whom was Jaques Davy Sieur du Perron though now but young and of mean birth yet of great parts and Learning and afterwards a Cardinal This Plot being discovered Mayenne was not a little troubled at it as aiming to take away his greatness and the King not satisfied as offering to rob him of the Crown However though his Party was potent and in the Opinion of the Romanists grounded upon good reason yet the King seemed outwardly to despise and slight it by jeeringly calling them the * Les Tiercelets Thirdlings as being neither for the King nor Covenant And another accident did not a little trouble Mayenne viz. The escape of Charles the young Duke of Guise from his Imprisonment at 15 August Tours for he had been secured ever since the killing of his Father at Blois but whether this escape was by the Kings desire and permittance the better to divide and so weaken the Leaguers or by Bribery or chance is nothing to our story The truth is Mayenne though he seemed pleased at his Nephews liberty yet he liked not the great rejoycings the Covenantâ—rs made at it by Bells and Bon-fires whereby he feared himself might be neglected and by such divisions and jealousies the King might assure himself no loser Mayenne himself also dreading the event of these distractions procureth a Private Meeting with the Duke of Lorrain and some others where it was secretly concluded to unite together never to permit if they could prevent it any to the Crown but of their Family but if they should be constrained to yield further yet that no stranger should be but a Prince of the Blood and of the Roman Religion This is signed and sealed by them and of it they inform the Duke of Guise who desires time to consider Nor is Paris free from sidings and fear for the Council of Sixteen which had been the foundation of the League and the raising of the Duke of Mayenne began now to distrust his proceedings as a man thwarting their greatness not active and fierce enough against the King and Hâ—gonots and one that regarded self more than the Publick And he of late being commonly far absent from them had not that aw and respect as formerly so they began to neglect him and cry up the young Guise And considering themselves strong enough having the Preachers the People the Spaniard the Bishop of Piacenza lately Vice-Legat on their side resolve to have things carried as they please To this purpose they send their demands and complaints to Mayenne who not consenting to them vext their Worships so much that they resolved to lay him aside and consult some other Head or Chieftain And to this purpose being also instigated by Mendoza the Spanish Ambassador in the Jesuits Colledge where their deepest Plots used to be made a Letter is drawn up and by the Sixteen and others sent to Philip II. King of Spain by one called Father Matthieu and by * Lib. 10â— * p. 1041. Thuanus and Davila nominated Claude Matheâ— But because François Montagne Rene de la Fon and Louis de Beaumanoir or if you will have the plain truth of it the Jesuit Luys Richeome for he was the French Author that writ the a but thâ—se with his â—athâ—r Apâ—logies are not printed amongst his Works in 2 vol. Apologies for the Jesuits under the former false names Because I say they deny his name to be so alledging that Claude Mathieu dyed above two years before viz. 1588. at Ancona in Italy though there might be others of that name besides him and because Matthien may as well be a Christian Name as a Sirname as the Advocate b Plâ—â—-day Arnauld and the Author of the c Book 3. fol. 200 201. Jesuits Catechism do intimate that this was so and the late d Memoirs d'Estat en suite de ceux de Mons de Villâ—â—â— tom 3. p. 44 where you may 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the whoâ—e Lettâ—r it self Prints from Paris assure us that his name was Matthieu Aquarius I shall say no more this being enough to overthrow one objection and Davila Thuanus Arnauld Perefixe and others being enough to testifie the truth of the thing supposing the name were not in all things exactly set down Part of the Letter take as followeth Most High and Mighty Prince Your Catholick Majesty having been so gracious unto us as to let us understand by the most religious and reverend Father Matthew not onely your holy intentions for the general good of Religion but more especially your great affections and favours towards this City of Paris c. Then after great commendations of young Guise and the telling of their own miseries they go on to tell him We trust in God that before it be long the Forces of his Holiness and your Catholick Majesties being joyn'd together will free us from the oppressions of our enemies who have hitherto for anâ— year and half so block'd and hem'd us in on all sides that nothing come into the City but by chance or force of Arms and would press further stood they not in fear of the Garrisons your Majesty was pleas'd to send us We can boldly assure your Catholick Majesty that the prayers and desires of all the Catholicks are to see your Catholick Majesty sway the Scepter of this Kingdom and Reign over us As we most willingly cast our selves into your arms as into the arms of our Father Or that your Catholick Majesty would be pleased to appoint some of your posterity And if it shall stand with your good pleasure to appoint any other besides your self that it may please you to make choice of a a a The Duke of Guise or â—omâ—â—thâ—r Frenchman to marry his 〈◊〉 Isabel Clara Eng. Son in Law whom we will receive as King with all our best affections all the Devotions and Obedience that a good and loyal people can and are Daughter to Alphonso IX of Castile and Leon married to Louis VIII of France and so Mother to St. Louis IX She was a wise Queen Regeâ—t qâ—elling all the Consâ—◠〈◊〉 of the Crown and Kingdom bound to yield to their Liege and Soveraign For we hope so well of the blessing of God upon this Alliance that what we have already received of that most puissant and most Christian Princess c c Donna Izabella Clara Eugenia el 〈◊〉 Daughtâ— to Philip II. by his 〈◊〉 wife Elizabeth â—r Izabel â— France Daughter â— Henry II. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have to â—◠〈◊〉 of France and to marry with 〈◊〉 French Prince â—â— Nâ—â—lâ—man to be â—ing Blanche of Castile Mother to our most Christian and most religions King St. Louis we shall receive it yea twofold of this great and vertuous Princess
guilty of the foreknowledg of the Treason it self of which number some fled from their Trial others were apprehended as Holy Garnet himself and Oldcorn were and justly executed upon their own plain Confession of Guilt If this Treason now clad with these Circumstances did not minister a just occasion to that Parliament House whom they thought to have destroyed couragiously and zealously at their next sitting down to use all means of Trial Whether any more of that Mind were yet left in the Countrey I leave it to you i. e. the Emperors Kings and Princes to judg whom God hath appointed his highest Deputy-Judges upon Earth And amongst other things for this purpose this Oath of Allegiance so unjustly impugned was then devised and enacted And in case any sharper Laws were then made against the Papists that were not obedient to the former Laws of the Countrey if ye will consider the Time Place and Persons it will be thought no wonder seeing that Occasion did so justly exasperate them to make severer Laws than otherwise they would have done The Time I say being the very next sitting of the Parliament after the Discovery of that Abominable Treason The Place being the same where they should all have been blown up and so bringing it freshly to their memory again The Persons being those very Parliament-men whom they thought to have destroyed And yet so far hath both my Heart and Government been from any bitterness as almost never one of those sharp Additions to the former Laws have ever yet been put in execution And that ye may yet know further for the more convincing these Libellers of wilful Malice who impudently affirm That this Oath of Allegiance was devised for deciving and intrapping of Papists in points of Conscience The truth is That the Lower-House of Parliament at the first framing of this Oath made it contain That the Pope had no power to excommunicate Me which I caused them to reform only making it to conclude That no Excommunication of the Pope's can warrant my Subjects to practise against My Person or State Denying the Deposition of Kings to be in the Pope's Lawful Power As indeed I take any such Temporal Violence to be far without the limits of such a Spiritual Censure as Excommunication is So careful was I that nothing should be contain'd in this Oath except the Profession of Natural Allegiance and Civil and Temporal Obedience with a Promise to resist all contrary Vncivil Violence This Oath now grounded upon so great and just occasion set forth in so reasonable Terms and ordain'd only for making of a true distinction between Papists of Quiet disposition and in all other things good Subjects and such other Papists as in their hearts maintained the like violent bloody Maximes that the Powder-Traytors did And in another place His Majesty tells us to the same purpose viz. That this Oath Was framed to be taken by my Subjects whereby they should make Apol. for the Oath of Allegiance pag. 3 4. clear Profession of their Resolution faithfully to persist in Obedience unto me according to their Natural Allegiance To this end that I might hereby make a separation not only between all my good Subjects in general and unfaithful Traytors that intended to withdraw themselves from my obedience but especially to make a separation between so many of my Subjects who although they were otherwise Popishly affected yet retain'd in their hearts the print of their natural Duty to their Soveraign And those who being carried away with the like Fanatick Zeal that the Powder-Traytors were could not contain themselves within the bounds of their Natural Allegiance but thought diversity of Religion a safe pretext for all kind of Treasons and Rebellions against their Soveraign Which godly and wise intent God did bless with success accordingly For many of my Subjects that were Popishly affected as well Priests as Layicks did freely take the same Oath whereby they gave me occasion to think the better of their fidelity and likewise freed themselves of that heavy slander that although they were fellow-Professors of one Religion with the Powder-Traytors yet were not joined with them in Treasonable Courses against their Soveraign Whereby all quietly-minded Papists were put out of despair and I gave a good proof that I intended no Persecution against them for Conscience Cause but only desired to be secured of them for Civil Obedience which for Conscience Cause they were bound to perform But the Devil could not have devised a more malicious trick for intetrupting this so Calm and Clement a course than fell out by the sending hither and publishing a Breve of the Popes countermanding all them of his Profession to take this Oath thereby sowing new seeds of Jealousie between me and my Popish Subjects by stirring them up to disobey that Lawful Commandment of their Soveraign which was ordain'd to be taken of them as a pledg of their fidelity His Majesty here alludes to Pope Paul V. who upon the coming out of this Oath sends out a Bull or Breve against it forbidding any of the Romanists to take the said Oath The manner of their procuring and how the English-Romanists in this juncture behaved themselves take as followeth No sooner was the Oath and Act of Parliament published but there Vid. Rog. Widdrington's Theological Disputation Epist Dedicat to Pope Paul V. §. 6. was a great and long Consultation held at London by the Priests assisted by Mr. * Whose Title ran thus George Blackwell by the grace of God and the Ordinance of the Sea Apostolick Arch. Priest of England George Blackwell their Arch-Priest what they and their Friends ought to do in this case At last Blackwell did conclude that this Oath according to the plain and common understanding of the words might with a safe Conscience be taken by the Romanists and with him agreed a greater part of the Priests who went then to London to assist at this Consultation But this Compliance was opposed by certain Jesuits and some other Priests from whence arose all the stir and controversie which afterwards made Divisions amongst them concerning the taking of this Oath Nor is the Dispute yet ended The Jesuits and their Faction resolving not to be bafled would carry the business with a high hand to which purpose they threatned to procure a Breve from the Pope to hinder the taking of the said Oath Blackwell and his party fearing the worst with all haste dispatched a Letter to Mr. Nicholas Fitzherbert an English Priest then flourishing in Rome fully relating to him how the case stood amongst them earnestly desiring him to deal effectually with some Cardinals that the Pope might be perswaded not to send over any Breves against the taking of the said Oath which would but encrease their Trouble and render the Divisions wider But it seems the Jesuits were too quick and powerful for the other Priests for their Letter came too late and to no purpose it being determined
the Turn-coat would gladly perswade King James to change too undertaking to make him believe that true Policie would really oblige his Majestie to it thus a Letter to King James vid. Dr. George Hakewell's Answer to it pag. 94. B. C. The first reason of my hope that Catholick Religion should be most available for the honour and securitie of your Majestie and your Children is taken from the consideration of your Subjects which can be kept in obedience to God and to their King by no other Religion i. e. then Popery But somewhat after he confesseth that there may be some few Romish Traytors but with this difference b Ib. pag. 102 103. It is certain there be Traytors against God and Man of all Religions and Catholicks as they are the best Subjects so when they fall to it they are the worst Traytors But if we look upon Examples or consider Reasons the Catholick is the onelie Religion which as it doth duely subordinate Kings unto God so doth it effectually binde subjects to perform all lawful obedience unto their Kings Another Runaway viz. Dr. Thomas Baily is very zealous for the loyalty of the Romanists and yet at the same time bravely tells us what good Subjects the Romanists were to Oliver Cromwell whereas the other people of England were against him but take his own words c Dâ— Baily's life of Bishop Fisher p. 179. Where should a man finde better Subjects i e. then Romanists and yet these are the men who have been traduced all along as inconsistant with politick Government And why should the same loyaltie be suspected at any time still to remain within the same breasts since that their Religion Laws both Civil and Ecclesiastical Custom Provision for the future present Practice Oaths and Protestations all along evermore obliging them to such Obedience especiallie whereas at this present all other Sorts and Sects of Christian Religion excepting those who are for all Sorts and Sects appear against this d 1655. present Government like Aries Scorpio Leo Sagittarius c. as if they would all and everie one of them wound each part and member of this bodie politick the Roman Catholicks like Pisces the emblem of the Fisherman are contented to remain quiet under foot A little after he renews the former comparison betwixt Queen Mary's and Queen Elizabeth's Reign thus e Id. pag. 183. 184. It is most notoriouslie evident that there were more open Rebellions during the five years of her short Government then during the four and fortie years of her late Majesties after Reign But Bailie need not talk much of Loyalty either to Kings or Queens since nothing liketh him so much as a Protector whom he hopes considering his vertuous actions will be no small friend to the Loyal Romanists and so alluding to Henry VIII his Cromwell he goeth on and tells us of his hopeful Oliver f Id. pag. 260. And who knows but that it i e. the Restoration of the Roman Religion may be effected by the same NAME And then observing that the then Pope Innocent X had as part of his Arms a Dove with an Olive-branch in her mouth he thus proceeds with his Worshipful hopes and comparisons between that Olive and his Oliver g Id. pag. 260 261. Oliva vera is not so hard to be Constru'd Oliverus as that it may not be believed that a Prophet rather then a Herald gave the Common Father of Christendom the now Pope of Rome Innocent the Tenth such Ensignes of his Nobilitie viz. a Dove holding an Olive-branch in her mouth since it falls short in nothing of being both a Prophesie and fulfilled but onely his h Oliver Cromwell Highness running into her Arms whose Emblem of Innocence bears him alreadie in her mouth Thus you see his hopes of Cromwell yet the same man can a His end to Controversie in his Epistle or Preface tell the world that the Beheading Banishment and other Miseries of our late Kings was a just judgement of God upon them because they were not of the Popes Religion But a great deal more might be said of this man but enough at this time if not too much One tells us that the effects of Protestant Religion in all Countries is b W. W. The Catholick Doctrine of Transubsiant pag 115. Licentious Libertie Rebellion and other horrid Vices and this is argued to the Lady to have a care of our Religion and to imbrace that of Rome as if they were all good people and never taught Rebellion yet it may be he will not allow the deposing of Kings to be Rebellion or Treason Another desiring of the bloudy and murdering Rump or the Remnant of the wicked long Parliament that the Papists might have a freedom or liberty for their Religion amongst others is pleas'd to give this encouraging Reason c The Christian Moderator part 2. p. 7 I am confident they will neither be such fools as to forfeit their Libertie nor so ungrateful to forget them that gave it since out of all our Histories not one Example can be assigned that they ever offer'd to move the least sedition in a time when they enjoyed but half the Liberties of Free born Englishmen And it is a wonder to see how this man doth magnifie the Rump and d Id. p. 12 29. declareth that most of the Romanists who seem'd to be of the old Kings side onely fled to his Garrisons for shelter and not to take up Arms to offend the Parliament I shall here say no more of him but that he calls the Rump the e Id. pag. 38. Renowned Parliament for delivering us from the Tyranny and Oppression of the Prelates And indeed our Reverend Bishops and their Clergy were the onely men that the Romanists stood in aw of the Ignorant Phanatick wanting Learning to cope with such penmen But to come yet neerer our present time since the happy Restauration of his Majesty there came into the World a Book under the Title of Philanax Anglicus who was the Author of it I know not but this I can tell the Reader that be who he will he was an arrant Plagiary it being all stoln out of Pateson's Image of both Churches The Publisher calls himself Thomas Bellamy but upon enquiry there is no such man found but f Annal. anno 1586. Cambden will tell him of two of that name Jerome Bellamy hang'd for Treason and his Brother hang'd himself to avoid publick Execution This pretended Fair-friend would make the world believe that g Phil. Angl. pag. 71. It is plain that in the poor five years of her viz. Queen Maries Reign there was de facto more open and violent Opposition and Rebellion made by her own Subjects then Queen Elizabeth had in fortie five years or any Prince before or since the Wickliffian Doctrine Thus what one boldly affirmeth others as ignorantly believe which is too common with such people whose designe is not
so much to search out the truth as to expose another party Well the same Pamphleter proceedeth to tell us that h Id. pag. 93. If we mark well we shall find that in this last Century of years there hath been more Princes Deposed and Murthered for their Religion by these Protestants of Integritie then have been in all others since Christ's time by the Popes Excommunication or the attempt and means of Roman Catholicks i Id. pag. 98. By all which it is plain that Rome is so far from being the Author and Fountain of these Rebel-Doctrines that all Loyalty is in the Reputation of these Protestants of Integritie Popery For he would make you believe of the Romanists that they a Id. pag. 104. are to fight onely with Prayers Arms against Princes have no warrant Quis est Judex si Rex transgreditur Conditiones Regni solus Deus Who is Judge if the King transgresseth the Conditions of his Kingdom onely God Navar. Cunerus and all the Catholick Doctors that ever I have seen agree perfectly in this same sentence But who so bold as blinde Bayard And therefore whence must these Treasonable Doctrines Opinions and Practices come he will tell you and hopeth you will as freely credit him b Id. pag. 110. From Rome it cannot be for its Doctrines with the Opinions and Practices of all its Doctors are quite contrarie and all that is said against that Church in this particular is meer Calumnie And so much for this shameless Libel which is since well Answer'd by the Reverend Dr. Peter du Moulin the Learned Son of a Learned Father T. C or be who it will that was the Author of Labyrinthus Cantuariensis will by no means allow the Romanists to hold any disloyal Assertions His words are c Preface Neither doth Mr. Fisher or any of his Profession allow or use any such nets as the Relator viz. Archbishop Laud mentions that is they neither practice nor hold it lawful to dissolve Oaths of Allegiance to depose and kill Kings to blow up States for the establishing of Quod volumus c. But I would know of the Author for what things they do allow them And in another place he thus undertakes to Apologize for the Popes d Labyrinth Cant. p. 226. § 7. Nor did the Popes ever attempt or so much as pretend to bring the Emperours under them in Civil Affairs which is another aspersion the Bishop layeth upon them Gregory VIII and Innocent III were indeed very prudent men and worthy Champions of the Church to assert her just Liberties but they never endeavour'd to subject the Emperour to themselves in Temporal matters And Mr. Serjeant according to his usual way will thus in a few Idle words vindicate the Popes e J. S. Answer to Dr. Pierce's Sermon pag. 116. Nay but the Court of Rome trod upon Crowns and Scepters An Hyperbole fetcht from the Horns of the Moon When where what Crowns and Scepters Another who undertook to answer the said Sermon would gladly thus cleer the Romanists f The Primitive Rule before the Reformation in the Afternoons Exhortation pag. 18. We Catholicks declare Kings to be free from any Coercive power from their own Laws and Subjects to which they are not bound civiliter but naturaliter onely for if once a Coactive power be allowed Ex coactione sequitur saltem paritas summitatis divisio as the Civilian speaks and Kings once compell'd by their Subjects are no more Scripture-Kings Gods Kings Titular Popular Kings onely For Gods Kings saith Otho Frisigensis being above all Laws are reserved to the Divine judgement hereafter they may not be punished by the secular Laws g Id. pag. 20. As for Catholicks and their fidelitie to Kings none speak it more none advise or practice it more in all secular obediences then the Roman Pastours and the Catholicks in their Communion h Id. pag. 22 23. Yea so far is this Sea Apostolick from frequent practices of that nature upon Kings viz. to depose them of which the Reformed Churches are so guilty that it is evident more Rebellions have been rais'd against Princes for Religion onely in this last Reformed age in a few Protestant Countries then have been rais'd by Catholicks for any cause whatever in seven Ages before throughout all Christendom And whereas this Indirect Power of the See Apostolick is so much traduced as derogatorie from the Rights of Kings the Histories of this last confused Age do manifest that even this Power is and hath been rather a Fortress to Princes against their Rebellions Subjects Yet Id. pag. 22. he is unwilling to speak too plain and therefore tells us that as for the Popes Indirect Power over Kings in Ordine ad Spiritualia to Censure and Deprive Kings I leave that Question to be decided by the two Supreme Powers viz. Pope and King when occasion shall be for it And then probably our Author will declare for the Pope as some Priests did in Queen Elizabeths time anno 1582. Lastly for in these assertions a man might be endless one in his Animadversions upon Dr. Bates and his Elenchus Motuum in which the Doctor is sometimes partial or faulty this a Elenchus Elenchi pag. 17 20 21. Animadvertor I say will by all means have it to be an old and false Calumny to think that the Romanists were not always the best Subjects But words are cheap and why did he not Answer my positive proofs against it as well as make b Id. pag. 26. use of my Book to shew the villany of our Non-conformists and by them to insinuate a discredit of our Church of England to those beyond Seas who through ignorance may suppose the Presbyterians to be true sons of our Church But what they cannot answer some make it prudence to pass by with silence and then the Gentile Romanist who seldom troubles himself with reading any thing but what makes for himself faileth not to vapour that his Champion hath got the day putting most of his confidence in the Title-page seldom or never examining the honesty or exactness of the Writer Thus self-interest perswades and then assures him of the Conquest so that with him to write against the Church of England is the same to confute and confound Thus we see how they would cunningly bear the people in hand what peaceable men they are what good subjects they are and always make a noise of their Obedience and Loyalty as a main Argument to perswade our Kings to embrace their Religion But as for us of the Church of England alas we are nothing but Traytors and Rebels Treachery and Sedition being the chief Articles of our Faith whilst at Rome nothing is taught but peace and loyalty And if we must believe Father Parsons we must thus know the difference of the two Religions for with the Romanists out of England c Three Convers of Engl. part 2. pag. 581 582. All Modestie
murther of the King When Parry read in Cardinal Allans Book that Queen Elizabeth had no right to the Crown being an Heretick it incouraged him to endeavour her Murther And the two Henry's the Thâ—rd and Fourth of France upon the same zealous account got their deaths by the assassinating hands of Clement and Ravallaiâ— 'T is but a poor plea that Andraeas Eudaemon-joannes makes in behalf Confutat Anticoâ— cap. 1. pag. 12. of the Jesuits when to quit them from Anticotons accusation viz. that they allow that Kings may be killed replyeth that Jesuits never writ that a private man might murther a King since those who onely except against the actions of private men do thereby allow the same wickedness to be done by the Magistrates or those in Authority And he 's as much a Villain and as far from Christianity who allows that a Rump or Parliament may judge and kill their Soveraign as he that commends the same fact in a private person be it a Jacobin or any other Many we have and some I dare say who speak cordially and with grief who rant bravely against the wickedness of the late Murder of King Charles the First and do lay it as a guilt too upon our Church and yet a Jury might be call'd of some of the chief Doctors of Rome who would have eas'd the Rump of their labour and iniquity and would themselves have brought in the innocent King guilty What shall we think of Leonardus Lessius a Belgick Jesuit of as great repute as most of that Order However take his judgement in short if a King do not Rule but for the harm of his People what must be done with him He tells you That a Secundo potest quis esse Tyrannus ratione duntaxat â—dministrationis ut si is qui est verus Princeâ—s Regni administrationem flectat non ad bonum publicum sed ad sua privata compendia onerando illud injustis exactionibus vendendo Ossâ—cio judicum câ—ndendo leges sibi commodas â—ubâ—ico parum utiles Talis non potest à Privatis interunis 〈…〉 Leon. Lâ—ss de justitia lib. 2. cap. 9. dub 4. § 10. such a King cannot be slain by private men as long as he remains a Prince Yet let us see this a little explained by the same Pen. b Ib. § 1â— Adde si tanâ—uâ— exerescat Tyrannis ut non videatur amâ—lius toletabilis nec ullum aliud remâ—â—â—m supâ—rsit primum à Râ—pub vel Comitus Regni vel alâ—o habenâ—e authorâ—tatem esse deponendum 〈…〉 siem declarandum ut iâ— IPSâ—US PERSONAM LICEAT QUICQUID ATTENTARE TUM â—â—IM DESINIT ESSE PRINCEPS But if saith he his Tyranny grow to such an height that he seems intolerable and no other remedy remaining then the People Parliament or any other having Authority may depose him and declare him an Enemy whereby ANY THING MAY BE ATTEMPTED AGAINST HIS PERSON because HE THEN ceaseth to be a KING Here we have enough to ease Lessius of some Loyalty and honesty viz. that Kings may be deposed and then are not Kings so that they may be kill'd as private persons But had he weigh'd his Doctrine as he did his meat in this he would either have been silent or appear'd in another Opinion or had he been as temperate in one as the other his Politicks would not have thus much out-swell'd his meager Carkas As he had no Tutor for his Greek it had been well if he had had no Church or Example to have instructed him in such pernicious Principles If in his other writings he affordeth no honester Doctrines than such as these for ought that I know he might have been more advantagious to Christendom had he followed the first advice of his Parents and imploy'd himself in a Trade And he who publickly repented for the breaking of a foolish glass might in true reason be more troubled for his divulging such wicked Principles but this it may be he thought would have made him an Heretick though 't would have proved him more honest and a better subject Another Jesuit Gregorius de Valentia speaks somewhat to the former purpose though a little mincingly yet plain enough to understand his meaning For though he saith that a private Person may Nulli particulari licet eum occidere Nam id pertinet ad Rempub. quae posset jure oppugnare illum vocare in subsidium cives Valent. Tom. 3. disp 5. q. 8. punct 3. not kill a King yet observe his Reason Because saith he that belongs to the Common-wealth which may oppose him and call the people in to their assistance But Ludovicus Molina another Spanish Jesuite and of as great repute as any speaks a little more plainly first he saith that any body may kill a King in his own defence Upon which account a man may frame what silly pretences he will 't is true he affirms that otherwise it is not lawful for a private man to kill him but then let us observe what comes after The people saith he may depose their King and punish him when he is deposed But because he names not Posset ita Respub ipsa quo ad Capita convenire eique resistere lataque sententia deponereillum ab administratione atque illum depositum PUNIRE Ante latam tamen sententiam nefas privatis esset eum interficere Molina de justitia Tom. 4. Tract 3. disp 6. § 2. exactly the way of his Punishment let us take it by a consequence in these words 'T is not lawful for private men to kill the King before he be declared deposed which plainly intimates that after his deposition it may be done And a little plainer than him doth another Spanish Jesuit speak viz. Franciscus Toletus a Cardinal and the first that was of his Order and held to be the most famous of his time for Piety and Judgement But let them be never so wise or vertuous something or other is in the wind that over-perswades them to maintain such abominable Principles as these Tolets Rule is this that a wicked King a Tyrannum administratione qui habet verum titulum sed Tyrannice tractat subdiditos hunc non licet absque publica auctoritate occidere Tolet Instruct Sacerdot lib. 5. c. 6. § 10. cannot be slain without publick Authority For which good Doctrine the Rump may rejoyce to see their actions vindicated if they supposed Virtue to be Vice and themselves a Parliament by a man of such declared prudence and honesty one of great repute with several Popes and Henry the Fourth of France who tasted to the purpose of the mischief of these Doctrines and one so hugely valued for his learning and discretion that Gregory the Thirteenth thought it not fit that his writings should lye under the censure of any man but might be Printed without license But here I dare say the Cardinal hath been wide from Truth yet hath this Opinion of Tolet been several times
printed in several Nations And if you think that these Spaniards speak not plain enough yet we shall shew you another Jesuit but of another Country viz. Brabant yet under the subjection of Spain And this is Martinus Becanus of great esteem amongst the learned honoured by the Emperour Matthias and Confessor to Ferdinand the Second but let us hear him speak and then we shall scarce think him fit to be imploy'd so neer the Conscience of so great a Monarch as Caesar since he attributes too much power to one who thinks himself a better man in Temporals one way or another than the Emperour Sometimes Aliquando factum est ut etiam Reges essent leprosi ergâ— poterat pontifex mandaâ—e ut feorsim habitarent si nollent obedire ut VITA PRIVARENTUR NIHIL CERTIUS Hâ—nc colligimus Pontificem duplici titulo potuisse Reges privare suo Regno primo quia poterat eos si â—ONTUMAâ—ES esâ—ent PRIVARE VITA Ergo Regno de hoc nemo DUBITAT Becan Controvers Angl. pag. 115. saith he it so falls out that Kings become wicked or Hereticks then the Pope may command that they be removed which if they disobey they may be kill'd and then this nothing is MORE CERTAIN And again The Pope may deprive Kings of their Kingdoms upon a double account for if they be CONTUMACIOUS he may have them Kill'd and so they are also deprived of their Kingdom and that this may be done no man doth doubt But yet if you think that this is not plain enough we will afford you another Jesuit and a Spaniard â—â—z Franciscus Suarez a man that seemed to excel Abulensis by thâ— multitude of his writings and one of the greatest esteem of all his Order Pope Paul the Fifth himself having honoured him with several Letters That Kings may be kill'd Suarez affirms no less than three times in one a Defens fid lib. 6. cap. 4. § 18. Paragraph but a little before this he speaks more plain by endeavouring to prove it by reason after this manner b Id. Lib 6. c. 4. § 14. Postquam Rex legâ—time depositus est jam non est Rex neque Princeps legitimus consequenter non potest in illo subsistere assertio quae de legitimo Rege loquitur Imo si Rex talis post depositionem legitimam in sua pertinacia perseverans Regnum per vim retineat incipit esse Tyrannus in Titulo quia non est legitimus Rex nec justo titulo Regnum possidet declaratur hoc amplius in Rege Haeretico nam statim per haeresim ipso facto privatur aliquo modo dominio proprietate sui Regni Post sentenâ—am latam omnino privatur Regno ita ut non possit justo titulo illud possidere Ergo ex tunc poterit tanquam omnino Tyrannus tractari Consequenter a QUOCUNQUE PRIVATO POTERIT INTERFICI When a King is deposed then he is neither lawful King nor Prince And if therefore he endeavour to keep the Kingdom under him by strength then he is an Vsurper because he is no lawful King having no true title to the Crown For that after the Decree of deposition gone out against him he is altogether deprived of his Kingdom so that he cannot with a just title possess it and so he may be used as a Tyrant or Vsurper and by consequence MAY BE SLAIN BY ANY PRIVATE MAN And this he saith if he be an Heretick And is not this as clear as the noon-day and as plain as a Pike-staff is not this down-right to call a spade a spade and to say that Kings may be deprived and then kill'd by any body Nor was this Principle set down without great consideration and firmly believed to be true not onely by Suarez but the chief of Portugal and others As for himself so far was he ever from recanting or thinking this Doctrine to be amiss but agreeable to the Church of Rome that the Jesuits tell us that when he was told how his book had been burnt in England he declared his consent so freely to his Principles contain'd Phil. Alegambe p. 138. therein that he said that nothing would be more pleasant and desirable to him than to have been burnt in the same flames with his book And he was so assured that his principles were agreeable to all of his Church that he had the confidence to dedicate such stuff to all Kings and Princes who were Roman Catholicks That it was held in great veneration with others cannot be denyed for we shall scarce see a book honour'd with such censures of approbation Alphonso à Castello Branco Bishop of Coimbria and Privy Councellor to the King of Spain Philip the Third declares that he hath read it exactly over and findes all things in it to agree to the holy Scriptures Apostolical Traditions General Councils and Papal Decrees Fernando Martiner Mascaregnus Bishop of Sylvis saith that he hath also read it over and findes nothing in it but what is Orthodox And Martiner Alonso à Mello another Privy Councellor and Bishop of Lamego saith also that he hath read it over and thinks it worthy to be publisht for the publick good of Christendom And the Provincial Jesuits of Portugal and Germany allow it the same priviledges and so doth the Inquisition Nor is this all but the University of Alcala de Henarez after a serious view and consideration of it declare that there is nothing in it contrary to the Roman Catholick faith nor any thing in it but what ought to be approved of and commended every thing being according to their own opinions and judgements All this put together is enough to blot out the bad reception it received by the Senators of Paris the Kings Murther then fresh in their memories and their hatred to the Jesuits being strong motives As for the Sorbone an Association really to be honour'd in many things its Doctors as most of other Convocations are oft so carryed on with interest and faction that many times in the most considerable things we shall finde their Decrees to clash one with another 'T is true this ancient Colledge of Sorbone built about 1250 by Robert de Sorbone hath for several ages kept up a great reputation and splendour but they have somewhat been troubled by the springing up of the Jesuits with whom I may say they and the University have had a continual bickering for this hundred years and of late have something lost ground especially at Rome where the Fathers carry the bell away clearly from the Doctors both in repute authority and preferments which are such considerable Arguments that of late times viz. since 1650 the interest of the Jesuits hath got in a manner the upper hand in the very Colledge of Sorbone and Paris the latter of which hath onely a company of Curates too weak to oppose against the subtile Loyolists and if the secular Authority do not intervene they will all in