Joncales began to lose his former hopes of so speedily taking it The Sieur de Guron was likewise sent by his Majesty thither presently after who so got the good Will of the people there that they parted willingly with any thing they had nay the Women would deliver up their Rings and Jewels that the Souldiers might not want their pay The Spaniards in the mean time were not idle but used their best indeavours to gain the place but were alwaies repulsed with such courage that they never went off but to their great losse The Marquesse de Bâ—uuron made divers Sallies upon them and did as often put them to disorder but was at last killed after he had on many occasions testified that fear had no corner in his heart and that his courage could have make him withstand a Puissant Army with a handfull of men The Sieur de Guron commanded in the town after his death where he so behaved himself that the Townsmen were perswaded to hold out in expectation of relief from France The King having give leave to the Marquess d' Vxelles to make Levies for Monsieur de Mantua he had at last raised as many as he thought would be sufficient for the business which was about fifteen of sixteen thousand men effective The Rendezvouz was appointed in the Bailiages of Ambrun Gap and Briancon where being all come together they who had the orders to make the muster and pay them and make provisions necessary for their passage over the Mountains were so neglectfull that they were forced to stay thereabouts in those Bailiages about twenty dayes time during which they committed many insolencies and wasts which the Marquesse de Vxelles finding he was almost in despair to see such disorders all that he could do to remedy it was he procured the Country people to provide a certain quantity of Provisions both for Man and War and to carry them after the Army over the Mountains some part of their money he paid them down in hand and for the residue he obliged himself in his own name to pay them upon the first Muster Whereupon he began to march and on the twenty seventh of July entred into the Mountains where he no sooner appeared but the Duke of Savoy came up to them and opposed them where-ever they went The resistance which he here met did not very much trouble him for he often beat them before him but it was his mis-fortune that the Provisions promised by those of Dauphine did not follow the Army insomuch that the Souldiers having marched some dayes without any bread he was at last forced to resolve upon returning back again their retreat indeed was honourable enough for the Sieur de la Ferte Marshal de Campe facing the enemy with three Regiments upon the tops of two Mountains gave opportunity to the rest of the Troops to retire into Dauphine which the Duke of Savoy could not perceive untill they were quite gone Politique Observation THE Laws of military policy require the preparing of great Magazines near the places designed for an enterprize before the first attempt and especially not to enter upon an enemies Countrey without making sure of a dayly provision for the Souldiers that they are not brought to want Armies are oftner ruined by hunger then by Battel whence it happens that he who is not very carefull of carrying his Provisions with him or sure of finding them where he comes will soon see himself destitute of Troops and in such confusion as will render him contemptible to his enemies and despicable to his friends This was one of the rules Cambises taught his son Cyrus as Xenophon relateth it and Cyrus was no lesse carefull to practise it in the Wars which he made against the Assyrians as the same Author observeth The Turks are very exact at it indeed their temperance gives them one great advantage because the carriage of them is not very difficult amongst them who use neither Wine nor other dainties It were to be wished that ours would follow their example because the plenty in which most of our Commanders have used to live renders them unable for labour or to make any great enterprizes upon the Spaniard by reason of the difficulty of carrying provisions with them The Romans were not ignorant of this truth when their Empire was in its most flourishing condition and for this reason it was that they accustomed their forces to great abstinency and those Nations which were least brought up in delicacies were alwaies by them esteemed the most war-like Thus Julius Caesar thought the Flemmings more valiant then the rest of the Gauls because they lived upon harder fare Hannibal to his cost found what losses befell his Army after they had been accustomed to a lithe ease and plenty when after the battel of Cannes warring with lesse fear of the Romans he permitted them to live in all pleasure and abundance and afterwards being to make use of them he found that by that means they had lost their courages A Captain however in avoiding this delicacy ought not to be defective in carrying that which is necessary for his Souldiers The inconveniences which will follow by such neglect are not onely as hath been said that he will see them disband but withall he will find them to run to his enemies Quarters in hope to find there better maintenance Thus did the most part of Afranius and Petrius souldiers flie to Caesars Camp and those of Caesar upon the like necessity went unto Pompey besides all this want occasioneth diseases as the French found at Carignan as Guieciardin reporteth and sometimes causeth a Mutiny In fine it is impossible in such occasions but a Commander must soon see his forces in confusion among themselves and vanquished by their enemies as Vegetius hath very judicially observed The King takes care of the Affairs of his Allies the Grisons ALthough his Majesty was carefull of Monsieur de Mantua his affairs yet did he not abandon those of the Grisons his ancient Allies but indeavoured to put them into the enjoyment of that which had been accorded them by the Treaty at Mouson He had about the end of the last year sent a Declaration to the Sieur Nesmin his Embassadour with those people which imported that according to a Clause of the first Article in that Treaty the agreements made at Lindan and Coire between the Arch-Duke Leopold the Governours of Milan and the three Cantons of the Grisons in the year 1617 until the day and date of the Treaty at Mouson ought to be null and void and that all the Embassadours assembled in Treating with the Spaniards were promised as much yet now the Spaniards would needs give other interpretations for their own advantage to that first Article though in it self nothing could be clearer upon which great contests did arise between the Grisons the Spaniards and the Arch-Duke Leopold Now the Grisons desiring his Majesty would clear the doubt he could not onely not
served to set off with advantage the wonders of his Conduct and he hath ever dispelled from us all those Tempests of Mis-fortunes which have threatned France He hath the Honour to be Son to a Father to whom a thousand ill strious acts have acquired the quality of Great And I think it may be said with truth if Fortune dâ—id set limits to Philips Conquests that there might be some subjects for his Son Alexander to shew his courage on Heaven did also set bounds to the glory of that grand Prince in suppressing civil wars that our Lews the Just might have occasion to triumph over Heresie and curb in the Ambition of the house of Austria In prosecution of these two designs he began to overcome as soon as ever he knew how to mount on Horse-back That he replanted the Standard of the Cross in Bearn that he disarmed Heresie over all the Kingdom that he hath so often made the Spaniard and King of Hungary to let go their Holds and that he forced them to relinquish the design which they had so long projected of universal Monarchy Heaven seems to have made a Bargain with him that he should overthrow whatever resisted him that his actions should be as so many miracles and that his reign should be full as happy in the obedience and love of his Subjects as illustrious by his victories and triumphs Which being so how can we pass by so many glorious Actions without publishing his Wisdome and Generosity were not that not onely to deny to his Valour the praise it justly vindicates but even to deprive Posterity of an example whereby it might learn what no books of Policy can teach It is not fit to publish the secrets of a Prince but it is just to declare his vertues And if the first be forbid by the Laws of Secrecy the acknowledgement which is due to their merit and the zeal of the Publick good obligeth us to the secoâ—d This is the principal reason which hath invited me to publish the glory of his reign and I would condemn my Pen to perpetual silence if it had been mute on this occasion so necessary will it be to those who shall govern France in future Ages to follow those footsteps which he hath left behind him I confess I am not able to find words equal to the greatness of his Actions but I had rather want words then acknowledgements for my King and affection for my Country but I shall nevertheless hope to acquit my self so much the more fortunately as the heroick Actions of great Princes have often rendred those eloquent who have undertook to write them A Prince who would signalize himself by an extraordinary conduct ought to chuse Ministers who are sufficiently able to assist him with their counsels and to put them in execution For the better choosing of whom I think it convenient to observe with T. Livy that there are three sorts of them The first Eminent who are able to govern all by their own discretions and who have a Prudence vigorous enough to advise of themselves whatsoever is necessary for Government without being beholding to others who see all penetrate into all judge of all and whose Genius is strong enough to bear up the weight of the greatest affairs The second may be called Indifferent who have not sufficiency enough to judge of all things or to execute them but have a good capacity to apprehend the judgements of others in their Counsel and so to govern affairs by their directions that they are often times successefull in the greatest enterprizes The third and last have so little Judgement that they are neither able to manage affairs by their own or the advices of others whence it happens that they are apt to commit very deplorable faults and to put all things into Confusion Of the first rank ought a Prince to choose his ministers if he would design any great attempts or carry them on to a good success If he himself too be of this number they will bring wonders to passe if he be not he hath so much the more need to have persons of this temper neer him For God who hath naturally subjected little things to great seems to have given Letters Pattents to eminent spirits to govern if not by their Authority at least by their Counsels the rest of Mankind It is a dangerous fault to choose Ministers at a venture and for that reason Aristotle blamed the Athenians who chused their Magistrates by Lot it being absolutely necessary to elect them by Prudence and still to prefer the most capable The Proverb saith Ex quolibet ligno non fit Mercurius a Sowes Ear wil not make a Silk-Purse and true it is that not all are proper for all affairs Men must be fitted to their Commissions least they not having abilities proportionable do not onely ruine the most glorious designs but withall make them end in great mis-fortunes If men have never atchieved any thing greater then States and Empires surely they cannot do any thing more glorious then to govern them well and since Causes ought to be proportioned to effects it is necessary to imploy great Persons in great places That sight which should pierce into the remotest Objects should be the sharpest That Arm which should throw furthest ought to be strongest that light which should shine in many places ought to be liveliest and generally all causes which should have most force in their operation should have most vigour in then power Which being so ought not the understanding of a Minister to be quicker then that of others seeing be is to dive into truths His Memory ought it not to be stronger seeing it ought to preserve more Species ought not his Soul to be more capable seeing it ought to be more Universal ought not his Wisdome to be greater since he must comprehend more reason and ought not his Prudence to be more perspicacious seeing he is obliged to provide for the greatest and most important affairs An ordinary capacity of mind is sufficient for the guiding of a private life but he who hath the charge of governing a State ought to surpass all others in the strength of his Genius God who is the first reason and mover of Nature may be his example in this kind and of necessity who so doth serve next under him in the Administration of a Kingdome ought to be indued with a more vigorous wisdome then others that he may be as the understanding Soul in a civil Society and a guider of all others motions by his own Councels Not to follow this rule were to put all into confusion and disorder and one of the greatest vanities which is under the Sun saith the Spirit of God in the Scriptures is To place Fools upon the Tribunal and to leave Wise men standing upon the ground It were to set a Sailor to the Helm and the Pilot to the Oar it were to commit the guidance of the Primum mobile to the
already made in respect of Religion the Princess and her servants and the Liberties of the English Catholiques and seeing that this new Oath was comprised too in some sort in the first Oath That there was sufficient provision made both in relation to Religion and Liberty of Conscience for her Domestiques and Children seeing they were to remain mayn with the Princess as well as the children which being so it would of nenessity follow that there could be no trouble brought on them in respect of their Religion He told him likewise that the King his Master being bound to his Holiness for the observation of those things which should be agreed to by the King of Great Brittain was an assurance not lesse valid then that of an heretique King That his Majesty had commanded him to supplicate his Holiness with all earnestness and not rest barely there but to tell him that his Holiness was the more obliged to grant him his request seeing he begged the confirmation of it rather out of respect then necessity seeing that several famous Doctors were of opinion that Catholiques in Heretiques Countries might freely contract Mariages without any dispense These were the chief reasons which the Sieur de Bethune represented to his Holiness and likewise to the Cardinals who were deputed in the businesse of the dispense They soon apprehended the Justice and importance of them and testified a great readinesse to do that which was desired of them The Pope sent word to the Cardinals that they should give a quick dispatch to the business that he desired to give the King all the satisfaction he could wish for both that he might acknowledg those great benefits which his Majesty had procured to the Church as also because he knew there could not any other thing be desired from those of England Accordingly they met together and concluded on it as the King desired and dispatched it with a great deal of diligence to the Nontio that it might be delivered to the King who as quickly gave intelligence of it to the King of Great Britain Politick Observation JT is not ever expedient in a design to propose the utmost advantage it being sometimes necessary to leave a little to be hoped for from time No Affair can oblige to the making of Resolutions contrary to honour and justice but several things may intervene to obstruct the effecting of all that might conduce to the good of a great Enterprize He who doth not take this truth for a rule in his Conduct will be subject to commit great faults and will in it Proclaim aloud to the World That he is ignorant of the many difference between Gods and Mans Will he doing whatsoever best pleases him but the latter is obliged to necessities and bound to proportionate his resolution according to the Possibility of things Thus though it be allowed such men on whom the dispatch of Affairs dispends to raise up some scruples and difficulties whereby to enhance the price and esteem of the thing doing it being usual with most men little to regard those Offices which are granted with ease yet when it is once evident that the present time and conjuncture of Affairs will not consist with the longer denial of what is desired from them they then ought to comply and apply themselves to the effecting of it For what refuse they shall afterwards make will appear rather to proceed from a spirit of contradiction then that of Prudence The death of James King of Great Brittain and the Mariage between the Prince of Wals his Son and the Madam Henrietta Maria of France DUring the negotiation for the dispense King James of Great Brittain fell very sick at Theobalds twelve miles distant from London After he had passed over three weekes with a Tertian Ague which weakned him exceedingly much he caused the Prince of Wals his Son to come unto him and discoursed to him with a great deale of reason and recommended to him those Officers who had faithfully served him But especially his little grand children the Infants of the Electrix Palatine his daughter encouraging him to make use of that power which he should leave him for the re-establishing of them in their Fathers Dominions and then finding himself declining into his Agony he gave him his blessing wishing him a happy prosperous and successful enjoyment of those Kingdoms which he should shortly leave to him About the end of March he died at which instant the Heralds according to the custom of England proclaymd the Prince of Wals King of Great Britain who presently took the ordering of all affairs upon him He having a great desire to be married the first thing he did was to dispatch full power to the Duke de Chevreuse to betroth and espouse the Princess in his name The King too desired to see an end of the businesse so that upon the first arrival of that power the execution of it was no longer deferred The Betrothments were made in the Lovre on the eight of May in the presence of the King the Queens all the Princes and great Lords of the Court by the Cardinal de la Rochfaucaud who likewise celebrated the Marriage Ceremonies on the Sunday following being the eleventh of May in the Church of Nostre Dame in the quality of Great Almoner I shall not need to relate with what magnificence these things were done only I shall say nothing was omitted The Espousals were made upon a Theater raised for the purpose over the great door of the Church Then the Masse was said with great Ceremony where the King and three Queens were assistants Though the Duke of Chevreuse and the Extraordinary Ambassadors of England were not there who after they had wayted on his Majesty to the door of the Quier retyred to the Arch-Bishops Pallace during the Masse as representing the King of Englands Person who was of a different Religion but they went again to receive his Majesty at the same door as soon as Masse was ended and to wayt on him to the Arch-Bishops hall where the King dined with the Queens his Mother his Wife and his Sister the Duke of Chevreuse the Earles of Carlisle and Holland the Ladies Dutchesses of Guise Elboeuf and of Chevreuse with the most magnificencies that the best versed in Royal Ceremonies could invent There were Bonfiers made all the while throughout Paris and the Cannons made such a noyse as if Heaven and Earth would have come together The Duke of Buckingham is commanded by the King of Great Brittain to go over into France and to conduct the Queen his Wife over to him THese things thus past the Duke of Buckingham the King of Great Britains favorite was commanded to go into France to desire the King that the Queen his Wife might set out from the Court assoon as might be to come to him He arrived at Paris about the end of May and during that little stay which he made he was entertained with all imaginable Magnificency
to fight gave the signal and fell upon them the Seamen were so dexterous that they got the wind of them in lesse then two hours there were above two thousand shot made and though the night came on yet the Fight ended not for the Duke perceiving nine of the greatest Ships retiring towards Rochel pursued them with such good successe that hee came up with them about day break and two others of their biggest Ships were not able to get off for want of water and so stuck on ground but long they did not so continue before they were taken It is true those of the Army who were got upon the Orelop and having killed all they met with the Souldiers who were in the Hold set fire to the Powder and blew up all above with such force that the Splinters of it were carried a quarter of a League off three of the Kings Ships were burned with it and above three hundred men lost amongst which were the Count of Vauvert the Sieur de Ville Neufeu and Veilon a Captain of Holland This accident did much take off from the content of the Victory yet it cannot be denied but that it was glorious enough for the happinesse of France in reducing the Rebels to that passe that they could not any more make any attempts by Sea Thus the rest of their Vessels which were of no great consequence retired some to Rochel and some into other places according as the Wind did drive them but never durst afterwards appear any more These things thus ended the Duke of Montmorancy landed at Oleron where he met with no resistance the Sieur de Soubize having withdrawn himself into England so that the whole Province was setled in quiet both by Sea and Land of all which his Majesty was very certainly informed who received the newes with much joy Politick Observation WHatever joys or delights Fortune insinuateth into those who revolt yet it is usually seen that all their designs end in ill success Experience hath made it often manifest that such Crimes seldome go unpunished and that Heaven hath used to sacrifice them to example They cannot more properly bee likened to any thing then to those high Mountains the points of whose Rocks seem to hreaten Heaven and which sending forth store of Clouds out of their Bosomes seem to obscure the light of the Sun though at last they are all dissipated by that fair Planet of the day who making those very same Clouds into Thunder-bolts causeth them to fall down upon them for to chastise their Insolency And is it not the same thing with Grandees who revolt and Rebell After they have made some attempts upon the Authority of their Soveraign are they not in fine ruined and brought into extremities by the Power of his Armes who takes occasion to crush them to peeces with that Power which they would have usurped themselves and did not of right belong unto them History abounds with exemplary Proofs of this Truth the many that are would spoil the design of quoting two or three onely But for the greater illustration of it I shall say thus much the injustice of a Cause is almost an infallible sign of an ill successe seeing Heaven doth commonly confound what Man hath wickedly built If at any time they shall become so powerfull as to secure themselves from the hazards of Battels yet they can never obtain a remission from Heaven They who attempt to grow great by unjust means will in fine meet their utter ruine God doth peradventure suffer them for the punishment of States to obtain advantages for some time but at last the violences which they Act fall upon themselves and they become a just subject for their Soveraigns Revenge The Arrival of Cardinal Barbirini in France as Legate from the Holy Chaire for the Affaires of the Valtoline WHilest the Fire of this Civil War was burning up of Languedoc The Cardinal Barbarini Legate from the Pope arrived in France and came to Marseille where he was received with great honour as also at Lyon according to the Orders sent by the King He came to Paris the one and twentieth of May and his Majesty caused his entrance to be made with the most Pomp that hath been seen for a person of his condition I shall not need insist on the relating that he is bound by the Laws of the Kingdome before he Officiate the Function of a Legate to present the Brief which the Pope hath given him for the imployment to the Parliament of Paris which is a Custome so ancient that I shall omit speaking any more of it but I shall observe that the Pope having ommitted in the Brief to give the King the Title of King of Navar which could not be denied to him without Injustice the Parliament refused to acknowledge it and obliged him not to make any further procedure in the businesse untill it were amended The Legate comming to Paris alighted at St. James de Haut-pas where the Clergy of the City the concourse of the Court and other Officers to the number of twelve thousand went to salute him and receive his Benediction After this the Prelates of Paris came to do their respects to him there was a little dispute in what habit they should appear before him the Legate desiring they should be in their Rockets and Camail covered over with a Mantlet as a mark that they had no power in his presence but the Prelates not being able to stoop to this Order by reason it was contrary to the Rules of the French Church it was concluded in the middle way between both to give some satisfaction to the Legate that they should go so habited to salute him and that they should accordingly accompany him in the Cavalcade to Nostre-Dame where being come they were to take off their Mantlets but all was done under a Proviso of saving their ancient right The King sent the Duke of Nemours the Sieur de Bonnevil the Introductor of Embassadours and several other Lords of great quality to receive him at his first arrival At night Monsieur the Kings Brother waited on him with a great number of Lords and saluted him with extraordinary respects and one his entrance accompanying him gave him the right hand The same day he had Audience from the King where nothing passed onely Complements but the next day he proposed what the Pope had given him in charge hee exhorted the King in general terms to Peace he urged his Majesty to restore things in the Valtoline to their former State as they were before the Army of the confederated Princes entred into it and beseeched him to grant a Cessation of Arms in Italy His Majesty answered to these three Propositions that he was ever inclined to Peace and that he would still be induced to it provided it were for the Publick safety and honourable for him and his Allies That as to what concerned the Valtoline the Treaty of Madrid made but a few years before
Majesty were to be joynt Judges Nothing more could be desired But however the Legat whether it were because he was somwhat cautious or reserved or because he had not as yet any great experience in businesses of importance or whether it were by reason of his Instructions from the Pope which peradventure might be limited was very fearfull to engage himself to any thing in which he suspected he might be disclaimed and more especially seeing Count Gondamor the Spanish Ambassador then at Court declared openly that he was prohibited by his Master to meddle or make in the Treaty for that his Catholique Majesty would never treat at all untill those places were restored into his Holyness's hands The King had no great reason to be satisfied with this manner of the Legat's proceeding seeing he every day created new difficulties It was well known that the Orders which he received from the Pope was one cause of it His Holyness apprehending that in case he should consent to the delivery of the Valtoline to the Grisons the Spaniards would disable the Counsel in regard several of the Roman Clergy were of opinion that he could not with a safe conscience allow of it as also the continual suggestions of the Spaniards did mightily molest and trouble him The unexpected departure of the Cardinal Barbarini from the French Court. NOtwithstanding all this the King did him all honour caused him to dine with him sent to visit him in his lodging at Fountainbleau and made his Officers treat him with extraordinary splendour But at last they were to settle upon some resolution The King pressed him but he instead of facilitating the business stood firm to his first demands to which he was answered that his Majesty had conceded as much as could be reasonably expected so that he might not hope for any further condescending to them Whereupon the Legate on a sudden resolves to return to Rome and having publick Audience on the two and twentieth of September hee took leave of the King giving him great assurances of his Passion for the service of his Crown His Majesty likewise testified to him that he had a great kindness towards his Person a great respect for his Holiness and an extraordinary devotion for the Holy Chair And lastly told him that the Affairs which he had been treated withall were so important to the publick good that he would gladly before he had made his Final answer have assembled together the chief Officers of his Kingdom and of his Supream Courts to take their advices and that he would gladly have seen him once more to have acquainted him with their resolution It was hoped he would have expected the result of them but he departed before it was suspected and his Officers who were left behind him could give no other reason for it but that he did it to avoid the usual Complements at parting Politique Observations GOD hath established two sorts of Powers for the Government of the Universe and he hath had so great a care over mans vanity as the learned Hinomar writing to Carloman and the Bishops of France saith that to the intent hee might preserve them in obedience hee would totally separate and distinguish the Functions of their respective Authorities The Persons who have their powers are subject reciprocally each to the other Kings to Ecclesiastiques and Ecclesiastiques to Kings yet not that their Powers have a reciprocal dependance upon one another It is true the Spiritual is superior to the Temporal according to the order of dignity but not according to the rule of Subjection and Authority insomuch that who is indued with it may not despoil Soveraigns of their Temporal Power nor moderate it It is very necessary to distinguish between the Subjection of Persons and that of Powers for though Jesus Christ hath resolved that all persons of the World should be subjected to his Ministers and all his Ministers to Kings yet hee hath not ordained that these two Powers should be subject in the same manner but he hath given to them both an equal Authority to discharge their Functions without bestowing on either power to destroy the other Which being so the head of the Church may not assume to himself any other Quality with Temporal Princes but of a Mediator to end their differences He hath Power indeed over their Consciences but not over their Estates or that Authority which they have received from God for the government of them It is to no purpose for him to snatch away the Scepter out of their hands and whatever Proposal he shall make to them can be received but as Councels It is Glorious for him as we have said to accommodate differences but he may not pretend to do it by his Authority Out of zeal he is bound to fore-cast the difficulties which he may meet with in the perswading both Parties to agree to his Proposals seeing those which are commonly made to two Princes at Enmity are like a Medicine which ought to be administred to a person whose Liver is very hot but his Stomack extreamly cold and weak for the ordering of which the Physitian findeth himself much puzzeled by reason of those remedies which refresh the one are commonly stark nought for the other And thus it is seldome or never seen that those Propositions which are made by Arbitrators do please both parties The highest point of Prudence in this case is to imitate the discreet Physitian who cannot bring to passe his intent of curing his Patient but by prescribing to him such things as may comfort one and not annoy another part for thus it is unlesse those Propositions which a Mediator shall lay down bee weighed with Justice Equality and Moderation they will rather provoke then allay the angers of those Princes who are concerned in them An Assembly of the Nobles by the Kings Order upon the businesse of the Cardinal Barbarin's Legation ALthough it were not very needfull to take any further advice for a resolution to those Propositions made by the Legate so evidently dis-advantagious were they to France and her Allies yet it was not thought amiss to call a Chief Assembly where the chief Lords of the Court and the principal Officers of the Kingdome might understand the true state of the case and to prevent that the keeping of it secret might not give the Spaniard the liberty of reporting over Europe that Cardinal Barbarine had made very reasonable Proposals of Peace but that the King had absolutely refused them by which he did declare his resolution of continuing the War Which was not onely clear contrary to the Truth but against the honour was due to the Kings Justice which had ever induced him to settle Peace among his neighbours when he might do it without offence to his Reputation or the Interests of his Allies as also in regard of the great respect which he had shewed to the holy Sea upon this very occasion as also in all others which presented themselves so
be forthwith demolished but the Pope made some difficulty of charging himself with the doing of it and onely desired that the Forts might be delivered up into his hands for reparation of the injury which had been dore him as he perswaded himself when as the Marqueis de Coeuvres took them from him and that afterwards he would cause the Spaniards to rase them France did not at all stand upon reâ—â—oring them into the Popes hands but the King would be well assured that the Pope should not deliver them over into the Spaniards hands to be by them demolished to which effect he desired that his Holiness would only send in so many Souldiers that in appearance only they might seem to be Masters which his Holiness would not be drawn to and the Spaniards too disswaded him from it as hoping that when his Holiness should have them in his absolute power they might find some way or other to get them into theirs and so demolish them which many amongst them thought to be very honourable though divers others were of a contrarie opinion as imagining it to be a work ignoble for their Master who had first caused them to be built The Final agreement for the demolishing of the Forts in the Valtoline AFter many contestations off and on the King to end all differences gave full power to the Sieur de Bethune to conclude at Rome with the Pope and Spanish Ambassadours any thing that was reasonable to be do and between them it was at last concluded that the Forts should be delivered into the hands of Torquatus Conty who commanded the Popes Forces that in the mean while the Kings Forces were to quarter in such places as were not included in the deposite That as soon as ever the Forts were delivered up they should presently demolish them That the Arms Artillerie and Ammunitions of war which belonged to the Spaniards should be restored to them and that the discharges being granted his Holiness Forces as also those of the two Kings should withdraw themselves at the same time from the Valley and the Earldoms of Bormio and Chiavâ—nnies These were the principal Articles resolved upon for execution of the Treaty which after it was ratified by the King the Marques de Coeuvres presently trealed with Torquatus Conty and Don Goneales de Cordua whom the Spaniards had sent in Ferra's place as a man more enclined to peace concerning the form of the redemise and demolition of the Forts There were Commissaries likewise appointed for the giving in of true Inventories of the Artillerie Ammunitions of war victuals and the deposit and to make a general discharge which ought to be given to the Pope upon his entrance into those Forts which had formerly been delivered to him in deposit Upon the fifteenth the demolition was began and so many labors came to finish it that in six dayes it was all ended The Marquis de Coeuvres gave order to the Marquis ae Tequiers to retire with his Majesties Forces towards France and his Majesty for a just and worthy recompence of his services bestowed in him the Honour of Marshal de Campo and thus the respect and reference which the two Crowns made to the Pope were an assured means for settling them in peace with one another The Reasons which oblige great Princes to shew an extrardinary honour to the Pope THere are divers Reasons which invite great Princes to pay an extraordinary respect so the Pope They are bound to it by duty seeing as St. Bernard saith he is the high Priest the Soveraign Bishop the Prince of Bishops Heir to the Apostles that he is like Abel in his Priority Noah in his Government Abraham in his Patriarch-ship Melchisedech in his Order Aaron in his dignity Samuel in the excellency of his Judgement St. Peter in the Power which he received from the Son of God seeing he is the cheef of Christians the Shepheard of the people the Rod of the Mighty the Hammer of Tyrants the Father of Kings the Light of the World and the Lievtenant of God upon Earth And who seeth not that all these eminent qualities do make him amongst other Potentates here below the same that the Sun is in comparison of the rest of the Stars And then looking on his Person and beholding the Object whom he doth represent which is no other than God himself ought not every one be perswaded to treat him withall imaginable respects for the love of God the Almighty Lord who governing States by the hand of Providence doth most commonly blesse them in that proportion as Princes respect those for his sake who belong unto him To speak truth this honouring them is a Loadstone which draweth down all kind of blessings from Heaven which conduce to the Happiness of Kingdomes And if neither of the two considerations should be potent enough over the minds of Kings to perswade them to bear a great reverence to the Pope yet in my opinion they are bound to it by a very Politick and considerable reason which is to preserve themselves in Peace For that it hath been alwaies judged necessary that amongst Princes there should be an Impartial chief and a general father of Jesus Christs family who might accommodate their differences and might by his Counsels moderate the violence of those who make unjust attempts and who might unite their Arms and Powers to defend the from the violences of its enemies If it should so happen that the Pope should become contemptible by the little respect which is rendred to him what credit could he have to conclude or effect such things amongst them what esteem could he have to end their differences They might force him to contain himself within the limits of his spiritual jurisdiction without medling in temporal affairs but in the interim the fire of war would often break out amongst them with such fury that both themselves estates would be consumed in the Flames of it Whereas did they but receive his Counsels with respective honour and admit of his perswasions with esteem his dignity would then become venerable amongst them all and he might with ease accommodate their divisions by his allotting to each one what belongeth justly unto him he might restore peace to the Nations and stop the course of all violent proceedings Articles of Peace granted to the Rochelois AS Peace is the most sure Foundation of the happinesse of Kingdomes so the Cardinal was not satisfied to have setled it abroad but indeavoured the procuring it for those of Rochel and to establish it in France both for the greatest good of the people and the highest glory of his Majesty that could be aimed at Hee quickly set on work divers persons of the Town whom he had gained by opening their eyes and who were potent enough with several others to perswade them to follow the example of the rest of their Party So that the Deputies who had been sent by the Assemblies of the Hugonots comming to Court
things to that passe that they might have none above them but God to Pray too The other was to form so powerful a Party amongst the Princes that they might be able to give the Law to his Majesty to constrain him to banish the Cardinal and to compel him to be ruled by their directions This Cabal consisted of a great many persons which as it could not be done but with a multitude so there wanted not some who spake very rashly of it There were divers reports spreadabroad of what they intended which were published though whisperingly with a great deal of insolency and at the same time it was known that a Favourite of Buckingham's said openly in England That there was so great a Faction contriving against the King and carried on by Monsieurs Councellours that all the Catholicks of the Queens house might be driven out without any danger and Heretiques placed in their room though contrary to the Articles of marriage There were some two of the Bourbonnois ingaged in this Combination who talked so openly and confidently that notice being given of it to the King and his Ministers it was adjudged that they intended to carry things to extremity and that it would not be much amiss to give Commission of Enquiry to the Vice-Seneschal of the Bourbonnois to make enquiry of the truth who gave a great light of the whole matter by his informations It was likewise discovered that Madam de Cheâ—â—reuse being discontented that her private intelligences with the English Embassadour were so publickly taken notice of did not a little promote the undertakings by her animating of Monsieur the Grand Prior and Chalais to execute it both which were ingaged by love to her as also that the Colonel de Ornano abusing Monsieurs goodnesse and the credit which his place gave him did absolutely divert him from the marriage which his Majesty had so earnestly desired should be celebrated The Cardinal on the other side having been acquainted that Louvgry who was one of the cabal being deeply in love with a Lady of quality had discovered to her the summe of their design and amongst other things had assured her that Chalais was one of the chief instruments in the enterprise he resolved to go passe away some time at Chailliot in Chalais father in Laws house that he might the better make use of his prudence to discover more particulars of the business His design took effect and as there are few things in his wish which the greatness of his prudence cannot accomplish it is said that he found a device to learn several things from Chalais own mouth and that he assured him both of his own assistance and his Majesties favour in case he should do that which was desired of him in this business of discovery He likewise found out how the Colonel d' Ornano was the Ringleader of the Plot hurried into it by like for fear lest if Mounsieur should marry his Princesse would assume to her self those advantages which he then had over his Spirit That their chief end was to unite all the Princes so close together that they might enforce his Majesty not to remove any of them from the Court and with all to permit them to live in the same licentiousness that they had a long while formerly enjoyed That to this effect they endeavoured the breaking of the match between Monsieur and Madamoiselle de Mâ—ntpensier and to bring on that of Madamoiselle de Bourbon which would more neerly ingage Monsieur to their Interests or else to perswade him to marry some other stranger Princesse which might be a means to shelter and defend their designs by the Forces and assistances which they might reasonably expect from such a family That this once effected they intended the Count de Soissons should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier that the Houses of Guise and Bourbon might be united together and in this manner they would in a moment huddle up together almost all the leading potent persons of Court It was no small advantage for the Affairs of the State to know that end this Cabal did drive at The Cardinal was not defective in acknowledging the services which Chalais had done in that particular and he might certainly have made very great advantages by it had he not relapsed into former contrivances and designs Politique Observation IT is a very great Imprudence to ingage in any Faction against the Prince of State under hope of not being discovered It cannot be denied but most ill-doers do believe their disorders will lye concealed For who would commit them if he thought he should be detected But who knoweth not that there is a certain blindness which attendeth on sin like a thick curtain spread over the eyes of the Soul which obstructeth the seeing such things as are most in themselves perspicuous and hurrieth the mind into excesse of Rashness Whosoever will suffer himself to be reduced by the Error must of necessity be ignorant of what the Son of God hath said in the Gospel That there is nothing hid which shall not be found out nor nothing how secret soever but time shall discover God who over-ruleth Kingdoms and watcheth for their conservation will not permit that those Plots and conspiraces which are contrived against them by some particular persons should remain concealed and it oftentimes so fals out That Justice being guided by his Providence causeth the very Authour himself to become the discoverer before he be aware of it All great secret is a great Burthen to the Bearer and experience hath often shewed that it is almost impossible for a man to keep it any long time without disburthening his Breast of it If perchance a man hath the power to bridle his tongue from discovering it yet can he never forbear the discovery of it by some Actions which will speak it to those of understanding And truly it seem God permitteth it so to be for the glory of innocence under whose Laws few would enforce themselves to live if Treachery had discretion enough to conceale it self Aristole did judiciously answer him who demanded what was the most difficult thing in the World when he said that it was to conceal that which was not fit to be made known since no man could be thought capable of keeping a secret but he who could indure a burning Coal upon his Tongue Indeed whatever is once known to three persons is quickly after made common to all for that each of them having an itching desire to speak of relateth it to his friend and so from one to another it comes to be published According to which History too hath recoreded many wicked designs closely contrived yet at length brought unto light Plutarch saith that in the Cyprian War one Aristocrates chief of the Messenians was the cause of their being cut in peeces by a notable peece of Treasons into which the desire of rule had ingaged him and that twenty years after it pleased God to permit
flowed back again It were easie to produce many the like examples But I rather think the wisest course which can be taken on such occasions is to make them pay dearly for their Landing by cutting good store of them in peeces and to adventure on them at their first footing with courage and resolution The first attempts are they which make way for all the rest An Enemy finds himself astonished at the death of some of his party and at the great resistance which he meeteth The difficulties which are forseen in obtaining of victories disheartens all those who have but a little courage and it hath been often found that an enemy will more willingly retier himself then run the hazard of a second rout Cruelty is allowable in such occasions to strick terrour into an enemy to shake their resolutions and to affright them for many from fearfall to despair of victorie whilst they judg considering the strong resistance made in defence of a pass it must needs be a mark of the assured resolution they have taken to defend themselves in a place when once they are besieged Prosecution of the Historie THE newes of the English Fleets arrival was soon brought to the Court but the Cardinals Prudence was such that he would not let the King be acquainted with it least it might encrease his Fever neverthlesse his Great Genius who findeth remedies for all things did take wonderful care by his orders to repel them The King had already upon Intelligence that the English were setting out commanded many Regiments of Foot and Troops of light Horse and dispatched several Commissions to raise more Forces with order to all Officers to come to the randevous at Poictou and there to be in a readiness for such imployments as occasion should require He had also given the charge of this Army to the Duke of Angoulesme who at his first comming gave all necessary orders for the safetie of Brouage and the Iles of Oleron relying entierly as to the I le of Ree on the courage and Loyalty of the Sieur de Thoyras Monsieur d' Angoulesme had also put into Fort Lewis all kinds of Ammunition with great diligence whereby to repel the English if they should come to assault it and he made use of a Stratagem which was the probable cause of staying the English at the I le of Ree as also of preventing them from coming on the Mainland His devise was this He gave order upon his first comming to the Quarter Master General of the Army to go to all the Boroughs and Villages there abouts to provide Quarters for an Army between fifteen and twenty thousand men though he had not in all above the half of that number The Rochelois hereupon swallowing this fiction for a truth presently advised the English of it who apprehending the encounter of so great Forces went to the I le of Ree He also observed the order given him by the Cardinal not to provoke the Rochelois nor give them the least jealousie of any thought to besiege them This Great Minister well knew That the people are easily transported to all extremities when they fear any severe punishment to fall upon them and particularly that the Rochelois having called in the English to vindicate their Liberty would never be induced totally to give themselves up to them whilst they did not fear a siege and that therefore it would be proper not to give them any suspition And for the same reason it was that the Duke of Angoulosme did so favourably receive their Deputies assuring them that the King intended nothing else but to let them enjoy their priviledges on condition they deserved it by their submission he also suffered them to gather in their harvests thinking it lesse inconvenient to let them make that provision which at best could not much prolong the siege then to give them occasien by declaring their design to deliver up themselves to the English This disposal of his was accompanied with great Prudence yet not sufficient to drive the English out of the I le of Ree or hinder them being Masters thereof to go on the Mainland Monsieur the Cardinal who had the Charge under the Authority of the King and Queen Mother to provide against this necessity employed more effectual means for the procuring those happy successes which forced the World to believe that the King could bring such things to passe as his predecessours could not aspire to He used extraordinary deligence to hasten the Levies and to draw together good store of shipping to succour Ree as also to hinder the English from entring into the Channel of Rochel in case they should attempt it one of his Chief cares was to prohibit by an Edict all sorts of Maritine commerce and at the same time he sent into parts to man those vessels formerly employed and with all speed to bring them neer Rochâ—l he sent to Havre de Grace and Diepe Commissions and mony for the dispatching of the Ships which he had there prepared and unto Oleron Brouage and â—uyenne to have victuals and ammunition in a readiness He gave Charge to the Abbot of Marsillac to passe by the Coast of Olonne to raise Marriners and to the Sieur de Beaumout Chief Comptroler of the Kings house intimate friend of Monsieur de Thoyras to emyloy his utmost care and industry to put provisions into the Cittadel of Ree Withal Touredes was dispatched to St. Mallos to rig out three great Ships and Beaulieur Courcelles with Cantâ—lona Sea Captains unto Olâ—nne to contrive away how to clap victuals into Ree Beauliâ—â— Persac was sent to execuse a design he had proposed to set fire on some of the English Ships and to throw himself into the Cittadel of St. Martin but he could not effect it La Rinterre after Greffier was sent along the Coast to presse all the Shallops that went with oare he sent Magnac to the Duke d'Espernon and several Couriers to the Towns upon the Garronne to draw together all the Barks Galliots and small vessels which might be serviceable He sent post into Holland to the Commander de Gouttes who commanded the Kings Ships to come away with all speed and at the same time understanding that the Hollanders were sollicited by the English to assist them with their shipping he set a Treaty of renuing alliance on foot by his Majesties Ambassadour there whereby to divert them Which was soon agreed upon by giving them certain monyes and so the Articles were signed amongst which this was one that they should assist the King with their shipping if need were This Grand Minister excercised with admirable Prudence the advice of an Ancient who counselled him that had two enemies that he should compound with one of them the better to make war with t'other He likewise employed the Bishop of Nismez Monsieur de Thoyras his Brother and Monsieur Desplan one of his best friends to advance those succours with all dilligence He made divers
and sent him full power as Livetenant General of the Camp at Rochel of his Forces in â—oicion Xâ—in onge Angoumois and Aulnis Monsieur shewed in several encounters that he had no lesse Vallour or conduct than those who had spent all their time in Arms Insomuch that he once engaged his Person in a skirmish with the Rochelois where they had much a do to bring him off He was extream carefull for the bringing up of the Forces to the Camp and oftentimes attempted the relief of the Isle of Ree and to keep the Army in discipline The King arrived at Rochel and testified a great satisfaction at his extraordinary conduct by Caresses sufficient to have obliged him to have expected the issue of such glorious designs in his Majesties company had not his confidence diverted him from it and perswaded him after the defeat of the English to return to Paris They made him believe that the Cardinal had all the authority and that himself had onely the name although this Grand Minister was never deficient in paying him all respects These seditious Spirits were so pricked with envy to see him act such glorious things It is true they likewise found that the Cardinals design was by thus employing Monsieur in an affair whereby he was obliged to be every hour with the King to make a good understanding between them a thing no whit desired by them who rather endeavoured continually to sow distrusts between them which would render themselves the more considerable by their seeming to be loyall and usefull This procedure is ordinary with them who serve great Princes for their private Interests they still fear lest their Master should confide more in others then themselves and there is no device which they make not use of to prevent it This was the true reason which carried Monsieur back to Paris his Highness having given more credit to their councels which he thought were accompanied with faithfulness than to his own passion which carried him on to the wars when he might testify his courage to be no way inferiour to his birth Politique Observation IT is necessary for the good of a State so to employ the Princes of the blood especially him who is Heir apparent to the crown that they live contented but withal that they affirm not too great authority in affairs Alexanders procedure was very barbarous when passing into Asia he killed all his kindred excepting one of his Bastard brothers of whom he had no suspition A Barbarousness onely received among Turks where it passeth for a piece of Policy I cannot lesse blame the Kings of Orinus who before they were beaten by the Portugals took away the lives of most of their kindred The Kings of China too are no lesse to be blamed who shut them up in a place from whence they never are permitted to come out excepting onely him who is to succeed in the Empire Christianity hath Laws more moderate and approveth not of this rigorous tyranny but it well liketh those prudent counsels which Kings take so to treat them that they may not have any grounds of discontent which might carry them to broyles and that they become not too powerfull in the State It is wisedome to be kind unto them to deal favourably with them as occasion shall serve to employ them in the Court with honour and in such Offices which have more credit than power not to give them the Authority of a great province of any strong places or the command of an Army at least for no long time without a faithful Livetenant who by his credit with the Souldiers may hinder them from abusing their power If but a little be added to the greatness of their birth they become too potent and assume too great authority The desire of Command which their birth hath given them doth blind their minds when they find themselves with their Swords in their hands Command saith Titus Livy takes off from the Loyalty of the nearest relations and makes their Counsels prejudicial to the publique good Artaxerxes had no sooner caused his son to be chosen King but he was in danger of being killed by him So Selimus being made partner of the Government by his father Bajazet slew him that he alone might have the sole command And Don Charles would have had done as much to his Father Philip King of Spain not being able to stay until his natural death should make way for his commâ—â—g to the Crown Hardly an Age passeth but some examples of this kind have appeared which have made it evident that great power in the Princes Royal is incompatible with the Publique Quiet or the safety of a Soveraign The King after his Recovery comes to Rochel to beat the English out of Ree THE first succours which had been sent to Ree had been to little purpose if the â—ing had not come in person and sent over an Army to drive out the English It was an enterprise ful of hazard to expose all the Forces which his Majesty had on foot at Poictou to the mercy of the Sea to dis-garrison all the Ports of the Main Land to relieve a Fort half lost and to land in an Island in sight of a potent Army seeing especially that in so doing Rochel would be in some sort left as a prey to strangers However necessity perswaded to wink at all hazards it was impossible to overcome them but in the Kings presence at whose sight there is not any difficulty which the courage of the French would not surmount His Majesty having recovered his health forthwith resolved to depart from Paris He forgot not before his departure to provide for the safety of those Provinces from whence he departed to which end he sent the Duke d' Elboeuf to the coasts of Picardy and the Duke de Longueville to those of Normandy with Forces and power to oppose the English if they should make any incursion there about He sent other Commissions to diverse Lords to raise new Troops and to hasten them away with the first toward Poictou He dispatched the Duke de Guise to command the Fleet part of which was already drawn together He accepted of the offer made by Don Diego de Mâ—xie from the King of Spain of a Fleet to serve him against the English but the truth was with design rather to hinder the Spaniards from assisting his Enemies under hand than for any great help he expected from it In fine he gave power to the Queen Mother to govern during his absence the Provinces in and about Paris and then he set forwards toward Rochel that he might be there with the first The news of his departure did much encourage the besieged as also the Army which lay in expectation of him before Rochel They were all on fire to be at it with their Enemies His Majesty knew with what earnest desire they expected him so he would not make any stay in his journey onely at Saumer where is the Church
as well as himself and opposed those first attempts which were made against his Kingdome Francis Sforzza from a private Souldier became Duke of Milan and his Children who were Princes and Dukes became private Gentlemen for want of experience in the war and because they would deceive others by their cheats rather than render themselves famours by battles Lesse than this cannot befall a King who suffers the Rebellion of a strong Town to go away unpunished especially when it serves for a prop to uphold the revolt of any great party or to countenance the attempts of stangers He ought to be in the field as soon as they begin to declare themselves and to take up arms with so much the more courage for that Trasan saith God doth usually overwhelm the enemies of peace and those who are the disturbers of others by war as heretofore in the example of Pyrchus and of later ages in that of Charles Duke of Bourgoign I shall add that for the quicker and more secure reducing of his subjects to obedience he ought not to expect till their revolts make Levies He ought alwayes to have Regiments ready in Garrisons as the Macedonians had their Argyraspiâ—es the Romans their Legions the Sultans of Aegypt their Mammalukes and the Turks their Janisariâ—s By this means a Town shall no sooner seem to mutiny but it will be assaulted and if any of their Forces shall appear in the field they will be soon cut in pieces Prosecution of the Historie IT were of small consequence to have shut up the Rochelois by Land had they not also been blocked up by Sea The Cardinal acquainted the King with the necessity of it and those contrivances formerly resolved on for that purpose were put in execution The Cardinal had the Chief conduct of it because he had examined with an extraordinary care all the means of finishing the siege with good successe and was more capable than any other to effect it He was so modest that he suffered himself to be directed by Pompâ—jus Targon an Italian Ingineer who had wrought with the Spaniards in blocking up the Channel of Ostende he thought good to make a chaine of Masts and other great pieces linked together with Harping Irons and Cables but the first shot forced them in sunder and spoiled the work He built certain Castles upon Ships some floating and some fixed in the Sea He contrived other engines which were Square and of great pieces of timber such as he called Bridges for the planting of Cannon upon them levelled just between wind and water But all these inventions were more for shew than use though very chargeable so the Cardinal was forced to follow his own thoughts and the design which himself had contrived for stopping the passage and as there is no soul like his so no invention could equal that whicâ— himself had projected It was to raise a certain banck thwart the Channel leaving onely an entrance in the middle for the ebbing of the Sea This design seemed difficult for that the Sea is uncapable of any obstacles which humane industry can raise against it But as the starres obey great Souls so it was unjust that the Elements should resist his will Two things induced him to judge that this banck would easlier be raised than divers imagined First the advantage of stones which might be had on both sides of the Channel and the great multitude of labourers which might be drawn out of the bordering Countries and from the Army it self for a quick dispatch of the work It was began in a place where the River is seven hundred and forty fathom broad where the Cannon of Rochel could not reach but at random so that the work could not be hindred The Cardinal allowed 12 fathom of depth which quickly passing over they left a stoping in the bottome and made a plat form of four fathome upon the surface which should be raised to such an height that the highest tyde could not reach it It was built of dry stones laid upon one another without other morter than what the Sea brought and to strengthen it the better at every 12 foot there was an addition of great timber This grand Minâ—ster knowing the taking of Rochel depended on this Bank did oftentimes go to see it not regarding the Cannon shot which the Rochelois continually made He spared no money for the encouragement of the work-men and he obliged them by the charms of his words which carry men on to whatever he pleaseth It was so advanced in two moneths time that the Rochelois who had hoped that it would onely serve for a laughing-stock to the Ocean could now onely at several times passe four or five small Vessels over it However it was a vast work such as passed beleef neither was it finished till 7 or 8 moneths were ended Besides this the passages in the middle for the ebbing of the Sea was to be stopped up to hinder the going in or out of any Vessels Three great Fences were found out such as could not be bettered The first was a Range of about 40 Vessels filled with Stones and sunk to the bottome The second was a kind of Pallisado made about as many floating Vessels linked together with Chains and Cables which were guarded by a whole Regiment The third was of great stakes fastned in the bottome of the Sea made Taper waies which for that reason were called Chandelieâ—s Thus was the Passage quite blocked up and there was no other way for the Rochelo to be relieved by Sea unlesse the English whose assistance they implored should send them a puissant Fleet which might break through all these obstacles Politique Observation IT of so great importance to hinder the comming in of Provision to besieged Towns that that being once secured the taking of them cannot be avoided they who have forced them by famine have by the Ancients been more honoured then those who have taken them by the sword because they are lest subject to hazards and their Souldiers lives not in danger A thing very considerable In long sieges the onely thing intended is by necessity to force the besieged to open their Gates the truth is most commonly this is a work of time and consequently of great expence but on the other side it saves a great many Souldiers lives which is a recompence great enough It was one of Caesars advices in forcing of Towns rather to do it by Famine then the Sword as the Physitian saveth his Patients more by abstinence then forcible Medicines The truth is I imagine this to be the better and safer way in regard necessity is such a thing as nothing whatever can resist Now as it is a way very advantagious so is not lesse difficult especially in Sea Towns heretofore esteemed impregnable because of the incertainty of the Sea and weather which seldome lets a Fleet lie long in safety to prevent relief as also by reason of its violence which commonly laughs at
Fortune but to follow Plato's advise who in his Book de Republicâ saith That to be a King and to Rule to serve and be beloved to fight and overcome are three such things as a man need not trouble himself to look after they being the Guifts of Fortune and only subjected to her power who granteth them to whom the pleaseth I am not of his opinion but do suppose that a Minister is bound having once obtained any great credit in his Masters soul to uphold it by all the cares and diligences which may render him beloved Philosophy teacheth very well That to obtain ones desire there ought to be causes applied to the subject by which a man designs to work whence it followeth that those qualities which make a man perfect and accomplished are the true causes of love so that he is obliged to let his Master see he is endued with those and the like recommendations and vertues amongst which I place that of a faithful servant in the Front For as an ancient hath observed services have a particular attractive power in them which insinuate affection and charm the mind Those subjects which are most useful are most beloved and as nothing is beloved but for Interest so those persons who are most conducing to the good of the State and the preservation of their Masters Authoritie are ever best affected And to speak the truth I believe that necessity maketh them more considerable then any other quality whatever For as the Bough of a Tree is in considerable in respect of the whole Body yet it is of great use to him who without it were in hazard of being drowned Just so is it with him he is beloved embraced and esteemed above all things when there is a need or want of him But a Minister what necessity so ever a Prince hath of him ought not if he would be dear to his Master become importunate or craving either by being alwayes in his sight on by begging any favour or boon of him Too great a Familiarity will bring his qualities into contempt how eminent so ever they be and the consideration of his services would be much diminished by his importunities Lâ—cullus one day asking Sâ—neca his intimate friend what course he should take to render himself acceptable unto the Emperour Nero in the Goverment of Sicily was thus answered by him That he is most in Princes favour who doth him most services The surest Rules which in this case is to be observed is this To see him but seldome to speak but little to him unlesse when occasions of State require it and then too with great respect and submission and in such terms as may never clash with his Masters thoughts and mind If there be any ill news to be discoursed let others first acquaint him with them The Souls of great men hate ill tidings as of Broyles and Insurrections things which diminish the respects which are due to their Authority He will not a little Fix and settle himself in his Masters favour by testifying a good courage in his occasions and affairs The Reason of this is Princes do naturally love those who are men of resolution they look on such as the supporters of their State Authority and lives and they who are themselves the greatest cowards do yet love such as are courageous stout and hardy Phalaris the Tyrant hath given us an example of this particular when he writ to a certain emulator of his I confesse thou art a good man and thou canst not deny but all in thy house are bad whereas if thou doest observe any vice in my person yet thou wilt find me still attended by wise learned and courageous followers and attendants These are the Chief Buttresses which support a Ministers favour to these I will only add That seeing there are not any qualities how eminent soever which the envy of some or other will not attempt to disguise unto his Prince he therefore ought with great care to remove such persons from him and that with the more Authority in regard Justice alloweth of the punishing such who requite services done for the Common good with Ingratitude Cardinal Richelieu Commandeth the Army in his Majesty absence THE Prudence of a King is no lesse demonstrable in his choise of Officers than in his Commands and in particular the King acquired no lesse Glory in commiting the care of the siedge of Rochel unto the Cardinal then if he had been there in person The whole management of affairs did evidence how judicious a choise his Majesty had made For Monsieur the Cardinal every day animated the Souldiers by his presence payed them weekly gave them cloths to preserve them from the cold every day oversaw all his Officers and Commanders to give them necessary instructions and to redouble their courages by his words and Actions by these means he so hastned on the works both by Sea and Land that his Majesty at his return found the first finished and the second in such forwardness that it deserved to be esteemed the eighth wonder of the World The Souldiers who are naturally addicted to mutinies and plunderings lived in such decorum that they had lost their very inclinations to one or t'other the Country men brought their provisions into the Camp without fear and received ready mony for them The Marchants kept open their shops as if it had been in a well governed City drunkenness and swearing were criminal faults And the Religious Persons whom his Majesty had sent thither of all sorts and orders were respected and held in such esteem as if they had been in a Church The most experienced in Military affairs could not sufficiently admire the Cardinals conduct in so much that they who knew him not would have imagined he had been bred all dayes of his life in the wars Some certain Persons there were who flattered the Ambition of those Grandees then under his Command by telling them it was unfit for them to obey a man of his Profession seeing their Offices gave them power to Command in his Majesties absence But the wonders of his conduct and courage were such that they were forced to confess nothing could out do him and that considering how many hapinesses he did atchieve unto France by one and t'other it were unreasonable not to obey his Majesties choise of him every one in particular acknowledging that no one but himself could under go those daily laborious knotty difficulties which he so easily did Politick Observation MIlitary discipline ought the more carefully to be observed in order to good successe because without it nothing followeth but confusion Vegetius a man well versed in such affairs saith The Romans had never been so potent but by their continual order and exercise in Arms. The strength of a Fort consisteth more in the Form then the matter the Power of an Army is undoubtedly as great by the good order amongst them as by their numbers Discipline is one of the Chief
clearly evince the Catholique truth to him and his own error as himself hath since often acknowledged It was not riches nor honor which induced him to change his Religion for he was both born rich and great but it was the only knowledg of Truth which perswaded him to it neither did he that until a most particular and exact satisfaction in all things The King was overjoyed at the newes of it never was any spoil or Trophee of an Enemy so welcome as this Victory and the more to testifie his real joy for it his Majesty promised him that the next Feast he would receive the Communion with him as also the Sieur de la Curee being dismissed of his Charge of Master de Camp which his age had made him uncapable any longer to perform his Majesty honoured him with it studying to shew to all his Subjects in his person how dear their salvations was unto him Politique Observation IF it be a work of Justice to chastise rebellious Heretiques by the sword it is no lesse charitable to labour for their conversion by letting them see the truth for the better discovering of which much charity clearnesse of spirit and profound Doctrine are required a Soul not well informed instead of allaying raiseth more doubts insomuch that knowledge hath as great a part in the Church as the Sun in the Firmament and just as it is difficult to restore a Traveller into his right way during the night untill the Sun appear to instruct him where he is so neither can a man of understanding be disabused unlesse it be by Doctrine at whose light a knowing Genius makes him perceive that he is at the brink of a Precipice and far from being in the right way to Heaven But amongst those for whose conversion it is requisite to labour no doubt but the chief men are first to be attempted for if the Stars continually follow the motions of the Heavens unto which they are affixed it is in like manner as common for men of mean quality to follow as well the Religion as the interest of the Grandees The people of Rome being once in a Mutiny retired to the Capitol upon an accident which befell Virginius were easily appeased by the Senate by reoson as T. Livy saith that they had no Leader there that durst speak a word in answer to those who had been sent unto them For my part I hold it for certain that it will be no more difficulty to reclaim an Heretique Faction who should rebel without a powerfull Commander But I likewise think it necessary besides Doctrinal instructions not to spare either money or dignity for the gaining of those whose Birth renders them capable of such qualities Temporal interests do much conduce to Spiritual and though the advantages of Fortune be not the chief motives of conversion amongst them who are strictly Religious yet it is most certain they are no mean inducements thereunto Thus Justinian according to Evagrius converted many Heretiques by dispersing store of monies amongst them And the Emperour Leo the sixth made use of the same device for the gaining of many Jews and there need no more but the example of Constantine de Bergo the Portugal Viceroy in the Indies who drew a number of those people to the Christian Religion by the carresses and favours which he shewed to them that were newly baptized Soubize and the Deputies of Rochel obtain a third saccour from the English but in vain WHilest the Duke of Rohan was making divers attempts in Lauguedoc and used his utmost indeavours to preserve those Towns of which he was become Master The Sieur de Soubize and Deputies of Rochel were negotiating in England for a third assistance they hoped to obtain it without any great difficulty for that Buckingham incensed as hath been formerly related did every day rig up move ships and raise new Forces but they found it a hard task both in regard of the troubles in which Buckingham was then involved by reason of the complaint made against him in Parliament as also of the impossibility to remove the obstacles in the Channel according to what the Earl of Denbigh had related yet at last Buckingham having overcome all his enemies devices and contrivances by the favour in which he was with his Majesty of Great Brittain had perswaded him to Embark the Army then on foot and to give him leave to command them in his own person to which end all things were put in order for a present dispatch But as God over-ruleth mens designs he was pleased by Buckingham's death to put an end to this storm he being assassinated by one Feltou an English man discontented because the Captains place of the Company whereof he was Lievtenant had been twice vacant and both times given over his head to another and who by hearing what complaints there were made against him by the Parliament imagined that by revenging his own quarrel he should likewise do his Country good service in it yet for all this the Deputies would not be denied they continued their instances perswading the King of Great Brittain that the forcing of the Bank was easie if resolutely attempted and that the glory of his Crown did in some sort oblige him to make one more attempt and that more vigorous then the former The Fleet was then resolved to put forth and there were added three other ships full of stones and some other with dung which were to be set on fire when they entred the Channel to the intent the smoke might hinder them from the sight The Sieur de Soubize the Comte de Laval and all the French Rebels then in England composed the Van-guard next to them followed those Vessels which were for the relief of Rochel next went the Body of the Army commanded by the Earl of Denbigh General of the Expedition and on the twenty eighth being Thursday they arrived at Glonne The Cardinal having notice of it the very same night dispatched a Courier to his Majesty to acquaint him with it who presently made himself ready got on horse-back and came to the Camp and after some discourse with the Cardinal he sent to discover the Enemy as also to call the Voluntiers who were disperced some here and some there to be in a readinesse together This once done his Majesty visited all the Quarters of the Army that he might put every thing in good order and got himself an immortal glory by his travel labour and diligence by those dexterous orders which he dispatched both as to the Sea and Land by his raising of Batteries designing of Plat-forms and levelling of the Cannon with his own hand Upon Saturday the thirtieth the English Fleet came up to the Road of the Chef de Bay and some few of them came before to draw out the French to fight but the Kings Vessels having order not to stir because they were onely to hinder the Passage into Rochel not one of them moved on Anchor onely
out in hopes of succour or assistance seeing those very persons who had ingaged them in the War had already made their Peace These Deputies upon their first comming began to execute the design for which they came to wit to dispose the Chief of the City to submit as they had done The next morning the Sieur de Guron came to the Town house where he discoursed to them with such Eloquence Ingenuity and Address that he made a good Impression on them He related to them the many victories and good success which had alwayes accompanied his Majesties Arms the mis-fortunes of Rochel and Privas which they too could not possibly avoid if they persisted in their Rebellion he likewise told that his Majesty was fully resolved not to suffer any people or places in his Kingdome which were not in his power and under his obedience Next of all he acquainted them that his Majesty did passe his word to them for enjoyment of their goods and the exercise of their Religion whilst they for their parts continued in their duties and obedience and lastly he gave them to understand how inviolable an observer the Cardinal was of his word and he conjured them to be absolutely confident of whatever the Cardinal should promise to them They were generally so touched with this discourse that they presently seemed to be as much inclined to Peace as formerly they had been to War The Deputies of Nismes seconded the Sieur de Guron's speech and were not wanting to acquaint the people unto what mis-fortunes some other Towns of their party had been reduced The Peace and quietness which they enjoyed by the Kings bounty the deceits of them who had engaged them in this War by their great hopes of succors which were now vanished seeing their head had made his Peace with his Majesty That the great victories which his Majesty had of late obtained might sufficiently let them see that nothing was able to resist him and that this had been the chief reason which had induced them and those of their City to cast themselves at his Majesties feet and that after had had the honour to confer with the Cardinal they admired the incomparable virtues which were so eminently apparent in him experimented his meeknesse and been sensible of the truth of his promises they could no longer defer their resolutions but had great hopes of receiving as many favours by his bounty as they had heretofore suffered mischiefs by the ambition of those whom they had chosen for their heads It cannot be expressed how great an impression these reasons made upon the people However their Rebellion having taken a deep root in them they could not resolve till after two dayes to send their Deputies to the Cardinal neither would they give any other answer to the Sieur de Guron onely beseeched him that their Deputies might have the honour to wait upon him Thus was their final submission reserved by Heaven for the Cardinals Prudence who alone was able to produce so admirable an effect Politique Observation THE fear of those miseries which usually accompany revolts is of greater efficacy to reduce a people to their duty then any other reasons whatever As nature hath given them a rude and unpolished spirit so the respect and obligations which they owe their Princes can hardly make any impression upon them but he who can once possesse them with fear may do what he will with them Whence it is that they are not so much to be perswaded by reason as forced by the apprehension of rigors inevitable if they consent not to what is required of them Tacitus in his History doth notably well describe these qualities of theirs when he saith That thought they have extraordinary forces yet nothing is so cowardly so fearfull nor so wavering if they be not led and animated by a generous Commander That as they cast themselves upon enterprises with fury so do they faintly abandon them and fall into disorder upon their first apprehension of danger and that holding no mean in their actions whilest they are fearlesse they are no sooner at a stand but they may be wrought to any thing Titus Livy spake with no lesse knowledge of them when he said the nature of a people is either to serve too abjectly or to command too insolently they being incapable of any medium Now when is it that they command with too much insolence but when they find themselves of the stronger party and that they fear nothing and on the other side when do they creep with too much abjection and servitude but when they are abased and pulled down by rigors or chastisements Upon this ground was it that Drusus went into Panonia to appease a great sedition but finding all fair and gentle means were to no purpose he made use of force and power which they no sooner felt the smart of but they returned to their former submission and obedience Now the surest and safest way to touch a people with fear is not to be too hasty upon them in their first heat and fury but to let that a little passe over for nothing doth more decrease and allay them then time they being like the Sea which of it self is calm and quiet yet however subject to great storms and agitations when the impetuous Winds begin to stir up its Waves and to arm them with fury against one another but returns to its own calmnesse when the winds once cease to move it Thus it is with the rabble of themselves they are not capable to act or stir but when they suffer themselves to be carried by the suggestions of some sedicious furious spirit Oh how do they then rage and rave No violent thing can last long neither indeed can their fury hold out if once they who first raised them forbear to lead them and then if in this nick of time they are threatned with punishments and see a power able to force them you may presently lead them to what you will so great an influence hath that Passion of fear over their low and narrow hearts Montauban Surrenders to the Kings Obedience THe Deputies of Montauban came to Pâ—zanas in company with the Sieur de Guran at which place the Cardinal then was They had Audience upon their first desire and made all protestations that could be imagined of a firm and strict obedience unto his Majesties will and pleasure but stood stifly in demanding that their Fortifications of the Ville Novelâ—e and Bourbon should be left standing and seemed as if they had condiscended a very great deal in permitting their out-works to be slighted But the Cardinal returned them answer in that strain and garb which was proper for a General and one who represented the person of the King That he did much admire after they had understood his Maâ—esties intentions by the Sieur Guron they should thus come to treat as if it were upon equal terms and exempt themselves from the conditions of other Towns
Execution The Motives which invited the Duke of Savoy to cast himself into the Emperor and Spaniards party BEfore I proceed any farther I am obliged to appeal unto all men even those who have the least sparks of Justice is them to condemn that envious Quill which makes open profession and endeavours with Calumnie to sully if it were possible the Glory and Splendor of the Cardinal whilst truth doth not furnish him with any one subject of that nature to work upon It is said by him the Calumniator I mean that the Duke of Savoy had never with drawn himself from the Kings Interests had not the Cardinal being mis-informed of his Person and proceedings despised and in effect forced him to cast himself upon the Spanish party much contrary to his own will and inclination But what Was the continual and daily sending to him Persons of the best ranck and quality of the Army with all imaginable proffers of Peace a despising of him Were those many Conferences with the Prince of Piedmont and those extraordinary Civilities done to him which would have wrought upon the most savage disposition a despising of him Was the Passing by of a thousand tricks and delayes for a whole Months time in which the whole Army had like to have been ruined by him and yet not to fall out with him a despising of him Was the sending of the Siour de Servient the very day before the absolute breach to desire him with all earnestness not to ingage his Majesties Arms in this extremity only for having once refused to see him a despising of him Was the delivery of so great a quantity of wheat at Nice and the Permission of carrying as much as he pleased out of Bresse Burgogn and Dauphine a despising or deceiving him Was the having pay'd before hand for the wheat and provisions a despising and deceiving him Was the having pass'd his promise to him for the according to him the Valley of Tizery and the Bridge of Gresin a despising and disesteeming of him Was the proffering to him of what Souldiers he pleased to go for Genoa and to make good his pretensions there a despising him Was the deferring to enter upon his Territories for 3 Weeks or more though he had given just cause for it as soon as ever the Cardinal came to Lions a despising or deceiving him There need no more then barely to open ones eyes and a man shall soon behold the falseness of this Calumnie which this unworthy Pen sets down under the vail of his usual disguisements but without the least truth or proof at all Politique Observation MAlice is like a Serpent which turns the fairest Flowers into the ugliest Poysons and verifies the truth of that antient saying Honor is the Mother of Calumnie There are no actions how just and honourable soever which it will not attempt to bespatter with some base unworthy mis-representation No Innocence can be secure from it's Violences It cannot more aptly be compared then to those looking glasses which never represent the true Ideas of the face It maketh molehils appear mountains It fretteth and vexeth at vertue it self and will raise its Batteries to demolish it and though it come to be convinced of their Innocencie whom it persecuteth yet it thinketh willfulnesse and obstinacy in its wickednesse to be more honorable then vertuous repentance The Phylosophers have given a good Character of it when they liken it to a black and thick cloud which hinders and obscures the light and exercises of Reason Hence it comes to passe that as all Bodies represent themselves to our sight for others and quite contrary peradventure to what they are if look't upon through clouds and in disorders so the most commendable and worthiest Actions will appear and passe for low and unmanly if considered through the Perspectives of Malice and hatred and revera it makes lyes and Impostures passe for Realities and Currant truths High and generous Souls are unconcerned at the backbitings of Envie and do not cease to continue vertuous notwithstanding all her detractions They know that not only Malice but Envy too hath alwayes endeavoured to defame the greatest Personages and ablest Ministers of State and that good men cannot believe any of their false Commentaries without doing an injury to themselves that this Monster is easilest overcome by scorn And that the Integrity of their undertaking is their Bulwark and like the Sun dissipateth and dispelleth all those clouds and storms which would obfuscate and diminish their Splendour and in fine maketh them Triumph and Glory over the Malice of their Enemies Prosecution of the History AFter this resolution the Cardinal appointed a place where there were two Fords which he had given notice of about the 17 or 18 of March for a Rendezvous to the whole Army where he might draw into Batalia a good part of the Army and likewise gave order for the planting of six pieces of Cannon in two Batteries in places very proper for it upon the Rivers side by which means the Forces of Savoy which had seized the passes were compelled to retire whilst the Horse march't over the Fort in Squadrons and took the field giving the foot Liberty of marching over in file upon Boats prepared for that purpose And thus he made it apparent by this Excellent disposure and order that his Conduct was as much to be esteemed in Execution as in Counsel Politique Observation THE Passing of an Army over a River is a Theater where the Conduct of a General is more taken notice of then upon any other occasion because a whole Army not being able to march a brest but only file by file and by little and little it is no difficult matter for their Enemies to cut them off as fast as they come on unlesse good order be taken to prevent it So Timoleon defied the Carthaginans in Sicilie upon passing the River Crimesus The most proper order that can be in such occasions is first to choose the Fords so that the Horse may march over by Squadron to make way for the foot which cannot passe but upon Boats and that in small numbers that thereby they may rallie and bring themselves into Order whilst they stand the first shock of their enemies A Squadron of choise Horse is most proper to bear the first brunt upon such occasions it being a hard matter to break or disorder men who are stout and lusty well ranked and lockt as it were one within t'other Indeed nothing can so much conduce to the passing of an Army over a Ford or River as a good Battery of Cannon which forceth the Enemy to retire from their violence and fury and giveth them leave and issure to passe with more ease and to put themselves in Batalia before they come to any fight at all The Siege of Pignerol THere could not any thing be thought on which could mend the care and order of the Cardinal in his affair The Army indeed had not the
which was out of Cannon shot This struck such a dread into the Townsmen and Governour of the Place who had never seen his Majesty so bestir himself that they could not but imagine he would have taken all that pains for their sakes without punishing them with rigor in the conclusion so they presently dispatched Deputies to the King to beg 3 dayes time that they might consider and confer what they should do but his Majesty replyed that he would quarter in the Town that very day so they then presently surrendered knowing it to be Rashness to resist a Prince so couragious and one who knew so well to conduct his Army Politique Observation DElay which a man granteth to an Enemy is frequently of such consequence that a good or bad successe doth depend on it One dayes time gives the besieged leave to make such trenches as will not be regained in a whole month Henry the second for having attended thus but a very little was forced to raise the siege of Perpignan and if Pyrrhus had assaulted Sparta the same night that he sat down before it he had then taken it without difficulty which he could not the next day Memorable is that example of Peter de Medicis recorded by Guiccardine who stayed only one or two hours to let the rain passe and so came too late to Florence and found that his Enemies had but one hours notice of his arrival which gave them time enough to Arm themselves to resist him and in fine they did hinder and prevent his entrance which otherwise he had gained had it not been for that little stop It is as much follie to give time to a mans Enemies to fortifie themselves as it is discretion and advantagious to take them unprovided and before they have time to prepare themselves for a defence The taking of divers other Castels THE Castles of Clermont of Meyrac of Allinge and divers others thereabouts rendered themselves upon the first summons and all the way was open and free from Chambery to Geneve and Pont de Gresin so that his Majesty went directly by the Tarente where Prince Thomas was entrenched with about 9 or 1000 men in a place very advantagious and where a few men might stop a very great Army but he no sooner saw the Kings Forces appear but he sounded a retreat withdrawing himself from place to place from the Kings Army which followed him until he had past the â—â—ount St. Bernard he not so much as offering to make any resistance which he might easily have done the Passages being very narrow and strait Politique Observation HE who hath at any time considered upon Mountains the impetuous course of a Torrent which running along the plain â—nters with such a violence into a Valley that it carries away all the harvest roots up the trees turns topsie turvie the houses of the Villagers forceth the Country people to clime the tops of Trees drowneth all the Cattle and in a word commits a thousand ruins hath a most perfect view of what passed in the Tarente upon the comming in of his Majesties Army where ever he came they did all things whatever to obey his commands the most advantagious Stations were quite abandoned by the Soldiers whom their own very fear had routed all the Towns deserted and particularly in the City of Constance there was not one man to be found to fight withall The King makes himself Master of all Savoy AFter his Majesty had made himself Master of this Vallie he designed a Fort with 4 Bastions and certain Redouts at the foot of a Mountain which cut off all communication Between Piedmont and Savoy and hindred the march of any Forces which would passe into it It was guarded by 5 or 6000 men whom he lest there so that there was no other avenue for to be taken but that of Morienne which would be shut up by the taking of Charbonniers Accordingly his Majesty commanded the Marshal de Crequy to go and besiege it and the Marquis de Vignoles at the self same time to commence the siege of Montmelian which was as soon executed as commanded So that his Majesty being at St. Pierre D' Albiguy the Cardinal shewed him in his Tent that which never any Prince had the Honour to behold at one time Three several Sieges that of Montmelian that of Charbonniers and that of Laville from all which he might see the smoak of his Cannons Charbonniers and Laville were quickly taken and Montmelian was so blocked up that it was impossible to relieve it with any it provision of men or victuals Thus his Majesty was Master of Savoy so that the Duke himself could not make his entrance in to it by any way to regain it all the Passages being shut up Politique Observation SUch victories as these being founded upon the invincible generosity of the King assisted with the incomparable prudence of the Cardinal cannot be sufficiently admired Whence it comes that leaving the usual method of this History I shall turn the Politique Observations into Praises Is it not to be concluded that there is nothing which equalizeth his Courage and good Fortune both which conspire in emulation of one another to render him the most Illustrious and most Glorious Monarque of he whole Universe Doth not truth oblige us to acknowledge that he is both the greatest and wisest Captain that every yet was and that the Rayes of hâ—s Valour do obscure the light of those brave Commanders whom Antiquitie dâ—d so much admire In the Ages which shall succeed us his victories will be proposed as an Example to all who shall weyld the Scepter The Generousness of his Actions shall be as a looking Glasse and a School to all such as would follow his tracts The Reputation of his Arms and so many graces and admirable vertues wherewith Heaven endued him had much contributed to the conquest of all those Countries which justly belong to him if the mis-fortunes of this Kingdom and those who are of neerest relation to it had not obstructed and opposed it There was not any one Enemy who durst present himself before him with his Arms but soon carried away the Marks of his Valour And it seems that those have in particular had no other advantage admit it were in the siege of a Place where a hundred might beat a 1000 or where the quantities of their Forces did much exceed his Majesty Numbers But to add new Rayes to his Glory never durst they stay to expect him and they placed their safety in the swiftnesse of their feet and a shameful flight The King marcheth toward Lyon at the perswasion of the Queen Mother THough the happy successes of his Majesties Arms seemed to banish all cause of fear yet as Women are naturally timerous The Queen Mother was troubled with much impatiency that his Majestie should ingage himself any farther in the War particularly against the Spaniard partly for the natural inclination shee had for Spain by her
approaches unto must not be neglected for such a deficiency were to put their Armes for a prey and to render their being taken infallible There is no need of a surprisal for in such assaults as are made the Enemy not finding any to resist them do as it were seize upon it The slighting which we make of our Enemies in neglecting to fortefie our selves against them exposeth us to the danger of receiving a far greater losse and in consequence the shame to be overcome by them which is almost inevitable Cazal assaulted by the Marquis of Spinola THE Cardinal had too much Prudence and Generosity not to secure Cazal against such an accident though exposed to a far greater danger But for the better understanding of his Conduct it will be good to look back upon the beginning of the Siege After the taking of Pignoral both the Cardinal and Spinola had the same designs of quitting Piedmont the one that he might joyn with the King at Grenoble and accompany him in the Conquest of Savoy the t'other to lay siege to Cazal and to recover if possible the honour he had there lost the precedent year when he drew off at the same time that he had the news of the Kings arrival at Suze without abiding that his Majesties Army might approach his neerer then six great dayes march He was provoked in point of Honour in the design his courage inflamed his passion and the shame he had to find the glory which he had got by so many victories blasted with this disgrace gave him an extream impatiency to repair that fault which occasioned it He resolved either to perish or carry the place not being able to survive the losse of his Honour and in prosecution thereof there was no Stratageme or force omitted which might render him Master of it Never was place so vigorously assaulted as never more stoutly defended Few dayes passed without fresh assaults or sallies Nothing which the Cannon could do was left unassayed almost continually the Place was undermined on every side wild-fires were made use of in such abundance that the Town had been sundry times burn't to Ashes had then not taken a very great care to hinder the effect of them In a word the discontent which accompanied his Courage suffered him not to forget any invention that the art of War or Passion could suggest to overcome Politique Observation SHame is a venemous root from whence we sometimes see excellent effects produced and it cannot better be compared then to certain plants which we observe in Nature whose roots are deadly and whose leaves on the contrary proper to cure many diseases Is it not that which hath often excited the courages of the greatest Commanders to that height that perceiving Victory to encline to their Enemies they have precipitated themselves into the fight and goared their Weapons and their hands in the Blood of their Enemies by which they have ingaged their own party to make new endeavour and fortune hath thereupon accorded them that glory which they were upon the very point of loosing Have we not seen the like amongst Souldiers who after they behaved themselves ill one day have presently after appeared like so many Lions in the pursuit of their Enemies and so have defended themselves from that disgrace with which they had been branded The shame which the Persians had as Justin reports to see their wife 's come towards them with their Coats trust up made them face about and charge the Enemy before whence they fled And T. Livie writes how that the Roman Consul Agrippa did commonly use to throw some of Ensigns among the middest of his Enemies to the end the shame the Souldiers should have had to loose them might oblige them to redouble their courages and regain them Both the Greek and Roman Histories are fall of such like examples needless to the rehearsed The shame that Caesar had seeing the the Image of Alexander who had won so many remarkable victories as soon as ever age had made him fit to bear Armes so touched him that afterwards he never ceased bending his mind to generous actions which have eternized his glory A Treaty to renew the Alliance with Holland NOw for the perserving of this place notwithstanding Spinola's extraordinary passion to take it two things were necessary First to hinder the Spaniards from having such numbers of men as they would have desired Secondly that the Kings Army might want nothing but be recruited from time to time by the supply of new Troops in the place of those whom the plague had wasted The Cardinal had foreseen and provided for the first before he parted from Paris giving such exercise to the Spaniards in the Low Countries that they had much a do to furnish themselves with the Troops there requisite without diverting them to new enterprises especially seeing the King of Swede of whom we shall speak hereafter began to give them employment in Germany The Cardinal having discovered about the end of the Precedent year that the Sparniards were upon the design of offering great advantages to the Hollanders to bring them to a truce whereby to have means to draw Troops out of the Low Countries to send into Italy acquainted the King how much this truce was prejudicial to the rest of Europe giving way to the Spaniards to maintain themselves in the injust user patation of the States of many Princes of Germany as well as of the Duke of Mantua's The King apprehended that danger and his Majesty thereupon impowered Monsieur de Bangy his Embassador in Holland to renew with them the ancient Treaties of alliance upon condition that they might not for some years come to any truce with their Enemies That power was given him from the month of December of the Precedent year 1629. and yet as affairs of that nature are not so readily determined the Treaty was not signed till the month of June of the Present year The Cardinal thus preventing by his unparralel'd Prudence the most crafty subtilities of the Spaniard Politique Observation AS it is glorious for a Minister to prevent the force of the Enemies by a contrary force as we have said so is it very honourable to prevent the effects of their Prudence by an opposite Prudence He ought to be like a good Pilate who have attained great experince at Sea can discover a Tempest before it comes and prepears all that is necessary to resist it or I will compear him to a wise Physician who preserves those he takes into his care not only from sickness but even from the danger of falling-sick and to say the truth therein consists one of the highest points of Politique wisdome and I have alwayes esteem'd that one of the greatest services he can render that Governes a State is to prevent by his Prudence the craft from which the Enemy pretends to draw advantage to avoid his undermining by a Counter-mine and by his good conduct to slight all the works of
his industry Prudence without doubt acquires great glory when it surmounts force Thucydides in his History prefers its victories before all others Prudence it self which ought to be so much more honoured as it cuts the evill in the roote and preserves an Army oft times from running the hazard of a combate weaken in such sort the Forces of an Enemy that he has not the boldnesse to dare an encounter as the Cardinal hath made appear in several occasions The Kings gives the command of his Army to the Duke de Montmorancy Marquis d' Effiat and the Marshal de la Force IT was requisite besides that to send new Troups to the Kings Army the Marshall de Marillac having show'd himself obstinate till then not to follow his Majesties commands in leading the Army of Champaigne into Italy the Cardinal thought to go himself to make them passe the Mountains and take the reins into his own hand But the great Cabals he found at Court which were capable not only to hinder the relief of Cazal but to overthrow the whole State if not dissipated constrained him to stay at Lyons with his Majesty who thought fit to send in his place the Duke of Montmorancy the Marquis of Effiat and the Marshal of la Force Those great Captains commanded the Army every one his week by turns with such Order that notwithstanding the Marquis of Effiat was above the two others one commanded the Van-Guard one week the other the Battalia the third the Rear-Guard and he who commanded the Battalia gave during his week all the general Orders necessary for the conduct of the Army The principal consideration which induced the Cardinal to propose this expedient to the King of committing the command of his Army to many Generals was the necessity of Councel and the great need which he saw there was of the advice of many persons of great understanding and experience in those affairs which should happen Now it was impossible to send them thither without command by reason that being persons of great quality they would hardly be under command in the Kings absence if they might not have Governed in their turn Not that he was ignorant that the multitude of Generals often stirs up envy among them and consequently is cause of great confusion in an Army but his incomparable Prudence who could find remedies for the most desperate maladies of the State wanted not inventions to hinder those inconveniences and this same to make them command the Army in their turn in the Van-Guard Battalia and Rear-Guard was an excellent one by reason that making them all participate of the same glory they had no occasion to envy one another Politique Observation AS there is no person goes under the notion of being excellent in any profession whatsoever if he doth not shew some effects which are not common so a Minister of State shall never passe with the reputation of being endued with an extraordinary Prudence if there be nothing singular in his conduct And he doth not set up a new Order both in Peace and in War which is evidently advantagious to the Publick The ordinary rules of War admit but of one General to command an Army because the Commonalty know not the wayes of conserving a good intelligence amongst divers to whom the charge of them is committed But this here was found to be so much the more profitable as the Counsel of several persons whose judgment and experience being as eminent as there qualities is advantagious upon all occasions Who knoweth not that a happy successe doth as often depend upon good Counsel as upon the quantities and indeed the courages of Souldiers But who is more capable of giving and resting stedfastly upon good resolutions then several great Captains the least of which is able to command an Army One only person of this temper is worth six Regiments and that expedient which happens not in the thoughts of one falls into those of another and if one misse to discover any Stratagem of the Enemy another doth not if one foreseeth any danger the other finds out a necessary remedy to prevent it It is difficult to find in any one man all the qualities necessary for the General of an Army but whoever joynes three together supplies that defect provided he keep them from dissention one perchance excels in stoutnesse and being blinded with it is by consequence fitter for execution then Counsel another is more dexterous in the Prudence of his Counsels and to invent necessary expedients but being of a colder constitution is lesse proper to be made use of when there is occasion of a sudden execution and another haply may have an admirable addresse and a winning carriage to retain the Souldiers in their Discipline and to make them live in good order so that joyning these great persons in commission together and giving them the same commands in the Army not leaving any ground of jealousie or cause of confusion there cannot follow any other then a glorious successe The Prosecution of the History EXperience hath made it appear a truth amongst these three great Captains who advanced the Kings Arms to so high a pitch of glory in Italy that the Spaniards and Germans will not easily resolve to give them a new occasion of encounter The first encounter that they had with the Enemy was upon passing the Bridge of Villane where the Duke of Savoy and the Prince of Piedmont came with 6000 foot and 200 Horse and made a most furious assault upon some Troops which remained to passe over But the successe was so disadvantageous notwithstanding the great inequality of the Forces that all the Enemies Army was either put to flight or cut in pieces The two Princes that led them sweating as was afterwards heard that they never saw any fight so well In Prosecution of this victory they maâ—ched directly to Saluces with design to take it and to make use of it in the room of Pignerol whence the plague did hinder the drawing out of any necessary commodities The Marshal de la Force whose week it was commanded his Son with 500 Horse to go summon the Town with all sorts of civility to surrender thinking it proper so to deal with them that he might get the good will of the people of whom he intended to make use in the design which he had to raise a Magazine there Those of the Town could not imagine the Kings Army to be so neer so that they desired leave to send their Deputies to treat with the Generals which was granted to them and accordingly they were conducted where they then were But upon their return 500 choise men were clap't into it discharging both at them and ours too with such insolence that the Generals being informed of it advanced with the Army Many who made the first approches were slain and wounded But the courages of others who saw them in his condition could not endure to suffer the Kings Army to receive
they were procured and bestowed upon him as so many just recompences of his services or to ingage him to do others of more importance as the effects of a pure liberallity But after all either these indeavours these cares these services these respects or these submissions could mitigate that sharpnesse which had taken possession of her spirit They wrought for some time so much upon her reason that she kept all fair and seemed not to be displeased but assoon as she was arrived at Paris her Passion revived and to that height that she removed out of her family Madam de Combalâ—t and Monsieur de la Meâ—lleray and in prosecution her passion carried her to commit and act unheard of violences upon the Kings disposition to induce him to destroy this incomparable Minister without whose Prudence France it self had been destroyed Politique Observation AS Women do not ordinarily love men though the most amiable with or by reason the only instinct of their passion making a deeper impression in their souls then the merit or worth of those whom they address themselves to love so there is no reason which is able to root out any hatred which they shall once conceive They easily passe from one extremity to another upon those Wings of Inconstancy which nature hath given them with their births and the changeableness of their humour is easily known by the pride which they take to hate such persons against whom they have once taken any impression and of which there is not any hopes to cure them by any lawfull waies The strongest reasons of truth passe in their opinions for Artifices and the most humble submissions do not at all touch their high minds and the greatest in stances make them the greater Rebels They being of the same humour with fortune who doth ordinarily bestow her favours upon those who least seek after them The constancy of the Cardinal against those who would remove him out of the Kings Favour JT cannot be denied but that the Cardinal was affected with such apparent grief on this occasion as cannot be imagined and as it is not generosity but a poorness of spirit to a shew an insensibleness on such occasions so in the Cardinals face one might see all the lively marks of displeasure It was not the apprehension of losing his fortune that did touch him for he had learnt by a long experience that the greatest happinesse of this life is not confined to the greatest honours and that those who govern an Estate are like the Celestial Bodies which receive much honour from the earth but have no rest at all so that he had most readily renounced all according as he supplicated his Majesty if his Majesty would have thought it fit who too too well knew of what concernment he was to his State It could not be that he did suspect his Majesties goodnesse or constancy to whom hee knew his fidelity was better known then to all the rest of France and of whose affection he had so many daily testimonies that he could not but without great blame have him in any doubt at all But as Innocence cannot without trouble passe for guilty so the vice of ingratitude with which the Queen Mother did strive to sully his glory made it so much the more insupportable by how much lesse he had deserved it He was not to learn that the power of Grandees was potent enough to insinuate into the peoples minds their particular thoughts for infallible truths and that she might in France and to posterity make him passe for an ungratefull servant of those favours which she had conferred upon him It was for this that he could not imagine no more then he Kings loyal servants that after he had given canse to the whole World to admire him the Artifices of some seditious spirits would be able to counterpoise his glory Ingratitude is a deficiency of that acknowledgement which one ought to have for good Offices so that who so confesseth himself to be indebted cannot be accused But surely he cannot be called ingratefull who hath no greater desires then of paying eternal service to those from whom he hath received obligations and who hath no more apparent grief then to see the malice of his enemies able to remove him from the opportunities of so doing But what appearence can there be of casting this infamous quality in his teeth who hath paid all imaginable services to his very enemies onely that he might make ' them Mediators of his Reconciliation which would inable him to imploy the rest of his life to serve her who had obliged him Can he be called ingratefull who would lose the first place of Honour in a State to preserve that which he had formerly possessed in the good opinion of his Benefactâ—ix seeing he could not make a more perfect demonstration of his acknowledgement And now cannot the whole Court bear witnesse that all this was but one part of the care which the Cardinal took to recover some part of the honour of the Queen-Mothers good opinion He whom she made his principle accuser never durst disavow it in his writings But not welâ— knowing how to describe his ingratitude he would fain make him passe for ingratefull because he did not adhere to and follow all the Queen Mothers sentiments in State affairs as if a Minister could with Justice prefer the opinion of such a person as she was before the Kings service And as if the condiscendence which he should make to the Queen Mothers will would not be one of the greatest defects in a person of his Trust It is true that her birth might oblige him to extraordinary services but they never ought to run counter to the fidelity due to his Master which commands him to passe by no occasion of preserving or augmenting his glory He is obliged to know what is due by way of recognition to those who favour him and what is due by Justice to the King his Master and never to prefer the acknowledgement of of particular kindnesses before the Interest of the State which is entrusted to his conduct He would perchance have him pass for ingrateful because he did not discover some important secrets to the Queen-Mother which was only in matters contrary to her opinion as if secrecie were not the soul of counsel as if to reveal a thing were not evidently to obstruct the execution of a Designe The sagest Polititians have said He is the wisest King who after he hath caused divers expedients to be proposed communicates his resolution of what shall be done but only to a few persons Politique Observation HAtred which hath no just foundation is so inconsiderate that it proposeth Chimeras for very plausible nay strong reasons without regarding that they will not be credited but by such spirits as she hath got the possession of when Truth doth not furnish it with solid reasons it attempteth to make pretenses pass for currant lawful causes There are no
any publick affairs but onely for their own particular interests which they thought would be much bettered by this means if it should hit accordingly Others found themselves ingaged in the Faction by their Love which obliged them to serve the Passions of some of the Ladies Others suffered themselves to be led into it by their extravagant humours which carries some capricious minds to the never-liking of any thing in the publick Government Had the Queen Mother been of a more malicious and fiery nature she might have been safe and free from their invenomed artifices but they wrought upon her made advantages of her good nature and such were the chief Agents to whom she had done the honour to give a more particular part of her gracious favours besides in all their actions they only pretended a Passion to preserve her Majesty in her power and authority the only absolute charm to bewitch the Souls of great Personages They had at last so fortified her that it was impossible in a manner for any others to whom she discoursed but little of her designs to dis-abuse her They were never out of her Majesties sight and if by chance one of them was obliged to go forth another stept in as if it were on purpose to prevent any of her loyal servants to dis-deceive her or with design of picking an occasion to entertain her in such discourses as might tend to the increasing of her Passion They made her believe that the credit which the King gave to those sage Counsels of the Cardinal were an authority so great that she was as it were forced to be jealous at it They excited her upon the score of honour that she was bound to let all Christendom see that the power which she had in the State was not so slight that her will should become lesse considerable by the opposition of a Favourite Neither did they omit to suggest to her the re-establishment of Monsieur de Mantua as a crime who was now upon the point of being restored to his Estates as if the Interests of that Prince so important to the Glory of the King and his Crown ought not to have been preferred before the hatred which she had conceived against him Posteritie will have much adoe to beleeve that they could drive things to that point of informing her Maiestie with suspitions of the Fidelitie of this grand Minister and of making her beleeve that he designed to raise himself into the Royal Throne upon the ruine of her children insteed of representing to her that he sacrificed his life his goods and his honour to their glory upon any occasion which did present it self If her Majesty had not been acquainted with any secret of affairs they presently told it her by way of complaint and accusation of the Cardinal as if it had been absolutely necessary to have given her accompt of euery thing whilest she was ingaged in those Contrivances and Assemblies where strangers too had a good stroke who might make use of it to the Kings disadvantage In her Majesties presence they could never wonder enough that he should suffer the King to propose to Monsieur the marrying the Princess Mary whereas they should have told her it was with design to stay him in the Court But that was no part of their intention And is it not yet more strange that they made the real iâ—deavours which the Cardinal obliged her in to pass for disguises and falsities even to the perswading her that he onely desired to set himself upright with her that he might take his own advantage and find an occasion of removing her as Monsieur de â—uyâ—es had done well knowing that the bare belief of that one thing would more and more fix her in the design of destroying him These are the discourses wherewith those of the Cabal did ordinarily entertain her or to speak more properly the Charms wherewith they inchanted her Soul so that perverting the genuine sweetnesse of her disposition they rendred her incapable of any reconciliation and immoveable in the design of ruining him whose Prudence was the greatest prop and stay of her Grandeur and whose signal services done to France had raised it to that eminent point of glory Politique Observation THere is hardly any one thing which they who are neer great Princesses may not in time perswade them to when they have once gotten a little credit with them and that they will but use those Artifices to obtain it which the corruption of the Court soon teacheth The first and chief thing they labour is to insinuate into their minds that they are very passionately affected for their services and interests and that they have no other designs but what contribute to their glory this they do as well knowing affection to be a reason able to perswade Ladies to any thing Their next care is never to incense them either by words or deeds They flatter all their faults even to a commendation of them which makes the word incurable And though there he noting more free then love and hatred yet they professe openly they neither love noe hate any but whom they do They serve them with a seeming heat and earnestnesse upon all occasions but are in effect like Curtesans who wish to those whom they love all that is good excepting Prudence and Judgment Is it not easily observed that if any one displease them they are the first who speak ill of him They had much rather deceive them then hazard their anger by telling truth And thus by their Compliances and a thousand services which are powerfull attracts upon the minds of that Sex they make themselves beloved and acquire a great part of their Trust and Confidence This once done how many artifices do they then find out to surprise them No one can so easily deceive us as he who hath once possessed our minds with a belief that he loveth us The bare affection which we repay him gives him advantage enough in that he is not mistrusted The honour which they have to be ordinarily neer her gives them no little advantage seeing it furnisheth them with opportunities and occasions of saying whatever they have a mind to they never hazard any thing for that they have liberty to speak that at another time freely which peradventure they then cannot without danger Insomuch that if they would make any one be hated it is a most easie thing for them to bring it to passe First they attempt to make them mistrusted with great caution they speak ill of them but so as it may seem to have proceeded from an affection which they have for their service and this commonly maketh their advices be well received and having once discovered an inclination to receive these first preparatories they are not to seek in re-criminating them with new charges and by little and little they insinuate a belief of their being evil which renders them hated And all this with such a meeknesse of mind
persons ought to be respected As the very greatest are not exempted from those punishments which the Laws have enacted for the Factious so their enterprizes ought to be cut off and destroyed the sooner by reason they are more to be feared then others on the score of the power which they have to work upon the minds of people It is true â—â—e means which conduce to it are very dangerous and on such occasions it is that a great Minister of State ought to testifie his zeal and generosity by taking the power out of their hands who abuse it as Arms from a mad man It is necessary to resolve upon one of these three things so to reconcile them that they may rest in a true â—riendship which is almost impossible at least very difficult amongst Grandees who are once offended with one another And this way ought not to be chosen but after a long time of consideration that the assurance of it may be of some continuance The second is more rigorous and withall more certain which is to take off the lives of the Factious to which however I should not advise but in case of extremity and after all other means have taken no effect by reason of the respect which is due to the Royal Family I esteem the third and last to be most agâ—eeable which is to banish them and take away from them the means of doing any more harm They who are so dealt with cannot with Justice complain of it seeing they have deserved it It is unreasonable to suffer such persons to remain in a Court who make open profession of comptrolling their Kings Actions of blaming his Conduct of setting limits to his Authority of raising Wars and revolts in his State Princes though of the Blood Royal are not exempted from Obedience and Subjection to the Laws of the Kingdom It belongeth not to them to give Orders for the government of affairs That Prerogative is inseparable from the Crown and they who would design the assuming such a power to themselves by other ways then those of his Authority deserve to be catechized as Rebels Do we not all know that that which heretofore brought this State into the danger of falling into the Spaniards hands was the too great condescention of Henry the third towards Monsieur de Guise who was but a stranger Prince too Certainly France had not been exposed to those extream mis-fortunes which it hath suffered had he but had the good luck to have held his hands from those enterprizes The resolution of the Councel for the Removal of the Queen-Mother ALthough the Cardinal did very well know the reasonablenesse nay the necessity of seconding his Majesties inclinations to the Queen-Mothers removal yet such was his modesty and so prevalent over his own discretion and interest that instead of so doing he on the contrary rendred his often entreaties to his Majesty that he would be pleased to give him leave to withdraw himself from the Court He represented to him how that peradventure the Queen-mother might thereby be appeased and induced to leave the State in peace and quiet and that for his own part he should willingly suffer himself to be thrown into the Sea to save the Vessel provided only that his Majesty would preserve him in his affections and not remove him out of any dislike either of his Fidelity or Services Nor did he this as being ignorant of the obligation which lay upon him by reason of the place he held in affairs of truly acquainting him with every thing which concern'd the good of his State but onely that he might let his Majesty perceive how little he regarded private concernments in this occasion Nor that he did not much esteem the honour which his Majesty did him by intrusting him in the first place of the Administration but onely because the respect which he did bear to the Queen mother surmounted the consideration of his own greatnesse Not that he wanted heart in his persecutions and afflictions for it was well known the greater resistances he encountred in the Cabals and intreagues of the Court did so much the more whet his Courage and Resolution insomuch that they could not at all move much lesse shake him but only because the greatest courages are most temperate it being sometimes more generous to destroy then preserve ones self In short not that he wanted affection for his Majesties service seeing nothing could more sensibly have touch'd him then to have been deprived by his removal of the means and opportunities to serve and defend him from the unjust attempts of those who perverted by their wickednesses the minds both of the Queen-mother and Monsieur but only that he could never with a good will be withdrawn from doing her all service who had the honour to be mother unto his Master How really was his advice any whit necessary to perswade his Majesty to remove her Her own Actions bespake her unto his Majesty and shewed him in words at length that it was not fit she should any longer continue at Court untill that time and truth had opened her eyes These were the true reasons which induced the Cardinal to desire his Majesties permission to withdraw himself But his Majesty who well knew how great a losse such a man might prove unto his State seeing many Ages did hardly produce his Equal and how that he had made the same use of him that God doth of the Sun that is to dissipate all those storms which might arise not only refused to grant his request but on the contrary weighing the great services he did him the remarkable advantages which France had enjoyed since his promotion to the Administration as also the condition in which affairs now were in respect of the disorders and confusion into which the Queen-mother endeavoured to bring them And lastly comparing the present state of things with what they were upon his first entrance into the management of them he no longer deliberated on this particular but absolutely resolved to desire the Queen-mother to passe some time away from the Court All the Ministers of State were of the same opinion unwilling belike to fall into the sin of Treason against their King to render an unjust respect to the Queen-mother every of them considering that she had no just ground to complain either of his Majesty or them but only of those who had ingaged her in such wicked designs as made her longer stay at Court incompatible with the good of France Politique Observation AS the end of all Government is the good of the State so all Kings are obliged especially to have a regard unto that as being the Center unto which all their Actions should tend and to avoid all such things as would divert them out of that way In vain do they attempt or begin any great or glorious enterprises if any by-respect to those of their Blood or the consideration of their own pleasure be able to put a stop to
induce the Queen-Mother to yeild unto his Majesties Will and Pleasure The Marquis de Sainct Chaumont came divers times to her from his Majesty to assure her that he could no longer permit her stay at Compeigne All which produced nothing but new heart-burnings in her mind and great lamentations at her Imprisonment which in its self was but imaginary seeing she had not any Guards upon her disposed of the keys of the City and went abroad where-ever she pleased This procedure of hers could not but provoke his Majesty neither indeed could it be longer endured in a State where Obedience is the Foundation of Government so his Majesty resolved to dispatch unto her the Mareschal de Schomberg and the Sieur de Roissi who were known to be both prudent and respectful to the end they might deal clearly with her telâ— her the truth which till then had been forborn and discourse at length unto her the disorders of her carriage of which his Majesty till that time seemed not to take any notice notwithstanding the shew which she made of her innocence Accordingly they dealt ingeniously with her represented to her that the King was well informed of those many Cabals contrived against his Authority and Glory that he likewise knew Monsieur's departure first from the Court and then out of the Kingdom was an effect of her only Counsel Lastly that there was not any one in the Kingdom how great soever who could pretend to a Right of imposing a Law on his Majesty for the choice of his Ministers and that his Majesty could not but think it extreamly strange that she above all others in particular should so press him to destroy the Cardinal seeing she knew better then the whole Nation that there was not any person in the Kingdom who had done or was more able to do service to the State then he To be short that she had no such great reason to complain that she was forced to live removed from the King there being not any Law in holy Writ which require children alwaies to live with their Mothers especially when they are of age to dispose of their own good but that it s found written in divers places which command Kings to be obeyed as God's Lieutenants upon earth that his Majesty had just reason to be offended he having so often sent to her to withdraw her self from Compeigne and she having as often slighted it nor could she pretend any excuse for her so doing seeing his Majesty had offered her the choice of any other place to dwell in that they were obliged to tell her that this her disobedience was not to be endured in a well ordered State neither that it were just for his Majesty to put up this resistance of hers that it was the ready way to force him to use her with more rigour and Monsieur de Schomberg did not stick to tell her that it had been his own advice to remove her from the Court so prejudicial was her presence to his Majesties service These discourses so full of Truth and Prudence should have opened her eyes and discovered his Majesties goodness unto her who was satisfied only with a short removal of her for such reasons as have formerly Imprisoned nay condemned divers great Princes to death whereas her mind was so charmed by their devices who had ingaged her in this Cabal that instead of disabusing her they only added extremities to the excess of her choler Politique Reflection ALthough great men should more especially be informed with â—he truth of things seeing their affairs which depend on it are of greater importance then others yet however the most part of them do not much love her she seldome comes within their Courts but naked and if perchance she appear in their presence they turn about from her as if they could not endure to see her They desire things should be related to them as they would have them not as they really are It is very dangerous to find fault with any of their Actions which they undertake in confidence that they are well-beseeming their greatness If any one presume to debate their Designs by discovering the naked Truth to them he will presently be esteemed but an ill servant for his pains whence it is that the most part of their attendants unwilling to run the hazard of displeasing them do not discourse to them of any their affairs but so as they think may be acceptable to them they find by the daylie experience of others both past and present that this complyance of theirs is the most assured supporter of their Fortunes and a far greater prop to them then Truth her self Those Princes who are of this humour never well counsell'd there being but a few who would willingly for their sakes renounce their Fortunes especially seeing by telling truth they should get nothing Such counsels as thwart their Passions are either esteemed extravagant or as proceeding from a naughty servant They are for the most part like that unjust Judge who demanded of our Saviour what Truth was but would not stay to be inform'd Great and many are the inconveniencies which by this means happen to them for those specious appearances of Truth with which they are deluded are like to those Lamps set out on the tops of Rocks by Pirates which insteed of a Harbour entice the vessels to their shipwrack whereby they make a prey of their goods An Ancient Author saith That the greatest pleasure of the mind consisteth in the knowledge of Truth But it ought to be understood of a soul free from Passion and which only prosecuteth the Laws of Justice And the Rule of the Wise says Happy is the Prince who is so disposed and who knoweth how to esteem those who counsel him freely without disguising the Truth for they and only they are the real supporters of his State and greatness Prosecution of the History THis behaviour of the Queen-Mother's seemed incredible considering the goodness which she had hitherto made apparent in her conduct neither indeed could she possibly have fallen into such disorders had she not been lead into them by those very persons in whom she most confided Such and so great was their wickedness that wanting sufficient reasons and inducements to entice her to their own bends they sought for some amongst the Stars and were so bold as to cast the King's Nativity and foretold her that by the Position of the Heavenly Signs his Majesty could not long live which being so the Laws of Prudence obliged her to side with Monsieur that she ought in reason to look on him as the Rising Sun who would shortly sit at the Helm and whose favourable influences would be necessary for the upholding of her greatness This foundation being thus laid it was no hard matter to perswade her in her Passion that she need not much regard the Cardinal for the King once ceasing to be he would of consequence lie at their mercy These were the vain
the force and strength of the Kingdom but the King smelling their designe commanded them to return and tell their Master he could not be just who would invade a Country not belonging to him Cambyses receiving this answer became so enflamed with anger that he presently advanced his Army towards Aethiopia without making provisions necessary for so long and great an expedition insomuch that before he had marched one quarter of his way his Army was forced to eat Horses and not long after his Souldiers eat one another himself being forced to return into his own Country after a great loss of his Souldiers and to his perpetual dishonour by reason of his rashness The King goeth to Orleans With the true Motives of his journey THe King well acquainted with all these contrivances thought fit to go in his own person that he might dissipate the storm he well knew that the presence of a King is like that of the Sun which soon dispelleth all those thick clouds which attempt to obscure his light About the beginning of March he set forward towards Estampes and thence to Orlean as Monsieur had resolved His Majesty did verily believe that coming to discourse with him it wouâ—d be no hard matter to efface those evil impressions which his creatures had infused into him that however the expected levies would not dare to come near Orleans whilest he was there and that peradventure he might ingage him in the match which had been proposed by laying down before him the many advantages which might from thence arise These were the true motives of his Majesties journey which they who were about Monsieur endeavoured to obstruct by sending the Sieur de Chaudâ—bonne unto him with a Letter which they had perswaded Monsieur to write in which he made protestations of obedience and beseeched his Majesty not to give credit unto such reports as were spread abroad to his disadvantage But however the King who knew that no time ought to be lost in matters of revolt did not forbear to prosecute his journey He was no sooner come unto Estampes but he received intelligence that Monsieur was departed from Orleans towards Bourgogne His attendants had perswaded him to ground his departure upon pretence of his Majesties comming and gave out that he only came thither to make sure of Monsieurs person A report without foundation for his Majestly had been acquainted at the least fifteen dayes before that time by the Sieur de Bellegarâ—e how that Monsieur had told him he would shortly go into Bourgogne and that before his Majesty had designed his journey unto Orleans It cannot be expressed how sensibly the King was troubled at Monsieurs departure But it had been effeminate only to bewail amidst their present misfortunes and take no care for the future the King advanc'd with all diligence unto the same Province that he might keep the Towns in obedience and pursued him so closely that he had not the time to make himself Master of any place which doubtlesse he would have done had he not been followed at hand by some or other who might prevent his designs Before the end of March the King came to Dijon and having secured the Town and Castle gave order to the Sieur de la Grange Mestre de Camp to march with his Regiment into Bellegarde which place Monsieur had left behind him he sent the Regiment de Piedmont into Auxerre and St. Jean de Lone he left three hundred horse in garrison on the Frontiers in such places as were most requisite to secure Bourgogne from any incursions and the Sieur de Hauterine to command them as Marshal de Camp Monsieur's Ministers did every where give out that he had not forsaken the Kingdom but only to secure himself from them who pursued him but it was without truth His Agents indeed having designed under his name to fortifie themselves in that frontier of the Kingdom his Majesty was obliged to follow them at hand to prevent their effecting what they had contrived it being of great consequence not to lose any time in such occasions his longer delay could but have given them leave to second their own with forraign forces which as was well known they had negotiated But if he would not have left the Kingdom why did he not condiscend to those fair proposals made to him both at Orleans and Auxerre The King was ready to imbrace him and to give him fresh testimonies of that affection which he had alwaies born to him but his not assenting to them forced his Majesty to pursue him that he might divert the storm which seemed to threaten not only Bourgogne but France it self Politique Observation IT is a great misfortune to a Kingdom when a Faction is once fomented within its bosome but that once being so it were a great imprudence in the King of that Country go give time and opportunity to the heads of the Conspirators to draw their forces together wherewith they might carry on a War against him He ought to be before hand with them and not to stay until revolted Princes are in a condition to put their designs in execution He must not indeed be too credulous in beleeving all reports nor take the field upon the first news of a Revolt but being once well informed and assured he ought no longer to delay Thus Alexander the Great made not the least stop that he might prevent the rising of his enemies in Greece and he came so suddenly upon them with his Army that himself brought the first news of his comming It was his usual saying that a quick dispatch in preventing an enemy is the thing which obtains great advantages against him for this reason it was that Apelles painted him with lightning in his hand which hath a motion so swift that how little soever it be yet it reduceth every thing to ashes Grandees when once revolted want neither courage nor power provided they have but time to raise their Forces They have for the most part persons of knowledge and valour neer them who are capable of setling their affairs in a good equipage if they have but leisure to effect it For this cause is a King obliged to go in person and encounter them whereby he may break the neck of their Rebellion A small matter will sometimes suffice to set all right again the Kings presence is a terrour to Rebels and takes away their courages who are not yet come up that they have but little will to ingage themselves and in case they return not to their obedience by fair means he is then in a capacity to compel them by force seeing they cannot be in a condition to defend themselves Henry the third committed a great oversight by withdrawing himself from Paris at the mutiny of the Barricadoes for a Kings obedience diminisheth the respect due to him imboldneth the Ring-leaders of a faction and animateth the fury of the people Bajazet the second did not thus in the rebellion of
Queen Mother too her self presented a Request unto the Parliament against him But when they perceived all their attempts were vain either as to the ruining of him in his Majesties good opinion or for the advancing of the Army which they had already contrived in their conceptions then their Anger turned into Fury and they resolved not to leave any thing unsaid which might bring his Reputation into dis-esteem They verily perswaded themselves that at last some Neighbour Prince would assist them with an Army to maintain their Quarrel or that they might raâ—e so great a hatred against him in the peoples minds as they would rise and take up Arms so to force his Majesty to sacrifice him unto their Fury Indeed I should have concluded him very unfortunate had his glory depended upon their testimonies and if the honour which he hath merited by laying out so much of his health by drying up his blood by watching day and night over the Affairs of State by giving up his Freedom his very soul his words his writings and all his time unto his Kings service and for the good of France by doing things even above admiration it self should need their approbation But as the reward of Vertue is extracted from Vertue it self and as there are no Theaters where great mens actions appear with more pomp then in the testimony of their own proper Conscience whereby Noble deeds glance out rayes of honour like the beams of the Sun so it was happy for him that they chose this time to calumniate him when he had newly accomplished such glorious actions for his Majesties service as cannot easily be described in History He needed not have desired as that Ancient did to have a house so built that all the world might behold him seeing the glory of his actions was of so great advantage unto all Europe that every one was taken up in contemplation of him with admiration I may safely add that the malice wherewith they bely'd his most just and sincere proceedings did render all their accusations suspected And who knows not without more ado that the usual course with them who would embroyl a State is to fall foul upon the Ministers of Government Politique Observation IT is commonly seen that good services are rewarded with calumny Envie is one cause of this injustice her eyes being offended with the splendour of any noble actions just as the Sun dazleth and decayeth eyes already sore and weak It is a passion which in some sort runs counter with Gods goodness which draws good out of evil whereas this takes occasion to injure and would great persons even from those very actions which makes them most conspicuous the same relation which the shadow hath to the Body such hath envie with vertue And as the highest mountains cast the greatest shadows so the greatest persons are most exposed unto envie and calumny Private Interest is another cause and to say the Truth is the first and chief for that it begets envie All they who by their ambition pretend to have some part in the Government do fancie unto themselves that Fortune hath cast them so much the further from it as it hath raised up them who now possess it Now as for those who do not pretend unto so much but do yet aspire unto some higher quality then that in which they are at present they suppose they have reason enough to complain of the Governours of State when that which they expect is not cast upon them the discontent which hereupon they conceive is not unlike those false Prospectives which represent things and objects unto the view which neither are nor ever were and thus indeed their judgment being overswayed by Passion becomes so depraved that they apprehend things in their conduct far different from what they really are I might add Ignorance amongst the causes which produce ill reports against Ministers there is nothing but the out-side of their actions to be seen their intents and designs are secret and unknown at least of such as have any conduct neither do they ever disclose their drift and main end whereby they may not give the enemies of the State opportunity to prevent their being effected Which being so it cannot be denied but that the small knowledge of their actions giveth their enemy a great advantage to exclaim upon them They seldom have any thing to object against them but what seems to be defective and they disguise things so artificially that they make white pass for black lies for currant truth being very wary that it fal not into their consideration how they have extraordinary intelligences which ought not nay which cannot be dived into by vulgar judgements But above all the rest they are assaulted by slanders when-ever the Grandees of a State are bent upon mischief they dare not openly to complain of their King lest they should too much discover themselves and lest their rayling might pull down some vengeance upon them which might prevent them from effecting their intentions but they addresse themselves to throw dirt in the face of the chief Ministers although in effect they strike at their Kings Withall they are commonly troubled at the ill-government of the State they distaste the power and honour which the King confers upon them and complain of the charge which is imposed on the people These are the subjects of all the Manifests which were ever made to provoke the people to rebellion If we but look back on the Passages our own times or those before us we shall alwayes find that Factious persons have been alwaies discontented with the Ministers of State and against them have they ever made use of reviling slanders as a most certain torch to set the whole Kingdom in a Flame Examples hereof are so frequent that we need not stay to recite them Besides it may be found in all History that when by the Prudent Conduct of any Ministers they have been reduced to a disability of being further troublesome to the State by War and open Force yet have they still persisted to disgorge the fury and rage which possessed them upon their papers fraught with poison and lies Aspersions charged on the King refuted IT was indeed somewhat strange that these Libellers should attempt to defame a man whom the ablest wits have recommended to be of as great a Soul as any these many Ages But it is incredible that their malice should strike at the Kings own person endeavouring to represent him as uncapable of Government I could willingly complain of all French men who seeing such indignities done unto their Soveraign whom after so many years they had reason to know for the most Just most Valiant most Generous most Prudent and most Mercifull Prince that ever swayed the Scepter of France did not take up their Arms to punish those Libellers in other Countries but that they may not undertake any War without his Majesties permission What reason could be alledged that he should passe
for a King without Conduct who had vanquished the English in so many encounters taken Rochel forced the Alps twice relieved Cazal suppressed his Rebellious Subjects bounded in the ambition of the house of Austria setled religion in divers Provinces of his Kingdom secured the Pope from the Spanish oppression gave peace and liberty unto Italy by his Victories became the Arbitrator of Christendome and whose Arms strangers did apprehend with fear and terrour It cannot be said of him but that he was the most couragâ—ous in his undertakings the most Pious in his Conscience the most Just towards his Subjects the most Daring in any dangers the most Prudent in his Councels and the most deservedly to be admired for all his Actions that ever yet reigned over us Have we not all seen how his zeal and courage for Religion hath ingaged him to expose his person the most flourishing years of his time his Nobility his Treasures and in some kind to hazard his own State and all to abate the Insolencies of the Church's enemies It might indeed have been said that some other besides him had atchieved all those glorious Actions which we dayly see before our eyes provided any enterprise had been done without him Had he not in his own person ordered Battels had he not personally appeared in sundry dangers and had he not been actually assisting at all his Counsels to resolve what orders were most proper to be followed But the one is as visibly apparent as the other and he who would beleeve their aspersions must necessarily be born among the Antipodes All Europe was so sufficiently convinc'd of his Majesties rare and divine endowments as not to suffer themselves to be surprized by the calumnies and devices of such wicked imposters and all such as have had the honour to know though but a little of the Conduct of affairs have had ground enough to admire those great lights of Nature and particular blessings of Heaven wherewith his Majesty was stored by means of which they who were of his Counsel have seen him take such expedients as could not but be so many marks of an extraordinary Prudence Politique Observation IT is a misfortune for a King to be exposed unto slanders Let a Princes actions be never so glorious yet Man is naturally so averse from Government that he is hardly to be restrained from evil speaking against him who rules over him not excepting God himself as may appear in the particular behaviour of the Israelites But however it cannot be esteemed for other then a monstrous ingratitude thus basely to reward the great cares which he undergoes for the publick good neither can it be denied but that such reviling whereby the reputation of his glory is endeavoured to be eclipsed ought to be severely punished and especially when it tends to raise troubles in the State It is much more just to honor the actions of a Soveraign with respect then to asperse them with blame which cannot but be rash and inconsiderate unlesse accompanied with a most exact knowledge of all his designs besides those Calumnies which are laid to their charge are so much the more dangerous in regard that admitting they do not drive men into a distrust of him yet do they undeniably diminiâ—h that confidence which his Subjects would repose in him That Lye which is reported with asseveration does commonly leave some impression in the mind behind it though it beget not an absolute beleef Reputation is a Treasure which Kings cannot sufficiently esteem this is it which makes them venerable not that it adds to their vertues but renders their vertues more conspicuous not that it gives perfection to their abilities but sets off their splendour and this splendour is it which maketh men more obedient and subject to their Wills and Pleasures Opinion governs the whole World and gives Princes themselves Authority in their very Thrones Experience hath told us that we are not apt to credit a truth if reported by a Lyer so likewise no one will easily subject himself to a Prince who is commonly reputed for uncapable of Government being once in dis-repute he may cease to hope either for obedience or respect he loseth with his honour all the Love which was formerly payed unto him and fear will not long stay after the losse of Love Which being so no one can doubt of the Justice nay absolute necessity of inflicting exemplary punishments on such as have the boldnesse to offend their Soveraigns by their Calumnies He who doth not chastize them doth expose himself to eminent dangers for that men having once heard him ill reported of take the lie for a truth if the Authors remain unpunished and thus consequently he will fall into scorn and run the hazard of losing both person and estate And as he who puts one injury incoâ—rageth others to do him more and greater so it may well follow that the same party having first offended him by words may take the boldnesse next time to do it by deeds The King is carefull to justify the Cardinal by his Letters and Declarations ALthough small aspersions raised against a Prince ought not to be chastized with too much severity yet when they tend to the destruction of his Authority and the troubling oâ— his State the greatest rigour is but little enough The Emperour Theodosius did one day upon the score of a fiction raised against him answered as became his Clemency saying If he who scandaleth his Prince doth it by way of Pastime he should scorn it if by ignorance or folly he should pity him if he did it out of Malice he should forgive him Which is only to understood of small injuries such as are not prejudicial to the State and which indeed deserve rather a Princes Scorn then his Anger whereas those others deserve to be punished with severity Whence it follows that no one can doubt but that these Libellers ought to undergo the rigours of Justice their absence having secured them and his Majesty satisfying himself only by setting forth the nake sincerity of his Intentions and the justice of his Proceedings in his Letters and Declarations His Actions indeed were a defence to themselves being accompanyed with so much honour and glory that there was not any aspersion but vanished at their presence But it cannot be expressed with what care his Majesty was affected in the Cardinal's behalf how solicitous he was to vindicate him for he had not only not the least thoughts of abandoning him to the malice of his Calumniators but he rather undertook to justifie him to the life upon all occasions in his Declarations and Letters which he sent unto the Parliaments of Provinces to the Queen-Mother and Monsieur He needed not any Mediator with his Majesty for that he knows better then any other person the solidity of his Counsels the Fidelity of his Zeal the Justice of his Intentions the Generousness of his Courage and the Moderation of his Conduct The greater reason
young Prince whose name is fatal to this Crown enjoy more profits then he at four years old we have seen a Treasurer of the Exchequer buy himself out of a disaster by giving the King two millions of Livres which was but a sixth part neither of his estate We have know two Jewellers enrich themselves with between four and five hundred thousand Crowns during the Queen-Mothers Regency Is it not then unjust to complain of those favours which his Majesty hath conferred upon him and wherewith he hath alwaies assisted his Majesty in the wars when the monies of the Exchequer could not be brought in time enough Is he as rich as the Prince of Kemberg the Emperour's Favourite at this day who of a private Gentleman of Styria hath gotten five hundred thousand Crowne per annum in two Provinces which his Master gave him opportunity to effect permitting him likewise â—o gather Contributions from the Imperial and Hans-Towns and causing his expences to be defrayed by his own Officers which could not but exceed an hundred thousand Crowns per annum The most part of the Cardinals Revenues are in Church-livings which are no waies chargeable to the people and ought the lesse to be envied to him in regard he hath deserved them and much more from the Church by his services and that he employs them for the relief of the poor with honour not prodigality in his own Family We shall not find that his moveables would amount to so much as those of the Cardinal d' Amboise did at his death To conclude could his services be rewarded with money his actions have made it apparent he deserves much more His chief end was only to have the glory of serving his Master neither did he regard such low recompences He hath often refused gifts which the King hath proffered him and the greatest care he took for money was to see his Majesties Treasures well ordered when as before they were squandred away in frivolous gifts and superfluous expences little tending to his Majesties glory So that since his coming to the management of affairs there was less expended then before though there was a necessity of maintaining continual Armies both at home and abroad Politique Observation RIches are the least rewards which Kings can bestow upon their Minister for that in themselves they are the least of all other goods Can any one deny Kings to be much indebted to their Ministers seeing they are the most worthy Instruments of their glory and that by their endeavours it is that they effect such exploits as render their memories immortal For how much are such riches beneath such great services They are Fortunes may-games and only useful to pass away the necessities of life most commonly they bring more care then pleasure with them and are equally common with the greatest persons and those who never obliged the State by their services to reward them The Geese of the Capitol were well fed at the expence of the Common-wealth because by their noise they discovered the surprisal which the French intended A Dog that set upon certain sacrilegious men was maintained at the Publike charge An Horse that carried his Master out of danger was for ever freed from labour And shall not a grand Minister after the rendring most signal services to his Master and Country be rewarded with more then common advantages I may add that it is necessary for a great King to confer great benefits upon a Minister whom he hath found faithful and couragious in those things which relate to his service whereby he may give him more authority and power to go through with all sorts of enterprises tending to his glory The greatest genius hath occasion of them to make himself potent in affairs and without them his vigour will be feeble He is compelled to stifle a thousand noble exploits in his thoughts for want of means to bring them forth It is well if he be indued with generous inclinations but if impotency assault him it dis-incourageth him Besides the affairs of the world are so disposed and mans thoughts so fixed that all yeild and give place to riches They may all and do all amongst men and we see them acquire as much credit and authority to their owners whereas they who are destitute of them are inconsiderable To wave these acknowledgements due to Ministers who is ignorant that Royal Majesty attracts no less glory from liberality then justice One of those perfections which render God most worshipful to men is his Bounty that inexhaustible fountain of all good things which like the Sun disperseth his favours like so many rays upon the earth and is as beneficial as active The gifts which Kings bestow carry with them as much credit as profit to the receivers they bind the affections of their servants not by their worth but as so many testimonies of good will the greatest Bond which ties them to their service Liberality in a King is properly termed magnificence they being obliged to do great good and nothing is more beseeming their Majesties then bestowing great gifts The perfection of the work is an assured mark of perfection in the workman whence certain it is that God acquired more glory when he created men and angels the chief workmanship of his hands then when he made other creatures Equally true it is that that which makes the riches of Kings more admired is the establishing of some great Families and our Ancestors did not acquire greater glory of being rich and â—iberal then by the greatnesse of their Favourites Houses which remain as so many monuments of their magnificence Prosecution of the Subject IT is an ancient judicious saying that as Roses grow upon Thorns so truth is ordinarily made to appear amongst the sharpest calumnies for they that find themselves concern'd are compelled to discover it for their own justification so those factious spirits who indeavouring to offend the Cardinal abused the goodnesse of the Queen-mother and Monsieur makes me take notice of those truths which their malice constrains me to publish But as they did not with only two accusations cease from their reproaches we shall have occasion to discover the rest of their falsities They would have the World believe that this eminent Minister of State had so great a dominion over the Kings spirit that his Majesty gave an absolute credit to all he did and was wholly moved by his influences and that all affairs depended on his Empire over him But all Europe knew sufficiently that his Prudence and Generosity equalled his justice and these seditious people seemed like those that shoot against Heaven and see their Arrows fall back again at their feet Nay I am confident they themselves had not that opinion of his Majesty they being in their attendances too near his person to be ignorant how impossible it is to draw him to any resolution without strong and pertinent reason and that Heaven hath so enlightned his spirit that he can discern
my self they question not these truths but besides that those expences were absolutely necessary do they not know what great advantages they gave both to the King and Kingdom The glory will remain for ever but the incommodity is already forgotten What reason is there to complain I shall onely make this answer the Ministers had deprived the King of that great honour which he now enjoys had they been deficient in drawing from the people those things which were necessary for the subsistance of Armies during the Wars and that it was a certain sign of their good conduct to have made such carefull provisions If the Impositions were thus necessary the money which did rise from them was no lesse carefully expended during those times of which they speak in which it may be said much was done with little money Can any one deny that this incomparable Minister did not buy that glory and those victories for the King to the shame of his enemies at an easier rate then others have done who have onely used allaying Medicines to defer those evils which afflict us from exasperating into extremities but have still left the enemies of France great advantages upon us It must be confessed that some particular people have beene charged over and above their proportion but neither the King nor his Ministers are therefore to be blamed the Possessors and Raters were faulty and deserved to be punished because they oppressed the weak and let the able escape upon the sum of friendship Politique Observation JUstice and Prudence do equally oblige a Prince to force a contribution from his Subjects towards the urgent necessities of the publike No one can doubt whether any thing be more efficacious then a good Treasure to preserve a Kingdom in order be it in Peace or War That Prince is easily surprized whose Exchequer is exhausted for he that wants money wants wherewith to levy men and he who is defective of men is to be vanquished without difficulty Now as to matter of War every one knows that Monies are its principal Nerves whereupon Suetonius Paulinus a Captain of great repute said in the Emperour Otho's Councel where the means of carrying on a War were discussed that in publike dissentions Money was more necessary then an Army Hath not Thucydides recorded to us how the chiefest arguments which Pericles used to induce the Athenians to make War was by convincing to them that they were in a capacity of so doing because an Army would easily be supplied with all necessary provisions from that abundant Treasure of which they were Masters War is undeniably a great Gulf which devoureth incredible sums What imprudence therefore were it for a Prince who finding himself ingaged in Wars and the Revenue of his Crown unable to furnish him with necessary conveniences not to compell his Subjects to contribute towards the publike Concernments Would he not soon be reduced to the condition of Cleomenes who according to Plutarch were forced to a War without monies to support his Souldiery was compelled to flie into Egypt If there be any thing of Prudence in it there is as much of Justice too The common Axiom is that every one may make use of his own now is it not I pray most certain that Kings may rightfully impose Contributions upon their Subjects towards the defraying of publike expences It is a right so undubitable inherent to them that the most able and sincere Divines assure us that every one is in conscience bound to submit to it they grounding themselves upon that command which our Saviour gave of paying unto Caesar and the example which himself shewed Herein consisteth the Soveraign power which Kings have over their Subjects goods I shall moreover adde that a Crown doth not only impower to impose Taxes but doth oblige Kings to require them for the preservation of its lustre and to demand them as a debt due to the State as also that no Subject can reasonably complain of it it being but just that particular and private persons should suffer some incommodity for the preservation of the publike good and better it were a Nation were impoverished then a kingdom lost Prosecution of the Subject THose crimes wherewith the Cardinals honour was taxed were so frivolous that we need not any longer detain our selves upon them especially seeing all wise men knew them to be groundlesse Easie it is to speak ill of the Governours of a State as the Queen mother her self once said to some who complained of her Agents during her Regency Every one takes the liberty to discommend their Conduct because Man is naturally an enemy to Government and propense to judge the worst of his Governours whose actions indeed may appear in their true Colours but not the causes inducements and circumstances of them they remain lock'd up in secret Revilings are the rewards of their watchings and let their actions be never so advantagious to the publike good yet private particular persons shall never be satisfied or pleased with them unlesse they advance their private and particular Fortunes as well as that of the publike Never was yet Minister otherwise rewarded and for this very reason whatever was said against the Cardinal was regarded by wise men but as the effect of a furious faction who could not meet their particular advancement in his Conduct which he little esteemed after he found their ends to be guided by their interests without consideration of the Kings Honour so that it will be needlesse longer to insist on this particular discourse Shortly after the Queen mothers and Monsieur's departure the King unwilling to hinder their Officers from going after them was well inform'd that divers abusing that Liberty accorded unto them did carry Letters under the notion of Officers and packets of correspondency for the continuing many Intreagues still on foot Whereupon his Majesty to suppresse that disorder ordained that they should have fifteen days time to retire themselves either unto their persons or else to confine themselves unto their own houses inhibiting any one either to go or come the time once expired without his particular licence under penalty of being declared disturbers of the publike peace of being punished with confiscation of their Estates and the â—osse of exemption from payment of Tributes which they then enjoyed it being unreasonable that under the intent of favouring some who did not abuse their liberty of going to discharge their Offiâ—es others might without comâ—trol foment and carry on the divisions in the Kingdom which cost so dear to extinguish Politique Observation IT is very dangerous to suffer in a Kingdom divided with factions such persons who have any particular dependance upon them who are the Authors of those divisions after themselves are retired out of the Kingdom so to do were to leave fire in straw Although â—ome may be mindfull of their obligations in being more submisse to their Soveraign then to any other yet undoâ—btedly many there wil be more affectionate to their
increase his Revenue but cannot so well peradventure secure him from those violences whereunto he is exposed as the power of a great King with whom he intrusteth it Ferdinand King of Naples did wisely when he found himself without money destitute of necessary Forces to recover his estate of which we French had despoiled him in resolving to enter into a league offensive and defensive with the Venetians who made a scruple to admit him unlesse he would deliver them the Cities of Otrante Bronduze and Trave with Monopoly and Sulignan with condition that they should be restored upon payment of 200000 Ducats for their expences in his occasion Prudence alone is capable to make known unto us without producing other examples that it is more discretion to quit a part to secure the rest then by preserving it to endanger the losse of the whole When Pignerol was promised to the King by the Duke of Savoy PRinces actions are liable to divers interpretations because they are more maturely considered then ordinary mens and their drifts are more secret This Treaty of the Duke of Savoy did set many heads on work and divers apprehended it in terms quite different from the truth He granted the City and Castle of Pignerol to the King for six moneths only and that for performance of his promise to give him free passage through his State and to assist him with Ammunition and Provision of all sorts as much and as often as need should require for defence of his Allies in Italy However divers believed that he had absolutely given this place to the King and besides that it had been so concluded before ever the Marshal de Thoyras and the Sieur de Servient departed from Paris toward Querasque It was said that the Comte de Drouin had passed his word in January and then assured his Majesty that the place should be delivered to him But that being never declared they did rather guesse then know it for knowledge is grounded upon reasons certain All that can be said is that the Duke of Savoy did consent to remit Pignerol absolutely into his Majesties hands for the conservation of the rest of his estate in so doing he did very prudently as we shall hereafter declare had the King procured this advantage to his Crown it had been but just to recover an ancient Demeasne which had been lost by the condescention of his Predecessors he had raised a Trophy to his glory obtained by his Arms in Italy he had conserved part of that which did justly belong unto him by the Laws of War it fine he had secured all his Allies on the other side the Mountains and curbed the Spanish Ambition These reasons were so full of Justice that the greatest part of the world was perswaded that the Duke of Savoy had absolutely given Pignerol to the King for what likelihood could there be that his Majesty should not retain some part of his Victories That he should expend at least fifty millions in a War without reserving somewhat for recompence That his Prudence should not take some care for the preservation of his Allies after the experiment he had made of those difficulties in the Passages And that he should leave the Spaniards in full power to prosecute their Usurpations There could not be any reason for it and he must have renounced his just and lawfull pretensions so to have done On the other side that which did most of all call in question the truth of the Treaty if indeed there were any thing was that it was alwaies denied and dissembled in the conferences and kept as a secret till this present neverthelesse this secret cannot be denied but to have been the effect of the Cardinal's Prudence who well knoweth that the greatest designs ought to be executed with the greatest secrecy and that counterfeit pretences cannot but be commendable provided they be advantagious and free from injustice Politique Observation ALthough Dissimulation is commonly esteemed a vice amongst private persons yet it is so much the more needfull amongst great Princes in regard their designs ought to be kept more especially secret The discreetest Princes never look that way they design and though they alwaies effect their thoughts yet they seldome speak what they think they who apply themselves to reading are more fit to entertain good company than for high enterprizes seeing the Government of a State is a Stage upon which the Actors oftentimes ought to change their Masks and habits They who can best of all cloak their designs are the most ingenious and do oftnest attain their ends hence it is that he who hath any thing to do with a crafty companion hath work enough to look about him Who knoweth not that if all truth were necessarily to be told nothing would remain unknown which if so the highest enterprizes would be successelesse it being most certain that the discovery of an affair is like an Alarum to summon together the strongest oppositions It is allowable to keep that a secret which may be advantagious to our selves or our friends and cannot injure any one It is great Prudence not to discourse it with those whom a man suspects and absolutely to disown it to all others Thus Lewis the Moor Duke of Millan having made a Treaty with Charles the Eighth to give him passage into Italy and to favour his designs did constantly deny it to the King of Naples the Pope and Peter de Medicis although the report of it was common and some signs of it almost indubitable Whereupon he denying it so confidently they remained a good while in suspence without knowing what to conclude The denying of a design with asseveration doth insensibly leave some doubt in the most determinate minds to believe it and although the protestations made to the contrary do not gain an absolute belief yet do they commonly delay obstructions which might be raised and put off those enterprises which would be set on foot to hinder them The Interdiction of the Court of Ayds of Paris VVHilest the Cardinal 's incomparable Prudence was thus busied in these weighty forraign affairs there passed some others in the Kingdom which I cannot omit especially seeing his Genius which giveth orders for all things teacheth by his conduct divers maximes very necessary for all Ministers The great expenâ—es made the last four or five years in the Wars having exhausted the Treasure and the factions of the Queen-mother and Monsieur breaking out there was a necessity of raising great sums to support divers Armies at the same time This was that which forced the King to lay new Impositions upon his Subjects which he did with the greater regret in regard he had formerly by the Cardinal's counsel used some expedients to ease them but necessity whose Empire is more absolute then that of Princes forced his Majesty to defer them until such time as his affairs were setled in a sure Peace neither did the Chamber of Accompts make any scruple to confirm
even at that time imployed in the most important affairs of Christendom yet such was his indefatigable zeal for God's glory and the Churches good that he undertook the business He cause the Superiors of the Orders to come before him one by one well knowing that to negotiate such a business in a Publike Assembly would be a labour in vain and equally difficult as the breaking of a cable whose particular threads are easily to be forced asunder He was a person well vers'd in all Antiquities and accordingly he represented to them how that in the first Institution of Monks they were consecrated unto God by the mediation of Bishops who received their Vows instructed them and directed their Consciences He laid before them the original of the whole Affair and shewed them how that the Sons of God had subjected all those who sold their goods and followed him unto the Apostles whose Successors the Bishops are whereupon they making a strict profession of leading an Evangelical life were more particularly obliged to observe the order established in and by the Gospel not that he would question the validity of those exemptions granted from the holy See unto which he owed much more respect and obedience then to debate the Ordinances thereof yet that he must needs inform them that they could not be dispensed with from following the order established by Jesus Christ or his Apostles in administring the Sacraments and Word of God That it was not alwaies proper to use the utmost of a mans power and that the wisest persons are usually the most moderate that in fine themselves could not deny but they were obliged to relinquish some part of their pretensions for the avoyding of trouble to the Church which was likely to ensue upon this account and whereof the Heretiques discoursed with much freedom and joy That this Peace would be more acceptable to God then all the advantages it could otherwise procure unto particular persons That it would tend unto their Honours by testifying unto the world the moderations of their minds and humility of their Spirits the two worthy ornaments of a Religious person and that consequently the world would esteem the better of them That he hoped it would be the more acceptable before God in regard they did exemplarily set forth the merit of obedience and submission to their Prelats in ordinary unto whom God hath with his own mouth committed the leading of men unto charitable works that he should not willingly propose that the Bishops should have ordinary jurisdiction over their persons or power to visit their Monasteries but that leaving them full liberty to execute their Monastical functions it seemed fit unto him that they should not refuse to be dependent upon them in matter of administring the Sacraments of Thanks-giving Penitence Preaching the Word and to admit them to have power to repeal this priviledge which was derived from them according as the Council of Trent hath prescribed all whose Decrees are true and ought to be observed These Reasons were or themselves strong enough but much more powerful when animated by the charms of his discourse which hath so great an influence that it is impossible to deny him any thing if all they who have had the honour to know him may be credited Accordingly each one addressed himself to observe his directions and although some unreasonable persons began at first to create some difficulties yet his Prudence soon prevailed over them insomuch that they could not be thought the same men who had so lately and so stifly maintained their absolute Independencies upon their Ordinaries He caused a Declaration to be drawn wherein they acknowledged themselves uncapable to preach without examination licence and approbation from their Bishops first had and obtained and that the said Bishops might at any time revoke the said Licenses withal that they neither ought nor could bear the Confessions of Secular men without approbation which the said Bishops might likewise repeal in case of any incapacity or publike scandal Every one subscribed thereunto The Bishops dispatched Copies thereof into all parts and thus his Eminency ended a difference which had made such a noise so many Ages together and in which there was but little hopes Politique Observation THe credit and esteem which an eminent person obtaineth in a State have ever been reputed sufficient to appease any embroyls what ever His Judgement will work the minds of men to what form he pleaseth and every one regardeâ—h him as a person bless'd from heaven and indued with so extraordinary an understanding that no one dares deny him any thing They give so absolute a power over their very wills that there is no appeal from his resolutions they permit him to command any thing without contradiction to rule them without resistance and to determine all things without exception The esteem of a Physician doth oftentimes as many cures as his Physick and this same perswasion is so powerful that somtimes the very sight hath been a Cure And is it not likewise most certain that the credit which a great person acquireth in the opinions of men is more powerful then any other means to reduce them unto reason Nay Doth not his very presence somtimes appease great seditions The Authority of a Phocion at Athem and of a Cato at Rome hath often wrought wonderful effects Was not the only appearance of the Philosopher Apollonius Thyaneus sufficient to appease great discords between divers Cities of Asia When Julius Caesar was in Affrick his very presence alone asswaged the Roman Legions raging in a mutiny nay he reduced them to such a pass that having cashiered them it was not without much entreaty that he restored them to the Army The Consul Popilius Menas was able by his meer presence to appease an Insurrection of the common people of Rome against the Senators It is to speak the truth very strange to behold 〈◊〉 people mutined raging and foming like the billows of an outragious Sea which overthroweth and destroyeth what-ever opposeth it slighting the force of Arms entreaties threatnings and all things else yet on the sudden becalmed at the presence of some great person who by his worth and services hath acquired an extraordinary reputation amongst them But to him who knoweth how powerful Credit and Repute are it will not seem incredible for he cannot be ignorant that opinion will sooner procure a good proposition to be admitted or an ill advice rejected then any other means or devices what-ever A good opinion will make any impression on mens minds it will more their hearts tongues hands and lead their wills and affections as it were in a string Credit and Esteem do inscribe I know not what attracts of Majesty on the faces of those who have once acquired them so that a man is forced as it were to subscribe unto their inclinations and most men think it a rashness to resist their Wills in any thing what-ever Monsieur arriveth at Bruxels THe Duke
thoughts unto them as he conceived most advantagious to their Common-wealth He beseeched them to consider that the eagernesse alone wherewith the Spaniards prosecuted it was enough to render it suspected that Counsels entertained with heat by an enemy connot be but with design to advantage himself that it was visible the disorder of his affairs was the onely cause he so passionately prosecuted it that the extremity to which he was reduced being assaulted over all the Indies in Germany in Italy in the Low-countries unable to furnish out new Levies or monies necessary for his security did not a little incline him thereunto He further represented to them how it had alwaies been esteemed for a matter of great concernment not to give an enemy breath when he is upon the point of falling and made it easie to be concluded that for them to make a Peace with the Spaniard in this his low condition would be the more prejudicial to them he having hardly any other shift to make himself considerable than the reporting of this Treaty to be concluded neither was he backward to represent unto them that admitting these his reasons should be invalid yet they did abuse themselves if they beleeved that the Treaty could include their Peace in it in regard of the Spaniards obstinate resolution of never relinquishing his pretended Soveraignty over their Countries a resolution which he hath ever protested against the Decree of the 16. of July 1588 which declared Philip the second to have lost all his right over them and how that after he had treated with them as between Soveraign and Soveraign by concluding that Treaty 1609 yet he could not forbear his ill intention during the 12 years that it lasted and which is more set Berkins Chancellour of Brabant in the year 1621. to sosicite them to return unto the obedience as he was pleased to say of their natural Prince that in vain they did perswade themselves the Councel of Spain would relinquish his pretensions seeing on the contrary upon every occasion he hath been ready to drive on his pretences both upon them and others and that admitting the Treaty should be once concluded yet they must ever be renewing of it and in effect that nothing would be obtained thereby but the losse of a fair opportunity whiles the Spaniards were reduc'd to so low an ebb He moreover forced them to confesse that the Treaty being uncapable of producing their Peace the State of their affairs and good of their Country did not oblige them in any respect to desire it that their Provinces were never more flourishing that Learning Husbandry Trade and whatever Peace maketh elsewhere to flourish were with them freely exercised in times of War that their Disciplines were so carefully improved that the Athenians could never with so much reason represent an armed Pallas as they might that their Pastures and Plains were not in the least troubled with the Souldiers that their Plow-shares were as bright as their Pikes and Swords and that the noise of the Cannons did not at all hinder their Traffick as the Province of Zealand and those others which are most addicted unto Merchandize have declared by their aversions to this Treaty Some private ones of Spain might paradventure object that admitting the State of their Provinces might not compel them to a cessation of Arms for some years yet it could not however but be advantagious to them because the Flemings and Walloons would in that interim forget their warlike exercises and that the Swedes and Protestants would so weaken the House of Austria that there would be no more cause of fear but he easily convinced them of the vanity of their hopes and represented to them how little reason there was to beleeve that the want of accompt during the Treaty would effeminat the Flemings and Walloons because the Spaniard would not leave them idle but find employments enough for them in other parts and that on the contrary undoubtedly the Spaniard would transport all his force into Germany which he had formerly entertained in the Low-Countries by which means he would force those Princes who counterpoised his Power to receive the Law from him and to lay down their Arms and which once effected that he would bring back his Forces from Germany recruited with a far greater strength which had for many years supported the House of Austria and that it would not then be very difficult to reduce Holland unto slavery This Answer was the more to be considered in regard it was so convincing contrary to the preservation of their State and Liberty nor did he forget to add that on the contrary it was not a little important to foresee how much this Treaty would undoubtedly weaken the united Provinces both in regard of the Division it would raise among them or the dis-use of Arms and their Traffique in the Indies so far was it from any likelyhood of encreasing their power that it was but vain to hope for it without reliquishing the Trade of both the Indies the Spaniard being not so indiscreet as to condiscend thereunto after the receiving so great detriment as he had from them but that in case they concluded it they would thereby blast their fairest hopes diminish the stock of their riches and cut off their right hand their power by Sea without which they were not considerable among their neighbors As to what concern'd the discontinuation of the War he freely told them that States preserve not themselves but by such means as have served to establish them as natural bodies subsist not but by the same things as are in their first compositions and that they did in vain strive to cause their State to flourish in peace which had received it's birth and being from War and which could not but by War be preserved in its present splendor He layd before them that peace would be absolutely prejudicial to them as experience had evinced in the late 12 years Treaty during which the Spanish Plots Gold and devises had wrought them a 1000 times more damage then all their open force could ever do besides the Souldiers laying by their usual exercises would loose much of their valor by which till then they had obtained such signal advantages and being not ignorant how powerful impressions truth maketh when it is seconded by glory that he might excite them he proclaimed aloud that there never yet was Common-wealth so like the Roman as that of the Hollander adding withall that if that had receiv'd such continual growth from War as it had not in seven hundred years from it's first foundation untill Augustus time but only twice shut up the Temple of Janus so it had lost it self by an unactive Peace and that nothing but the like misfortune could befall them when once they should relinquish their exercise of Arms. Nor did he conceal from them that in case they should then conclude the Treaty their Republique would totally discredit it self with its Allies
not only because they would no more esteem their conduct after they should fee them run on to so disadvantagious a resolution but the more in regard they did in such a conjuncture of time as would be very prejudicial to their neighbours especially those of Germany who finding themselves thereby dis-obliged could not for the future be so assisting to them as formerly they had been He beseeched them to remember that a State which injureth its Allies injureth it self and that in fine if after so many victories they should humonr the Spaniard in his passionate desire of the Treaty there could no other esteem be had of them but such as Caesar had of Pompey when he was well handled by him at Duras but not prosecuted who openly said Pompey knows not how to overcome This was the substance of most of the reasons no lesse judicious then powerfull which the Sieur de Charnace imployed at divers meetings had with the Ministers of Holland to prevent the Treaty so dextrously did he manage them so vigorously and with such addresse that he easily convinc'd the Prince of Orange who for some particular interest was indifferent well inclined thereunto and perswaded the Governours and Deputies of the States to confesse that there was no more to be thought but how to force the Spaniard by Arms to an absolute relinquishing his pretensions over their country in a Treaty of Peace wherein all the Princes their Allies should be included to oblige him the more firmly to observe the conditions thereof neither satisfied with this resolution he assured them according as he was commanded that they might the more readily take the field how the King would cause a succour of then or twelve thousand men to be sent unto them from the Swede who accordingly were conducted unto them about August by the Collonell Melander so that about the beginning of Spring the Prince of Orange besieged Rimberg and carried it and sent Count William of Nassau to the confines of Flanders to divert the Spaniard Politique Observation VVHatever terrour the horrour of Arms do naturally carry with them yet do I think that Peace ought not to be concluded but on four occasions The first is when there is a just ground to believe that it will carry things to an advantagious Peace for seeing War ought not to be undertaken but in order to the obtaining of a good Peace and that the end is ever to be preferred before the means it cannot be doubted but that Arms are to be layed by when there are any more likely means to obtain it The Olive Trees true Symbols of Peace bearing fruit use-full for mans life are doubtlesse more to be esteemed then Lawrels which only put forth unprofitable berries and the great advantages which are obtained by Peace are more to be esteemed then the greatest glory acquired to Wars I have formerly sufficiently proved this truth nor wil I longer dwel upon it The second is when the eexpences and incommodities of War do in force a Treaty There is not any courage which is not obliged to submit to the law of necessity and the impossibility of prosecuting an enterprize how just and glorious soever hath exempted the greatest Princes from any blame War ought not to be continued but to obtain Victory which when there is no likelihood of amidst the ruines of a Country it is then much more expedient to make a League then totally to fall The Gods themselves saith an Ancient do submit to necessity there is nothing stronger then it and the greatest vertue must stoop to it neither is any valour or prudence obliged to oppose it The third is when it may reasonably be hoped that the League will weaken the enemy whom at that time we despair to overcome and that either by sowing some division among them or by effeminating them by the discontinuation of their warlike exercise The wise Pilot doth not obstinately withstand the Tempest when he seeth his Vessel extreamly bruised but letting fall the Sails runneth into some shelter where he may ride at Anchor untill such time as the fury of the Winds be abated that he may put to Sea again Thus is it an effect of discretion to lay by the Sword for some time when an enemy is so potent that there is no likelihood of any thing but losse by the prosecution of the War The fourth is that a League ought to be concluded when it will afford the means of taking more advantage War is a kind of sicknesse in the State and as sick people are permitted to rest the better to recover their lost strength so I think it cannot but be commendable in a Prince to surcease the War for some time the better to refresh his forces to recruit them and to raise monies necessary to maintain them If on such occasions it be reasonable to conclude a Treaty it will then be very improper to conclude it when a Country is flourishing and raiseth more advantages by War then Peace Most certain it is that sometimes so it happens and Hannibal well knew it when seeing the Carthaginians weep upon the first demand of the Tribute granted to the Romans at the end of the second Punick War he reproached them as Livy observeth it Ye had much more reason quoth he to have weep'd when you were prohibited to War against strangers that was the would which killed you The Lacedemonians and the Romans were not ignorant of it it being upon this ground that they would never discontinue the use of Arms unlesse when Fortune designing the ruine of their Empires perswaded them to taste the sweets of Idlenesse which opening the door to delight and luxury might in a little time dul their courages and make them easily conquered by their enemies This if true among most States it is certainly much more apparent in relation to those who have received their Beings from War nor can be preserved but by War It were likewise great imprudence to make a League which might afford an enemy time to recruit Had King Perseus known the condition of the Romans he would have been more wary in concluding that Peace with them which he did as Livy recordeth which gave their Ambassadours accasion at their return to laugh at him for having suffered himself to be surprized by them for he had then ready all provisions necessary for the War of which the Romans were altogether unprovided so that concluding a League he gave them time to settle their affairs and take an advantage upon him besides all these considerations if a League doth not at least serve to obtain an happy peace it cannot but be esteemed for disadvantagious For what reason can there be to deprive ones self of power and to give a weakned enemy leave and leisure to re-inforce himself when there is not an assurance that it will end in a peace of use and profit So to proceed were some kind of blindnesse neither can any one so act unlesse
and indeed he had discharged himself with such courage and integrity that neither the noise of greatnesse nor the sight of riches could ever so blind or affright him as to surpize him His Majesty most certainly could not intrust his Seals in any honester hand then his The great Revenues he possessed rendred him incapable of that corruption which is annexed unto a necessitous fortune yet this happy incapacity conjoined with such virtue made him so much the more proper for that office in regard no one would dare to tempt him with money who abounded both in riches and vertue If his integrity made him immoveable in point of Justice the solidity and penetrating vivacity of his spirit secured him from all possibility of a surprise these two qualities permitting him to incline to no part but that of truth Disguisements and Artifices could never form any Clouds thick enough to hide any thing from his judgement Oftentimes hath he been seen to disguise darknesses and obscurities in the discoveries of great offences Withall the Sciences which he hath acquired in an high degree had added no smal perfection to the natural endowments of his mind for that his family were both learned and honest When age had first given him the use of Reason his kindred had taught him that Sciences give much lustre to a man of Eminence that they not only draw him from a stupid and savage life but refine him furbish him and make him capable of all things more sweet more civil more courteous more venerable and more worthy of honour and in fine when he came to a riper age whereas common spirits satisfie themselves with learning some one Science conformable to their inclinations he dived into the secrets of all and became very accomplished in them there being nothing so high which passed his capacity He had penetrated into the difficultest questions of Philosophy and Divinity the Law was his usual employment the Mathematicks his diversions with History he was familiar eloquence was natural to him for before he had learned the rules of it his discourses were so replenished with the strength of reason with the purity of words the sweetnesse and elegance of expression that his language was bewitching These things were not a little considerable in the election of a Garde de Seaux who being his Majesties mouth to express his intentions in all great Assemblies is bound to speak royally that is in terms becomming the Majesty of his Master I will not say any thing of his Piety though that be so much the more considerable in a Statesman as it is the foundation of a Kingdomes happinesse because it is a subject too large for me to ingage in my discourse of his merit being by accident nor will I trouble my self to give you a description of the experience he had gotten in the Offices of a Councellour a Master of Requests Judge in divers Provinces and President au Mortier his conduct and reputation have sufficiently made it known only this these things concentring in him seemed as it were to conspire to force his Majesty to chuse him Minister of his Justice I shall adde that if his Soul was replenished with all these qualities necessary in a great man the King well saw the graces had indued his body with all that could render him lovely or acquire him respect and authority He was alwaies gravely modest his discourse serious his conversation agreeable and profitable his patience in all affairs and all pleadings invincible the complaisance wherewith he answered was truly admirable yet such that he could never be won to abate from Justice or his Majesties service There need no more to love him but only to see him the charms of his words rendred that severity which Justice obliged him sometimes to use so taking that none could be offended at it I would adde more if the Laws of his Majesties History would permit me though in some sort it were not to desist from his Majesty's commendation seeing there is not any thing which doth more apparently denote his Majesties wisedom then the virtues and eminent qualities of his Ministers his noblest creatures Qualities necessary for a Chancellor and Lord Keeper SEeing the Chancellor and the Lord Keeper who holdeth the place of Chancellor executeth that change and ought to succeed him as the chief Officer of the Crown the eyes of his Majesties Justice the Depositories of his Seals the Ministers of his Councels the Organs by which his Majesty useth to declare his intentions and pronounce his judgements doubtless he ought to be eminently qualified with all those parts which may render a man signally remarkable It matters not much whether the Potters who work altogether in clay be dextrous because whatever he spoils is of small value but otherwise it is with men who are in the chief Offices of a State none of their faults are little and their actions are of consequence and for this reason ought they to bee replenished with all sort of perfections France hath ever had as other States certain families supporters of its glory who have served like Pillars to uphold its greatness and seem to have been destined by Heaven to preserve the beauty of its Flower de luces the puissance of its Kings and the glory of its Crown against the injuries of time A chief Minister of the Kingdom when descended from such an house hath a notable advantage by it seeing his very name carries and Hereditary credit with it which Plaineth out the way to all great actions at least I think it fit that his vertue should be authorised by the Nobility of his blood seeing his illustrious birth will acquire him such an opinion as an upstart how prudent or vertuous soever will hardly acquire but after the shewing of many proofs of his deserts If Nobility without Virtue be but a subject of reproach in regard a man deviateth from the example of his Ancestors it cannot be gain-sayed but that Virtue without Nobility carrieth little credit with it but where Nobility and Vertue meet in one subject they advance that man to an high degree and render him worthy of all eminent dignities Among the rest of those virtuous qualities or indeed in the Front of them which ought to set off a person of quality this I account the chiefest that he be indued with an high natural ability and that clearnesse of judgement which dissipateth the Clouds of falsities discovereth truth and going before Justice ushereth it in as some Stars do the Sun Learning ought to go hand in hand with this ability seeing natural parts without improvement are so much the more dangerous in regard they are subject to failings and like the fruitfulnesse of a field which if not cultivated serves only to produce the more Thorns Amongst the Sciences those of Justice and Policy are most needfull for that they are the true Objects of Chancellours and Lord Keepers those are the Fountains from whence they man derive the
as often as occasion required discovered unto him so that finding himself at leisure about the beginning of the Spring and without a necessity of being over early in the field he resolved to perform the Ceremony of the Knights of the Holy Ghost and to fill up all the vacant places It is impossible in such affairs to content all men because there are never so many places vacant as men who think their services worthy of that honour All that can be done is to prefer those who are most considerable either for their birth their services or the particular inclination of the Prince who in such things ought to have his own liberty His Majesty took this course but that he might totally follow the Orders of the Primitive constitution he gave a Commission to the Cardinal de Lyon great Almner of France and Commander of the Order to inform him of their Religion Life and Works who were proposed and to send him his informations seal'd up The next thing his Majesty did was to assemble the Chapter of the Order at Fountainbleau where the Ceremony was performed and where all the Knights met and told them by the mouth of the Sieur de Bullion Lord Keeper of that Order that he should be very glad before the Creation of the Knights to have their opinions about the Rebellion and Felony of the Duke d' Elboeuf and the Marquess de la Vieville who being fled out of the Kingdom and having born Arms contrary to his Majesties service and consequently broken the Statutes of the Order had rendred themselves unworthy of Knight-hood and deserved to be degraded the Sieur de Bullion adding that his advice was to follow the example of Charles Duke de Bourgogne towards Charles Duke de Brabant his cousin viz. to erase their Arms and that in their Escutcheon should be inserted their judgement and degradation All the Knights were of the same opinion with the Lord Keeper excepting only the Marquesse de Trajanel So that the judgement of their degradation was pronounced and executed before the new Creation In prosecution of this judgement his Majesty caused the Role of those whom he would have of this Order to be read aloud and nominated eight Knights to assist at the tryal of the proofs of their Nobility Life and Manners and the proposing the difference which was between those who were Dukes and Peers and those who were only Dukes concerning their order and place in the Ceremony it was ordered that all the Dukes in general should march according to the Order of their Creation because the Peers hold no place in Assemblies It was likewise decreed that if any of those who were name to be Knights did not appear at the time of the promotion to receive their Order it should not be sent unto them The 14 of May was the day assigned for the Ceremony and his Majesty being there punctually followed the Statutes of that Order and conferred it upon Monsieur the Cardinal of Richelieu The Cardinal de la Valette The Arch-Bishop of Paris The Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux The Arch-Bishop of Narbone The Duc de Longueville The Comte d' Harcourt The Comte d' Alets The Duc de la Trimouille The Duc de Vantadour The Duc d' Alvin The Duc de Brissac The Duc de Candale The Duc de la Valette The Comte de Tonnerre The Mareschal d' Estree The Sieurs de Vaubecourt de Seneterre The Vicomte de Pompadour The Marquis de Nesse The Marquis de Gordes The Comte de Lannoy The Marquis de Varennes The Maresâ—hal de Breze The Comte de Brassac The Comte de Noailles The Sieur de Popanne The Marquis de Fossez The Marquis de Bourbonne The Vicomte de Pollignac The Vicomte d' Arpajon The Marquis d' Aluye The Comte de Saulx The Comte d' Orval The Sieur de St. Simon premiers Escuyer The Baron de Pont-Chasteau The Sieur de Pont-Courlay The Sieur de la Messeray The Marquis de Mortemart The Sieur de Villequier The Comte de Teurnon The Sieur de la Mailleraye The Comte de Tianges The Marquis d' Ambres The Comte de Parabere The Sieurs de Montcaurel De Liancourt De St. Simon l'aisne I will not trouble my self to describe the particulars of the Ceremony it is beyond my design only for conclusion I will say his Majesty by this conferring of Honour shewed that he did as well acknowledge as know the services of his Nobility Politique Observation THe reward of Services and the punishment of Crimes are equally great supporters to a State whereupon Socrates being demanded what Estate could be esteemed the best governed answered that where honest men are rewarded and knaves punished Xenophon likewise thought that a man being naturally more couragious the fearfull should be excited sooner to great actions by praise riches or honours after a Victory For this reason it was that Plato in the Fifth of his Republicks would that all men who behaved themselves couragiously in the War should be gratified in all reasonable things nay they were permitted to marry divers women the better to replenish the Common-Wealth with valiant men This licentiousnesse I must confesse is contrary to the Laws of Christianity and Experience hath told us that it is seldom seen brave men beget children like themselves but in the main the gratifying of valiant men in all reasonable things is conformable to the rules of all politick States Thus Homer to give a testimony of Agamemnon's conduct doth usually bring him in at all feasts in the Greek Army honoured with an whole Chine of Beef being the greatest rarity among them Upon the same example Plato grounded his Decrees for the honouring of those at publick Feasts who had given proofs of their valour by serving them with the greatest dainties and the best Wines and by singing of songs in their praise to invite others to imitate them To speak the truth if the flame dies for want of Wood generosity languisheth if unrewarded All goeth to rack in that State where men of courage are no better treated then uselesse cowards It should seem the greatest courages are as it were benum'd where the splendour of honour the reward of handsom actions doth not incourage them All that can be further observed is that recompences be proportioned to the qualities of the persons Souldiers are more usually pleas'd with riches then honour and are more proper to be acknowledged with reward accordingly The Nobility on the other side are better satisfied with honour Let them have it This course did the Common-Wealth of Venice take after that memorable battle of Tar they exalted the Marquis of Mantua from that government to be general of the Army and as to those Souldiers who had behav'd themselves couragiously they increas'd their pay They gave divers recompences to the Sons of such as were slain Dowries to their daughters and good Pensions to such as were maim'd The Romans did much more esteem the rewards
which increases courage and that fire which inflames and subdues our reason and therefore a Prince must be carefull that he let not his passion pervert his judgement to precipitate his reason into base resolutions He who among Kings hath deserved the name of wise saith It is better to moderate choler then to take a City Now although this Passion seemeth to carry the stamp of courage because it pretendeth to vanquish all and to subscribe to no man yet really it is a weaknesse which whoever surmounteth is incomparably a person of more spirit and courage then he who suffereth himself to be transported by it It hath ever been the opinion of the wisest Polititians that cholerick men are no waies fit for government Curopalates Commenus Emperour of Constantinople did sufficiently declare how incapable he thought them of it when being on his death-bed he sent for the chief men oâ— his Court and told them he thought his eldest son Isaac lesse fit for the Empire then his younger son Manuel in regard of his inclination to anger which oftentimes hindred him from being Master of his own reason A Phylosopher was demanded why he would not meddle with publick affairs Not quoth he that I fear them but suspect my self intimating that his naturally cholerick humour was totally repugnant to the management of State-affairs Amongst those misfortunes wherein choler may ingage a Prince the provoking a Potent King to declare War against him is one of the most dangerous War is never to be undertaken in Passion but to be entred into by the Gate of Prudence else it turneth to the Adventurers ruine Anger transporteth a Prince without giving him leave to compare his Forces with his enemies without preparing means necessary for his defence or obtaining an happy end and without any thoughts of desisting or of making any advantagious Peace but having hastily taken up his Sword he is oftentimes seen to let it fall with repentance though too late because such heady resolutions can hardly restore him to his first state He that hath once set a fire on a Forrest is no more able to extinguish it but it runs from Tree to Tree until it hath consumed all nay hardly will it be quench'd upon the borders and that Prince who hath once kindled a War cannot extinguish it at his pleasure nor can he prevent the ruines which by little and little attend it or keep it back from doing all manner of out-rages in his own country Well may Passion ingage the weakest but being once heated it belongeth to the Victorious to renounce it There are many Princes saith Polybius who egg'd on by an impetuous violence either to revenge themselves or grow great do attempt many things but few there are who know rightly how to conduct their enterprizes to obtain an happy end or have understanding or industry sufficient to vanquish the resistances of fortune The King sendeth the Sieur de Guron to treat with the Duke of Lorrain THough Monsieur de Lorrain's behaviour provok'd the King to fall upon him both with his own and his Allies forces yet such was his Clemency which diverteth him from all proceedings of rigour unlesse at the last extremity that he sent to the Swedes after the battel of Haguenau to intreat them not to prosecute any further their conquests in Lorrain and gave them to understand that it was in his Majesties protection assuring them the said Duke should no more thwart them in their undertakings The truth is it was not the Duke of Lorrain's interest alone which induc'd his Majesty so to do for he was not ignorant that the neighbourhood of great Conquerours is alwaies to be feared yet his Majesty had this design in preserving him he well hop'd this present assistance would work upon him so much the more because his danger was so eminent The Swedes were commanded by persons who amidst the prosperity of their Victories thought no action glorious unlesse just and conformable to the Treaty made with the King whereupon they made no difficulty to consent unto it but pass'd their words not to attempt any thing for the future upon Lorrain The Duke in reason ought to have been very sensible of this Protection seeing in the opinion of all people though of never so little judgement it prevented his ruine yet such was his Passion that he took no notice of it The King sorry for him as for a man who would destroy himself presently sent the Sieur de Guron if possible to open his eys and to shew him how irrational proceedings were but the Duke instead of reverencing his Majesties goodnesse who could not resolve to ruine him according as he deserv'd hid himself and for some time would not suffer the Sieur de Guron to see him At Nancy where the Sieur de Guron went to see him he was not to be found nor could he hear any news of him whereupon he was forc'd to return upon his way toward Mets until the Duke fearful it seems lest his Majesty should resent his dis-respect of a person of quality coming in his behalf sent to tell him that he was at Luneville he had not Artifice enough to satisfie the Sieur de Guron in appearance but on the contrary suffered himself so to be hurried away by Passion which had gotten the mastery of him that he gave him cause to suspect he only waited a fair occasion to declare himself against his Majesty The Sieur de Guron used his utmost indeavour to bring him to reason in order to which he layed before him the little Justice of his Procedures and the danger whereunto he exposed himself if he should still drive on those discontents which he had for some years last past given unto his Majesty However when he found his indeavours ineffectual according as he had receiv'd instructions he appli'd himself to make a discovery of his designs which in the Dukes anger he often did The Duke passed many Complements unto him and made general protestations how ready he was to render his Majesty all respect but when they came to the ground of affairs his Passion would insensibly transport him to speak such things as did sufficiently evidence his ill intentions especially after that light which those of his Court gave who were gain'd to give intelligence and the Sieur de Guron himself learn'd from the particular conversation of divers persons during his stay in those parts he having dexterity enough to inform himself of any thing he desired to know or had charge to inquire He was certainly inform'd that the new fortifications made by the Duke at Nancy were to no other end but to secure himself with his own force and to defend the injustice of his proceedings under the shelter of those bulwarks instead of obtaining pardon from his Majesties clemency by a true change of his behaviour that he had delivered his Commissions to raise store of horse and foot whose Randezvouz was to be neer St. Michael the first of
would give Monsieur any counsel â—ending to peace or sweetness knowing most assuredly that he oftentimes egg'd him on to such discourses as offended the King and the Cardinal even to threaten him as is well known to those who treated with him To say the truth if there was no great trust to be repos'd in Chanteloup considering the extremities into which he had run and the inalterable resolution wherein he had fixed the Queen-Mother not to forsake him surely there was not much more confidence to be put in Puy-Laurens upon the score of his inclination and for fear lest he might once again make use of Monsieurs person to raise another civil War in France or lest he might a fourth time carry him out of France upon the least cause of mistrust There was the less reason to trust him because his Soul was possess'd by Ambition a Passion which imboldneth men to undertake any thing and Monsieur honoured him with such extraordinary favour as impower'd him to carry him where he pleas'd so that thus to recall Monsieur with one from whose presence he would never be perswaded to depart were to raise a fire in the bosom of France which was at that time the more heedfully to be preserved in a strict union in regard Forraigners had raised great advantages from the divisions by them fomented in the royal family In short what likelihood was there to permit him to continue neer Monsieur unlesse he changed his procedure and humour so long as he had the boldness to treat with the King in that manner as he did rejecting the conditions upon which his Majesty desired Monsieur should return and proposing others as if he had treated between Soveraign and Soveraign presuming to drive on his own interests instead of casting himself at his Majesties feet whom he had so highly offended Surely this could not have been done without a great blemish to the Kings honour by discovering so much weaknesse in the sight of all Europe as to be compell'd to receive the Law from a Subject who deserv'd rather to be punish'd by the rigours of his justice The common people who had not insight enough to dive into these consequences seem'd to wonder that Monsieur and the Queen-Mothers accommodation could not be ended after so many journies to and fro but all wise men well satisfi'd with the reasons of it could not sufficiently admire the Kings Prudence in making use of that authority which the Laws give all Soveraigns over their Parents when the interest of their State is in question and in not precipitating their return which considering the ill inclination of those whom they honoured with their confidence could only serve to trouble the Kingdom and hinder the prosecution of the Lorrain expedition That it is great discretion not to precipitate accommodations where there is any danger in the State IT is great wisedom not to hasten any Treaty wherein there may be any danger to the State It is most certain in general that precipitation is an enemy to wise counsels that instead of ending affairs it imbroileth them and that it hath alwaies been receiv'd for an ill servant because being blind and without foresight it seldom makes any Treaties which are not disadvantagious but most particularly true it is in such Treaties as are concluded where the parties are not well dispos'd to keep a Peace though they seem very plausible at first sight yet are they seldom of long continuance by reason of the sharpnes remaining in their minds when they are concluded which coming to increase by some new discontents division presently re-assumeth her first place and thus instead of any satisfaction from it there oftentimes arise more causes of repentance In effect they ought to be the further from ending affairs because the easinesse of concluding them hath often begotten more distrusts among great men than if there had been great difficulties in the making their peace Hatred doth easily revive among Princes and they sooner forget any thing then injuries they pretend to have received which though for some time they dissemble yet are they never deficient to testifie their resentments when they find opportunity proper for it There were heretofore divers accommodations made between Lewis the Eleventh and Charls Duc de Borgogne which seemed to settle their States in peace but as they were oftentimes made more by necessity on the Dukes part which rather forc'd him then inclin'd him to live in friendship with the King the main business was still to be begun anew nor was any thing but death able to give a period to their divisions How often hath the house of Orleans and Bourgogne been reconcil'd yet alwaies to little purpose because the Princes not laying by the hatred which was between them did presently fly out again upon the least cause of suspicion Henry the Third wrought nothing upon the Duke of Guise by pardoning him for he forbore not to prosecute the enterprizes which his Ambition suggested They who are little acquainted in State-affairs are not very solicitous of the great trouble which is in making Peace between Princes but think that it is enough so they are made friends yet it may so fall out that great inconveniences may arise from want of care when civil Wars break out again which they re-ingaging in may indanger the whole State at least afford Forraigners great advantages It is much better that Grandees should continue out of the Kingdom in discord and impotency that in the Court or in some Province where they might easily raise Cabals and insurrections I think that rash considerations may not more fitly be compar'd to any thing then to too quick a digestion which as Physicians say replenisheth the body with many crudities the cause of divers diseases and it often happens that such considerations like jealousies and new differences serve only to sow the seeds of civil Wars so that better it is to defer the resolution of them for some time than to precipitate them into a short continuance and a production of new broils Differences between the Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon ABout the end of this year there happened great disputes between Messieur Henry de Sourdis Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon Governour of Guyenne The Arch Bishop whose Genius is capable of all kind of imployments had charge during the siege of Rochel of some men of War in this Province by a particular Commission exempted from all other dependances and the Duke who was of an humour never to let feathers be pluck'd out of his wings did not a little resent it though for the present he dissembled it expecting an opportunity to shew it with the more advantage which did not so soon offer it self the Arch Bishop being imployed at Court and at Poiton in his Majesties service but as he had no lesse memory then courage he preserv'd the memory of it untill the latter end of this year at which time the
the depths of the most great and mysterious affairs But they only publish these things for a pretext of their mutiny by the example of some in the last age at Rouen and Valence O strange fury to render that a weaknesse in the most puissant King of the World which is a true effect of his wisedom when he saw in the Government of his estate that no affair whatever presents it self of which the Cardinal doth not fore-see the end consequences and causes that there is no inconveniency which he doth not remedy no danger which he doth not both prevent and secure that there is no difficulty which he finds not the means to compasse and that he never proposed any enterprise which he did not happily bring to passe Why then should not his Majesty follow his Counsels seeing his spirit is as it were forced by the solidity of his reasons to apprve them Politique Observation AS a King cannot too much confide in a Minister when he is throughly assured of his prudence and fidelity and if himself be of excellent parts he will not scruple it it being an assured signe of judgment to conform a mans actions to the counsel of wise men so he ought to trust him the more cheerfully in affairs of mean consequence when the temper of his genius assures him that he will acquit himself with honour And that is unbeseeming a great Monarch to trouble himself with trivial matters He who is not happy enough to have a Minister thus able is compelled to take the conduct upon his shoulders but surely he is much to be pityed God having not put the Crown upon the Head of Sovereigns to entertain their minds with trivial affairs Tiberius one of the greatest Monarchs that governed the Romane Empire being retired for his greater quiet into the Isle of Cherreâ— writ a Letter to the Senate wherein as Tacitus observeth he complains that he was troubled with all sorts of affairs and gave them to understand that neither Aedile nor Praetor nor Consul should have any access unto him but in matters of great concernment Thus Themistocles one of the greatest Statesmen of of his time said as Plutarch acquaints us that as the Ship of Salavere which may be likened to the Bicentaure of Venice never Launched out into the Sea but for the reception of Princes or some extraordiniry occasion So the Common-wealth of Athens should not make use of him but in high and difficult matters Now as for matters of great consequence it will be his advantage to be directed by his Counsel he having often made appear that his prudence is furnished with most infallible means to bring them to an happy issue The honour which herein he doth him is so far from taking off from his own authority that on the contrary it doth rather raise his greatness and advanceth his affairs to that pitch which himself would most desire for his glory It is dangerous presumption in any Prince to be wilfully bent upon his own judgement such an one is in a Road that leads directly into ruine The necessity of counsel is not to be avoided they ought to remember that God who is solicitous to keep the greatest Monarks within the bounds of modesty and humility hath as well subjected them to the necessity of Counsel as the rest of men unto them The most Prudent are alwaies the most stayed and it is generally agreed that to be wedded to ones own opinion contrary to the sences of great men is an assured mark of want of discretion because every one is blind in his own affairs I may hereunto adde that this stayednesse is a bond which themselves impose upon their own absolute power whereby they are bond which themselves impose upon their own absolute power whereby they are preserved within the limits of their duty not suffering themselves to be transported by the impetuousnesse of their passions Nature hath not formed Princes more then other men so perfect that they should alwaies swim in the right stream and never erre unlesse they have some one who may serve them for a guide The greatest Princes are most subject to be singular in their own opinions they having more authority it being most certain that a great power doth easily transport the mind into licentiousnesse It is my opinion that no greater harm can betide them then to want some person neer them whom they respect and who may have the liberty of advising them as he shall find most expedient whose advice they may follow with a respectfull condiscention Prosecution of the Subject THese Factious persons were not backward to hit the Cardinal in the teeth with the impositions charged upon the people noâ— that he was either the cause of them or that they were excessive but because they knew that this complaint was a fit Trumpet to raise sedition and such as all they who had ever raised any revolts in France had made use of True it is they were charged with some impositions but besides that they were not excessive they were absolutely necessary Never was there yet that time when the people dâ—d not apprehend their burthens to be extream It is a burthen to them to demand part of that for the King which they got not but with pain nor do injoy in any great plenty But it is without cause for that the impositions were necessary and there was not any mis-government in the disposal of the treasures Now that those Impositions so much cried out upon were unavoidable cannot be doubted because those Wars and Designs began after his comming to the Administration In consideration whereof those Charges imposed where absolutely necessary They were ingaged to allay the factious insolency of the Hugonots to succour Allies to suppresse the ambition of the house of Austria who after the invasion of our neighbours would assuredly have made their attempts upon this State This being so who can deny them to have been necessary which admitted the Impositions could be no lesse and I may safely add that those very factious spirits themselves were oftentimes the causes of raising the Taxes by causing more by half to be expended in the Wars of Piedmont by the delays they gave the Troops in detaining them so long besides they forced his Majesty to keep an Army a long time on foot purposely that he might watch and prevent their designs Wars and Taxes do constantly march hand in hand and the same pace poverty serving only to bring an Army into disorder if it be a fault to make the people contribute to the charge it is much more blame-worthy to see a State laid open to their enemies The peoples misery is an incommodity which is soon outworn in a good Country where a good Harvest puts them in statu quo prius but it is not the same in the advantaâ—es which the enemies of France are permitted to have there is need of a sufficient foundation to maintain the charge of the War I assure