and had too few followers and too small an estate to imbrace so great a businesse So as the Earle not obscurely affecting this imployment himselfe to the end he might more strongly confirme that dependancy which all military men already had on him and his enemies willingly giuing second to this his ambition that by his absence they might haue better aduantages to hurt him and to benefit them selues at that time the said Earle easily drew this fatall gouernement on his owne shoulders which was one of the first steps and not the least cause of his ruine Being now to write of this Honourable Lord Mountioy my deceased Lord and Master I doe faithfully professe and pray the Reader confidently to beleeue which I hope most easily to obtaine of those who best know me that as in the duty of a seruant I will not omit any thing I remember which may turne to his Lordships Honor so in my loue to truth I will be so farre from lying and flattering as I will rather be bold modestly to mention some of his defects whereof the greatest Worthies of the World cannot be altogether free To which I will onely adde that as I esteeme lying and flattery by word of mouth among the liuing to be vnfallible notes of basenesle and ignorance so I iudge these vices infamous and sinfull when they are left in print to deceiue posterity Since the first may detect falshood by inquiring the truth but the latter haue no meanes to rectifie their misinformed iudgements Thus I returne to proceed in my former narration and first I will delineate after my best skill the true portraiture of this worthy Lords body and mind then I will collect the Councels by which he tamed this Monster of Rebellion and lastly I will discend by order of time to his Lordships particular actions But ere I take my pensill in hand to figure this Noble Lords person I must acknowledge my weakenesse such as I cannot fully apprehend his compleat worthinesse and therefore desire that those of greater iudgement to discerne the same will impute all defects to the vnskilfulnes of the workeman and that with others to whom his Lordship was lesse knowne my rude Pen may not derogate any thing from his due praise Againe giue me leaue to remember that which I receiued from his mouth that in his child-hood when his Parents would haue his picture he chose to be drawne with a Trowell in his hand and this Mot Adreadificandam antiquam Domum To rebuild the ancient House For this noble and ancient Barrony was decaied not so muchby his Progenitors prodigality as his Fathers obstinate addiction to the study and practise of Alchumy by which he so long laboured to increase his reuenues til he had almost fully consumed them Now to the purpose let vs obserue how he fulfilled this ominous presage in rebnilding that Noble House till by his vntimely death the same was fatally eclipsed againe He was of stature tall and of very comely proportion his skin faire with little haire on his body which haire was of colour blackish or inclining to blacke and thinne on his head where he wore it short except a locke vnder his left eare which he nourished the time of this warre and being wouen vp hid it in his necke vnder his ruffe The crown of his head was in his latter dayes somthing bald as the forepart naturally curled he onely vsed the Barber for his head for the haire on his chin growing slowly and that on his cheekes and throat he vsed almost daily to cut it with his sizers keeping it so low with his owne hand that it could scarce bee discerned as likewise himselfe kept the haire of his vpper lippe something short onely suffering that vnder his hether lip to grow at length and full yet some two or three yecres before his death he nourished a sharpe and short pikedeuant on his chin His forehead was broad and high his eyes great blacke and louely his nose something low and short and a little blunt in the end his chin round his cheekes full round and ruddy his countenance cheerefull and as amiable as euer I beheld of any man onely some two yeeres before his death vpon discontentment his face grew thinne his ruddy colour failed growing somewhat swarthy and his countenance was sad and deiected His armes were long and of proportionable bignes his hands long and white his fingers great in the ende and his leggs somewhat little which hee gartered euer aboue the knee wearing the Garter of Saint Georges order vnder the left knee except when he was booted and so wore not that Garter but a blew ribben in stead thereof aboue his knee and hanging ouer his boote The description of his apparrell may be thought a needelesse curiositie yet must I adde some few words thereof be cause hauing promised the liuely portraiture of his body aswell as his minde the same cannot otherwise bee so liuely represented to the imagination besides that by his clothes some disabilities of his body to vndertake this hard war may be coniectured and especially thë temper of his mind may be liuely shadowed since the Wise man hath taught vs that the apparrell in some sort shewes the man His apparrell in Court and Cities was commonly of white or black Tafetaes or Sattens and he wore two yea sometimes three paires of silke stockins with blacke silke Grogran cloakes guarded and ruffes of comely depth and thicknesse neuer wearing any falling band blacke beauer hats with plaine blacke bands a taffaty quilted wastcoate in summer a scarlet wastcoate and sometimes both in winter But in the Country and specially keeping the Field in Ireland yea sometimes in the Cities he ware Ierkins and round hose for hee neuer ware other fashion then round with laced panes of russet Cloath and clokes of the same cloth lined with Veluet and white Beuer hats with plaine bands and besides his ordinarie stockings of silke he wore vnder bootes another paire of Wollen or Wosted with a paire of high linnen bootehose yea three wastcotes in cold wether and a thick ruffe besides a russet scarfe about his necke thrice folded vnder it So as I neuer obserued any of his age and strength to keepe his body so warme He was very comely in all his apparrell but the Robes of Saint Georges order became him extraordinarilie well For his diet he vsed to fare plentifully and of the best and as his meanes increased so his Table was better serued so that in his latter time no Lord in England might compare with him in that kinde of bountie Before these warres he vsed to haue nonrishing breakefasts as panadoes and broths but in the time of the warre he vsed commonly to breake his fast with a drie crust of bread and in the Spring time with butter and sage with a cup of stale beere wherewith sometimes in Winter he would haue suger and Nutmeg mixed He fed plentifully both at dinner
for all that beg are sent thither and they haue many of these houses These are the most remarkeable things in the Churches of this sextary The third sextary or sixth part of the City on this side the channell meaning towards the gulfe of Venice vulgarly is called Ilsestiero di Canaregio of the canes or pipes which they were wont to vse in the building of ships In the Church of the Prophet Ieremy built by three families Morosini Malipieri and Runandi the sepulcher of Saint Magnus who built eight Churches when the City was first founded and the Image of the blessed Virgin much adored In the Church of Saint Marciali the Images aswel of the great Altar as of the Altar of Angelo Raphaeli In the Apostles Church where excellent sermons are made in the Lent the carued Image of our Lady vpon the Altar and her picture vpon the same painted by Saint Luke In the Church of Saint Iohn Chrysostome the pictures of three Theologicall vertues of Saint Marke and the carued Images of the Virgin and the Apostles In the Church of Saint Giob the ingrauing of the chappell of the Grimani and of the Altar of the Foscari the picture of Christ in the garden with his Apostles sleeping and the pictures of the next Altar namely that of the Virgin Saint Sabastian and Saint Giob In the Church of Saint Mary de serui the pictures of the great Altar especially of the Virgins assumption and also of the Virgins Altar and of Saint Augustins Altar especiall that of the wise men adoring Christ and the carued Images of another Altar the Marble sepulcher of Duke Andrea Vendramini being the fairest of all other in the City and the Oratory of the banished men of Lucea who first brought into this City the weauing of silke and of whom many were made Gentlemen of Venice In the Church of Saint Mary del ' Orto the huge Image of Saint Christopher the History of Moses and the prophicies of the last iudgement painted the painting of the arched-roof rare for perspectiue Art and che chiefe of that kinde the Monument of Iasper Contarini Cardinall of the Marble of Paros and the pillers of our Ladies Altar with many Marble stones In the Church of Saint Mary de Crostechieri the ancient pictures the notable pall of Saint Laurence worth seuen thousand crownes and the pictures in the chappel of Lewis Vsperi In the Church of Saint Lucia the Monument and chappell of the Saints In the chappell of Saint Luigi the great Altar fairest of those built of wood In the Church of Saint Mary of the Miracles the fairest of any Nunnery for the beauty and rare stones the walles couered with Marble two Marble Images of two children vnder the Organs the works of famous Praxitiles the Images of marble of Paros the stones of Porphery and Ophytes wonderfully carued the great Altar of Marble ingrauen with great Art the brasen Images of Saint Peter Saint Paul and of Angels These are the things most remarkeable In the Church of Saint Mary of Mercy Sansouine witnesseth this Epitaph which I will set downe left any should thinke incredible the like practises of Papists against Emperours and Iohn the King of England in these words To Ierom Sauina a Citizen of Venice Prior of Saint Maries notably learned in good Arts but more renowmed for piety which hee also shewed at his death towards his enemy who gaue him poyson in the challice at the Lords Supper by many arguments of his charity He died in the yeere MDCI. Also in the great schoole the same is witnessed in these wordes To Ierom Sauina wickedly killed by poyson giuen O horrible villany in our Lords Supper c. The fourth sextary or sixth part of the City and first of those beyond the channell meaning towards the Territorie of Paduoa is vulgarly called of the chiefe Church Il sestiero di San ' Polo In which Church of Saint Paul the most remarkeable things are these the picture of Christ washing his Apostles feet the pall of siluer guilded and the precious stones vpon the great Altar the pictures of the Altar of the holy Sacrament and of the blessed Virgin and the Images of Saint Andrew and the Apostles vpon pillars In the very faire market place of the same Church of old a market was weekely held and to the yeere 1292 the market was held heere on Wednesday and in the market place of Saint Marke on the Saturday but at this day none is held here but both in the place of Saint Marke for the benefit of those that dwell there and that the houses may bee more deerely let which belong to Saint Marke Neere the Church of Saint Siluestro the Patriarkes of Grado dwelt till the Bishop of Castello Oliuolo was made Patriarke In the Church of Saint Iames of Rialto narrow but very faire the precious stones and the pictures of great Art and antiquitie and the fiue Altars In the Church of Saint Mary Gloriosa faire and great the Belfrey stately built the Monument of the most famous Painter Titiano two Images of Marble neere the great doore the Marble Image of Saint Iohn ouer against the Florentine chappell the chancell paued with Marble and adorned with the grauen Images of the Prophets at the charge of the family Morosini the rare pictures of the great Altar the Epitaph of Francis Bernardo who being imployed into England in his yong yeeres made peace betweene King Henry and the French King Francis which many great men had attempted in vaine and for this braue act was Knighted by both the Kings These things in this church are most remarkeable The fifth sextary and the second beyond the channel of the chiefe Church is called il Sestiero di Santa Croce in which Church being a cloyster of Nunnes Duke Dominick Morosini lies buried with this inscription Here lies Dominick Morosini Duke of Venice with Sophia his Dutchesse hee was a good Duke and most wise full of faith and truth c. He tooke the City Tyrus and vnder him Istria and Pola were subdued with fifty gallies where of were Captaines his sonne and Marino Gradonico This glorious Duke died in the yeere MCLVI Also the Marble pillers of the great Altar the brasen Angels and the brasen Images of Christ rising from the dead of Saint Francis and Saint Anthony In the Church of Saint Simion Prophet the picture of Christs supper with his Apostles In the Church of St. Giacomo dell ' Orio a piller esteemed for a Iewell a Marble pulpit one of the fairest in the City and the Images of the chappell for christning In the Church of Saint Eustace the pictures of Christ whipped of Christ carrying his crosse and of Christ praying in the garden all of great Art In the Church of Saint Mary Mater Domini the great Altar of most pure siluer and the passion of Christ ingrauen the Altar of the blessed Virgin with her picture and the Altar of the holy Sacrament
good sons yet in truth we were wel contented with this faire occasion to restraine our gift which howsoeuer it were farre from bounty yet was it free from base sparing since we gaue at Bethlehem for our diet another present to those Friars and while we visited the monuments of Ierusalem being daily abroad and commonly dining in Villages we were onely beholding to these Friars for some ten suppers besides that we had alwaies professed pouerty most safe to strangers To which may be added that in this Prouince whether for abundance of all things or want of mony all things were sold at cheap rates for when we went out to see the mountains or hill Countrey of Indea and dined in a Village I remember we bought twentie egges for a meidine and a pound of mutton for fiue meidines foure cakes for one and a hen for two meidines and a halfe In the Monastery they gaue vs enough of mutton hennes and sallets and of good wine but some what sharpe the Friars our consorts did eate continually with the Friars and we Lay-men by our selues the Friars onely once inuiting vs to eate with them in the publike Refectory If this discourse makes any surmise that we did some things against our conscience while wee liued in this Monastery let him reade the foure and twentie Precept of Dissimulation in the Chapter of Precepts the third Part and the first booke wherein I haue explaned my opinion of the outward reuerence of the body shewed in time of the Papists Diuine seruice And for the rest let him know that I now confesse as I did formerly that we therein erred that we did not first goe to Constantinople or Haleppo from whence hauing a Ianizare to guide vs chosen by our Ambassador or Merchants we might haue escaped many of those troubles which now we endured being alone and that with no greater charge then now we were at since these troubles increased our charge and might also easily haue obtained any courtesie at these Friers hands or at least haue seene Ierusalem safely though they were ill affected to vs. But since many things diuerted vs from this course and now we were fallen into these Italian Friars hands we thought best to bring our selues out of this danger by discretion and moderation in our deeds and words Also I confesse that in those dayes my conscience was not so tender as since by the grace of God I haue found it yet was it neuer so insensible as it could haue passed ouer the worshipping of an Idoll or the denying of my faith If I had heere gone to Masse it would seeme no wonder to our English Gentlemen who haue liued any time in Italy and I am confidently of opinion that no man returnes home with more detestation of the Papists Religion then he who well instructed in the truth hath taken the libertie to behold with his eyes their strange superstitions which one of experience may well see without any great participation of their folly For my part as I had alwayes beene vnwilling to be present at their Masse so I abhorred from the receiuing of the Lords Supper with them And this was the highest mischiefe which we could be forced to incurre at Ierusalem Now for the Communion of our Lords Supper except it be in great sicknesse and danger of death they neuer impose it so earnestly on any man as hee may not with discreete answeres put it off till another time without all suspition of contrarietie in Religion For their Masses they neuer sing or mumble them but in the mornings and that fasting Now wee came the fourth of Iune in the afternoone to Ierusalem and the fifth and sixth dayes we went abroad before full day to see the Monuments and returned not to the Monasterie till night at which time the greatest offence to our conscience that could happen was to heare them sing Psalmes in their Chappell Vpon Friday the seuenth of Iune we tooke our iourney to Bethlehem where my brother falling sicke we had scarse leasure to satisfie our curiositie much lesse to be present at any vnpleasing rites of their Religion Vpon Saturday the eight of Iune our consorts returning to Ierusalem wee tooke occasion by my brothers sicknesse to stay at Bethlehem and came not to Ierusalem till Sunday at night On Munday the ninth of Iune we visited the Mountaines or Hill Countrey of Iudea at which time my brother was so ill disposed as our Consorts themselues doubted his death and for my part I was all the day troubled with a weaknesse of bodie And because the greatest danger of our participating with them in their Rites was like to bee when we should be locked with them in the Church of the Sepulcher which onely remained to bee seene by vs I made such vse of this my brothers and my owne weakenesse as increasing their opinion of his danger and my selfe taking many occasions to make them thinke my sicknesse the greater it happened that in the euening our Consorts burning with desire of returning homeward appointed the next day for the visiting of the Sepulcher but I in respect of my owne and my brothers weakenesse desired to haue it deferred some few dayes till the very Friers our consorts impatient of delay and yet vnwilling to incurre the blame of leauing vs behind them made free offer to vs of that which wee most desired saying that in their chambers within the Church they had beds for vs to rest vpon and that they would prouide vs meate and all necessaries which we could haue staying in the Monastery We gladly took this condition and so being locked vp in the Church of the Sepulcher vpō Tuesday the eleuenth of Iune in the afternoone after we had satisfied our curiositie we laid vs downe vpon the beds and onely forbearing meate for auoiding of suspition we rested there till Wednesday the twelfth of Iune in the afternoone when we came forth and returned to the Monastery The thirteenth day we had no thought but of making vs ready for our returne and the next day early in the morning wee departed from Ierusalem So as in all this time the Friers themselues our consorts had no leasure to bee at a Masse but onely the Sunday when we were at Bethlehem and in the Church of the Sepulcher when vpon pretence of sicknesse we rested on our beds Otherwise we professed our selues Catholiques as the Papists will be called yet enemies to the King of Spaine as the enemie of our Queene and Country And when our superstitious consorts being now to leaue Ierusalem had gathered great heapes of stones from the monuments to carrie into their Country and had receiued of the Guardians gift for great treasure holy beades Agnus Dei and like trash wee so refused to take any such burthen as still we bewailed our mistortune that we being not to returne the right way home as they did but to passe to Constantinople could not carrie such reliques with vs
pressed them to confesse their sinnes and so to receiue the Lords Supper which when they refused to doe it was apparant to the Friars that they were of the reformed Religion whom they terme heretikes Whereupon the Friars beganne to neglect them I will not say to hate them and while the two which were wounded staied for recouery of their health and so detained the other two with them it happened that the third fell sicke So as none had their health now but Master Verseline who louingly and like a seruant more then a friend prouided all necessaries for his companion Master Bacon till at last himselfe also fell sicke and was the first of them that died Then within eight daies space all the rest died either for that they were neglected by the Friers which I thinke sufficient in that Countrey to cast away any in their case or by their too much care namely by poison as some suspect for the Friars haue one of their order who is skilfull in physicke and hath a chamber furnished with cooling waters sirops and other medicines most fit for that Countrey When they were dead the Friars gaue into the Turkes hands the bodies of the two Flemmings and Master Verseline who had little store of crownes which belonged to the great Turke as heire to all strangers and the Turkes permitted them to be buried vpon Mount Syon without the wals in the Church yard proper to the Christians of Europe But Master Bacon ouerliuing the rest and now seeing his life to depend vpon the Friars care of him shewed a Nouice Friar long bracelets of peeces of gold twined about his arme and promising to giue them all to him and greater rewards if he would goe with him into England so as he would take care of him in his sickenesse he had perswaded the young Friar to goe with him into England and to promise him faithfull seruice there yet when this Nouice at his confession made this knowne and after verified as much to the Guardian and chiefe Friars I know not whether the hope of this booty made him die sooner but I am sure he liued very few daies after And giue me leaue to tell the truth these Friars either to gaine his money which was due to the Great Turke or for feare that inquisition should be made by the Turkes after the cause of his death appearing by manifest signes vpon his body as others suspected and reported I say these Friers buried this Gentleman in a yard of their Monastery secretly which if the Great Turke or any of his Magistrates had knowne no doubt they would gladly haue taken this occasion to extort much money from the Frires since by the like forged accusations they vse sometimes to oppresse them the very Turkes hauing at other times themselues buried dead bodies within the circuit of the Monastery and after caused them to be digged vp as if they had beene casually found and then crying that their Ottoman was deceiued put the Friars to pay large ransomes for redeeming of their liues And let no man wonder that these hungry Gouernours of Cities and Prouinces in Turkey should vse like frauds to intrap Christians as they doe very frequently since they buy their Offices and many times are recalled before they be warme in their seats if any man at Constantinople offer larger summes for their imployment So as this one Prouince of Palestine and one City of Ierusalem though hauing small or no trafficke hath had in one yeeres space foure Zaniacci the old being recalled to Constantinople assoone as his successour had outbribed him there And this is one of the greatest mischiefes in this Empire since starueling flies sucke much more then those that are fully gorged The foresaid Zaniacco is chiefe Gouernour for military and ciuill affaires of all Pallestine and lies at Ierusalem in the house of Pontius Pilate His Substitute or Liefetenant is called Catake who cast one of our consorts for a time into prison because he complained of the Turkish exactions and his owne pouerty The third Magistrate is called Cady who gouernes Ecclesiastiall matters and dwelt in Salomons house as they call it at Ierusalem neere the yard of the old Temple of the Iewes in which now a Turkish Mosche was built and of this man we had our leaue to enter the City and to see the sepulcher and being called before him we were commanded to put off our shooes he sitting crosse leg'd like a Tailor on the ground vpon a Turkey Carpet The fourth Magistrate was called Agha who kept the Castle of Ierusalem and when we walked one euening on that part of the roofe of our Monastery whence we had the fairest prospect into the City he sent a messenger to command vs to retire from beholding the Castle or otherwise he would discharge a peece of Ordinance at vs. CHAP. III. Of our iourney from Ierusalem by land to Haleppo by Sea to Tripoli in Syria by land to Haleppo and Scanderona and of our passage by Sea to the Iland Candia VPon Friday the fourteenth of Iune in the yeere 1596 we went out of Ierusalem and by the same way and in the same manner as wee came rode backe to Ramma deliuering to our guide as many zechines as before to pay for the Turkish exactions and to our Muccari for their Asses which we had hired Neither did any memorable thing happen to vs by the way saue that when we came neere to Ramma and by chance rode ouer the place of buriall for the Turks where some women were then mourning for their dead friends they thinking it a reproch that we should ride ouer their graues did with inraged countenances fling stones at vs till wee appeased them by dismounting from our Asses The fifteenth of Iune we came backe to Ioppa where our guide gaue three meidines to a Ianizare that hee would beate with a cudgell certaine Arabians who had offered vs wrong by the way which hee did readily and roundly Then without delay we went aboard our little Greeke Barke which according to our bargaine at Cyprus staied here for our returne For the Master thereof was further tied to transport vs from hence to Tripoli in Syria neither had he yet receiued full paiment for transporting vs hither the money being left in Cyprus with an Italian Merchant who was to pay it him at his returne if hee brought a testimony vnder our hands that he had performed his bargaine to vs. This condition we made prouidently and by aduice of experienced men for otherwise the Master of our Barke vpon any profitable occasion would haue left this port before our returne from Ierusalem and wee should hardly haue found another Barke here in a place not much frequented with ships Besides that the restraint of the money not to be payed but vpon a testimony brought vnder our hands was a good caution that he should not vse vs ill nor any way betray vs. The sixteenth of Iune vpon
Desmonds warre which possessed their Ancestors lands also the incouragement they receiued by the good successe of the Rebels and no lesse the hope of pardon vpon the worst euent And to speake truth Munster vndertakers aboue mentioned were in great part cause of this defection and of their owne fatall miseries For whereas they should haue built Castles and brought ouer Colonies of English and haue admitted no Irish Tenant but onely English these and like couenants were in no part performed by them Of whom the men of best qualitie neuer came ouer but made profit of the land others brought no more English then their owne Families and all entertained Irish seruants and tenants which were now the first to betray them If the couenants had been kept by them they of themselues might haue made two thousand able men whereas the Lord President could not find aboue two hundred of English birth among them when the Rebels first entred the Prouince Neither did these gentle Vndertakers make any resistance to the Rebels but left their dwellings and fled to walled Townes yea when there was such danger in flight as greater could not haue been in defending their owne whereof many of them had wofull experience being surprised with their wiues and children in flight Among the Mounster Rebels were the Vicount Mountgarret the Earle of Ormonds neere Kinsman and the Baron of Cahir a Butler and of the Earles Kindred Both these pretended their discontent and malice against the said Earle for cause of their reuolt But more dangerous causes were suspected and excepta Royall Force were quickly opposed to the Rebels bold attempts a generall reuolt was feared May you hold laughter or will you thinke that Carthage euer bred such a dissembling faedifragous wretch as Tyrone when you shall reade that euen in the middest of all these garboyles and whilest in his letters to the King of Spaine he magnified his victories beseeching him not to beleeue that he would seeke or take any conditions of Peace and vowing constantly to keepe his faith plighted to that King yet most impudently he ceased not to entertaine the Lord Lieutenant by letters and messages with offers of submission This hee did but not so submissiuely as before for now the Gentleman was growne higher in the instep as appeared by the insolent conditions he required Ireland being in this turbulent State many thought it could not bee restored but by the powerfull hand of Robert Earle of Essex This noble Lord had from his youth put himselfe into military actions of greatest moment so farre as the place he held in Court would permit and had of late yeeres wonne much honour in some seruices by Sea and Land so as he had full possession of a superintendencie ouer all martiall affaires and for his noble worth was generally loued and followed by the Nobility and Gentrie In which respects the Queene knew him fit for this seruice Hee had long been a deare fauourite to the Queene but had of late lien so open to his enemies as he had giuen them power to make his imbracing of militarie courses and his popular estimation so much suspected of his Soueraigne as his greatnesse was now indged to depend as much on her Maiesties feare of him as her loue to him And in this respect he might seeme to the Queene most vnfit for this seruice But surely the Earle was perswaded that his Houour could not stand without imbracing this Action and since he affected it no man durst be his riuall Besides that his enemies gladly put for ward this his designe that they might haue him at more aduantage by his absence from Court. Finally the vulgat gaue ominous acclamations to his enterprise but the wiser sort rather wished then hoped happy effects either to his priuate or the publike good in regard of the powerfull enemies hee left in Court whence all seconds were to come to him and of his owne distracted ends though enclined to the publike good yet perhaps in aiming at the speedy end of this warre and some other particulars not fully concurring with the same The Earle of Essex when he first purposed to intertaine the managing of the Irish warres aduised and obtained that two Regiments of old souldiers should be transported out of the Low-Countries into that Kingdome namely The first Regiment Sir Charles Pearcy Colonell 200 1050 Foote Captaine Richard Moryson Lieutenant Colonell 150 Sir Oliuer Lambart 150 Captaine Henrie Masterson 150 Captaine Randal Bret 150 Captaine William Turret 150 Captaine Turner 100 The second Regiment Sir Henry Dockwra Colonel and Conductor of all 200 950 Foote Captaine Iohn Chamberlin Lieutenant Colonel 150 Captaine Edmond Morgan 150 Captaine Edward Michelburne 150 Captaine Walter Floyd 150 Captaine Garret Haruy 150 These Regiments landed in Ireland before the Earles comming ouer and were then dispersed by the Earle into diuers Regiments of new men to season them and to replenish them with sufficient Officers The Earles Patent was granted with title of Lord Lieutenant and with more ample authoritie then many other Lord Deputies had formerly granted them for whereas others had power to pardon all Treasons Felonies and all offences except such treasons as touched her Maiesties person her heires c and the counterfeiting of money This exception was by the Earles importunitie left out which hee extorted with wise prouidence since the Lawyers held all Treasons to touch the Princes person And whereas other Lord Deputies had power to bestow all Offices excepting the chiefe reserued to the Queenes gift his Lordship had power to bestow some of the chiefest and to remoue all Officers not holding by Patent and to suspend such as held by Patent Besides his Lordship had power in many things which neuer had been formerly giuen to any as to make Martiall Lawes he being Lord Martiall of England and to punish the transgressors And to let the lands of Tyrone and other Rebels named to any persons whatsoeuer and to their heires Males reseruing due rents to her Maiestie To command the Ships already sent and to be sent into Ireland except the Lord Admirall were sent forth to Sea and commandement were giuen of ioyning the said ships to his Fleete And lastly to issue the Treasure according to the two establishments with liberty to alter that which was signed by the Lords in England with the aduise and consent of the Counsell of Ireland so as he exceeded not the summe of the Establishments He had an Army assigned him as great as himselfe required and such for number and strength as Ireland had neuer yet seene The establishment was signed by the Queene the foure and twenty of March being the last day after the English account of the yeere 1598. It contained first the pay of the chiefe Officers in the Army the Lord Lieutenant Generall ten pound a day The Lieutenant of the Army three pound a day The Generall of the Horse fortie shillings a day the Marshall of the Campe
the Queene and to mingle lenity and seueritie so as some bee punished for these notorious abuses when they are apparantly proued let him rage and storme while he wil and others winked at whose faults are apparant and yet more closely carried from direct and manifest proofes by testimony of witnesses and therwithall to get what by faire meanes and by force as I see best occasion to temper them the best pledges he hath for himselfe and the best of his people into my hands being once possessed of them to keep them till I see greater cause of assurance of his fidelitie or at the least a lesse occasion of suspition which course I am alreadie entred into vnder a good colour as hauing taken his second sonne the elder being at Dublin together with two more of the chiefest men about him with his owne consent in the name of pledges for others but in truth most of all for himselfe I am not ignorant but he will grieuously complaine against me for those courses and many of our owne Nation will whet him forward some for want of knowledge of the truth some blinded with priuate malice against my owne person and whatsoeuer shall happen amisse vpon cause of his discontentment will be imputed to me and the corruption of my dealings but I flie to your honour for succour and gladly submit my selfe to a better course if I may be instructed for such is the state of the businesse betweene me and him without partiallitie or malice both vpon the dutie of my alleageance and perill of my soule Together with this letter Sir Henry Dockwra sent to his Lordship the copy of the following letter he had lately written to the Lords in England MOst Honourable Lords the iourny mentioned in my former letters and intended vpon Ocane I set forward on before Captain Vaughan departed the Riuer hauing first shipped all necessary prouisions for planting a Garrison at Colrane and seene them downe the Lough with a faire wind to carry them thither before I set forth How be it hauing passed through the Countrie and effected in a manner all things to my owne desire being come vnto the place I found not the ship nor any apparance of newes what was become of her which the Master excuseth but so as I leaue to your Lordships to iudge whether sufficiently or no this bearer being instructed with the full state of the cause The summe and effect of that iourney was that notwithstanding this I sent downe Captaine Orme with two hundred English and the Irish of Enishlowen to passe ouer at the Greene Castle by water to the end that he entring at one end of the Countrie and I at the other the prey might the more assuredly be takē or at least the more spoile done my selfe went ouerland passed two paces without resistance entred the third beate them from defence of it set fire on their Camp containing 30 great houses all full of Corne tooke Ocanes brother prisoner that had before perfidiously reuolted from the Queenes seruice whom I sacrificed in the place and so passed by not through the Wood because it was no ordinarily passage and a faire way did lie by the Sea side hard by so came into the Plaines and heart of the Countrie burning and spoiling till I met that night with Captaine Orme at a place of strength agreed vpon betweene vs who comming a way least looked for lighted vpon the killing of some few of the people and a small prey of fifty Cowes and fiue hundred sheepe for with the rest for all his sudden comming they made away and got to the Mountaines For foure daies space together afterwards I deuided the forces into three bodies and trauersed first about and then through the Country spoiling and burning such a quantity of Corne and number of houses as I should hardly haue beleeued so small a circuit of ground could haue afforded if I had not seene it And because I failed of meeting the ship I held my course towards Tyrone intending all vnder one iourney to haue wasted and spoiled as high as Dungannon but that I was preuented by a sudden thaw of weather after a long frost and snow which raised the Riuers that with much difficulty I could recouer home But being returned I met with letters from Dunagal aduertising me of their great want of victuall by reason that the ship which I had a moneth before dispatched away with all prouisions was not then arriued Whereupon hauing diuers other reasons also to draw me that way I resolued to make my next iourney thither and to settle and establish the Garrison of Ballyshannon So with one hundred Gartons loade of Bisket and munition I passed vnto them and happily relieued their greatest wants in a most seasonable time At my comming I found there was a ship from Galloway arriued within the harbor of Calbeg and during the time I was there the other that I had sent frō hence came also into the same harbor but by extremity of weather which I was ancie witnes vnto neither of thē both was able to put in either to Ballishannon or Dunnagall all the time I was there which was twenty dayes so that the further fruit of my comming thither consisted onely in this that I caused Neale Garue to make a cutting vpon the Country for Cowes wherwith the garrison was plentifully releeued went to Ashrawe and there left foure companies of foot and fifty horse which I carried from thence besides those that were at Dunagall before setled then there got in a sufficient quantity of Corne to feed the Horse neere all the Winter long fet in turffe and old houses for fewell by the commodity of the garrous which I carried with me saw the scituation of Bundroise and Dulike and all that part of the Countrey and so returned to Dunagall where I tooke in Mac Swine Fannaght and some others of the Countrey for whom Neale Garue had vndertaken and deliuered in pledges of his owne such as in truth I made choice of more to bridle himselfe then for any great assurance I thinke they are for the other Howbeit the state of things stood in such termes chiefely by reason of the extreme foulenesse of weather that I was not altogether vnwillingly drawne to accept of their subiection vpon slender assurance whom had the time serued to compell to other conditions I should hardly haue delt withall or giuen care vnto in any sort But this is the aduantage which I thinke my selfe to haue gained by taking them in that Neale Garues importunitie is satisfied who if his humours be altogether restrained will vndoubtedly proue a desperate Rebell himselfe settled in full possession of his owne Countrie if he can keep it furnished with meanes to feede his people of his own which before I could not be rid of but he would wring the Queens store and besides bee alwaies complaining as hee did still of his halfe pay in which notwithstanding he is now
greater Forces then euer yet were kept in this Kingdome And although it hath beene seldome heard that any Army hath beene carried on with so continuall action and enduring without any intermission of Winter breathings and that the difficulties at this time to keepe any Forces in the place where we must make the warre but especially our Horse are almost beyond any hope to preuent yet with the fauour of God and her Maiesties fortune I doe determine my selfe to draw into the field as soone as I haue receiued her Maiesties commandements by the Commissioners whom it hath pleased her to fond ouer and in the meane time I hope by my owne presence or directions to set euery party on worke that doth adioyne or may bee drawne against any force that now doth remaine in rebellion In which iourney the successe must bee in the hands of God but I will confidently promise to omit nothing that is possible by vs to bee done to giue the last blow vnto the Rebe lion But as all paine and anguish impatient of the present doth vse change for a remedie so will it bee impossible for vs to settle the mindes of this people vnto a peace or reduce them vnto order while they feele the smart of these sensible grietes and apparant feares which I haue remembred to your Lordships without some hope of redresse or securitie Therefore I will presume how vnworthy soeuer I am since it concernes the Prouince her Maiestie hath giuen me with all humblenesse to lay before your graue iudgements some few things which I thinke necessarie to bee considered of And first whereas the alteration of the coine and taking away of the exchange in such measure as it was first promised hath bred a generall grieuance vnto men of all qualities and so many incommodities to all sorts that it is beyond the iudgement of any that I can heare to preuent a confusion in this estate by the conunuance thereof that at the least it would please your Lordships to put this people in some certaine hope that vpon the ende of the warre this new standard shall bee abolished or eased and that in the meane time the Armie may bee fauourably delt with in the Exchange since by the last Proclamation your Lordships sent ouer they doe conceiue their case will bee more hard then any others for if they haue allowed them nothing but indefinitely as much as they shall meerely gaint out of their intertainements that will proue nothing to the greater part For the onely possibility to make them to liue vpon their intertainement will bee to allow them exchange for the greatest part thereof since now they doe not onely pay excessiue prices for all things but can hardly get any thing for this money and although wee haue presumed to alter in shew though not effect the Proclamation in that point by retaining a power in our selues to proportion their allowance for exchange yet was it with a minde to conforme our proceedings therein according to your Lordships next directions and therefore doe humbly desire to know your pleasures therein For our opinions of the last proiect it pleased your Lordships to send vs I doe humbly leaue it to our generall letters onely as from my selfe I made ouerture to the Counsell of the other you sent directed onely to my selfe and because I found them generally to concurre that it would proue as dangerous as the first I did not thinke it fit any otherwise to declare your Lordships pleasure therein And whereas it pleased your Lordships in your last letters to command vs to deale moderately in the great matter of Religion I had before the receit of your Lordships letters presumed to aduise such as delt in it for a time to hold a more restrained hand therein and we were both thinking ourselues what course to take in the reuocation of what was already done with least incouragement to them and others since the feare that this course begun in Dublin would fal vpon the rest was apprehended ouer all the Kingdom so that I think your Lordships direction was to great purpose the other course might haue ouerthrowne the meanes to our owne end of reformation of religion Not that I thinke too great precisenesse can bee vsed in the reforming of our selues the abuses of our owne Clergie Church-liuings or discipline nor that the truth of the Gospell can with too great vehemency or industrie bee set forward in all places and by all ordinary meanes most proper vnto it selfe that was first set forth and spread in meekenesse nor that I thinke any corporall prosecution or punishment can be too seuere for such as shall bee found seditious instruments of forraigne or inward practises nor that I thinke it fit that any principall Magistrates should bee chosen without taking the Oath of Obedience nor tollerated in absenting themselues from publike Diuine Seruice but that wee may bee aduised how wee doe punish in their bodies or goods any such onely for Religion as doe professe to bee faithfull subiects to her Maiestie and against whom the contrarie can not be proued And since if the Irish were vtterly rooted out there was much lesse likelihood that this Countrey could be thereby in any time planted by the English since they are so farre from inhabiting well any part of that they haue already and that more then is likely to be inhabited may be easily chosen out and reserued in such places by the Sea-side or vpon great Riuers as may be planted to great purpose for a future absolute reducement of this Countrey I thinke it would asmuch auaile the speedy setling of this Countrey as any thing that it would please her Maiesty to deale liberally with the Irish Lords of Countries or such as now are of great reputation among them in the distribution of such lands as they haue formerly possessed or the State here can make little vse of for her Maiesty If they continue as they ought to doe and yeeld the Queene as much commodity as she may otherwise expect shee hath made a good purchase of such subiects for such land If any of them hereafter be disobedient to her lawes or breake forth in rebellion shee may when they shall be more diuided ruine them more easily for example vnto others and if it be thought fit may plant English or other Irish in their Countries For although there euer haue beene and hereafter may be small eruptions in some places which at the first may easily be suppressed yet the suffering them to grow to that generall head and combination did questionlesse proceed from great errour in the iudgement here and may be easily as I thinke preuented hereafter And further it may please her Maiesty to ground her resolution for the time and numbers of the next abatement of the lyst of her Army somewhat vpon our poore aduice from hence and to beleeue that wee will not so farre corrupt our iudgements with any priuate respect as
other Cities is commonly of timber clay and plaster sometimes of freestone and foure or fiue roofes high whereof each as it is higher so is more proiected into the streete much darkening the same and causing the raine to fall into the middest thereof The streetes are no broader then for two Carts to meete and passe one by the other Almost vnder euery house is a Cellar to lay vp wine Perry Cyder and alll kinds of drinke and few of the windowes are glazed which are also darkened with grates of wood the rest are altogether open to be shut by night with windowes of wood The building of the Villages is like ours in England commonly of timber and clay and thatched ouer The Gentlemens houses are built like those in the Cities whereof I haue spoken but the Pallaces of great Lords for the most part are stately built of free stone yet more beautifull and stately are the Kings Pallaces commonly of free stone curiously carued with pillers of marble and sometimes of brickes with pecces of marble in the parts most open to the eye Among these Pallaces of the King that of Fontainebleau is the most stately and magnificent that I did see and most pleasant for the gardens and sweete Aire Caesar in his Commentaries saith that buildings of England were then like those of France Now at London the houses of the Citizens especially in the chiefe streetes are very narrow in the front towards the streete but are built fiue or sixe roofes high commonly of timber and clay with plaster and are very neate and ommodious within And the building of Citizens houses in other Cities is not much vnlike this But withall vnderstand that in London many stately Pallaces built by Noblemen vppon the Riuer Thames doe make a very great shew to them that passe by water and that there be many more like Pallaces also built towards Land but scattered and great part of them in backe lanes and streetes which if they were ioined to the first in good order as other Cities are built vniformely they would make not onely faire streetes but euen a beautifull City to which few might iustly be preferred for the magnificence of the building Besides that the Aldermens and chiefe Citizens houses howsoeuer they are stately for building yet being built all inward that the whole roome towards the streets may be reserued for shoppes of Tradesmen make no shew outwardly so as in truth all the magnificence of London building is hidden from the view of strangers at the first sight till they haue more particular view thereof by long abode there and then they will preferre the buildings of this famous City to many that appeare more stately at the first sight Great part of the Townes and Villages are built like the Citizens houses in London saue that they are not so many stories high nor so narrow in the front towards the streete Others of them are built in like sort of vnpolished small stones and some of the Villages in Lincolneshire and some other Countries are of meere clay and couered with thatch yet euen these houses are more commodious within for clenlinesse lodging and diet then any stranger would thinke them to be Most of the houses in Cities and Townes haue Cellers vnder them where for coolenesse they lay Beere and Wine Gentlemens houses for the most part are built like those in the Cities but very many of Gentlemens and Noblemens Pallaces aswell neere London as in other Countries are stately built of bricke and free stone whereof many yeelde not in magnificence to like buildings of other Kingdomes as Homby built by S r Christopher Hatton Tybals lately belonging to the Earle of Salisbury seated neere London the Earle of Exceter his house neer Stamford by which Pallaces lying neere the high way a stranger may iudge of many other like stately buildings in other parts The Kings Pallaces are of such magnificent building so curious art and such pleasure and beauty for gardens and fountaines and are so many in number as England need not enuie any other Kingdome therein Among them being manie a stranger may see neere London the King Pallaces of Hampton Court of Richmond of Greenewich of Nonsuch of Otelands of Schene of Winsore and in London the Pallace of White Hall In Scotland the Citie Edenborough is fairlie built of vnpolished stone but the galleries of timber built vpon the fronts of the houses doe rather obscure then adorne them And the Kings Pallace at one end and the fortified Castle at the other end of the City are more statelie built then the rest but all the beautie of the Citie confirsts of one large streete the by lanes being few and full of beggery The houses in Villages and scattered in the Countrie are like to those in England but the Gentlemens and Noblemens houses are nothing so frequent nor so stately built as the better sort of the English Neither are their I ownes and Cities in number building or pleasantnesse comparable to those in England Lastly the Villages of clay couered with straw are much more frequent then in England and farre lesse commodious within Among the Kings Pallaces that at Edenburg and that of Sterling for the building and Fawkland for the pleasure of hunting are the chiefe The houses of the Irish Cities as Corke Galoway and Lymrick the fairest of them for building are of vnwrought free stone or flint or vnpolished stones built some two stories high and couered with tile The houses of Dublin and Waterford are for the most part of timber clay and plaster yet are the streetes beautifull and the houses commodious within euen among the Irish if you pardon them a little slouenlinesse proper to the Nation In generall the houses very seldome keepe out raine the timber being not well seasoned and the walles being generally combined with clay only not with morter of lime tempered The Irish haue some quarries of Marble but only some few Lords and Gentlemen bestow the cost to polish it Many Gentlemen haue Castles built of free stone vnpolished and of flints or little stones and they are built strong for defence in times of rebellion for which cause they haue narrow staires and little windowes and commonly they haue a spatious hall ioyning to the Castle and built of timber and clay wherein they eate with their Family Neither are many of these gentle mens houses void of filth and slouenlinesse For other Irish dwellings it may be said of them as Caesar said of the old Brittanes houses They call it a Towne when they haue compassed a skirt of wood with trees cut downe whether they may retire themselues and their cattle For the meere barbarous Irish either sleepe vnder the canopy of heauen or in cabbines watled and couered with turfe The Germans long inioying settled peace the French and the Nitherlanders for many yeeres distracted with warres haue many Cities strongly fortified with ditches and earthen walles
feete as often as they cut any meate The Germans seldome breake their fasts except it be in iournics with a little Ginger-bread and Aquauity They sit long at Table and euen in the Innes as they takes iournics dine very largely neither will they rise from dinner or supper till though slowly yet fully they haue consumed all that is set before them And they cannot speak more reprochsully of any Host then to say Ith hab mich da nicht satt gefressen that is I did not eate my belly fu'l there Yea at Berne a Citie of Sweitzerland they haue a Law that in Feasts they shall not sit more then fiue howers at the Table And at Basell when Doctors and Masters take their degrees they are forbidden by a Statute to sit longer at Table then from ten of the clocke in the morning to sixe in the euening yet when that time is past they haue a tricke to cozen this Law be it neuer so in dulgent to them for then they retire out of the publike Hall into priuate Chambers where they are content with any kinde of meate so it be such as prouoketh drinking in which they haue no measure so long as they can stand or fit Let the Germans pardon me to speake freely that in my opinion they are no lesse excessiue in eating then drinking saue that they onely protract the two ordinary meales of each day till they haue consumed all that is set before them but to their drinking they can prescribe no meane nor end I speake of their ordinary diet especiallie at Innes by the way as they trauell In Feasts their prouision is rather full then sumptuous At Leipzig for meere curiositie I procured my selfe to be inuited to a marriage Feast in one of the chiefe Citizens houses the marriage was in the afternoone and at supper they serued in a peece of roasted beefe hot and another cold with a sawce make with sugar and sweet wine then they serued in a Carpe fried then Mutton roasted then dried Peares prepared with butter and cinamon and therewith a piece of broiled Salmon then bloted Herrings broiled and lastly a kind of bread like our fritters saue that it is made in long roules and more dric which they cal Fastnacht kuchen that is Shroftide baking together with Cheese And thus with seuen dishes a Senators nuptiall Feast was ended without any flockes of fowle or change of fishes or banquetting stuffe which other Nations vse onely their was endlesse drinking whole barrels of Wine being brought into the Stoaue and set by vs vpon a Table which we so plied as after two howers no man in the company was in case to giue account next morning what he did said or saw after that time To nourish this drinking they vse to eate salt meats which being vpon ill disposition of my body once displeasing vnholsome for me and I complaining therof to my Host he between ieast and earnest replied that the vse of Salt was commended in Scriptures alleadging that text Let allyour speeches be seasoned with salt and then said he much more should our meates be thus seasoned Salt thus pleaseth their pallat because it makes the same dry and prouokes the appetite of drinking For which cause also when they meet to drink as they dine with dried pork and beefe heauily salted together with cheese sharpe like that of Parma so when the cloth is taken away they haue set before them rawe beanes waternuts wstich I did see onely in Saxony and a loafe of bread cut into shiues all sprinckled with salt and pepper the least bit whereof will inuite him to drinke that hath least need And to say truth Porke dried or Bacon is so esteemed of the Germans as they seeme to haue much greater care of their Hogges then of their Sheeps or other Cattle For in the morning when they turne them forth they scratch them with their fingers as Barbers doe mens heads and blesse them that they may safely returne and in the euening when they are to come backe with the Heard a seruant is commanded to attend them who washeth the dust from them as they passe by the fountaine and so followes them till they come home of their owne accord without any beating or driuing The price of a fat Sow is at least fiue sometimes foureteene Guldens yea at Heidelberg it was credibly told me that a Sow being so fat as shee could not at one feeding eate a raw egge all her intrels being closed vp with fat had lately beene sold for fifty Guldens With this fat they larde many rosted and broiled meates aswell flesh as fish And they neuer eate any Pigges but nourish them to full growth so as my selfe and some of my Countrey-men at Wittenberg desiring to eate a Pigge hardly bought one for halfe a doller and were our selues forced to kill dresse and roast it the seruants abhorring from such a strange worke neither could we intreat any one to eate the least bit thereof When they roast a shoulder of Mutton they beate the vpper part thereof with the backe-side of an Hatchet or like Instrument before they put it on the Spit to make that part tender which they carue as the most dainty part yet vse they seldome to carue any man lest they should seeme to desire that morsell themselues for they hold it a point of ciuility not to take that is carued but to force it vpon the Caruer They dip their bread in sawces but thinke it ill manners to dip meat therein as likewise to reach bread with the point of a knife and not rather to call for it by hand Lastly when the Table is to be taken away they think to offer him curtesie whose trencher they offer to take vp and put into the Voyder and will in curtesie striue to doe it Hee that will abide in any City may easily obtaine to be entertained for bed and board at a conuenientrate by some chiefe Citizen or Doctor as I haue formerly said Now something must be said of Innes by the high way Erasmus Roterodamus faith that the Inne keepers of Germany are sordide that is base or slouenly but I would rather sav they are churlish and rudely proud or rather graue and surley When you come in you must salute the Hoste and happy you if he salute you againe You must drinke with him and obserue him in all things For your carriage you must lay it in the common eating roome yet there it shall be most safe and if you will put off your bootes you must doe it in the same roome and there lay them aside You must expect the hower of eating for they nothing regard him that desires either to hasten or protract it You must take in good part what is set before you demanding nothing for your owne appetite The shot demanded must be paid without expostulation for the Hosts seldome deceiue strangers or others and neuer remit one halfe penny of that they demand Aboue the
of the Emporour as of vnder-Gouernours changed at least once a yeere and the generall rapacity and licentiousnesse of the souldiers Hence it is that there be vast solitudes and vntilled Desarts on all sides where yet the ground of it selfe brings forth diuers wild fruits without tillage They haue diuers kinds of graine Wheate the graine called Milet Barly Oates Rye Pease and al kinds of Pulse which for the kinds are like those of Europe but the Wheate for the bignesse of the graine and so the rest are to bee preferred before them There is great abundance of Rice Flax and Cotton growing in the fields They haue good plenty of all kinds of Cattell yet are no more industrious in grasing and feeding heards then in sowing or planting and so they haue Egges Hennes Rice Hony which in a composition they drinke Fruits and Bread for daily foode they desire no other dainties or greater riches since they can neither inioy their goods while they liue nor yet bequeath them at death and nothing is more dangerous then to be accounted rich The Caloiri or Greeke Monkes in Candia with whom I abode for a time shewed mee sields which the yeere past had yeelded them ninety fiue measures of graine for one sowed but Candia though it lie in the compasse of the Turkish Empire almost on all sides yet is subiect to the State of Venice The Iland Chios vulgarly Zio is subiest to the Turkes and is famous for the pleasantnesse as also for the fertilitie yeelding Mastick the fruit of the tree Lentiscus and hauing abundance of Patridges of all kinds of foule I haue in my Iornal of the first Part spoken of the most fertile Ilands Cyprus and Mettilene In Syria they haue sheepe of strange bignesse whereof many haue tailes weighing twenty and some thirty pounds bearing wooll and being wrethed to their heeles more then the hornes of Rammes are And let no man thinke this incredible since the same is reported of Sheepe in Affrick and this is confirmed by consent of all who haue been in these parts Mules are somewhat rare but they haue innumerable Camels a beast most apt to carry burthens and lying patiently downe to receiue them and most able to beare hunger and especially thirst When the male and female ingender they lye downe on their bellies with tayle to tayle and their heades many Eiles distant one from the other and in the time of the yeere when they are naturally prone to generation they are fierce with a kind of madnesse so as their masters then take heede of any violence they may doe them The Turkes also haue many Dromedaties a kinde of beast not vnlike the Cammell but farre passing horses in swiftnesse and very Cammels in patience of labour Their Horses are rather faire then strong and they make their skin shine by laying them vpon their owne dung dried These horses either runne which often they put them to for spurts and in brauery or goe a foote pace as they vse to follow laded Cammels in iournies but they are not taught either to trot or amble as ours are and are good for short iournics but not able to indure so long iournies as ours doe Therefore the Turkish Caualtery for warre is of more swiftnesse then strength and the Germane horses being heauy they easily ouertake them flying and as easily flye when they are beaten The Turkes haue great plenty of sea and fresh water fish and of birds and all foule and for Christian buyers whereof are great multitudes especially at Constantinople they furnish their markets therewith And in truth at Constantinople there is as great varietie and goodnesse of these kinds as can be wished Onely the Oystors though pleatifull yet haue not the delicate salt taste that ours haue the Mediterranean Sea being nothing so salt as the Ocean But in generall the Turkes by reason of the foresaid tyranny and of their temperance in diet doe little vse fishing or fowling or any like exercise Yea by reason of the same tyranny of the Emperour Gouernours and Souldiers the Turkes carelesly and coldly exercise trafficke with Merchants I grant that they trade in Natolia and other parts of their owne Empire after a cold manner but they make no voyage by sea into forraigne parts excepting some few that come to Venice For they doe not labour in any kind more then necessitie forceth and are so far from the insatiable desire of riches as they auoide nothing more then the opinion to bee rich So as the Iewes the Greekes subiect to the Turkes and other confederate Christians exporting their commodities they themselues haue very few ships the Emperour onely hauing some twelue great ships well armed to bring him necessaries from Egypt to Constantinople In like sort they haue few Marrines and those vnexperienced and fearefull vsing the Greekes their vassals and other slaues taken in warde to that purpose and they much esteeme that is gently treate captiues skilfull in Nauigation Some Townes keepe at their priuate charge a few small Gallies and Barkes to rob the Christians and the great Turkes Nauie consists all of Gallies nothing comparable to those of Venice and they winter at Constantinople and another Haurn in Greece whereof I shall write more largely in the discourse of the Turkes Common-wealth Among other Cities of trade they haue two very famous one in Asia the other in Affrick That of Asia is called Haleppo and it being within-land the Port thereof is called scanderona by the Turks and Alexandretta by the Christians whence the commodities of Merchants are carried vpon Cammels and the fifth day arriue at Haleppo whether the commodities of Persia are brought by the Riuer Euphrates and vpon Cammels backes from the Citie Taurus of old subiect to the Persians but in our age subdued by the Turkes The Indian commodities are brought thither by the red sea and the Gulfe of Arabia The famous Citie for trade in Affricke was called Babylon and now is named Alcatero whence the commodities of India Egypt and all Affricke are exported Moreouer vpon the mouth of the greatest arme of the Riuer Nilus the City Alexandria is seated vpon the Sea some few dayes saile from Aleaiero The Venetians bring into Turkey woollen clothes which they call broad being died Scarlet Violet and of all colours and they are so strong well made as they will last very long so as the Turks prefer them before out English clothes And because the Venetians furnish them in great quantity they vse few other clothes of that kind Also the Venetians bring to them Sattins and Damasks made in Italy of Dalmatian silk and great quantity of Gold and Siluer to buy the pretious commodittes of Turkey Whence they carry out raw silke For by reason of the foresaid tyranny as the Turkes are negligent in Husbandry and trade so are they in manuall Arts not drawing their Silke into threads nor weauing the same into clothes And howsoeuer they haue infinite
Barley and Oates and all a plaine Country but it had no Woodes at all onely the Gentlemens dwellings were shaddowed with some little Groues pleasant to the view Scotland abounds with Fish and hath plenty of all Cattell yet not so bigge as ours and their Horses are full of spirit and patient of labour but very little so as the Scots then would giue any price for one of our English Gueldings which notwithstanding in Queene Elizabethe time might not vpon great penalty be sold vnto them The Nauy or shipping of Scotland was of small strength in the memory of our Age neither were their Marriners of greet experience but to make them more diligent Merchants their Kings had formerly laid small or no impositions or customes on them And while the English had warre with the Spaniards the Scots as neutrals by carrying of English commodities into Spaine and by hauing their ships for more security laden by English Merchants grew somewhat richer and more experienced in Nauigation and had better and stronger shippes then in former time And surely since the Scots are very daring I cannot see why their Marriners should not bee bold and couragious howsoeuer they haue not hitherto made any long voyages rather for want of riches then for slothfulnesse or want of courage The Inhabitants of the Westerne parts of Scotland carry into Ireland and Neighbouring places red and pickeled Herrings Sea coales and Aquauitae with like commodities and bring out of Ireland Yarne and Cowes hides or Siluer The Easterne Scots carry into France course cloathes both linnen and woollen which be narrow and shrinke in the wetting They also carry thether Wooll Skinnes of Goates Weathers and of Conies and diuers kindes of Fishes taken in the Scottish Sea and neere other Northerne Ilands and after smoked or otherwise dried and salted And they bring from thence Salt and Wines but the cheese trafficke of the Scots is in foure places namely at Camphire in Zeland whether they carry Salt the skinnes of Weathers Otters Badgers and Martens and bring from thence Corne. And at Burdeaux in France whether they carry cloathes and the same skinnes and bring from thence Wines Prunes Walnuts and Chessenuts Thirdly within the Balticke Sea whether they carry the said Clothes and Skinnes and bring thence Flaxe Hempe Iron Pitch and Tarre And lastly in England whether they carry Linnen cloathes Yarne and Salt and bring thence Wheate Oates Beanes and like things The Scots haue no Staple in any forraigne City but trade in France vpon the League of the Nations and in Denmarke haue priuiledges by the affinity of the Kings and stocke in great numbers into Poland abounding in all things for foode and yeelding many commodities And in these Kingdomes they liued at this time in great multitudes rather for the pouerty of their owne Kingdome then for any great trafficke they exercised there dealing rather for small fardels then for great quantities of rich wares Touching their diet They eate much red Colewort and Cabbage but little fresh meate vsing to salt theit Mutton and Geese which made me more wonder that they vsed to eate Beefe without salting The Gentlemen reckon their reuenewes not by rents of monie but by chauldrons of victuals and keepe many people in their Families yet liuing most on Corne and Rootes not spending any great quantity of flesh My self was at a Knights house who had many seruants to attend him that brought in his meate with their heads couered with blew caps the Table being more then halfe furnished with great platters of porredge each hauing a little peece of sodden meate And when the Table was serued the seruants did sit downe with vs but the vpper messe in steede of porredge had a Pullet with some prunes in the broth And I obserued no Art of Cookery or furniture of Houshold stuffe but rather rude neglect of both though my selfe and my companion sent from the Gouernour of Barwicke about bordering affaires were entertained after their best manner The Scots liuing then in factions vsed to keepe many followers and so consumed their reuenew of victuals liuing in some want of money They vulgarly eate harth Cakes of Oates but in Cities haue also wheaten bread which for the most part was bought by Courtiers Gentlemen and the best sort of Citizens When I liued at Barwicke the Scots weekely vpon the market day obtained leaue in writing of the Gouernour to buy Pease and Beanes whereof as also of Wheate their Merchants at this day send great quantity from London into Scotland They drinke pure Wines not with sugar as the English yet at Feasts they put Comfits in the Wine after the French manner but they had not our Vinteners fraud to mixe their Wines I did neuer see nor heare that they haue any publike Innes with signes hanging out but the better sort of Citizens brew Ale their vsuall drinke which will distemper a strangers bodie and the same Citizens will entertaine passengers vpon acquaintance or entreaty Their bedsteads were then like Cubbards in the wall with doores to be opened and shut at pleasure so as we climbed vp to our beds They vsed but one sheete open at the sides and top but close at the feete and so doubled Passengers did seeke a stable for their Horses in some other place and did there buy hors-meat and if perhaps the same house yeelded a stable yet the payment for the Horse did not make them haue beds free as in England I omit to speake of the Innes and expences therein hauing delated the same in the Itinerary of the first Part and a Chapter in this Part expressely treating thereof When passengers goe to bed their custome was to present them with a sleeping cuppe of wine at parting The Country people and Merchants vsed to drinke largely the Gentlemen some-what more sparingly yet the very Courtiers at Fcasts by night meetings and entertaining any stranger vsed to drinke healths not without excesse and to speake truth without offence the excesse of drinking was then farre greater in generall among the Scots then the English My selfe being at the Court inuited by some Gentlemen to supper and being forewarned to feare this excesse would not promise to sup with thembut vpon condition that my Inuiter would be my protection from large drinking which I was many times forced to inuoke being curteously entertained and much prouoked to garaussing and so for that time auoided any great intemperance Remembring this and hauing since obserued in my conuersation at the English Court with the Scots of the better sort that they spend great part of the night in drinking not onely wine but euen beere as my selfe will not accuse them of great intemperance so I cannot altogether free them from the imputation of excesse wherewith the popular voice chargeth them CHAP. V. Of Ireland touching the particular subiects of the first Chapter THE Longitude of Ireland extends foure degrees from the Meridian of eleuen degrees and a halfe
and raised vp with wier shewing their necks and breasts naked But now both more commonly and especially in winter weare thicke ruffes Gentlewomen and Citizens wiues when they goe out of dores weare vpon their faces little Maskes of silk lined with fine leather which they alwaies vnpin and shew their face to any that salutes them And they vse a strange badge of pride to weare little looking glasses at their girdles Commonly they go in the streets leaning vpon a mans arme They weare very light gownes commonly blacke and hanging loose at the backe and vnder it an vpper-body close at the breast with a kirtle of a mixed or light colour and of some light stuffe laid with many gardes in which sort the women generally are attired They weare sleeues to their gownes borne out with whalebones and of a differing colour from the gowne which besides hath other loose hanging sleeues cast backward and aswel the vpperbodies as the kirtles differ from the gowne in colour and stuffe And they say that the sleeues borne vp with whale-bones were first inuented to auoid mens familiar touching of their armes For it was related vnto me I know not how credibly that by Phisitians aduice the French make issues in their armes for better health as the Italians vse to make them vnder the knees couered with a close garter of brasse In France as well men as women vse richly to bee adorned with Iewels The men weare rings of Diamonds and broad Iewels in their hats placed vpon the roote of their feathers The Ladies weare their Iewels commonly at the brest or vpon the left arme and many other waies for who can containe the mutable French in one and the same fashion and they commonly weare chaines of Pearle yea the very wiues of Merchants weare rings of Diamonds but most commonly chaines of bugell and like toyes of black colour The Gentlemen haue no plate of siluer but some spoones and a salt much lesse haue they any plate of gold But the great Lords or Princes eate in siluer dishes and vse basons and ewers of siluer and no other kind of plate vsing alwaies to drinke in glasses and each seuerall man to haue a glasse by himselfe Caesar reports that the old Britans were apparrelled in skinnes and wore long haire with the beard all shauen but the vpper lippe Now the English in their apparrell are become more light then the lightest French and more sumptuous then the proudest Persians More light I say then the French because with singular inconstancy they haue in this one age worne out all the fashions of France and all the Nations of Europe and tired their owne inuentions which are no lesse buisie in finding out new and ridiculous fashions then in scraping vp money for such idle expences yea the Taylors and Shopkeepers daily inuent fantasticall fashions for hats and like new fashions and names for stuffes Some may thinke that I play the Poet in relating wonderfull but incredible things but men of experience know that I write with historicall truth That the English by Gods goodnesse abounding at home with great variety of things to be worne are not onely not content therewith and not onely seeke new garments from the furthest East but are besides so light and vaine as they suffer themselues to be abused by the English Merchants who nourishing this generall folly of their Countrymen to their own gaine daily in forraigne parts cause such new colours and stuffe to be made as their Masters send painted out of England to them teaching strangers to serue our lightnesse with such inuentions as themselues neuer knew before For this cause the English of greater modesty in apparrell are forced to cast off garments before they be worne since it is the law of nature that euery man may eate after his owne appetite but must weare his apparrell after the vulgar fashion except he will looke like an old picture in cloth of Arras I haue heard a pleasant fable that Iupiter sent a shower wherein whosoeuer was wet became a foole and that all the people were wet in this shower excepting one Philosopher who kept his study but in the euening comming forth into the market place and finding that all the people mocked him as a foole who was onely wise was forced to pray for another like shower that he might become a foole and so liue quietly among fooles rather then beare the enuy of his wisedome This happens to many wise men in our age who wearing apparrell of old and good fashion are by others so mocked for proud and obstinate fooles till at last they are forced to be foolish with the fooles of their time The English I say are more sumptuous then the Persians because despising the golden meane they affect all extreamities For either they will be attired in plaine cloth and light stuffes alwayes prouided that euery day without difference their hats be of Beuer their shirts and bands of the finest linnen their daggers and swords guilded their garters and shooe roses of silke with gold or siluer lace their stockings of silke wrought in the seames with silke or gold and their cloakes in Summer of silke in Winter at least all lined with veluet or else they daily weare sumptuous doublets and breeches of silke or veluet or cloth of gold or siluer so laid ouer with lace of gold or silke as the stuffes though of themselues rich can hardly be seene The English and French haue one peculiar fashion which I neuer obserued in any other part namely to weare scabbards and sheaths of veluet vpon their rapiers and daggers For in France very Notaries vse them in the Cities and ride vpon their footecloaths or in Coaches both hired and in England men of meane sort vse them In the time of Queene Elizabeth the Courtiers delighted much in darke colours both simple and mixt and did often weare plaine blacke stuffes yet that being a braue time of warre they together with our Commanders many times wore light colours richly laced and embrodered but the better sort of Gentlemen then esteemed simple light colours to be lesse comely as red and yellow onely white excepted which was then much worne in Court Now in this time of King Iames his Reigne those simple light colours haue beene much vsed If I should begin to set downe the variety of fashions and forraign stuffes brought into England in these times I might seeme to number the starres of Heauen and sands of the Sea I will onely adde that the English in great excesse affect the wearing of Iewels and Diamond Rings scorning to weare plaine gold rings or chaines of gold the men seldome or neuer wearing any chaines and the better sort of women commonly wearing rich chaines of pearle or else the light chaines of France and all these Iewels must be oriental and precious it being disgracefull to weare any that are counterfet In like manner among the better sort of Gentlemen and Merchants
Abbot and Towne of Saint Gallus the Rhetians or Grisons the Bishop of Sedun the Valcsians and the Townes Rotauile Mulhasium and Bipenue And the gouernements are Turgea that of Baden of the Rhegusci of the Sarunetes of the free Prouince the Lugani the Locarnenses the Inhabitants of the middle Valley and the Bilitionenses That of Turgea is subiect to the seuen old Cantons yet Bern Friburg and Solothurn haue also their rights in capitall causes That of Raden the Sarunetes the Rhegusci and the free Prouince are subiect likewise to the seuen old Cantons onely Bern hath beene admitted partner in that of Baden and Apenzill in that of the Rhegusci The foure Italian gouernements are equally subiect to all the cantons excepting Apenzill and the Bilitionenses are subiect to the three old Cantons All these ioined haue these Cities and Townes Zurech Bern Lucern Zug Bazill Friburg Solothurn Schafhusen the Towne of S. Gallus Chur of the Grisons Sedun of the Valesians Roteuil Mulhuse Bipenne all the rest dwell in Villages Among the cantons Bazill of the Rauraci Schafhusen of Germany Glarona in part of the Grisons Vria in part of the Lepontij are seated out of the old confines of Sweitzerland and so are all the fellowes in league excepting the Abbot and Towne of S. Gallus and the Towne Ripenne Among these the old Nation of the Rhetians now called Grisons were of old called Valesiani Viberi Seduni and Veragri And Roteuile is a city of Germany and Mulhuse of the Sequaui in France Among the gouernements the Rhegusci and the Sarunetes are of the old Rhetians and the Luganenses the Locarnenses the Mendrisij and the Inhabitants of the middle Valley and the Bilitionij are of the Lepontij and Italian Nation which tongue they speake Many doubt to number these confederates among common-wealths since each of them is no otherwise tied to the decrees of the other then by free consent as all priuate societies are whereas in a commonwealth the greater part binds all yet because they haue one common councell and most of the Prouinces are ruled thereby because warre and peace is made by common consent and they liue almost vnder the same lawes and customes and are vnited strictly in perpetuall league Semler concludes that this society comes neerest to the forme of a common-wealth for whereas some hating the nation obiect Anarchy to them and say they got freedome by killing the Gentlemen and others interpreting it more mildly and confessing the oppression of the Gentlemen yet iudge the reuenge to haue exceeded all measure the truth thereof will appeare by the History of Semler and others shewing that great part of the Gentry was extinguished by the House of Austria Therefore it must be a mixt commonwealth if such it may be called being neither a Monarchy of one iust King Aristocraty of iust great men nor Democrity a popular state much lesse any of the corrupt commonwealths called Tyranny Oligarchy and Anarchy that is the tyranny of a King or of noble men or a confused State the equity of the gouernment shewing that it much differs from them The Vrij Suitij Vnderualdij the Glaronenses dwelling scattered and Zug though it be a Towne gouerne all with the consent of the people Zurech Bern Lucern Bazill Friburg Solothurn and Schafhusen are gouerned by the cheefe men but since the Magistrates are chosen by the people some of these Cities are more some lesse Aristocraticall or popular The Ambassadours sent to publike meetings haue Aristocraticall forme but since they are chosen by the people with limited power it may seeme popular And it is not vnequall that the people hauing setled freedome with their danger should be partners of their gouernement but in the meane time the Sweitzers auoide as much as they can the discommodities of a popular State while none but the best and most wise are sent to the meetings and howsoeuer their power is limited yet when they returne they so relate all things to the people as they easily vnderstand them and giue consent thereunto But to make the strict vnion of these confederates more apparant it will not be amisse to peruse some of the heads of the league between the eight old Cantons Therin first is cautioned of sending mutuall aides so as first in publike counsell the iustnes of the warre may be examined Then the aides are not to be required of all but of each particular Canton according to their mutuall leagues Zurech by old league hath right to require aides of the first six Cantons and by a new league also of Bern. And Bern requires aide of the three first Cantons and they of Bern. Lucerna requires aide of fiue Cantons The three first Cantons require mutuall aides of one another and of all the rest Zug and Lucerna are bound to aide the fiue Cantons Glarona requires aide of the three old cantons and Zurech Thus while one Canton cals the next ioined to it in league howsoeuer each one cannot require aid of all or each one by right of league yet in any common danger all the Cantons bring their forces being called of some one or more Cantons in league with them besides that they haue wisely decreed that in sudden dangers all shall bring succours whether they be called or no. They which are called to giue aide by vertue of any league serue at their owne cost without any pay Between Bern and the three old Cantons it is decreed that if the aides be sent beyond certaine bounds then they which called them shall giue them pay and in like sort certaine bounds of sending aides are limited between all the rest of the Cantons in their seuerall leagues with all conditions expressed In any siege the Canton which causeth it is bound to find many necessaries but if the cause be publike all prouisions are made at the publike charge The foure old cantons and Glarona cannot make any new league which is free to the rest alwayes preseruing the old league which they also may encrease or diminish by common consent It is decreed that euery fiue or ten yeeres this league shall be renewed by word or writing or if need be by oath Zu rech Bern Vria Suitia and Vnderualdia in this league except the rights of the Roman Empire Lucerna and Zug the rights of the Dukes of Austria Glarona the rights of their lawfull Magistrates and each Canton the rights of old leagues When the said eight Cantons receiued the other fiue into their number besides the foresaid heads it was decreed among other things in their league that the fiue last cantons howsoeuer wronged should make no warre without the consent of the eight old Cantons and in like sort that they should make no league without their consent neither in time of warre should refuse good conditions of peace And lastly it was decreed that without great cause no warre should be made in places out of the mountaines and difficult passages of that Prouince where