Examen Historicum OR A DISCOVERY AND EXAMINATION OF THE Mistakes Falsities and Defects In some Modern Histories OCCASIONED By the Partiality and Inadvertencies of their Severall Authours By Peter Heylin In Two Books Tacit in Vit. Jul. Agric. Vitium parvis magnisque Civitatibus commune ignoratio Recti invida Horat. De Arte Poet. non ego paucis Offendor maculis quas non incuria fudit Aut humana parum cubit natura LONDON Printed for Henry Seile and Richard Royston and are to be sold over against S. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet and at the Angel in Ivy-lane 1659. A Generall PREFACE to the Whole IT is affirmed of History by the famous Orator that it is Testis temporum the Witnesse and Record of time by which the actions of it are transmitted from one age to another And therefore it concerns all those who apply themselves to the writing of Histories to take speciall care that all things be laid down exactly faithfully and without deviation from the truth in the least particular For if the Witnesses be suborned the Record falsified or the Evidence wrested neither Posterity can judge rightly of the actions of this present time or this time give a certain judgement of the Ages past It is therefore a good direction which Iosephus the Historian gives us and which he followed as it seems in his Iewish Antiquities not only to be carefull that the stile be pleasing but that the whole Work be framed by the Levell and Line of Truth Nam qui Historiam rerum propter Antiquitatem obscurarum expositionem c. They saith he who make profession to write Histories and to recite such things as are obscured by Antiquity ought not only studiously to conform their stile but also to beautifie the same with ornaments of Eloquence to the intent the Reader may converse in their Writings with the more delectation But above all things they must have an especiall care so exactly to set down the truth that they who know not how those things came to passe may be the more duely and fitly informed There is another Rule which he bound himself to that is to say Neither to omit any thing through ignâ—rance nor to bury any thing in forgetfulnesse and all these cautions well observed make a peâ—fâ—ct History But on the contrary there are some who do spend themselves on the stile and dresse as if their businesse rather were to delight the ear then inform the judgement Others so byassed by self-ends and private interesse that they seem rather Advocates to pleade for some growing party then true Reporters of affairs as they be before them Some who endeavouring to be copious clap all together in a huddle which is offered to them without relation to the Ornaments and Attire of Language and others with like carelesnesse as unto themselves but greater inconvenience as unto the Reader examine not the truth and certainty of what they write so they write somewhat which they think may inform the Reader Betwixt these truth is oftentimes irrecoverably lost the Reader led aside from the waies of Verity into the crooked lanes of Errour and many times conducted to such dangerous praecipices as maâ— prove destructive to himself and of ill consequence to all those which are guided by him The errours of the understanding in matters which may possibly be reduced to practice are far more mischievous then those which do consist in the niceties of speculation and advance no further which moved the Orator not only to honour History with the Attribute of Testis temporum but to stile it also by the name of Magistra vitae These things considered as they ought have made me wonder many times at the unadvisednesse of some Late Writers in this kinde whose Histories are composed with so much partiality on the one side and so much inadvertency on the other that they stand more in need of a Commentator to expound the Truth and lay it clear and open to the view of the Reader then either the dark words of Aristotle or any other obscure peece of the ancient Writers I speak of Histories here not Libels of which last sort I reckon Weldons Pamphlet called The Court of King James and Wiâ—sons most iâ—famous Pasquill of the Reign of that King in which it is not easie to judge whether the matter be more false or the stile more reproachfull in all parts thereof Certain I am we may affirm of them as Cremutius Cordus doth of the Epistles of Antonius and the Orations of Brutus falsa quidem in Augustum probra seâ— multa cum acerbitate habent that is to say that they contained not only many false and disgracefull passages against the honour of Augustus but were apparelled in all the bitternesse of a scurrilous language With such as these I shall not meddle at the present leaving their crimes unto the punishment not of an Index but an Ignis expurgatorius as most proper for them But as for those whom either the want of true intelligence or inadvertency in not weighing seriously what they were to do or the too much indulgence to their own affections have made more capable of being bettered by correction I have thought it more agreeable to the Rules of justice to rectifie their mistakes and reform their Errours then absolutely to condemn and decry their Writings At this time I have two before me whom I conceive to stand in need of such Observations by which the truth may be preserved and the clear face of things presented to the Readers eye the one of them an Authour of Ecclesiasticall the other of some Civil Histories In both I finde the Truth much injured and in one the Church The Errours of the one tend not to the subversion of any publick interesse but being Errours may misguide the Reader in the way of his knowledge and discourse and therefore I have rectified him with some Advertisements not taking notice of such passages as have been made the subject of some Observations from another hand that so he may be read with the greatest profit The other besides errours of this kinde too many hath intermingled his Discourse with some Positions of a dangerous nature which being reduced into practise as they easily may not only overthrow the whole power of the Church as it stands constituted and established by the Laws of the Land but lay a probable foundation for the like disturbances in the Civil State And therefore I have fitted him with some Animadversions in the way of an Antidote that so he may be read if possible without any danger I know well how invidious a task I have undertaken and that it will be charged upon me at the first apprehensions of it that I have rather chosen to finde fault with the Writings of others then to write any things of this kinde which may be subject to the like partialities and mistakings Carpere vel noli nostra vel ede tua might come in
be true or false I am not able to sâ—y but being generally believ'd I have set it down also Bâ—t my other story is more serious intended for the satisfaction of our Author and the Reader both It was in Nobember Anno 1639. that I receiv'd a message from the Lord Archbishop to attend him the next day at two of the clock in the afternoon The Key being tuâ—n'd which opened the way into his Study I found him sitting in a chair holding a paper in both hands and his eyes so fixt upon that paper that he observ'd me not at my coming in Finding him in that posture I thought it fit and manners to retire again But the noise I made by my retreat bringing him back unto himself he recall'd me again and told me after some short pawse that he well remembred that he had sent for me but could not tell for his life what it was about After which he was pleas'd to say noâ— without tears standing in his eyes that he had then newly receiv'd a letter acquainting him with a Revolt of a Person of some Quality in North-Wales to the Church of Rome that he knew that the increase of Popery by such frequent Revolâ—s would be imputed unto him and his Brethren the Bishops who were all leâ—st guilty of the same that for his part he had done his utmost so far forth as it might consist with the Rules of Prudence and the Pâ—eservation of the Church to suppress that party and to bring the chief sticklers in it to condign punishment to the truth whereof lifting up his wet eyes to Heaven he took God to witness conjuring me as I would answer it to God at the day of Judgement that if ever I came to any of those places which he and his Brethren by reason of their great age were not like to hold long I would imploy all such abilities as God had given me in suppressing that party who by their open undeâ—takings and secret practices were like to be the ruinâ— of this flourishing Church After some words of mine upon that occasion I found some argument to divert him from those sad remembrances and having brought him to some reasonable composedness I took leave for the present and some two or three dayes after waiting on him again he then told me the reason of his sending for me the time before And this I deliver for a truth on the faith of a Christian which I hope will over-ballance any Evidence which hath been brought to prove such Popish inclinations as he stands generally charg'd with in our Authors History Fol. 217. However most apparent it is by many passages in his life that he endeavoured to take up many controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome And this indeed is Novum Crimen that is to say a crime of a new stamp never coyn'd before I thought that when our Saviour said Beati Pacifici it had been sufficient warâ—ant unto any man to endevour Peace to build up the breacheâ— in the Church and to make Ierusalem like a City which is at Vnity in it self especially where it may be done not only salva charitare without breach of charity but salvâ fide too without wrong to the faith The greatest part of the Controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome not being in the Fundamentals oâ— in any Essential Points in the Christian Religion I cannot otherwise look upon it but as a most Christian pious work to endeavour an atonement in the Sâ—perstructures But hereof our Author seems to doubt first whether 〈◊〉 endeavours to agree and compose the differences be lawâ—ul or not and secondly whether they be possible As for the lawfulness thereof I could never see any reason produc'd against it nor so much as any question made of it till I found it here against the possibility thereof it hath been objected that such and so great is the pride of the Church of Rome that they will condescend to nothing And therefore if any such composition or agreement be made it must not be by their meeting us but our going to them But as our Author sayes that many of the Archbishops equals adjudg'd that design of his to be impossible so I may say without making any such odious Comparisons that many of our Authors betters have thought otherwise of it It was the petulancy of the Puritans on the one side and the pragmaticalness of the Iesuits on the other side which made the breach wider then it was at the first and had those hot spirits on both sides been charm'd a while moderate men might possibly have agreed on such equal terms as would have said a sure Foundation for the Peace of Christendom Now that all those in the Church of Rome are not so stiffly wedded to their own opinions as our Author makes them appears first by the testimony of the Archbishop of Spalato declaring in the High Commission a little before his going hence that he acknowledged the Articles of this Church to be true or profitable at the least and none of them Heretical It appears secondly by a Tractate of Franciscus de Sancta Clara as he calls himself in which he putteth such a gloss upon the nine and thirty Articles of the Church of England as rendreth them not inconsistent with the Doctrines of the Church of Rome And if without prejudice to the truth the Controversies might have been compos'd it is most probable that other Protestant Churches would have sued by their Agents to be included in the Peace if not the Church of England had lost nothing by it as being hated by the Calvinists and not lov'd by the Lutherans But our Author will not here desist so soon hath he forgotten his own rule made in the case of Mr. Love and therefore mustereth up his faults viz. 1. Passion though an human frailty 2. His severity to his predecessor easing him before his time and against his will of his Iurisdiction 3. His over-medling in State-matters 4. His imposing of the Scottish Liturgy Of all which we have spoke so much upon other occasions that is to say num 246. 251. 289. 259. and therefore do not count it necessary to adde any thing here And so I leave him to his rest in the Bosom of Abraham in the land of thâ— Living From the Archbishop of Canterbury I should proceed to Dr. Williams Archbishop of York but that I must first remove a Block which lies in my way Our Author having told us of the making and printing the Directory is not content to let us see the cold entertainment which it found when it came abroad but letâ— us see it in such terms as we did not look for Fol. 222. Such saith he was call it constancy or obstinacy love or doating of the generality of the Nation on the Common Prayer that the Parliament found it fit yea necessary to back their former Ordinance with a second Assuredly the generality of the people of
alwaies done where ever I am and therein I pray God still to bless us and preserve us all And now out of all this which I have faithfully related I trust that those who intend their ANIMADVERSIONS upon his History will have enough to say and insert in their own Stile for the vindication of SIR Your Affectionate most humble SERVANT J. C. You know Monsieur Dallê to be one of the greatest account and the best Deserts amongst the reformed Church-men in France It will not be amiss to let you know upon thiâ— occâ—sion what he wrote to a Schollar a Friend of his and an University-man in Cambridge for these were the words in his Letter Tuus Cosins imò noster intercedit enim nobis cum illo suavis amicitia atque familiaritas mihi admodùm probatur Bestiae sunt quidem fanatici qui eum de Papismo suspectum habent à quo vix reperias qui sit magis alienus c. Thus having laid before the Reader both the Bill and Answer I leave him to make Judgment of it by the Ruleâ— of Equity remembring him of that old Saying Videlicet Qui statuit aliquid parte in audita altera Equum licet statuerit haud Equus fuit FINIS Examen Historicum OR A DISCOVERY AND EXAMINATION OF THE Mistakes Falsities and Defects In some Modern HISTORIES Part. II. Containing some Advertisements on these following HISTORIES Viz. 1. The compleat History of Mary Queen of Scots and her Son and Successor King James the sixth 2. The History of the Reign and death of King James of Great Britain France and Ireland the first 3. The compleat History of the Life and Reign of King Charls from his Cradle to his Grave Terent. in Andr. Act. 1. Obsequium amicoâ— veritas caium pariâ— LONDON Printed for Henry Seal and R. Royston and are to be sold over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleet-street and at the Angel in 〈…〉 The PREâ—ACE to the follovving ADVERTISEMENTS THe former Animadversions being brought to an end I am in the next place to encounter with an easier Adversary In whom though I finde worâ— enough as â—o matter of Historical Falshoods â—et â— finde no malicious and dangerous untruths destructive to the Church of England or to the â—ame and â—o nor of the Prelates or the reâ—ular Clerâ—◠〈◊〉 have therefore given the Tulâ— oâ— Advertisements to the second part of this Eâ—â—men that â—eing as a gentler so a â—itter term 〈…〉 which is not onely to correct such 〈…〉 â—inde differing from the â—ruth but 〈…〉 the defects of our Author in 〈…〉 which I conceive his care or 〈◊〉 might have led him to Betwixt us both I â—ope the Râ—ader will be 〈◊〉 in the truâ—â—â—nduct of Aâ—â—â—urs as thâ—y come bâ—â—ore â—im And if the Author of the three Histories which I have in hand bring no less ingenuity and candor with him to the perusal of these Papers then I did to the writing of them there will be no need of any such sâ—urrilous unhandsom expressions as his Post-haste Reply c. is most guilty of but whether he do or not is to me indifferent being prepared before I undertook the business â—o endure chearfully all such Censures as my desires to vindicate the injured Truth and truly to inform the Iudgement of the equal Reader should expose me to And herewith I shall put an end to my correcting of the Errors in other mens Writings though I confess I might finde work enough in that kinde if I were so minded most of our late Scripturients affecting rather to be doing then to be punctual and exact in what they doe as if they were of the same mind with the Apeâ—Carrier in the History of Don-Quixot who eared not if his Comediâ—s had as many Errors in them as there are motes in the Sun so he might stuff his Purse with Crowns and get money by tâ—em The small remainder of my liâ—e will be better spent in looking back upon those Errors which the infirmities of nature and other humane frailties have made me subject to that so I may redeem the time because my former days were evil I shall hereafter be onely on the defensive side and study my own preservation if I shall causelesly be assaulted without provoking any by a fresh encounter and doing no otherwise I hope I shall be held excusable both by God and man Viribus utendum est quas fecimus was Caesars resolution when oppressed by an unjust Faction and may without offence be mine when I shall be necessitated thereunto by an unjust Adversary With the like hope I also entertain my self in reference to some freedom which I have made use of in laying down the conduct of such â—ffairs as may concern posterity to be truly informed in For though I neither hope nor wish to live under such a Government ubi â—entire quae velis quae sentias loqui liceat in which it may be lawful for any man to be of what Opinion he will and as freelâ— to publisâ— his Opinions yet on the other â—ide I hope â—t may be lawful for me in 〈◊〉 to memory the actions of the present or preceding times to make use of such a modest freedom as without partiality and respect of persons may represent the true condition of affairs in their proper colours For I conceive it no less necessary in a just Historian not to suppose that which he knoweth to be true ne quid veri non audeat as the old Rule was then it is for him to deliver any thing which he knows to be false or in the truth whereof he is not very well informed The present times had reaped no benefit by the Histories of the Ages past if the Miscarriages of great Persons and the errors by them committed in the managery and transaction of publick business had not been represented in them which having said I shall no longer detain the Reader from reaping that commodity which these Advertisements may afford him his satisfaction being the cause and his content the recompence of these undertakings ADVERTISEMENTS ON 1. The compleat History of MARY Queen of Scots and of her Son and Successor King James the sixth AND 2. The History of the Reign and Death of King James of Great Britain France and Ireland the first Enniusap Tâ—ll de Offic Homo qui â—rranti comiter monstrat viam Quasi lumen de lumine suo accâ—ndat facit ADVERTISMENTS On the Compleat HISTORY OF Mary Queen of Scotland AND King Iames the sixth IN the Preface to the following History we are told that on the composing of the French quarrels by King Hâ—nâ—y the eighth there followed the surrendry of Tourney and Overtures of a match between the Dolphin and Henries Sister To Rectifie which errour we are to know that betwixt â—he taking and surrendry of Tourney there were two acâ—ords made with the French The first between King Henryâ—nd â—nd Lewis the twelfth in which it was conditioned amongst
seasonably here if I had not somewhat to alledge for my justification But when the Reasons which induced me to the first Adventure mentioned in the Introduction following be seriously considered as they ought to be I hope I shall be capable of excuse at the least if not of pardon And for my venturing on the other I shall say nothing more at the present but that as well my love to Truth as to doe right unto the Authour whom I would willingly look on as a man well principled and of no ill affections to Church or State hath invited me to it Truth is the Mistresse which I serve and I presume that none will be offended with me because I tell them of their Errours in a modest way and beare witnesse for them to that Truth of which they doe professe themselves such especiall Lovers In that great Disputation between the Esquires of the body of King Darius whether the King Wine Women or the Truth were of greatest power the whole Assembly cryed out in behalf of Truth Magna est Veritas praevalet that is to say Great is Truth and mighty above all things So that in standing for the Truth without consideration unto the recompence of reward I hope though I meeâ— some Adversaries I shall finde more Friends If not for I am at a reasonable passe for that it shall be no small comfort to me that the weak Candle of my Studies hath given light to othâ—rs whereby they may discern some Historicall Truâ—hs even in the darkest Mists of Errour which either partiality or incogitancy hath cast before the eyes of unwary Readers Which said I shall now adde no more but that having two Pâ—tients under cure of different tempers it is not to be thought that I should administer unto both the same kinde of Physick an ordinary purge being sufficient for the one whereas the foule body of the other doth require a Fluxing as some wounds may be healed with Balm when others more corrupt and putrified doe exact a Lancing But so it happeneth many times that some men are more impatient of the Cure then sensible of their Diseases and that in stead of giving thanks to the Physician for the great pains he took about them they pay him with nothing but displeasures Which being the worst that can befall me I am armed against it If by the hazâ—rd of my peace I shall procure this benefit to the present and succeeding times that men may prove more carefull of what they write and not obtâ—ude upon the Reader either through ignorance inadvertency or somewhat worse such and so many Falsities Mistakes and Errours as have been lately put upon him in some Modern Histories it is that I aimed at and having gained that Point I have gained my purpose Non partis studiis agimur sed sumpsimus Arma Consiliis inimica tuis ignavia fallax Peter Heyliu Examen Historicum OR A DISCOVERY AND EXAMINATION OF THE Mistakes Falsities and Defects In some Modern HISTORY Part. I. CONTAINING Necessary ANIMADVERSIONS ON THE Church-History of Britain AND The History of Cambridge Publisht by Thomas Fuller For vindication of the Truth the Church and the injured Clergy 2 Corinth 13. 8. Non possumus aliquid adversus veritatem sed pro veritate Minut. Foel in Octavio Et Veritas quidem obvia est sed requirentibus A Necessary Introduction To the Following ANIMADVERSIONS ON THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN Touching the Title of the Book and the Preface to it 1. INtending some short Animadversions on the Church Hâ—story of Britain for Vindication of the Truth the Church and the injured Clergy I have thought good to prepare the way unto them by a plain but necessary Introduction touching the Quality and Nature of the Book which I have in hand Concerning which the Reader is to understand that in the Year 1642. M. Fuller publisht his Book called The Holy State in the Preface whereof he lets us know that he should count it freedom to serve two Apprentiships God spinning out the thick thread of his life so long in writing the Ecclesiasticall History from Christs time to our daies And so much time it seems he had spent upon it except some starts for recreation in the Holy Land before he had finisht and expos'd it to the publike view the Book not coming out until the Year 1655. whether agreeable to his promise and such a tedious expectation we are now to see For first The Reader might expect by the former passage that he designed the Generall History of the Church from the first preaching of Christ and the calling of the twelve Apostles to the times we live in whereas he hath restrained himself to the Church of Britain which he conceives to be so far from being founded in the time of Christ that he is loth to give it the Antiquity of being the work of any of the Apostles of any of the Seventy Disciples or finally of any Apostolicall Spirit of those eldest times And secondly Though he entitle it by the name of the Church-History of Britain yet he pursues not his Designe agreeable to that Title neither there being little said of the affairs of the Church of Scotland which certainly makes up a considerable part of the Isle of Britain and lesse if any thing at all of the Church of Ireland which anciently past in the account of a British Island Nor is it thirdly a Church-History rightly and properly so called but an aggregation of such and so many Heterogeneous bodies that Ecclesiasticall affairs make the least part of it Abstracted from the dresse and trimming and all those outward imbelishments which appear upon it it hath a very fit resemblance to that Lady of pleasure of which Martial tels us Pars minima est ipsa puella sui that the woman was the least part of her self The name of a Church-Rhapsody had been fitter for it though to say truth had it been answerable thereunto in point of learning it might have past by the old Title of Fullers Miscellanies For such and so many are the impertinencies as to matters of Historicall nature more as to matters of the Church that without them this great Volume had been brought to a narrower compasse if it had taken up any room at all So that we may affirm of the present History as one did of the Writings of Chrisippus an old Philosopher viz. Si quis tollat Chrysippi Libris quae aliena sunt facilâ— illi vacua relinquerentur Pergamena that is to say that if they were well purged of all such passages as were not pertinent to the businesse which he had in hand there would be nothing left in them to fill up his Parchments 2. The first of this kinde which I am to note is a meer extrinsecall and outside unto those impertinences which are coucht within consisting of Title-Pages Dedicatory Epistles and severall intermediate Inscriptions unto every Section A new way never travelled before by
Puritanical Zeal should be lost to posterity These things I might have noted in their proper places but that they were reseru'd for this as a taste to the rest 12. Et jam finis erat and here I thought I should have ended this Anatomy of our Authors Book but that there is another passage in the Preface thereof which requires a little further consideration For in that Preface he informs us by the way of caution That the three first Books were for the main written in the Reign of the late King as appeareth by the Passages then proper for the Government The other nine Books were made since Monarchy was turned into a State By which it seems that our Author never meant to frame his History by the line of truth but to attemper it to the palat of the present Government whatsoever it then was or should prove to be which I am sure agrees not with the Laws of History And though I can most easily grant that the fourth Book and the rest that follow were written after the great alteration and change of State in making a new Commonwealth out of the ruines of an ancient Monarchy yet I concur not with our Author in the time of the former For it appears by some passages that the three first Books either were not all written in the time of the King or else he must give himself some disloyal hopes that the King should never be restored to his place and Poweâ— by which he might be called to a reckoning for them For in the second Book he reckons the Cross in Baptism for a Popish Trinket by which it appears not I am sure to have been written in the time of the Kingly Government that being no expression sutable unto such a time Secondly speaking of the precedency which was sixt in Canterbury by removing the Archiepiscopal See from London thither he telleth us that the 〈◊〉 is not muâ—h which See went first when living seeing our Age â—ath laid them â—oth alike level in in their Graves But certainly the Government was not chang'd into a State or Commonwealth till the death of the King and till the death of the King neither of those Episcopal Sees nor any of the rest were laid so level in their Graves but that they were in hope of a Resurrection the King declaring himself very constantly in the Treaty at the Isle of Wight as well against the abolishing of the Episcopal Government as the alienation of their Lands Thirdly In the latter end of the same Book he makes a great dispute against the high and sacred priviledge of the Kings of England in curing the disease commonly called the Kings Evil whether to be imputed to Magick or Imaginaâ—â—â—n or indeed a Miracle next brings us in an old Wives Tale about Queen Elizabeth as if she had disclaimed that power which she daily exercised and finally manageth a Quarrel against the form of Prayer used at the curing of that Evil which he arraigns for Superstition and impertinencies no inferior Crimes Are all these Passages proper to that Government also Finally in the third Book he derogates from the power of the Church in making Canons giving the binding and concluding Power in matters which concern the Civil Rights of the Subjects not to the King but to the Lay-people of the Land assemâ—â—â—d in Parliament which game he after followeth in the â—ighth and last And though it might be safe enough for him in the eighth last to derogate in this maner from the Kings supremacy in Ecclesiastical affairs yet certainly it was neither safe for him so to do nor proper for him so to write in the time of the Kinglâ— Govâ—rnment unless he had some such wretched hopes as before we spâ—ke of 〈◊〉 I must need say that on the reading of these Passages anâ— the rest that follow I found my self possest with much indignation and long expected when some Champion would appear in the lists against this Goliah who so reproachfully had defiled the whole Armies of Israel And I must needs confess withal that I did never enter more unwillingly upon any undertaking then I did on this But being â—ollicited thereunto by Letters Messages and several personal Addresses by men of all Orders and Dignities in the Church and of all Degrees in the Universities I was at last overcome by that importunity which I found would not be resisted I know that as the times now stand I am to expect nothing for my Pains and Travel but the displeasure of some and the censure of others But coming to the work with a single heart abstracted from all self-ends and private Interesses I shall satisfie my self with having done this poor service to the Church my once Blessed Mother for whose sake onely I have put my self upon this Adventure The party whom I am to deal with is so much a stranger to me that he is neither beneficio nec injurià notus and therefore no particular respects have mov'd me to the making of these Animadversions which I have writ without relation to his person for vindication of the truth the Church and the injured Clergy as before is said So that I may affirm with an honest Conscience Non lecta est operi sed data causa meo That this imploâ—ment was not chosen by me but impos'd upon me the unresistable intreaties of so many friends having something in them of Commands But howsoever Iacta est alea as Caesar once said when he passed over the Rubicon I must now take my fortune whatsoever it proves so God speed me well Errata on the Animadversions PAge 10. line 17. for Melkinus r. Telkinus p. 20. l. 21. for Queen of r. Queen of England p. 27. l. 6. for Woodeâ— poir r. Woodensdike s p. 42. l. 1. for inconsiderateness r. the inconsiderateness of children p. 121. l. 28. for ter r. better p. 145. l. 2. for statuendo r. statuendi p. 154. l. 22. Horcontnar r. cantuur p. 154. l. 17. for Dr. Hammond r. D. Boke p. 160. l. 1. for his r. this p. 163. l. 28. for Jesuites r. Franciscans p. 189. l. ult for contemn r. confession p. 221. in the Marg. for wether r. with other p. 228. l. 2. for Den r. Dean p. 239. l. 29. for Commons r. Canon p. 271. l. ult for culis r. occulis ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Church History OF BRITAIN LIB I. Of the Conversion of the Britans to the Faith of Christ. IN order to the first Conveâ—sion o◠〈◊〉 Bâ—itish Nations our Author takes beginning at the sad condition they were in beâ—ore the Chrisâ—ian Faith was preached unto them â— And in a sad condition they were indeedâ— as being in the estate of Gentilism and consequently without the true knowledge of the God that made them but yet not in a worse condition then the other Gentiles wâ—â— were not only darkned in their understandings bâ—â—â—o deprav'd also in their Affections as to work all maâ—nâ—er of uncleanness even
with greediness Not â—o 〈◊〉 in their Conversation as the Asiatiâ—ks noâ—â—o 〈◊〉 as the Greeks nor branded wiâ—h thâ—se fiâ—thy and â—â—natural lusts which St. Paul chargeth on the Râ—mans â—nd were in ordinary practice with most Eastern Naâ—â—â—ns And tâ—â—â—gh they were Idolaters yea and foul Idâ—latâ—rs as our Aâ—thoâ— hath it yet neither were their â—oâ—s of so brâ—tish and impuâ—e a nature as the Priapus Clâ—cina and Sterâ—utia amongst the Romans or as theâ—â— Venus 〈…〉 common Harlots all of whiâ—h â—nd such like other Gods the old Fathers tell us thâ—t they were not Nâ—mina colendorum sed criâ—ira câ—lentium Noâ— were they so immodest and â—bscene in their 〈◊〉 and Ceâ—emonies as were the Greâ—ks and Romans in the sacrifices of their Cybele or Bereâ—ynthia whom they call the Mother of the Gods deâ—câ—ibed by Arnobius Lactanâ—â—â—â— and others of the ancient Wâ—iters in â—uâ—h lively colours as no chast eye can look upon them without detestation Aâ—d for the number of their Gods they fell extremely shoâ—t of that inâ—â—â—ite mâ—ltitude which St. Augustine findes amongst the Romans our Author naming only thâ—ee which he cals Gods Paramount that is to say Belâ—nus Andatâ—â— and Diana though whâ—theâ— this last weâ—e a British Deity may be more then questioned When theâ—efoâ—e Gilâ—as tels us of the ancients Britans that in the numbeâ— of their Gods they had almost exceeded â—â—â—gypt Pâ—rtenta paene numero Aegyptiaca vinâ—entia in that aâ—thors language he must be undeâ—stood with reâ—erence to the times in which he lived when all the Roman Rabble had been thrust upon them and not as speaking of the times of their first conveâ—sâ—on But whether they were more o◠〈◊〉 our Author is resolv'd on Diana for one whose Temple was built in or neer the place where St. Pauls now stands as our learned Antiquaries do acknowledge Foâ— 1. Which saith he rendreth their conceit not altogether unâ—ikely who will have London so called from Llan-Dian which signifieth in British the Temple of Diana A conceit whosesoever it was not altogether so likely neither as our Author makes it For though the Britans being well stor'd with woods and Venison possibly might have a hunting Goddess amongst the rest yet certainly she was not call'd by the name of Diana till the Roman Conquest and Plantations before which time this City had the name of London or Londinum as we read in Tacitus The name and sacrifices of Diana were not originally British but of Roman race as the great Temple in or near the place where St. Pauls now stands was of their foundation The Britans worshipping Apollo by the name of Belinus as both Camden and our Author say they did must be suppos'd to have another name for Diana also and were more likely to have call'd her by the name of Artemis her old Grecian name or by some other of as neer a remembrance to it as Belinus was to that of Bel in the Eastern Countries Assuredly if that great City had received this name from Dianas Temple the Welch being so tenacious of their ancient language would have had some remembrance of it who to this day call it Lundayn and not Llan-dian according to the new conceit which our Author speaks of But of this enough Now to facilitate this great work of their conversion Camden and Godwin two great Antiquaries have alledg'd one reason which is not allowed of by our Author and our Author hath alledged another reason which none can allow of but himself The reason alledged by the two great Antiquaries is that the Druides did 〈…〉 the Britans in the knowledge of one only God which questionless was a great step towards their Conversion Druides unum esse Deum semper inculcarunt saith our Authors margin But this he reckoneth a 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 charitably wisheth thereupon viz. Power whom generally they entituled by the name of Iupiter yet they did well enough agree in giving him the Supreme power over all the World Et qui Iovem Principem volunt falluntur in nomine sed de una potestate consentiunt as my Author hath it Nor did thoâ—e old Philosophoâ—s keâ—p the great Truth â—nto themselves like a Candle in a dark Lanthorn or hid under a Bushell but plac'd it like a great light on the top of a Mountain thâ—t all the people might disceâ—n it who theâ—eupon liâ—ting their hands unto the Heavens did frequently make their addresses but to one God only saying in common speech unto one another that God was great and God was true and if God permit Of which my Author the same Châ—istian Advocat seems to make a question Vulgi iste naturalis sâ—rmo est an Christiani confitentis cratio That is to say whether those expressions â—avoured not rather of the Christian then the vulgâ—r Heathâ—n And heâ—eâ—pon I may conâ—lude in the behalf of the Druides oâ—â—ather of those leaâ—ned Pens who affirm it of them that being Philosophers in study aâ—d Divines by Oâ—â—ice and very eminent in their times iâ— both capacities they might as well instruct the Peopâ—e in the knowledge of one only God as any other of the Heathen Sageâ—â— either Greâ—ks or Romans The reason alleâ—dged by these great Antiquaries being thus made good we next pâ—oceed to the Examination of that which is pâ—oduced by our Author who telleth us that Fol. 3. It facilitated the entrance of the Gospel â—ither that lately the Roman câ—nquest had in part civilized th◠〈◊〉 of this Island by transâ—orting Câ—lâ—niâ—s and erecting of 〈◊〉 there Then which theâ—e coâ—ld not any thing be 〈◊〉 more diffeâ—ent from the 〈…〉 the time of that conâ—ersion which we 〈…〉 as all 〈…〉 amongst thâ—m our Author himself have aâ—â—â—rmed fâ—om 〈◊〉 who liv'd in the fourth Century of the Chriâ—â—ian Church tâ—mpore 〈◊〉 Tiberii Caesaris toward the latter end of â—â—e Reign of Tiberius Caesar that is to say about 〈◊〉 seven years after 〈…〉 at what time 〈◊〉 Romans had neither erected any one City nor 〈◊〉 any one Colony in the South paris of the Island â—or though Iulius Caesar in pursâ—ance of his Gallick 〈◊〉 had attempted this Island crossed the Thâ—mes and pierced as far as â—erulamium in the Countrey of the Cattieuchlani now Hartfordshire yet either finding hâ—w dâ—fficult a work it was like to prove or having bâ—siness of more moment he gave over the enterprize 〈…〉 with the honor of the first discovery 〈…〉 quam tradidisse as we read in Taciâ—â—◠〈…〉 after this in order to the conquest 〈…〉 till the time of Claudius Augustus would by no means be peâ—waded to the undertaking and much leâ—s â—iberius in whose last years the Gospel wâ—s first preachâ— in Britain as before waâ— said Consilium id Divâ—s Auâ—â—◠〈◊〉 Tibeâ—ius praecipue And though 〈…〉 was once reâ—olv'd on the expedition yet being never constant to his resoâ—â—tions he soon gave it 〈◊〉 â—â—ving the honor of this conquest to his Uncle 〈◊〉 who next succeeded in the Empire and being invited into
trouble at all that is to say That The Scripture quoted in that Letter is out of St. Hieroms Translation which came more then a hundred years after Unless it can be prov'd with all as I think it cannot the Hierom followed not in those texts those old Translations which were before receiv'd and used in the Western Churches Less am I mov'd with that which follows viz. That this letter not appearing till a thousand years after the death of Pope Eleutherius might probably creep out of some Monkâ— Cell some four hundred years since Which allegation being admitted the Monks Cell excepted it makes no more to the discredit of the letter which we have before us then to the undervaluing of those excellent Monuments of Piety and Learning which have been recovered of late times from the dust and moths of ancient Libraries Such Treasure like money long lockt up is never thought less profitable when it comes abroad And from what place soever it first came abroad I am confident it came not out of any Monks Cell that generation being then wholly at the Popes devotion by consequence not likely to divulge an Evidence so mâ—nifestly tending to the overthrow of his pretensions The Popes about four hundred years since were mounted to the height of that power and Tyranny which they claimed as Vicars unto Christ. To which theâ—e could not any thing be more plainly contrary then that passage in the Popes letter where he tells the King That he was Gods Vicar in his own Kingdom vos estis Vicarius Deâ— in Regno vestro as the Latine hath it Too gâ—eat a secret to proceed from the Cell of a Monk who would have rather forg'd ten Decretals to â—phoâ—d the Pâ—pis◠〈◊〉 over Soverain Princes then published one only whether true or false to subvert the same Nor doth this Letter only give the King an empty Title but such a Title as imports the exercise of the chief Ecclesiastical Power within his Dominions For thus it followeth in the same The people and the folk of the Realm of Britain be yours whom if they be divided ye ought togather in concâ—rd and peace to call them to the faith and law of Christ to cherish and maintain them to rule and govern them so as you may reign everlastingly with him whose Vicar you are So far the very words of the letter as our Author rendereth them which savour far more of the honest simplicity of the Primitive Popes then the impostures and supposâ—titious issues of the â—atter times Our Author tells us fol. 9. that he had ventured on this story with much aversness and we dare believe him He had not else laboured to discredit it in so many particulars and wilfully that I say no worse suppressed the best part of the Evidence in the words of Beda who being no friend unto the Britans hath notwithstanding done them right in this great business And from him take the story in these following words Anno ab iâ—carnatiâ—ne Domini 156 c. In the 156. year after Christs Nativity Marcus Antonius Verus together with Aurelius Commodus his Brother did in the fourteenth place from Augustus Caesar undertake the goveâ—nment of the Empire In whose times when as Eleutherius a godly man was Bishop of the Church of Rome Lucius King of the Britans sent unto him Obsecrans ut per ejus mandatum Christianus essiceretur intreating by his means to be made a Christian whose vertrious desire he ein was granted and the faith of Christ being thus received by the Britans was by them kept inviolate and undefiled until the time of Diocâ—tian This is the substance of the story as by him delivered true in the main though possibly there may be some mistake in his Chronology as in a matter not so canvassed as it hath been lately Now to proceed unto our Author he tells us fol. 10. out of Ieffery of Monmouth That at this time there were in England twenty eight Cities each of them having a Flamen or Pagan Priest and three of them namely London York and Caer-Lion in Wales had Archflamens to which the rest were subjected and Lucius placed Bishops in the room of the Flamens and Archbishops Metropolitans in the places of Archflamens concluding in the way of scorn that his Flamines and Archflamines seem to be Flams and Archflams even notorious falshoods And it is well they do but seem so it being possibly enough that they may seem Falshoods to our Author even notorious Falshoods though they seem true enough to others even apparent truths And first though Ieffery of Monmouth seem to deserve no credit in this particular where he speaks against our Authors sense yet in another place where he comes up to his desires he is otherwise thought of and therefore made the Foreman of the grand Inquest against Augustino the Monk whom he enditeth for the murther of the Monks of Bancor And certainly if Ieffery may be believ'd when he speaks in passion when his Welch bloud was up as our Author words it as one that was concerned in the cause of his Countreymen he may more easily be believ'd in a cause of so remote Antiquity where neither love nor hatred or any other prevalent affection had any power or reason to divert him from the way of truth And secondly though Ieffery of Monmouth be a Writer of no great credit with me when he stands single by himself yet when I finde him seconded and confirmed by others I shall not brand a truth by the name of falshood because he reports it Now that in Britain at that time there were no fewer then eight and twenty Cities is affirmed by Beda Henry of Huntington not only agrees with him in the number but gives us also the names of them though where to finde many of them it is hard to say That in each of these Cities was some Temple dedicated to the Pagan Gods that those Temples afterwards were imploy'd to the use of Christians and the Revenues of them assign'd over to the maintenance of the Bishops and other Ministers of the Gospel hath the concurrâ—nt testimony of approved Authors that is to say Maâ—thew of Westminster out of Gildas Anno 187. Rodolph de Diceto cited by the learned Primaâ— of Armach in his Book De Primordiis Eccles. Brit. cap. 4. Gervaso of Tilbury ibid. cap. 6. And for the Flamines and Archflamines they stand not only on the credit of Ieffery of Monmouth but of all our own Writers who speak of the foundation of the antient Bishopricks even to Polydor Virgil. Nor want there many forain Writers who affirm the same bginning with Martinus Polonus who being esteemed no friend to the Popedom because of the Story of Pope Ione which occurs in his Writings may the rather be believ'd in the story of Lucius And he agrees with Ieffery of Monmouth in all parts of the story as to the Flamines and Archflamines as do also many other
King Edward having no dominion over them could not impose a Law upon them Not was it probable that he should borrow any of their Lawes or impose them on his natural subjects considering the Antipathy and disaffection betwixt the Nations There were indeed at that time in England three kinds of Lawes The first called Dane-lage or the Danish Lawes prevailing for the most part in the Kingdom of the East-Angles and that of Northumberland secondly Saxon-lage used generally in the Kingdoms of the West-Saxons East-Saxons South-Saxons and that of Kent and thirdly Merceâ—-lage extending over all the Provinces of the Kingdom of Mercia As for the Britans of Cornwal and Cumberland they had no distinct Law for themselves as had those of Wales but were governed by the Lawes of that Nation unto which they were subject By these three sorts of Laws were these Nations governed in their several and respective limits which being afterwards reduced into one body and made common equally to all the subjects did worthily deserve the name of the Common-Law But secondly I dare not give the honour of this action to King Edward the Confessor The great Iustinian in this work was another Edward called for distinctions sake King Edward the elder who began his Reign Anno 900. almost 150 years before this Confessor to whom our Author hath ascribed it But the truth is that these Lawes being suppressed by the Danish Kings who governed either in an arbitrary way or by the Lawes of their own Countrey they were revived and reinforced in the time of this Edward from whence they had the name of Edward the Confessors Lawes and by that name were sued and fought for in the time succeeding of which more hereafter Now as this work may be ascribed to his love to justice so from his piety his successors derive as great a benefit of curing the disease which from thence is called the Kings evill which some impute as our Author tels us to secret and hidden causes Fol. 145. Others ascribe it to the power of fancy and an exalted imagination Amongst which others I may reckon our Author for one He had not else so strongly pleaded in defence thereof But certainly what effect soever the strength of fancy and an exalted imaginationâ— as our Author cals it may produce in those of riper years it can contribute nothing to the cure of children And I have seen some children brought before the King by the hanging sleeves some hanging at their Mothers breasts and others in the armes of their Nurses all touch'd and cur'd without the help of any such fancies or imaginations as our Author speaks of Others lesse charitably condemn this cure as guilty of superstiâ—ion quarrelling at the Circumstances and Ceremonies which are used and this they do Saith he ibid. either displeased at the Collect consisting of the first nine verses of the Gospell of St. John as wholly improper and nothing relating to the occasion c. Our Author tels us more then once lib. 11. 167. of his being a Clerk of the Convocation but I finde by this that he never came so high as to be Clerk of the Closet Which had he been he would not have mistaken the Gospel for a Collect or touched upon that Gospel which is lesse material without insisting on the other which is more pertinent and proper to the work in hand or suffered the displeased party to remain unsatisfied about the sign of the Crosse made by the Royall hands on the place infected as it after followeth when there is no such crossing used in that sacred Ceremony the King only gently drawing both his hands over the sore at the reading of the first Gospel But that both he and others may be satisfied in these particulars I have thought fit to lay down the whole form of prayers and readings used in the healing of that malady in this manner following The form of the Service at the healing of the Kings-evill The first Gospel is exactly the same with that on Ascension day At the touching of every infirm person these words are repeated They shall lay their hands on the sick and they shall recover The second Gospell begins the first of St. Iohn and ends at these words Full of grace and truth At the putting the Angell about their necks were repeated That Light was the true light which lighteth every man that cometh into the world Lord have mercy upon us Christ have mercy upon us Lord have mercy upon us Our Father which art in Heaven hallowed be thy Name c. Min. O Lord save thy servants An. Which put their trust in thee Min. Send unto them help from above An. And evermore mightily defend them Min. Help us O God our Saviour An. And for the glory of thy name sake deliver us be merciful unto us sinners for thy names sake Min. O Lord hear our Prayer An. And let our cry come unto thee The Collect. Almighty God the eternal health of all such as put their trust in thee hear us we beseech thee on the behalf of these thy servants for whom we call for thy merciâ—â—l help that they receiving health may give thanks â—nto thee in thy holy Church through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen The peace of God c. This is the whole form against which nothing is objected but the using of the words before mentioned at the putting on of the Angel the pertinency whereof may appear to any who consider that the Light which was the true Light and lighteth every man which cometh into the world did not shine more visibly at the least moâ—e comfortably upon the people then in the healing of â—o many sick infirm and leprous persons as did from time to time receive the benefit of it But it is time I should proceed Fol. 148. These chose Harald to be King whose Titlâ— to the Crown is not worth our deriving of itâ— much 〈◊〉 his râ—lying on it A Title not so deâ—picable as our Author makes it nor much inferior unto that by which hiâ— Predecessor obtain'd the Kingdom Harald being â—on to Earl Godwin the most potent man of all the Sâ—â—xons by Theyra the natural Daughter of Canutus the fiâ—st was consequently Brother by the whole bloud to Harald Harâ—agar and Brother by the half bloud to Canutus the â—econd the two last Danish Kings of England In which respect being of Saxon Anceâ—â—ry by his Faâ—her and of the Danish Royal bloud by his Mother he might be look'd on as the fittest person in that conjâ—ncture to conâ—ent both Nations But whatsoever his Title was it was undoubtedly better then that of the Norman had either his success been answerable or his sword as good Upon occasion of which Conquest our Author telleth us that Ibid. This was the fifth time wherein the South of this Island was conquered first by Romans secondly by Picts and Scots thirdly by Saxons fourthly by the Danes and fifthlyâ— by the Norman But this I can by no means
forth c. The offenders to suffer such pain of death and forfeiture as in case of Felony A Statute made of purpose to restrain the insolencies of the Puriâ—â—n Faction and by which many of them were adjudged to death in the times ensuing some as the Authors and others as the publishers of seditious Pamphlers But being made with limitation to the life of the Queen it expired with her And had it been reviv'd as it never was by either of the two last Kings might possibly have prevented those dreadful mischiefs which their posterity is involved in Fol. 157. Sure I am it is most usual in the Court of Marches Arches rather whereof I have the best experience This is according to the old saying to correct Magnificat Assuredly Archbishop Whitgift knew better whan he was to write then to need any such critical emendations And therefore our Author might have kept his Arches for some publick Triumph after his conquest of the Covetous Conformists and High Royalists which before we had It was the Court of the Marches which the Bishop speaks of and of which he had so good experience he being made Vice-Precedent of the Court of the Marches by Sir Henry Sidney immediately on his first coming to the See of Worcester as Sir George Paul telleth us in his life Fol. 163. By the changing of Edmond into John Contnar it plainly appears that as all these letters were written this year so they were indited after the sixth of July and probably about December when Bishop Grindal deceased â— I grant it for a truth that Grindal died on the sixth of Iuly and I know it also for a truth that Whitgift was translated to the See of Canterbury on the 23. of September then next following But yet it follows not thereupon that all the Letters here spoken of being 12 in number which are here exemplified were writ in the compass of one year and much less in so narrow a time as about December Nay the contrary hereunto appears by the Lettâ—â—s themselves For in one of them written to the Lord Treasurer fol. 160. I finde this passage viz. Your Lordship objecteth thaâ— it is said I took this câ—urse for the better maintenance of my Book My Enemies say so indeed but I trust my friends have a better opinion of me what should I look after any Confirmation of my Book after twelve years or what should I get thereby more then already Now the Book mentioned by the Bishop was that entituled The Defence of the Answer to the Admonition against the Reply of T. C. printed at London An. 1574. To which the 12 years being added which we finde mentioned in this Letter it must needs be that this Letter to the Lord Treasurer was written in the year 1586. and consequently not all written in the year 1583. as our Author makes them The like might be collected also from some circumstances in the other Letters but that I have more necessary business to imploy my time on Fol. 171. The severe inforcing of Subscription hereunto what great disturbance it occasioned in the Church shall hereafter by Gods assistance be made to appear leaving others to judge whether the offence was given or taken thereby Our Author tells us fol. 143. that in the business of Church government he would lie at a close guard and offer as little play as might be on either side But for all that he cannot but declare himself for the stronger party He had not else left it as a matter doubtful whether the disturbances which insued on the Archbishops inforcing of Subscription and the scandal which did thence arise were to be imputed to the Imposer who had Authority on his side as himself confesseth or the refusers carried on by self ends and untractable obstinacy As for the Articles to which subscriptions were required they were these that follow viz. 1. That the Queen only had Supreme Authority over all persons boâ—n within her Dominion 2. That the Book of Common-Prayer and Ordination of Bishops Priests and Deacons containeth nothing contrary to the Word of God 3. That the Articles of Religion agreed on in the year 1562. and publisht by the Queens Authority were consonant to the word of God All which being so expresly built on the Lawes of the Realm must needs lay the scandal at their doores who refused subscription and not at his who did require it But love will creep they say where it cannot go And do our Author what he can he must discover his affection to the causeâ—pon â—pon all occasions No where more mâ—nifestly then where he telleth us Fol. 187. That since the High-Commission and this Oath it is that ex Officio which he meaneth were taken away by the â—â—ct of Parliament it is to be hoped that if such swearing were sâ— great a grievance nihil analogum nothing like unto it which may amount to as much shall hereafter be substituted in the room thereof What could be said more plain to testiâ—ie his disaffections one way and his zeâ—l another The High-Commission and the Oath repâ—oâ—ched as Grievances because the greatest curbs of the Puritan party and the strongest Bulwarks of the Church a congratulation â—o the times for abolishing both though as yet I â—â—nde no Act of Parliament against the Oath except it be by consequence and illation only and finally a hope exprest that the Church never shall revert to her foâ—mer power in substituting any like thing in the place thereof by which the good people of the Land may be stopt in their way to the fifth Monarchy so much fought after And yet this does not speak so plain as the following passage viz. Fol. 193. Wits will be working and such as have a Satyrical vein cannot better vent it then in lashing of sin This spoken in defence of those scurrilous Libels which Iob Throgmorton Penry Fenner and the rest of the Puritan Rabble published in Print against the Bishops Anno 1588. thereby to render them ridiculous both abroad and at home The Qâ—een being 〈◊〉 exclaimed against and her Honorable Councell scandalously censured for opposing the Gospel they fall more foully on the Bishops crying them down as Antichristian Petty-popes Bishops of the Devil cogging and cozening knaves dumb dogs enemies of God c. For which cause much applauded by the Papists beyond Sea to whom nothing was more acceptable then to see the English Hierarchy reproachâ— and vilified and frequently â—â—red by them as unquestioned evidences For if our Authors rule be good fol. 193. That the fault is not in the writer if he truly cite what is false on the credit of another they had no reason to examine punctually the truth of that which tended so apparently to the great advantage of their cause and party But this Rule whether true or false cannot be used to justifie our Author in many passages though truly cited considering that he cannot chuse but know them to be false in themselves
74. But leaving him to stand or fall to his own Master I would fain know what text of Scripture ancient Writer or approved Councel can be brought to justifie Bounds Doctrines which he affirms for ancient truths and consonant to holy Scripture But more particularly where he can shew me any ground for the third Position viz. That there is as great reason why we Christians should take our selves as straightly bound to rest upon the Lords day as the Jewes were upon their Sabbath it being one of the moral Commandements whereof all are of equall authority This if it be a truth is no ancient truth and whensoever it be received and allowed for truth will in conclusion lay as heavy and insupportable Burthens upon the consciences of Gods people as ever were imposed upon the Jewes by the Scribes and Pharisees And secondly I would fain know the meaning of the following words in which it is said that others conceived them grounded on a wrong bottom but because they tended to the manifest advance of Religion it was pity to oppose them I would fain know I say considering that the foundation of the Christian faith is laid on the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles Christ himself being the chief corner stone how any thing which is not built upon this foundation but grounded on a wrong bottom as this seemed to be could tend to the manifest advance of the true Religion That it tended to the manifest advance of some Religion I shall easily grant and if our Author mean no otherwise we shall soon agree But sure I am no part of the true Religion was ever grounded upon â—alshood and therefore is 〈◊〉 Doctrine were grounded on so ill â— bottom aâ— they say it was it might â—onâ—â—â— to the advancement of a Faction and mens private 〈◊〉 but to the true Religion it was likely to contribute nothing but disgrace and scandal Lâ—stly I am to minde our Author that he makes Mr. Greenhams Treatise of the Sabbath to be published in pursuance of Bounds opinions which could not be till in or after the year 1595. Whereas he had laid him in his grave above two years before telling us that he died of the Plugue in London Anno 1592. fol. 219. By which it seems that Greenham either writ this Treatise after his decease oâ— else our Author hath done ill in giving the fâ—â—st honour of these new Doctrins unto Dr. Bound In the next place we shall see our Author engage himself in defence of the Calviâ—an Doctrins about Predestâ—ation Grace c. of which he telleth us that Fol. 229. Having much troubled both the Schools and Puâ—pit Archbishop Whitgift out of his Christian care to propogate the truth and suppress the opposite errors 〈◊〉 used a solemn meeting of many grave and learned 〈◊〉 at Lanibâ—th The occasion this The controversâ—â— about Predestination Grace c. had been long 〈◊〉 in the Schools between the Dominicant on the one side and the Francisâ—ans on the other 〈◊〉 the Dominicans grounding their opinion on the Authority of St. Augustin Prosper and some others of the following 〈◊〉 the Franciscans on the general current of the 〈◊〉 Fathers who lived ante motâ— certamina Pelagiana before the rising of the Pelagian Hereâ—ies 〈◊〉 disputes being after taken up in the 〈◊〉 Churches 〈◊〉 moderate Lutherans as they 〈◊〉 them followed the Doctrine of Melanchâ—hon conformable to the 〈…〉 those particulars The others whom they 〈…〉 or rigid Lutherans of whom 〈◊〉 Illyricus was the chief go in the same way with the Dominicans The authority of which last opinion after it had been entertained and publishe in the works of Calvin for his sake found admiâ—â—ance in the Schools and Pulpits of most of the Reformed Churches And having got footing here in England by the preaching of such Divines as had fled to Geneva in Queen Maries time it was defended in the Schools of Cambridge without opposition till Peter Barâ— a French man came and setled there Who being the Lady Margarets Pâ—ofessor in that University and liking better of the Melanchthonian way then that of Calvin defended it openly in the Schools many of parts and qâ—ality being gained unto his opinion Which gave so much displeasure to Dr. Whitaker Dr. Tyndall Mr. Perkins and some other leading men of the contrary judgement that they thought best to use the Argument ab Authoritatâ— to convince their Adversaries and complained thereof to the Archbishop and in the end prevailed with him to call that meeting at Lambeth which our Author speaks of in which some Articles commonly called the Nine Articles of Lambeth were agreed upon and sent down to Cambridge in favour of Dr. Whitaker and his Associates But our Author not content to relate the story of the Quarrel must take upon him also to be a judge in the Controversie He had before commended the Dominicans for their Orthodoxie in these points of Doctrine as they were then in agitation betwixt them and the Iesuits He now proceeds to do the like between the two parties men of great piety and learning appearing in it on both sides disputing the same points in the Church of England honouring the opinion of Dr. Whitaker and his Associates with the name of the truth and branding the other with the Title of the opposite error And yet not thinking that he had declared himself sufficiently in the favour of the Calvinian party he telleth us not long after of these Lambeth Articles fol. 232. that though they wanted the Authority of Provincial Acts yet will they readily be received of all Orthodox Christians for as far as their own purity bears conformity to Gods word Which last words though somewhat perplextly laid down must either intimate their conformity to the word of God or else signifie nothing But whatsoever opinion our Author hath of these Nine Articles certain it is that Queen Elizabeth was much displeased at the making of them and commanded them to be supprest which was done accordingly and with such diligence withall that for long time a Copy of them was not to be met with in that University Nor was King Iames better pleased with them then Queen Elizabeth was Insomuch that when Dr. Renalds mov'd in the Conference of Hampton-Court that the Nine Articles of Lambeth might be superadded to the 39. Articles of the Church of England King Iames upon an information of the true staâ—e of the businesse did absolutely refuse to give way to it But of this more at large elsewhere I only add a Memorandâ—m of our Authors mistake in making Dr. Richard Bancroft Bishop of London to be one of the Bishops which were present at the meeting at Lambeth whereas indeed 〈◊〉 was Richard Fletcher Bishop elect of London and by that name entituled in such Authors as relate this story Dr. Bancroft not being made Bishop of London or of any place else till the year 1597. which was two years after this Assembly Alike mistake relating to this business
own Thirdly though it be true enough that some Persons of Honour had been denied such higher Titles as they had desired fol. 163. Yet was it not the denying of such Titles unto Men of Honour which wrote these terrible effects but the denying of an Honorary Title to a Man of no Honour If Colonel Alexander Lesley an obscure fellow but made rich by the spoils and plunder of Germany had been made a Baron when he first desired it the rest of the Male-contents in Scotland might have had an heart though they had no head But the King not willing to dishonor so high a Title by conferring it on so low a person denyed the favour which put the man into such a heat that presently he joyned himself to the faction there drove on the Plot and finally undertook the command oâ— their Armieâ— Rewaâ—ded foâ— which notable service with the Title of Earl of Levin by the King himâ—elâ— he could not so digest the injury of the first refusal but that he afterwards headed their Rebellions upon all occasions Fol. 163. Generally they excused the King in their writings as innocent therein but charged Archbishop Laâ—d as the principal and Dr. Cousins for the instrumental compiler thereof This is no more then we had reason to expect fâ—om a former passage lib. 4. fol. 193. where our Author telleth us that the Scottish Bishops withdrew themselves from their obedience to the See of York in the time when George Nevil was Archbishop And then he adds Hence forwards no Archbishop of York medled more with Church matters in Scotland and happy had it been if no Archbishop of Canterbury had since interessed himself therein His stomach is so full of choler against this pooâ— Prelate that he must needs bring up some of it above an hundred years before he was born Hence is it that he rakes together all reports which make against him and sets them down in rank and file in the course of this History If Archbishop Abbot be suspended from his Jurisdiction the blame thereof was laid on Archbishop Laud as if not content to succeed he endeavoured to suâ—plant him fol. 128. The King sets out a Declaration about lawful sports the reviving and enlarging of which must be put upon his accompt also some strong pâ—eâ—â—mptions being urged for the proof thereof fol. 147. The 〈◊〉 of the Church to her antient Rules and publick Doctrines must be nothing else but the enjoyning of his own private practices and opinions upon other men fol. 127. And if a Liturgy be compos'd for the use of Church of Scotland who but he must be charged to be the Compiler of it But what proofs have we for all this Only the 〈◊〉 or his Enemies or our Authors own 〈…〉 or some common fame And if it once be 〈…〉 shall pass for truth and as a truth 〈…〉 Authors History though the greatest falsehood Tam facilis in mendaciis fides ut quicquid famae liceat fingere illi esset libenter audire in my Authors language But for the last he brings some pâ—oof he would have us think so at the least that is to say the words of one Bayly a Scot whom it concern'd to make him as odious as he could the better to comply with a Pamphlet called The Intentions of the Army in which it was declared that the Scots entred England with a purpose to remove the Archbishop from the King and execute their vengeance on him What hand Dr. Cousins had in assisting of the work I am not able to say But sure I am that there was nothing done in it by the Bishops of England but with the counsel and co-operation of their Brethren in the Church of Scotland viz. the Archbishop of St. Andrews the Archbishop of Glasco the Bishop of Murray Ross Brechin and Dunblane as appears by the Book entituled Hidden Works of Darkness c. fol. 150 153 154 c. And this our Author must needs know but that he hath a minde to quarrel the Archbishop upon every turn as appears plainly 1. By his Narrative of the Design in King Iames his time from the first undertaking of it by the Archbishop of St. Andrews and the Bishop of Galloway then being whose Book corrected by that King with some additions expunctions and accommodations was sent back to Scotland 2. By that unsatisfiedness which he seems to have when the project was resum'd by King Charles whether the Book by him sent into Scotland were the same which had passed the hands of King Iames or not which he expresseth in these words viz. In the Reign of King Charles the project was resumed but whether the same Book or no God knoweth fol. 160. If so if God only knoweth whether it were the same or no how dares he tell us that it was not and if it was the same as it may be for ought he knoweth with what conscience can he charge the making of it upon Bishop Laud. Besides as afterwards he telleth us fol. 163. the Church of Scotland claimed not only to be Independent and free as any Church in Christendom a Sister not a Daughter of England And consequently the Prelates of that Church had more reason to decline the receiving of a Liturgy impos'd on them or commended to them by the Primate of England for fear of acknowledging any subordination to him then to receive the same Liturgy here by Law establisht which they might very safely borrow from their Sister Church without any such danger But howsoever it was the blame must fall on him who did least deserve it Fol. 167. Thus none seeing now foul weather in Scotland could expect it fair Sun-shine in England In this I am as little of our Authors opinion as in most things else The Sun in England might have shined with a brighter beam if the clouds which had been gathered together and threatned such foul weather in Scotland had been disperst and scattered by the Thunder of our English Ordinance The opportunity was well given and well taken also had it not been unhappily lost in the prosecution The Scots were then weak unprovided of all necessaries not above three thousand compleat Arms to be found amongst them The English on the other side making a formidable appearance gallantly Horst compleaâ—ly arm'd and intermingled with the choicest of the Nobility and Gentry in all the Nation And had the Scots been once broken and their Countrey wasted which had been the easiest thing in the world for the English Army they had been utterly disabled from creating trouble to their King disturbances in their own Châ—rch and destruction to England So true is that of the wise Histoâ—ian Conatus subditorâ—m irritos imperia â—â—â—per promovere the Insurrections of the people when they are supprest do always make the King stronger and the Subjects weaker Fol. 167. The Sermon ended We chose Dr. Stewart Den of Chichester Prolocutor and the next day of sitting We met at Westminster in the
But I must needs say that I am not satisfied in the arguments which are brought to prove it Wilson in his unworthy History of the Reign of King Iames makeâ— him to be Eunuchus ab utero an Eunuch from his Mothers womb The Author of the Pamphlet called the Observator observed conceives that Wilson went too far in this expression and rather thinks that he contracted some impotency by falling on a stake when he was a Boy fol. 10. Our Author here seems to incline unto this last assuring us from such who knew the Privacies and casualtiâ—s of his infancy that this Archbishop was but one degree remov'd from a Misogynist though to palliate his infirmity to nâ—ble Females he was most compleat in his Courtly Addresses But first the falsity and frivolousness of these Deâ—ences leave the poor man under a worse suspicion then they â—ounâ— him in His manly countenance together with his masculine voyce shewed plainly that he was no Eunuch and the agreeableness of his conversation with the female Sex did as plainly shew that he was no Misogynist or woman-hater And secondly admitting these surmises to be true and real they rather serve to evidence his impotency then to prove his chastity it being no chastity in that man to abstain from women who either by casualty or by nature is disabled from such copulations The vertue of chastity consisteth rather in the integrity of the soul then the mutiâ—ation of the body and therefore more to be ascrib'd to those pious men Qui salvis â—oâ—lis foemiâ—am vident in Tertullians language then to the old Philosopher who put out his eyes to avoid temptations of that nature So that if this be all which they have to say for the Bishops chastity these Advocates had shewed more wisdom in saying nothing then speaking so little to the purpose Ibid. Envy it self cannot deny but that whither soever he went he might be traced by the foot-steps of his benefaction Amongst which benefactions it was none of the least that in both the Universities he had so many Pensioners more as it was commonly given out then all the Noble-men and Bishops in the Land together some of which receiv'd twenty Nobles some ten pounds and other twenty Marks per annum And yet it may be said without envy that none of all these Pensions came out of his own purse but were laid as Rent-charges upon such Benefices as were in his disposing either as Lord Keeper or Bishop of Lincoln and assign'd over to such Scholars in each University as applyed themselves to him And because I would not be thought to say this without Book I have both seen and had in my keeping till of late if I have it not still an Acquittance made unto a Minister in discharge of the payment of a Pension of twenty Nobles per annum to one who was then a Student in Christ-Church The names of the parties I forbear he that receiv'd it and he for whom it was receiv'd and perhaps he that paid it too being still alive And possible enough it is that this Pensioning of so many Scholars had not been past over in silence by our Author if he had not known the whole truth as well as the truth Ibid. Much he expended on the Repair of Westminster Abbey-Church c The Library at Westminster was the effect of his bounty This though it be true in part yet we cannot say of it that it is either the whole truth or nothing but the truth For the plain truth is that neither the charge of repairing that Church nor â—urnishing that Library came out of his own private Coffers but the Churches rents For at such time as he was made Lord Keeper of the great Seal he caused it to be signified unto the Prebendaries of that Church how inconvenient it would be both to him and them to keep up the Commons of the Colledge and gaind so farre upon them that they pass'd over to him all the rents of that Church upon condition that he should pay the annual pensions of the Prebendaries School-masters Quire-men and inferiour Officers and maintain the Commons of the Scholars The rest amounting to a great yearly value was left wholly to him upon his honourable word and promise to expend the same for the good and honour of that Church The surplusage of which expenses receiv'd by him for four years and upwards amounted unto more than had been laid out by him on the Church and Library as was offered to be proved before the Lords Commissioners at the visitation Anno. 1635. And as for the Library at St. Iohns it might possibly cost him more wit than money many books being dayly sent in to him upon the intimation of his purpose of founding the two Libraries by such as had either suits in Court or business in Chancery or any ways depended on him or expected any favours from him either as Bishop of Lincoln or Dean of Westminster Fol. 228. He hated Popery with a perfect hatred But Wiâ—son in his History of great Britain sings another song whether in tune or out of tune they can best tell who liv'd most neere those times and had opportunities to observe him There is a muâ—tering of some strange offer which he made to K. Iames at such time as the Prince was in Spain and the Court seemed in common apprehension to warp towards Popery which declared no such â—erfect hatred as our Author speaks of unto that Religion Nor was he coy of telling such whom he admitted unto privacies with him that in the time of his greatness at Court he was accounted for the Head of the Catholick Party not sparing to declare what free and frequent accesses he gave the principal Sticklers in that cause both Priests and Iesuits and the special services which he did them And it must be somewhat more than strange if all this be true that he should hate Popery with a perfect â—atred yet not more strange then that he should so stickle in the preferment of Dr. Theodore Price to the Arch-Bishoprick of Armagh in Ireland who died a profest Catholick reconciled to the Church of Rome as our Authour hath it fol. 226. But if there be no more truth in the Bishop of Lincolns hating Popery then in Dr. Prices dying a professâ—d Papist there is no credit to be given at all to that part of the Character Dr. Price though once a great Favourite of this Bishop and by him continued Sub-Dean of Westminster many years together was at the last suppos'd to be better affected to Bishop Laud than to Bishop Williams Bishop Laud having lately appeared a Suitor for him for the Bishoprick of St. Asoph And therefore that two Birds might be kild with the same bolt no sooner was Dr. Price deceased but the Bishop of Lincoln being then at Westminster cals the Prebendâ— together tels them that he had been with Mr. Sub-Deane before his death that he left him in very doubtful
in an Oister-shell or to be sowed like a piece of the richest purple cloth purpureus late qui splendeat in the Poets expression to such a sorry Web of home-spun Yet these defects might the more easily have been pardoned if he had either been more careful in the choice of his matter or diligent in searching for the truth of those things which he hath delivered But on the contrary his matter is many times taken up without care or Judgement witâ—out consideration of the fitness or unfitness of it as if an History which is to be the Store-house of time were to be stowed with things unnecessary unprofitable and of no use at all And yet his failings in the truth of that which he delivers to us are more to be condemned beâ—auâ—e more dangerous in themselves and of worse consequence in respect of the Reader then his neglect in the choice of his matter For he that comes unto the reading of an History comes with a coâ—â—idence that he shall finde nothing bâ—â— the truth though possibly the Aâ—d it might have been presumed the rather because 〈◊〉 was râ—solveâ—d before â—and â—o to provoke the 〈◊〉 or his Alter 〈◊〉 â—e he who he will as might 〈◊〉 him that his Errors were not like to be conâ—â—aâ—d from the eyes of other if such a provocaâ—ion should be â—â—â—banded to his 〈…〉 But however he goes oâ— and lays down many things for truth which either have been proved to be false by the oâ—sâ—rvator or are contradicted by himself or easily disceâ—nable for Errors by a vulgar Reader not studied 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 Chronicâ—e or the weekly Mâ—râ—uries And this he does with so great confidence not giving thâ— least acknowledgement of any Erâ—aâ—a eitâ—er â—rom the Press or from the Pen that if the wilful 〈…〉 an Error may â—reatâ— an Heresie our Author may deserve to be enroâ—â—â— for the first Heretick in point of History And why â—â—t Heresies â—n History as well as Heresies in Law with which last crime Iohn 〈◊〉 stands accused in Print by Mr. Justice German for saying that the Jurors were Judges in point of Law and not onely â—n a matter of fact Errare pâ—ssâ—m Hereâ— icus ess◠〈◊〉 was esteemed a piouâ— resoluâ—ion in a Case of Divâ—nity and may be held for a good rule in any matter of History Philosophy Law or Physick or any other Art or Faculty of what â—ort soevâ—r But to reduce these several items to a 〈…〉 as in the History it self considering the length I 〈◊〉 not say the tediousness of it there is much which deserves to be laid up in the Registers of succeeâ—ing Ages so there are many Errors â—it to be 〈…〉 and many unnecessary passages which might very judiciously have been spared suffered to pass by without remembrance His Hist. in this respect may be compared to the French Army at the battle of Agincourt of which it was merrily said by old Captain Gam who took a view of it from an Hill That there were men enough in it to be killed enough to be taken and kept alive and enough to be permitted to run away or to the draw-net in the Gospel which gathered of every kinde of Fishes out of which the good ones being culled and preserved in Vessels the rest were onely good enough to be cast aside I cannot but acknowledge that he hath done more right to the King and the Church of England then could be expected in these times Vâ—inam sic semper err asset as the learned Cardinal said of Calvin in the point of the Trinity And had he took but any ordinary care in performing those things whereof he had been before advertised or diligence in avoiding those Errors which he so often falls into it might have deserved the name of a Compleat History by which he hath been pleased to call it But coming to us as it is it is no other then a Forest of Oaks or a Quary of Marble out of which materials may be hewen for a perfect Fabrick a Moles indigesta like the ancient Chaos which being without Form it self afforded Matter to the making of the most excellent Creatures Or if he will it is an History of Ore which being purged of the Dross and refined in the Language may pass for currant amongst the best pieces of this kinde Which said in reference to the Author and the present History I must say somewhat of my self and my ingaging in the survey and correction of it Concerning which the Reader may be pleased to know that about Midsummer last Mr. Sanderson found me out at my lodging in London where after some ordinary Civilities passed between us he told me that he had undertaken the History of King Charls and that he was required by the Lord Primate of Ireland to do him some right in the business of the Earl of Strafford which he resolved so to do and with such respect unto my person that I should finde no just cause to be offended at his writing I answered that I was resolved to have nothing to do in the Quarrels of the Observator and therefore he might use his pleasure I had a purpose thereupon of perusing the History and taking notice of such Errors and Mistakes if any such were as possibly I might chance to meet with and having so done to send them to him with my Conceptions and Corrections in a private way that he might do himself the right of rectifying them in a short Review and joyning that Review to as many of the Books as remained unsold And this he might have done with great advantage to the Reader and without disparagement to himself two as great Clerks as any of the age they lived in having done the like viz. St. Austin in his Retraâ—lations and Bellarmin in his Book of Recognitions But when I came to that part of it which concerned the Lord Primate and the Earl of Strafford I saw my self so coursly handled and so despightfully reproached that I found good cause to change my purpose not to take such care to save his credit who had so little care of his own and less of mine Seipsum deserentem omnia deserunt is an old Observation but as true as ancient He gives me rost-meaâ— and besprinkles me with a little Court Holy-water in the end of his Preface but beat me with the spit and basles me all over with gall and vineger in that part of the History which made me change my first purpose and intentions towards him And yet I cannot chuse but say I was never at a greater conflict within my self in any matter of this kinde then in the publishing or not publishing of these following papers I had before justified my self against his Calumnies and charges in an Appendix to my answer to the part of Dr. 〈◊〉 Book entituled The â—udgment of the late Primate c. in which I found my self concerned which was intended to come out in Print before Easter last And thereupon I
King as our Authour words is it gave the King occasion to consider of the generall tendency of the Puritan doctrine in this point unto downright Iudâ—â—sme and thereupon to quicken the reviving of his Fathers Declaration about Lawfull sports in which the signification of his pleasure beareth date the 18. of October in the 9. year of his Reign Anno 1633. A remedy which had been prescribed unseasonably to prevent and perhaps too late to cure the disease if Bradburns Book had been publisht six years before as our Authour makes 〈◊〉 Our Authour secondly relating this very businesse of Bradburnes Book or rather of Barbarous Books as he cals them there fol. 196. must either be confest to speak Vngrammatically or else the coming out of these Barbarous Books must be one chief motive for setting out that Declaration by King Iames Anno. 1618. Thirdly This Bradbuâ—u was not made a Convert by the High Commission Couâ—t bâ—t by a private conference with some Learned Divines to which he had submitted himself and which by Gods blessing so far prevailed with him that he became a Converts and freely conformed himself to the Orthodoxall Doctrine of the Church of England both concerning the Sabbath day and likewise concerning the Lords day So Bishop White relates the Story in his Epistle Dedicatory before his Book to the Aâ—ch-Bishop of Canterbury Anno 1635. Fourthly Whereas our Authour tels us fol. 175. That the Declaration was not 〈◊〉 on the Ministers to publish more proper for a Lay-Officer or a Constable I must needs grant that the publishing of this Declaration was not prest on the Minister by any expresse command of the King But then I would fain know withall how the Bishops could take Order that publication thereof be made in all the Parish Churches of their severall Diocesses according to his 〈◊〉 will and pleasure but by the mouth of the Ministers The Constable and other Lay-Officers whom our Authour thinks more proper for that Employment were not under the Bishopâ— command as to that particular and therefore as he â—ad nâ— Authority so he had no reason to require any such duty from them And as for the Church-Wardens which are more liable to the power and command of the Oâ—dinary it happeneth many times especially in Countrey-Villages that they cannot reade and theâ—efore no such publication of the Kings pleasure to be laid on them The Ministers who had takeâ— an Oath oâ— Canonicall Oâ—edience to their severall and respective Bishops must consequently bâ— the fittest men for that Employment implicitly intended though not explicitly named in the Declaration As many mistakes there are concerning the decay and repair of S. Pauls Church in London For first the high Spire was not burnt down by accident of Lightning in the time of Queen Elizâ—beth as our Authour tels us fol. 176. That vulgar Errour hath been confuted long agoe and no such thing as the burning of Pauls Steeple by Lightning hath for these twenty years and more occurred in the Chronologies of our common Almanacks that dreadfull accident not happening by the hand of Hâ—aven but by the negligence of a Plumber who leaving his pan of Coals there when he went to Dinner was the sole occasion of that mischief Secondly The Commission for the Repair of this Church issued in the time of King Charles came not out in the year 1632. where our Authour placeth it but had past the Seal and was published in Print the year before Anno 1631. Thirdly The Reparation of the Church began not at the West end as our Authour tels us fol. 177. the Quire or Eastern part of the Church being fully finisht before the Western part or the main body of the Chuâ—ch had been undertaken Fourthly The little Church called S. Gregories was not willingly taken down to the ground the Parishioners opposing it very strongly and declaring as much unwillingnesse as they could or durst in that particular and fiftly the Lord Mayor for the time then being was not named Sir Robert 〈◊〉 as our Authour makes it but Sir Robert Ducy advanc'd by â—is â—ajesty to the dâ—gree of a Baronet as by the Commission doth appear so many mistakes in so few linâ—â— are not easily met with in any Author but our present Histâ—â—rian But we proceed Fol. 179. â—he Turkâ— hâ—ve Auxiliâ—ry friendâ—hip of the 〈◊〉 Tartar Chrim from whose Ancestors Tamberlain proceeded â— A Proposition strangely mixt of truth and falshood it being most true that the Turks have Auxiliary Forces from the Tartar Chrim and no less false that Tamberlain dâ—â—cended from him All who have written of that great Prince make him the son of Og or Zain-Cham the Cham of Zagathey a Province some thousands of miles distant from the dwellings of the Tartar-Chrim which Og or Zâ—in-Châ—m was the Grand-childe of another Zâ—in-Cham the third great Cham of the Tartars and he the Grand-childe of Cingis the first great Cham who laid the foundation of that mighty and for a time most terrible Empire Whereas the Chrim-Tartar or the Tartar-Chrim as our Authâ—r calls him derives 〈◊〉 from Lochtan-Cham descended from one Bathu or Roydo a great Commander of the Tartars who during the Reign of Hoccata the second great Cham subdued these Countries But this mistake I shall more easily pardon in our Author then another of like nature touching Vladislaus King of Poland of whom he tells us that being the fâ—urth of that name he succeeded his Brother Sigismund in that Kingdom Vladislaus the fâ—â—rth saith he was after the death of his Brother Sigismund by the consent of the States preferred to the â—hroâ—e fol. 182. In which few words there are two things to be corrected For first Vlâ—dislâ—us who succeeded Sigâ—smund was not his Brother but his Son And secondly he succeeded not by the name of Vladislaus the fourth but of Vladâ—slâ—us the sevenâ—h Adde herein his making of Smolensko a Town of Pâ—land ibâ—d which most of our Geograpâ—ers have placed in Râ—ssia A Town whâ—ch sometime by the chance of War or otherwise hâ—th been in possession of the Pole though properly belonging to the great Duke of Muscovy which can no more entitle it to the name of a Polish Town then Calice may be now said to be an English Colony because once a Colony of the English Nor does our Author speâ—k more properly I will not say more understandingly of the Affairs of Ireland then of those of Poland For first He tells us fol. 185. That the Conquest of it was never perfected till its subjection to King Charls whereas there was no other subjection tendred by that People to King Charls then by those of his other two Kingdoms of England and Scotland Secondly Forgetting what he had said before he tells us fol. 186. That Mountâ—oy made an end of that War in the Reign of King James and yet he says not true in that neither â—or the War was ended by Mountjoy at the Battle of Kingsale by which that great Rebel the Earl