8 Seventhly Because the Pope tooke authority upon him in the very Councell As when the question was about the controversie betwixt the Kings of France and Spaine 9 Eighthly Because they permitted yea approved the ordinance of Pius the fourth That if the Pope chance to die during the time of the Councel the election of another belongs to the Cardinals 10 Ninthly Because it confirm'd all Papall constitutions in generall and consâ—quently that of Leo the tenth wherein he disalloweth the Pragmatique Sanction and declares the Pope to bee above a Councell 11 Tenthly Because they suffered that the Popes which reigned during the time that they were assembled together in Councell inserted in the faculties of their Legats namely the power of derogating from General Councels 12 And lastly Because they treated and resolved upon nothing in that Councell till such time as they had sent to seeke the the holy Ghost at Rome and had consulted the Popes oracle as wee said already in another place Hence then we with good consequence conclude that they gave the Popes authority over Councels which was never done before save onely in the Lateran Conventicle and it will never appear that the former Councels gave any such advantages to the Popes in any of these cases here specified 13 For the first it was never heard of before that Popes tooke upon them to mulct Councels to command them in an imperious way Eugenius the fouâ—â—h commanded indeed the translation of the Councel of Basil but in milder termes and yet he was not obeyed in it This was one of the questions discuss'd and resolv'd at the Councell of Basil That the Pope of his owne authority cannot dissolve nor transferre nor protract o Generall Councell lawfully assembled without its consent This very resolution was received and approved in France by the confirmation of the Councell of Basil made at the Synod of Boâ—rges as may bee seene in the Pragmatique Sanction of King Charles the seventh wherein that Decree is inserted word for word If we looke up to the ancient times it is certaine that the translation prorogation and dissolution of Councels belonged to the same to whom the Convocation Now the Convocation as we have shewed was made by Emperours anâ— Princes therefore it belonged to them also to translate them when they thought sit without any injunction from any man in this matter 14 It will bee said perhaps that the translâ—tion of this Councell from Trent to Bonony by virtue of the Popes Bull was avowed by the Councel It is true but here we must take notice of two things First that when the Pope commanded that removall hee did not put into it any saving or reservation of the good will of the Councellâ— which ought to have been done according to the Councell of Basil. The second that the Bishops indeed which were there did deliberate upon this translation but it was to conforme themselves to the Popes command for say they The Authority also of the holy See Apostoliqueâ— unto the said most reverend Presidents in more speciall manner granted intervening They were very fearfull of doing otherwise and swarving the least jot from his pleasure considering those comminations whereof we have spoken already Nay besides all this in bringing of it back againe from Bonony to Trent by the only authority of Iulius the third there was not any deliberation at all about it in the Councell howbeit that Bull containes some as peremptory clauses as the former as for example this which follows Decreeing notwithstanding that if ought bee attempted to the contrary hereof by any person whatsoever by any authority whatsoever it to bee void and of no effect Let it not therefore be lawfull for any man to infringe or in a temerarious boldnesse to oppose this Chart of these our present exhortation desire admonition ordinance declaration innovation will and decrees By virtue of this Bull those Reverend fathers returned from Bonony to Trent without ever finding fault with that clause which aimed directly at them yea without ever giving their voices or consulting about this second translation but only about the resumption and continuation of the Councell after they were returned to Trent adde hereto that the Pope saith in that Bull that hee decrees this translation of his full power and with the advice of the Cardinals making no mention at all of the Fathers of the Councell in this respect 15 Shall wee now say this was a free Councell and that it had authority over the Pope being so rudely curb'd and check'd by him and that in such harsh termes All which as this is it betrayes the naked truth of their intention are registred in the Acts of the Councell Now all these forementioned clauses deserve to bee paralleld with those in the Bull of Eugenius the fourth whereby he decreed the translation of the Councell of Basil and which raised such a deal of tragedies to the confusion of that great Pope to see if there bee any thing in it wherewith those fathers of Basil might be more justly offended than ours of Trent were That Pope had ordained that the Councell should bee transferr'd from Basil to Bonony and afterwards that it should continue at Basil with all respect and reverence unto it and without any haughty speeches as appears by his Bull of the yeare one thousand foure hundred thirtie one which is extant in the Acts of that Councell Session the first Notwithstanding that translation and without any regard of it the Councell held on at Basil yea and medled with businesse without waiting for the arrivall of the Popes Legat. And to the intent the Pope might have no stomach to transferre or dissolve the Councell at his pleasure it confirmed the Decree of the Councell of Constance wherein it is said in downright termes That a Councell is above the Pope and this was done in the second Session The next year after when the Councel had notice of the Popes intention which was to dissolve the Councell by meanes of this translation they sent to intreat him that he would not doe it and at the very same time fix'd upon this resolution not to suffer it this was consulted upon the same yeare one thousand foure hundred thirty two as the Acts relate it in the fourth Session Vpon this reason Eugenius by his Bull dated in August one thousand foure hundred thirtie three after he hath told how he translated the Councell from Basil to Bonony and how he afterwards ordain'd that it should be continued in the same Citie of Basil under the Presidence of his Legat and also of the disrespect of that Councell towards him who had held their Session without his Legat and in contempt of the translation hereupon he sent out a Bull which is not in any thing more presumptuous than those of Iulius the third and Pius the fourth about the translation of the Councell of Trent We will here set downe the very words that
in these times For the question being about the taking up of their quarrell he speaks thus I aske where is that which is able to passe the judgement which they pretend shall it be amongst them so the same enemies should be both witnesses and judges but even humane affaires ought not to bee committed to such a judgement how much lesse divine and ecclesiasticall every wise man doth perceive Say we then that those who were out of favour with the Pope and his adherents were wise and well-advised that they would not trust themselves to his judgement Pope Nicholas the first who quotes these two examples in an epistle of his to the Emperour Michael gives us this rule That our enemies and those whom we suspect should not be our judges Which as he saith was decreed at the Generall Councell of Constantinople and gives this reason of it Because nature teacheth us to avoid the plots of suspected judges and refuse the judgement of our enemies After all this Gratian makes this conclusion That how manifest so ever a mans offences be he should not for al that be coÌ„demned by his enemies It were superfluous here to alledge the Civill Law to prove that the enmity of the judge gives sufficient cause of refusing him in point of judgement seeing it is a matter well enough knowne CHAP. VI. That the Councell was holden in the midst of divers troubles and tumults THE hatred of the Pope towards the Protestants and the King of France did shew it selfe so fully before that it burst out into cruell warres Where we may observe an egregious nullity of the Councell in all the Sessions thereof in that it was begunne continued and ended amongst the troubles raised against the King of France the Protestants of Germany and them of the Religion in France by the instigation and inducement of the Pope and his instruments This is evidenced by the very acts of the Councell it selfe for at the end of the tenth Session holden September the 14. 1547. the Cardinall de Monte the Popes Legat and President of the Councell speakes thus Besides these difficulties there is the heynousnesse and enormity of an unexpected accident which befell the person of the most illustrious Duke of Placentia which doth so take up our employment for the defence and safegard of the liberty of the Cities which belong to the Church that we our selves are not in safety one houre no not one minute of an houre The Popes Legats make this remonstrance in the sixth Session That of a suddaine there are such broiles and such warres kindled they are the very words of the Councell that the Councell is constrained as it were to stop it selfe and breake off its course with no small inconvenience and all hope of proceeding further is now quite taken from it and so farre is the holy Councell from redressing the evils and incommodities of Christians that contrary to its intentions it hath rather irritated than appeased the hearts of many Pope Pius the fourth in his Bull of the publication of the Councell which was for the continuation of it bearing date the 30. of Decemb 1560. affords us such another testimony But saith he as soone as new broiles were raised in the neighbouring parts of Germany and a great warre was kindled in Italy and France the Councell was afterwards suspended and adjourned 2 But it is requisite we make these troubles more plainly evident seeing it is a most just exception against the Councell The Protestants complaine that the over-hasty resolution made by the Fathers in that Councel was purposely to wage warre against them The Duke of Saxony and the Lantgrave of Hassia say so downright in their letters Whereas you buckle up your selves to set upon us with force without once telling us the reason why wee referre that to God and as soone as we shall know what yee accuse us of we will answer so as every one shall say that we are wronged and that ye undertake this warre by the impulsion of the Antichrist of Rome and the wicked Councell of Trent Though wee give no credence to these letters yet let us heare what Pope Paul the third saith to it in his letters to the Suitzers of the third of Iuly 1546. 3 We thought the obstinacy of these villaines would put us upon the necessity of falling to force and armes but having oft considered what was to be done praying God to let the light of his divine counsell shine upon us it is falne out fitly that our most beloved sonne in God Charles Emperour of the Romanes ever Augustus being offended meerly with the same villanies of those rogues that we were and for that a Councell being granted by us to the German nation mainly by his meanes and at his entreaty those who despise it despise also his authority and all that he hath done concerning it as some doe very injustly and sawcily hath resolved by force of armes to revenge the holy cause of wronged truth Which occasion as being without doubt offered unto us by God himselfe we very readily embrace being resolved to second the good intentions of that great Emperour with all the meanes and forces which either we or the Church of Rome can raise 4 Now that the Councell of Trent hath had a hand also in that designe of war not onely the Historians relate but it may be fairly concluded from hence that they never gainsaid it For it is not any way likely that they should suffer such a warre to be made under their noses and they not approve of it While the preparations wâ—re made for it nay while the armies were in the field and that under the conduct of Octavianus Farnese the Popes nephew and all was in an uproare and combustion the Councell made decrees about the controversies of greatest importance when there were but a very small number of Bishops there 5 When Iulius the third came to the Popedome in February 1550. upon the Emperours intreaty hee ordained that the Councell should bee continued Where we may observe that at the very same time a warre was denounced against King Henry the second by the Pope and the Emperour and that upon an injust quarrell Which is proved out of Onuphrius an Historian of the Popes in the life of that Iulius He gave some hopes saith hee of composing the differences in religion when at the request of the Emperour hee declared by his â—ull in the first yeere of his Popedome that the Councell should be continued at Trent at the beginning of the next May. And presently after he addes He unwittingly put himselfe upon the warre of Parma and thereby set all Italy nay all Europe on fire Another Catholique Historian saith During the time that these things passed upon the frontiers of Flanders and Picardy the Pope at the Emperours request summoned the Councell to Trent for the extirpation of heresies Because it was plaiâ—e that Bononia
consisting of Archbishops Bishops Chapters Abbats Deanes Provosts and other Ecclesiasticall persons together with Doctors of Law both divine and humane and other learned men of the Realme and also of the chiefe Lords of France and others of the Kings Councell about the receiving of the Councels of Constance and Basil. I say Synod for so it is called in the act of Appeal of the University of Paris A while after King Lewes the eleventh assembled a Councell of the Gallicane Church and all the Vniversities in the City of Orleans as well to understand the purport of the Pragmatique Sanction as to give direction for the annates of benefices saith the Author before alledged Before we leave France wee will set downe what an English Historian saith of the Councell of Rhemes holâ—en by Pope Eugenius the third â—â—4â— About that time saith he Eugenius Pope of Rome coming into France out of the affection hee bore to Ecclesiasticall discipline set up a generall Councell aâ— Rhemes where he sitting with a great company of Bishops and Nobles there was a pestilent fellow brought before him who being possest with a devill had seduced a great many by his tricks and juglings 30 Spaine can furnish us also with such like examples and assure uâ— that when it pleased their Kings even Lay men were admitted into theiâ— Councels to have a deliberative voice there and to judge of matters 31 This may be collected from the sixth Councell of Toledo holden under King Chiutillaud and by his authority the yeere 654. where in the thirâ— chapter we reade thus Wherefore we decree and denounce with heart and mouth this sentence pleasing to God conformable to our Kings and do furthermore ordain with the consent and advice of the Grandés and honourable persons of his Kingdome c. To the same effect we finde the eighth Councell of Toledo holden under King Recessuinth and by his command subscribed with the signes of fifteene of his Officers King Eringus caused divers of his Lords and officers of the Court to assist at the twelfth Councell of Toledo holden in the yeere 681â— and ordained them for Iudges together with the Bishops to consult of such things as should bee handled there to all whom hee made this exhortation at the opening of the Councell I doe admonish and conjure you in commune both you holy fathers you right honourable of my royall Court whom we have chosen to assist in this holy Councell by the name of God and as you will answer at the dreadfull day of judgement that without all favour or acceptation of persons without any froward wrangling or â—esire of perverting the truth you treat of such matters as shall be proâ—osed unto you with a sound examination and that you expresse them with a more sound judgement His subscription to the Acts of that Councell have these words Great good will accrue to our Realme and people if these decrees of the Acts of the Synod as they were made by our procurement so they bee confirmed by the oracle of our lasting law To the end that what the reverend Fathers and Lords have ordained by virtue of our command may be defendeâ— by our Edict All his Courtiers and Officers are subsigned to the Acts of that Councell 32 The same forme was observed in England for in the yeere 905. King Edward and Plegmond Archbishop of Canterbury assembled a great Councell of Bishops Abbats and other faithfull people in the southerne parts of Englandâ— saith Matthew Westminster 33 In the yeere 1150. King Stephen having done what hee would at Yorke and the adjoyning shires returned towards the southerne parts about the feast of Saint Michael th' Archangell to keepe a Councell at London together with the Bishops and Nobles of England both for the affaires of the Kingdome and of the Church of Yorke which was then vacant 34 The yeere 1170. at the request of the King of England two Cardinals Albert and Theodinus were sent into France from the See Apostolique who having called a great assembly of Ecclesiasticall persons and Noblemen within the territories of the King of England they solemnly admitted him to purge himselfe of the murther of Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury 35 In the yeere 1190. the Bishop of Ely Chancelour of England and Lieutenant generall of the Realme in the absence of King Richard the second who was then at the warre in the Holy Land called the Bishops and Lords of the Kingdome together And presenting them upon the suddaine with the inâ—strument of his Legation hee openly declared himselfe with a great deale of pompe and insolency to be Legat oâ— the See Apostolique 36 Come we backe to the Emperours there we have the example of Othâ— the first who made up the Councell which he held at Rome for the condemnation of Pope Iohn of Ecclesiastiques and Lay men Of which ranke these are named by Luitprandus Of the Nobles Stephanus filius Iohannes superista Demetrius Meliosi Crescentius Caballi marmorei Iohannes Puisina Stephanus de Musa Theodorus de Rusina Iohannes de Primicerio Leo de Camurzuli Ricardus Petrus de Canaperia Benedictus Bulgaminus his sonne Of the communalty Peter Imperiola with all the Roman army And afterwards by their unanimous advice the Emperour pronounced the sentence of condemnation against Iohn and created Leo in his stead by the same advice 37 We have also the example of Henry the third Who saith Polanus having called a Councell at Worms consisting of foure and twenty Bishops and many of the Nobility he there commanded the decrees of Pope Gregory to bee disanulled 38 We may further alledge the example of Popes For Adrian did summon many Lay men to the Lateran Councell holden by him and Charles the great what time he caused him to bee proclaimed Emperour There was a holy Synod called saith a good Author by Pope Adrian of happy memory at the Palace of Lateran in the Church of St. Saviour which was most solemnly kept by fifty three Ecclesiasticall persons Bishops or Abbats together with â—udges Magistrates and Doctors of Law from all parts and also personâ— of all states and conditions of that City and all the Clergy of the holy Church of Rome Who made enquiry concerning the customes lawes and manners of that Church and Empire consulting also by what meanes heresies and seditions might be rooted oâ—t of the Apostolique See and treating of the dignity of the Senate and Empire of Rome seeing that by reason of these thingâ— a foule errour was spread over the whole world 39 In imitation of him Pope Leo did the like in another Councell at the Lateran under the Emperour Otho the first For as much as your â—umility saith he doth humbly desire our Apostleship that dispatching the holy Synod assembled by your advice at the Patriarchall of the Lateâ—an in the Church of St. Saviour and consisting besides of Iudges and Doctors of
and other like knackes their money for vacancies which is levied contrary to the holy Canons and Decrees and contrary to the determination of the Catholique Church and sacred Councels that what is so gotten may bee employed in purchasing of Earledomes and Lordships to bestow upon people of meane condition and to preferre them without any precedent merit without any service or use which they can doe to the Church or for the defence of the faith 18 Francis Guicciardine in the fourth booke of his history of Italy in the discourse which he makes of the Popes of Rome which hath beene expunged by some cozeners amongst other vices and abuses which he observes in the Popedome thiâ— is one An earnest and everlasting desire of preferring their children their nephewes and all the rest of their kindred and allies not onely to inestimable riches but also to Kingdomes and Empires And a little after To exalt their kindred and raiâ—e them from a private state to principalities they have of late yeeres beene the authors of warres and the firebrands of the late combustions in Italy We heard before what the same author told us of the Indulgence money of Leo the tenth how it was bestowed to the use and petty pleasures of his sister Magdalen 19 We will conclude this discourse with a passage out of the same author which will bring us upon another Their study and businesse is not onely saith he speaking of the Popes holinesse of life nor the propagation of religion and charity towards God and menâ— but armes and warres against Christians handling sacred things with bloudy thoughts and hands but an infinite desire of money new lawes new trickesâ— new inventions to â—nhanse their rents from all parts for which ends they shoot out their coelâ—â—tiall arrowes they most impudently practise a trade and traffique of all thingâ— sacred and profane whereby their riches being augmented to an excessive greatnesse and scattered over all their Court have brought forth pride luxury debauched manners and most abominable pleasures See here the saying of a ringleader and conducter of the Popes army of one who was Leo the tenths favourite 20 Let us paâ—se a while upon this luxury which he speaks of and set down the complaint which divers others have made against it First that which S. Bernard saith to Eugenius the 3 I doe not spare you here saith hee that God may spare you hereafter shew your selfe a sheepheard towards this people or else confesse that you are not so you will not deny that you are leasâ— you should deny your selfe to be his successour in whose See you sit that Peter who for ought that wee know never went adorned with precious stones attired in silks and cloathed in gold mounted upon a white palfrey surrounded with a guard attended with a great many Lackeys and yet for all he had the power without all these to accomplish that saving commandement If thou love meâ— feed my sheep 21 Iohn Sarisbury Bishop of Chartres who lived about 1180 saith That the Pope is burthensome and insupportable to all men 3. â—e builds Palaces out of the ruineâ— of Churches he goes accoutred not only in purple but in gold 22 Marsilius of Padua Let them tell me I pray them with what conscience according to Christian Religion they spend the goods of the poore living after a worldly fashion upon so many unnecessaries in horses servants banquets and other vanities and delicates both secret and publique They I say who for the ministery of the Gospel ought to be content with food and raiment according to the Apostles appointment in the first to Timothy CHAP. X. Of the injust power of the Popes 1 ONe of the maine poynts touching the reformation of the Popes is the unbridled and redoubted power which hee challengeth both in spirituals and temporals considering that hee pretends to have an absolute and soveraigne power over both It were fitting me thinks to set bounds to the plenitude of that power which hath neither banks nor bottome to him that extends his jurisdiction over all the world even as low as hell and purgatory as high as heaven which takes hold of great and small Clerks and Laiques things sacred and profane which hath set all the Church yea all Christendome by the ears together which is the source and fountaine of all our miseries and against which there have beene so many complaints exhibited upon this occasion 2 Paul the thirds Delegates had a touch at this point in their reformationâ— In former times say they the truth could not have accesse to the audience of certaine Popes by reason of certaine flatterers which magnified and extended their power too much perswading them that they were Lords paramount of all and might doe any thing what they list from this spring have so many miseries in great flouds overflowed the Church that shee is now quite overborne and drowned See here what they say who were conjured by the Pope upon oath and upon paine of excommunication to tell him the truth of all that required reformation Wee have formerly observed a place in Zabarel of the like straine with this 3 Master Iohn Gerson in his book De potestate Ecclesiae hath the very same On the other side saith hee upstarts cunning and glozing fâ—attery whispers the Clergy but especially the Pope in the care O how great is the height of your Ecclesiasticall power O sacred Clergy all Secular authority is but a toy in comparison of thine seeing that as all power is given to Christ both in heaven and in earth so Christ hath bequeathed all to S. Peter and his successours So that Constantine gave nothing to Pope Sylvester which was not originally his owne but only restored unto him what he injustly detained from him Againe as there is no power but is of God so there is nothing temporall or spirituall Imperiall or Regall which is not of the Pope upon whose thigh God hath writ King of Kings and Lord of Lords So as to dispute his power is a kinde of sacriledge To whom no man may say Why doe you so although he should exchange purloine of sell all the temporals the goods lands and lordships of the Church Let me be a lyar if all these things are not written by such as seeme to bee wise men in their eyes and if they have not beene beleeved also by some Popes 4 So Marsilius of Padua in many sundry places of his Defensor Pacis particularly in the second part and twenty fifth Chapter They have taken up a title saith he which they arrogate to themselves and which they would make an instrument of this wickednes namely the plenitude or fulnes of power which they say was given to them in particular by Christ in the person of St. Peter as that Apostle's successours By reason of which accursed title and their sophisticall manner of discourse they use a certain captious kinde
all things as supreme judge to alter the Decrees of his predecessours to abrogate such as are disadvantagious unto him who shall contradict him No King dare intermeddle how great soever he bee and if he do he will but loose his labour We will returne to the dayes of old when excommunications from Rome were so terrible when all things shrunke at the flash of those thunders The Fredericks the Henries the Ludovici Bavari have felt the force of it they have beene abandoned of their subjects their vassals their kindred their allies their owne children they have been troden under foot deposed from their Empyres defamed as heretiques chased like raskals Goodly mirrours to represent to the life to all Princes of Christendome if they were not blinde the miseries that hang over them and their successours 58 Not without good reason did that great devine Marsilius after he had seene all the tragedies in his age acted make a loud out-cry which deserves now more than ever to pierce the ears of Princes I cry aloud saith hee like a trumpet of truth and tell you it is the greatest prejudice that ever was done to Kings and Princes to all people assemblies and languages which the Bishops of Rome with their associats the Clerks and Cardinals have done By this their Decree which is utterly false in all the grounds of it he speaks of the Clementine Pastoralis after he hath urged the words of it they goe about to bring you in subjection to them if you suffer this constitution to prevaile yea if you suffer it to have the power and force of a law For consider that it followes of necessity that hee which hath authority to repeal a former sentence of any Prince or Iudge whatsoever hath also jurisdiction and coactive power over him and further the power of erecting or putting downe his Princedome Now the Bishop of Rome doth challenge to himselfe this authority equally over all Princes and Principalities of the world inasmuch as by virtue of that Plenitude of Power which heâ— affirmes to be granted unto him by Christ in the person of S. Peter he hath repealed the sentence of Henry the 7. No man can tell how to give the force of a law to that Decretall which he speaks of better than by receiving the Councell of Trent which expressely confirmeth all the Constitutions of the Popes 59 But it were fitting we here added the examination which the same authour makes of Boniface his Decretall and the Clementine Meruit to shew that the King of France his priviledge cannot choose but be void and that other Princes being the Popes subjects hee must needs bee so as well as they Considering more throughly these kinde of Epistles and Decretals they may seeme to be meere fooleries for that of Boniface obligeth all Princes and people in the world to the beliefe of it that of Clement not all for only the King of Frâ—nce and his subjects are excepted out of it So then there will be some things which some men by authority of Scripture are bound to beleeve upon paine of damnation which other some are not bound to beleeve surely this is not one God one faith all are not bound to goe to Christ in the unity of faith and yet the Doctour of the Gentiles plainely affirmes the contrary in the 4 to the Ephesians Besides we may ask Pope Clement in what sacred sense the King of France and his subjects could merit by their faith not to be bound to beleeve those things which ought to bee beleeved upon paine of damnation either then they merited by their faith to bee Heretiques and Infidelsâ— or else the Epistle of Boniface containes a down-right lye and so things which are not true ofttimes overthrow themselves when no body thrusts them Besides there is matter of admiration for other Princes and people who may demand what place of Scripture or what exposition makes them subject to the jurisdiction of the Pope of Rome and exempts the King of France Or why some are more bound to beleeve upon paine of damnation than others For this being like a fiction hath been deservedly much derided and is yet as proceeding from the ambition of them that vent such things and the earnest desire of reigning over Secular Princes and the terrour of the most illustrious King of France 60 Wee will adde furthermore that this domineering power which the Popes have usurped over all Princes of Christendome hath driven them into some heinous injustices as to usurpe their Empires and Kingdomes to raise up war among them to rob them of their inheritanceâ— to muster up their own subjects against them to sow quarrels and contentions among them to cause innocent bloud to be shed to abuse excommunications and other spirituall weapons and in a word to exercise an intolerable tyâ—anny Whereof there are so many pregnant proofs and examples that no man can doubt of it if he be not a meere novice in history or unlesse he have not bin extant in the world in these latter times Neverthelesse I will quote some in the margent to justifie my assertion against detractours CHAP. XI Of the Popes honours WEE will now speak a word or two of those honours which they would have Emperours and Kings and other earthly Monarchs to do unto them whom they make their Lackeyes causing them to attend upon them in most shamefull manner For we are bound to beleeve by the supposititious donation of Constantine that the Emperour Constantine holding the bridle of Sylvesters horse underwent the office of a Lackey Some of the Popes domestiques affirme that Pepin one of our Kings did as much to Pope Stephen the 2. 2 And in the Popes Ceremoniall these Chapters are inserted That Kings and Emperours must hold his stirrop when he gets up or alights from his horse That they must lead his horse by the bridle That if he goe in a litter the Emperours and Princes must carry him upon their shoulders That when he sits down to table they must hold the bason while he washeth That they must carry up his first messe 3 Now these honours are not only set downe in their Books but have been actually proferd and beene admitted and received Frederickâ— the first is thought to have fared but ill because he had not well studied this point of civility and duty when Pope Adrian the fourth came into his army for running to the rising stirrop to help him in alighting in stead of going to the other hee is thought to have lost his crowne for it For the Pope was so offended at him and took it out so hainously in point of honour that being desired to proceed to his coronation hee made answere that S. Peter had beene dishonoured in asmuch as the Emperour in stead of holding the right stirrop had holden the left Fredericke being much amazed at that complaint excused himselfe saying That it was for want of knowledge not devotion and that
the Popes consent which he strives to prove by the testimony of the Pope himselfe namely of Damasus in his pontificale Wherein he behaves himselfe so mildely that he may justly bee accused of prevarication seeing that some copies have it praecepto and not consensu so that he might maintaine by the authority of Damasus that Constantine called it by the Popes command But seeing hee is not willing to undertake so much let us rest content with what hee proposeth vs 11 The Nicene Councell saith Damasus was holden in Sylvesters time with his consent So was it with the consent of other Bishops either tacite or expresse But if Bellarmin will referre this to such a consent as was necessary for the calling hee had need of another proofe Hee hath recourse unto the Acts of the sixth Generall Councell holden at Constantinople where it is said in the tenth action That Constantine the Emperour and Pope Sylvester assembled the Nicene Synod But these words which are spoken only upon the by and by some men which treat about another matter ought not to have more force than the authority of so many Historians some of which lived at the same time yea than the very Acts of the Councell it selfe where it is plainely said that it was called by Constantine without any mention of Sylvester The testimony of Ruffin will not availe him ought when hee saith that Constantine called it by the advice of the Clergy for suppose the Pope gave his advice amongst the rest yet for all that there is nothing that concernes him in particular and to limit those words to the Popes advice alone were to make that authour speake what hee never thought they should rather bee referred to the Bishop of Alexandria who entreated of the Emperour and obtained the calling of that Councell as Epiphanius witnesseth 12 The second Generall Councell was called by Theodosius in the City of Constantinople Being come to the Empire saith Theodoret speaking of him hee purposed in his minde above all things to provide for the unity of the Church and to that end commanded all Bishops of what Bishoprique soever to repaire to Constantinople The letters of that Councell written to the same Emperour are sufficient proofe hereof for after they have thanked God for giving them Theodosius for their Emperour they adde Since the time of our assembly at Constantinople by your command c. And afterwards follow the Canons of the Councel with this inscription These are the things which were decreed by the Bishops that came to Constantinople out of divers Coâ—ntries being called thither by Theodosius â—he Emperour Zonaras confirmes it By the Emperours command saith hee was the second Councell proclaimed and the holy Fathers assembled at Constantinople c. 13 In all these places there is no talking of the Popes consent Bellarmine opposeth the letters which the Fathers of this Councel have writ to Pope Damasus where they say themselves that they were assembled at Constantinople by command of those letters which hee sent to the Emperour but for this point hee hath not well understood it Wee shall make it appeare by the very text of that Epistle how the sense which hee puts upon it is farre from the words and contrary to the truth First see here the inscription of it To our most honoured Lords most reverend and most devout Fathers and associats Damasus Ambrose Britton Valerian Ascholius Anemius Basil and other holy Bishops assembled in the great City Rome the holy Senate of Orthodoxe Bishops assembled in the great City Constantinople send greeting in the Lord And a little after the beginning of the Epistle it is said But after that you proceeding by the will of God to the calling of the Synod of Rome of your brotherly charity called us thither as your fellow members by virtue of the letters of the most devout Emperour that wee alone having endured the afflictions you might not now râ—igne without us under the peace of thâ— most pious Empâ—rour but receive us rather into the society of such a Kingdomeâ— according to the word of the Apostlâ— wee have all earnestly desirâ—d if it were possible to apply our selves to your dâ—sire or rather to the present exigency leaving our owne Churches but considering how by this meanes those that were restored againe would be abandoned and many of us could not doe it by reason that wee resorted to Constantinoplâ— upon those letters sent the last yeare by your Reverences to the most holy Emperour Theodosius after the holding the Councell of Aquilâ—ia c. for this reason and others such like seeing wee cannot all come wee have intreated our brethren and companions Syriacus Eusebius and Priscian Bishops to take so much paines as to come unto you to let you understand the desire wee have of the union This Epistle is extant at large in Theodoret and the Acts of the Councell of Constantinople 14 Now wee must observe divers thingâ— which will serve us for an answer First that these letters of the Synod of Constantinople are not directed to the Pope alone but to the whole Councell assembled at Rome as is plaine from the inscription and tenure of them Secondly that those other letters which they mention were not sent by Pope Damasus to the Emperour Theodosiuâ— as Bellarmine would have it but by the Councell of Aquilâ—ia where the Pope was not present Thirdly that by those letters they neither enjoyne nor command the calling of a Councell as he dreames but only they acquaint the Emperour Theodosius as also the Emperours Gratiaâ— and Valentinian with the resolution which they had taken in their Councell about condemning the doctrine of two old men Palladius and Secundianus and some otheâ— points It is very true that they intreat them to cause them proceed to judgement and condemnation of them and some other of the same sect which gave occasion to the Emperour Theodosius to call the Councell of Constantinople 15 For full proofe of all this you need but read it in the letters which the Councell of Aquileia sent to the said Emperours the inscription whereof is this To the most milde Christian Emperâ—urs and most happy Princes Gratian Valentinian and Theodosius the holy Councell assembled at Aquileia sendeth greeting After the narration of the proceedings therein and the designes which the Arrian Bishops had there they say in fine We doe abhorre most milde Princes such execrable sacriledges and such wicked doctrines and to the end that they may deceive people no more wee have thought good that they bee degraded from their Priesthood and beseech your majesties to cause such patrons of impiety be driven out of the Church and make them be summoned beforâ— competent Iudges They further intreat them to hinder and forbid the followers of Photius from making of assemblies 16 Any man may now judge whether these letters containe any command to the Emperour for calling a Councell and whether the Pope
that against all equity hee extorted this Presidence from the Emperour and he therupon urgeth the authorities of Zonaras and Evagrius But by his Graces leave hee imposeth upon them both For see what the former saith Eutyches went to seeke Chrysaphius the Eunuch whom hee had brought over to his side and led him in a string who being in great credit with the Emperour obtained of him that Dioscorus who governed the Church of Alexandria after the death of Cyril might bee called to Ephesus with other Bishops and the opinion of Eutyches there examined The other in his first booke and tenth Chapter saith Dioscorus who succeeded in the Bishoprique of Alexandria after the death of Cyril was appointed President of the Councel For to kindle more hatred against Flavianus Chrysaphius the governour of the Palace had laid this plot very politiquely These authours in their discourses blame the carriage of the businesse and the plot which was laid for the approbation of Eutyches his doctrine and the condemnation of Flavianuâ— but they never say nor ever meant to say that the Emperor was to blame in taking of the Presidence from the Pope and conferring it upon another It may bee said furthermore that Pope Leo rejected this Councell but it was because of the unlawfull proceedings of it just as wee condemne this of Trent But for the calling of it that was so far from being unlawfull that the Pope himselfe had his Legats there 7 The Emperour Martian did preside at the Generall Councell of Chalcedon both at the beginning and the sixt Action thereof and at the opening of it hee made an oration himselfe to the Congregation as Constantine the Great had done at that of Nice wherein amongst other things he forbid them to dispute of the nativity of our Lord and Saviour IESUS CHRIST otherwise then according to the determination of the Councell of Nice And that Because saith hee we will assist at the Councell for confirmation of the faith not for ostentation of our virtue Which words Bellarmin hath made a nose of wax affirming that the Emperour doth therby protest he would not assist there as a Iudge And passing from better to worse hee further addes that in the suâ—ceding actions there were indeed some secular Iudges that presided in the Emperours name but it was only to see there were no tumult or disorder and not as Iudges of faith If the Acts of that Councell were locked up in the Archives at Rome as many other monuments are then wee might hold our peace But being exposed to the view of all the world I am constrained to say that this is to deal too saucily with the truth It is plaine from those Acts that seven Oâ—ficers of the Empire and eleven Senatours were not only Presidents but which is more Iudges of all controversies which were handled and determined there They put interrogatories both to one and other they pressed arguments against such as held any erroneous opinions they threatned to condemne them they told Pope Leo's Legats when they desired that Dioscorus Patriarch of Alexandria might be cast out of the Councell that if they would become his accusers they must depose the person of Iudges they commanded that such Acts should bee read as were exhibited to the Synod they caused men to give their suffrages they pronounced the sentence In briefe as oâ—t as the Popes Legates are named in the Councell of Trent so oft and oftner are these Iudges and Senatours mentioned in that of Chalcedon Shall wee now then averre with confidence that they were not Iudges What doe they meane then who ascribe the Presidence and judgement in this Councell to the Popes Legates They sit in the highest place so they say they speake the first they subscribed the first they pronounced the sentence against Dioscorus Bishop of Alexandria in the name of the Pope and the whole Councell Here is enough to pierce to the quicke here 's an ergo well shod with frost-nailes But let us take one piece after another 8 They sit in the first place Yes after the Iudges and Senatours and they sit not as Presidents but as deputies for the chiefe Primate or Patriarch They speak first Yes at the beginning when they exhiâ—ite a libell against Dioscorus and when the Iudges and Senatours told them that seeing they made themselves parties against him they could not assist at the judgement and at the end too when they put up a complaint against the whole Councell for giving the Patriarch of Constantinople the next degree of honour after him of Rome for setting bounds and limits to either of them As also in the third Action whereof wee shall speake anon They subscribe the formost Yes in the same third Action but not elsewhere They pronounce the sentence against Dioscorus This is it that presseth hardest But hearken to the answer Of all the Actions of that Councell which are sixteen in number there were two at which the Emperour himself was President thirteen at which the â—udges and Senatours whom the Emperour had deputed and one wherein one of the Popes Legats presided Observe how that came to passe There was neither Iudge nor Senatour present in that Action whereupon when there was a controversie about speaking Paschasin the Popes primier Legat gave the company to understand that hee had commission from his master to preside in that assembly for saith he Hee hath commanded our â—â—annesse to preside in the Councell in his stead and therefore it is necessary that what ever be proposed it bee determined by our interlocution Hee never durst speake of this presidency in any manner so long as the Emperour or his officers were there In the ensuing Actions hee never proceeded to any act of a President 9 All this makes against the Pope for from hence wee conclude that where the Emperour or his Officers are there the Pope nor his Legates have no right to preside In case they be absent it stands with good reason that some one of them that are of prime ranke and quality manage the affaires or else that they proceed in this case by election Which they would never condescend unto so much as for one day and yet it is an ordinary thing in all societies Now for priority of honour and dignity there is no question but it belonged to the Bishop of Romeâ— as being Patriarch of the chiefe citie in the Empire This is evident from the very Acts of this Councell of Chalcedon in the sixteenth Session whereof they say The Fathers have granted certaine priviledges and prerogatives to the See of old Rome because it is the imperiall citie Nor did the Pope dispute this title of presidence against the Emperour and his officers but only against the other Archbishops and Bishops For behold the very clause inserted in his instructions to his Legats By all meanes preserve the dignity of our person considering that wee send you in our place and stead And
the Councels there kept The first of Orleans addresse their Decrees to King Clovis with this recommendation If the things which wee have ordained be approved and found good by your judgement the resolution of so many reverend Bishops as are here is that the authoritie and consent of so great a King as you are be preserved The fourth of Arles holden under Charles the great breakes off with this conclusion We have briefly touched what we thought worthy of reformation with a purpose of presenting unto the Emperour what we have done about it desiring his clemency that if ought bee found defective it may be supplyed by his wisedome and what shall be amisse may be amended by his judgement and what shall bee found to be well done may be confirmed and perfected by his assistance 14 The third of Tours holden under the same Emperour in the same yeare makes this preface We have distinctly divided into chapters certaine points which we thought pertinent to so great a worke and to stand in need of reformation following therein the canonicall order that we might shew them to our most renowned Emperour The second of Cavaillon holden under the same Emperour saith in the preface We have observed certaine points and chapters to be presented to the Emperour himselfe and referred to his most sacred judgement to the intent that by his pruâ—ent examination those things may be confirmed which we with good reason have determined The first of Mentz saith to the same Emperour That your Imperiall dignity would command such things to bee corrected as stand in need of correction And they had said before That the chapters by us collected may bee confirmed by your authority The second of Mentz holden in the yeare eight hundred thirtie foure concludes with these words directed to Lewes the Gentle We desire that these resolutions which are sent unto you may be confirmed by your authoritie An ancient Historian gives this testimony of the third of Mentz holden under the same Prince They treated of Ecclesiasticall questions saith he speaking of the Bishops of that Councell but the King being imployed in publique affairesâ— and composing differences among the Princes and Governours of Provinces returned to Bavaria after hee had approved the Synoâ—icall acts which were referred to his judgement 15 In all this it is to be observed that in none of these Councels was it ever consulted about requiring of tâ—e Popes approbation nor his consent in any thing whatsoever which is much different from the manner of proceeding in that Councell which we reject Onely wee reade that a certaine Bishop of Rhemes sent the acts of a Synod holden at Soissons to bee confirmed by Pope Bennet who succeeded Leo. But withall that he did not doe it by any decree of the Councell and this example is not so much worth against so many to the contrarie And it is so farre from truth that the Popes confirmation was ever required to the Ecclesiasticall lawes of France that on the contrary the Popes themselves have received them as we prove elsewhere The Councell of Aix holden in the yeare 837 intreat King Pepin To take their act in good part There are divers others which doe the like 16 There are some also extant whose decrees are conceived in the name of our Kings whom the Councels bring in speaking that they may bee of more force which denotes the great authority of our Kings over Councels Such are the decrees of the Councell of Soissons holden under Pepin in the yeare 744. Such those of Francfort under Charles the Great about the condemnation of images and the Felician heresie Such are those of the Synod of Pistis upon the Seyne holden by Charles the Bald. Such the Pragmatique Sanction of Charles the seventh which is nothing else but the Decrees and Determinations of the Councell of Bourges and divers others A REVIEW OF THE COVNCELL OF TRENT BOOKE IV. CHAP. I. That the Councell of Trent advanceth the Popes authority above the authority of Councels IT is not said in expresse termes by the Decrees of the Councell of Trent That the Pope is above a Councel yet it is such an easie matter to see that this was the intention of those fathers that there is no reason to make any scruple of it So they which now adayes plead the Popes cause build their maine arguments upon it to whom by the way wee shall take leave to make some resistance in defence of the Gallicane Church and indeed of the liberty of all Christians See here 's then the meanes whereby the Pope is aâ—thorized by them to bee above a Councell 2 First of all inasmuch as the Bishops there present suffer'd and approv'd the Pope to use absolute prohibitions against them and that with commination of punishments and penalties and that of his own authoritie he commanded his Legats to remove the Councell without ever making any mention in his Buls of asking their advice but rather of mulcting them in case they should refuse so to doe Wee have already transcribed in the chapter of the convocation of Councels that passage wherein these things are contained 3 In next place Because the authoritie of the Pope is by this Councell in all things reserved which is as much as to say is preferr'd above the Decrees of the Councell so as hee may change and alter them at his pleasure In the second Decree of the sixth Session it is said The same holy Councell the same Legats there presiding intending to prosecute the businesse in hand touching reformation and residence hath resolved that it be ordained as followeth saving alwayes in all things the authority of the holy See Apostolique And in the 21 chapter of the last Session Finally the holie Councell declares that in all and every thing which hath been ordained in this holy Councell touching reformation of manners and Ecclesiasticall discipline under what clauses and words soever exprest as wâ—ll under Pope Paul the third and Iulius the third as under the most blessed Pius the fourth they were so ordained and decreed as that the authority of the holy See Apostolique is and must alwayes bee understood to be reserved 4 In the third place Because they give unto him power to declare interpret and resolue all doubts and difficulties which shall arise about the Canons and Dâ—crees of the Councell in such manner as hee shall thinke good 5 Fourthly Because in the conclusion of the Councell they desire a confirmation from the Pope of all and every such things as were there by them ordained anâ— determined 6 Fiftâ—ly Because they decreed that Provincial Councels shall promise and make protestation of true obedience to the Pope 7 Sixthly Because the Pope during the time of the Councell did and exercised what of right belonged to the Councel and not to him as the creation of Cardinals the according of Princes and other things of like nature
attempt to doe it without the consent of the Councell Hee I say who approved the Decrees of it which is more as it hath beene demonstrated in another place 6 The fourth reason is That divers Synods have given a great deale of reverence to Popes and have obeyed their injunctions and commands with all humility There was no necessity of saying so much for fear it should be denied For reverence sake a great deal of honour was ever done to the See of Rome it was acknowledged to bee the first in degree and dignity but not in power and authority Besides the Pope was put to wrestle for honour with the Patriarch of Constantinople and the Archbishop of Ravenna by reason of the translation the one of the Imperiall seat the other of the exarchat into their Cities pretended that they had got the prerogative of honour The other Patriarches had scarce any lesse than he sometimes more was done unto them and sometimes lesse The Popes for their part ever made good use of it they were never ashamed to proclaime their owne praises and they lost nothing for want of challenging They have often turned the faire proffers which were made unto them into strict obligations and have monopoliz'd to themselves what was common to all But to doe them a courtesie let us grant them some speciall favour and prerogative From all these honours and respects there can bee nothing concluded as for authority and power we have no more to doe but set up our staffe there 7 The last is more pressing which speaks of the humble obedience which Generall Councels have done unto them Let us therefore examine those examples which are urged upon us The first Councel of Ephesus granted it to Pope Celestine in obeying his Decrees What a ly is this Pope Celestine in a Synod which he held at Rome of the Westerne Bishops condemned the opinion of Nestorius Bishop of Constantinople gave notice of the determination of his Synod to Cyrill Patriarch of Alexandria and before hee speake of the Generall Councell of Ephesus hee entreats the same Cyrill to cause that to bee put in execution which had beene defin'd at Rome from whence an argument for his presidence is drawne as much to the purpose as the rest Being advertised of the Councel of Ephesus hee sends his Legats thither of a truth they speake some magnificent things tending to the Popes advancement but of which they can make no great booty saving only that the Councel was glad that the definition of the Westerne Bishops was found conformable to that which had beene made by the Easterne And to this intent The Synod decreed Considering the Legats of the See of Rome have spoken such things as are conformable to what had beene formerly determin'd they would subscribe to their Acts that they might continue constant to their promises And presently they sent letters to the Emperours Theodosius and Valentinian wherein they say That God hath touched the hearts of the Western Bishops with a godly zealâ— for although the length of the journey did not permit all that multitude of Bishops to come to Ephesus notwithstanding being all met together in one place the most holy and most devout Celestine Bishop of Rome being present and presiding amongst them they have determined in point of faith conformably to what wee had defined and have declared those that are of a contrary opinion unworthy of Priesthood and of all Ecclesiasticall honours and degrees And Celestine the most holy Bishop of great Rome had signified by his letters this opinion of his and of those that were with him before ever there was any mention of holding a Councel at Ephesus and had sent to Cyrill the most holy Bishop of Alexandria and wel-beloved in the Lord to prosecute and performe what had been concluded upon at the Synod of Rome substituting him in his place And not content with that he hath now repeated the same things againe by other letters directed to this Synod assembled here at Ephesus by your command which he hath sent by his Legats which doe represent at this present his person in the Councell All this they informe the Emperours of to let them see that the condemnation of Nestorius was concluded by the common consent of the Church Vniversall 8 Now if they call this obeying the Popes Decree we may say as well that the Pope obeyed the Decrees of the Councel of Alexandria holden by Cyril in as much as when he had notice of them from Cyril hee wholly conform'd himselfe unto them The Councell of Chalcedon did strictly examine the confession of faith which was sent them by Celestine yea and mended something which did not run well gave leave to any that would to contradict it cast him in the case of honourâ— which he tooke in great disgust In that answere which was made unto him this piece is indeed to his advantage That hee was to the Councel as the Head to the members in the person of his Legats But this is in regard they were as a head to the rest of the Clergy as having the first degree of honour yet without presiding there as wee have exprest at large in another Chapter As for the humble obedience in question they must seeke it elsewhere for there is no more spoke of it here than is to Pope Agatho Hadrian and Nicholas in the sixt and eight Councels 9 The Councel that yeelded the most to the Popes was the eight Generall holden at Constantinople which granted Hadrians Legats the Presidence which the rest never did and which decreed with a great deale of respect concerning the accusations of Popes But it never came so farre as to doe him humble obeysance or to acknowledge him for its superiour as is pretended 10 The fifth reason is the declaration which the Bishops of Italy made to the Bishops of Illyrium touching the Councell of Ariminum which they said was invalid because it wanted the Pope of Romes consent and Pope Leo's declaration to the Bishops of Sicily wherein he pretends the very same reason Wee have an epistle of those Bishops extant at this day by the meanes of that learned French man to whom all Christendome is so much beholding which discovers unto us the Popes cunning to manage their designes They condemne indeed the Councel of Ariminum But why that they tell us We do justly reject the Decrees and determinations of the Councell of Ariminum with the consent of all the Provinces as having beene corrupted by the prevarication of some body Wee send you the copy hereof to the intent that there may bee no difference neither in retaining the same saith nor in rejecting the Councel of Ariminum As for Pope Leo wee make no question but hee might have done that which is put upon him although the letter which hee writ to the Bishops of Sicily make no mention of it For hee onely tels them that they must send every yeere
practised it towards one Gervase and hee sets downe the words of this Ordinance In another epistle he gives us to wit that our Kings have this priviledge not only for other men but for themselves too Kings saith hee shoâ—ld not bee exasperated by us but in case they will not rest quiet for all our admonitions they must be left to the divine judgement Hence it is that wee read in the Capitularie Royall concluded upon by the authoritie of the Bishops If the Royall power c. 11 Now this priviledge that they cannot bee excommunicated is no new thing Clement the fourth in one of his Decretals confirmes this privildge granted to the Kings Queens and their children that they cannot be excommunicate nor their lands interdicted Which Iohn Andreas extends to the brethren of Kings so they be children of Kings too but not to such as are only brethren and no more For example If saith he 〈◊〉 that is no Kings sonne should succeed in a Kingdome where such a proviso is made as suppose in the Kingdome of France at this present the Kings brethren shall not enjoy this priviledge But when according to the ordinarie custome the eldest succeeds in the Kingdome and hath brethren by the fathers side they enjoy this privildge forasmuch as they are children of the same head This instanceing in France shewes that our Kings are of the number of those that have this priviledge that they cannot bee excommunicated nor interdicted à quocunque as the Decrâ—tall hath it that is By any man whatsoever Which may be understood as well of the Pope himselfe as of others 'T is true the glosse excepts him as also his Legat à latere but that doth not take place against our Kings who by reason of their great deservings and good deeds to the Church are exempt from all such thunderclaps CHAP. IV. That the Councel useth commanding termes to Kings and Emperours and makes them executioners of the Bishops Decrees Of the honour which was anciently done unto them by Clergy men 1 OVr Councell is not content with clipping the rights authorities and prerogatives of Kingsâ— Princes and other Lords to enhanse that of Rome but further it tramples them under foot makes them but officers and ministers to Bishops by commanding them to execute what these ordaine The holy Councell say they doth further exhort all Kings Princes Common-wealths and Magistrates and by virtue of holy Obedience doth command them to interpose their aid and authoritie in behalfe of the said Bishops Abbats Generals and others which have the charge and superintendence for the putting of the said reformation in execution every time and as oft as they shall be thereunto required to the intent that they may without any impediment put in execution the things aforesaid to the glory of almighty God 2 Had there beene no more but a bare exhortation it had beene well enough but this command founds somewhat harsh however it be mitigated with the sweet appearance of a holy obedience for 't is well knowne in what fashion they serve themselves of these faire words This Mandamuâ— is extraordinary and was never vented but from the stomachs of ambitious Popes or their Conventicles Let a man but reade the Acts of ancient Councels Generall or Provinciall he shall finde nothing but humble petitions sweet exhortations prayers and blessings for as much as concernes Emperours Kings and Princes commands to them were not heard of then They are the men who alone have the fountain and arsenall in their owne hands both for things temporall and spirituall who impart them to whom they thinke good Ecclesiastiques have nothing to do but by way of petition they have neither command nor Empire unlesse they cozen the Monarchs of the earth of it they are Physicians of soules subject to secular powers having no weapons at all but censures and anathema's against such as are perverse and irregular This Mandamus therefore is injust both in regard of those which give it and those to whom it is given so it is too in regard of the subject and reason for which it was made in as much as by virtue hereof Princes and Monarchs must be bound to obey the Clergie of their Empires and Kingdomes and that even to the meanest of them They must be bound to assist them with a strong hand to put their ordinances in execution every time and as oft as they shall bee required thereunto and in case they faile herein there will not want thunderbolts to deprive them of their Empires and Dominions 3 In another Decree they sharply rebuke such Bishops as debase themselves too much to Kings and Princes and give place and submit to them in point of honour 'T is true they speake at first of pettie Kings and other Lords but the end of the Decree relates also to such as are of greater ranke where it is said by way of command to Bishops That as well within the Church as without having before their eyes their place and order they should ever remember that they are Fathers and Pastours And as for Princes and all others that they doe fatherly honour and due reverence to them 4 In the same Decree they renew and confirme all the former Decrees and Decretals which speake of the honour of Bishops and put them in course which are noted in the margent by the Popes expositors and amongst others the Epistle of Innocent the third writ to the Emperour of Constantinople whom some thinke to be Baldwin or his brother Henry who were Frenchmen towards the end whereof it is said If the Imperiall greatnesse would wisely consider these things it would not suffer the Patriarch of Constantinople who is in truth a great and honourable member of the Church to sit over against his footstoole and upon the left hand considering that other Kings and Princes doe with reverence stand up as they should doe before their Archbishops and Bishops and allow them a venerable place next after themselves Gregory the thirteenth in his new purgation of the Decretalls hath put this note upon it See here saith he the Councell of Trent in the twenty fift Session and seventeenth Chapter of reformation But let us here adde the rest of the places in the margent that wee may better know what honour this Councell would have Kings and Princes doe to Bishops 5 The Canon Valentinianus containes the resolution which the Emperour Valentinian made concerning the election of Saint Ambrose and the exhortation which he made to the Bishops then present when the question was concerning proceeding to the election Set such a one saith he in the Pontificall See as we that governe the Empire may sincerely put our heads under his hands and receive his admonitions inasmuch as we shall offend as men like medicines from a necessarie Physician See here words that beseeme a Christian Emperour indeed who gives Clergie men that reverence which is due unto them as