a great part of Spaine Where staying about nine yeares conquering many Townes by force and othâ—rs by composition to haue their liues and goods safe hee dyed a Death worthy of his actions For when he had made Warre against couragious and powerfull people he dyed after hee had exposed himselfe to all dangers with great assurance and the admiration of all the World After this the Carthaginians made Asdrubal kinsman to Amilcar who had commaunded the Triremes Generall of their Army At which time the Romanes passed to Sclauonia and to that part of Europe with an Army They which desire to vnderstand truely our Discourse with the beginning and increase of the Romane power must diligently obserue it This Voyage by Sea was vndertaken for the causes which here follow Agron King of Sclauonia was the Sonne of Plurate This King drew to field more foote and Horse than any that had reigned before him in Sclauonia It is true that he was corrupted with money at the perswasion of Demetrius Father to Philip so as he succour'd the Midioniens whom the Etoliens held besieged You must vnderstand that when the Etoliens saw that they could not draw the Midioniens to liue according to their Lawes they began to make Warre against them laying siege to diuers places and doing what they possibly could to take the Citty And as in the meane time the day of the assembly was come wherein they were to chuse another Captaine of the Army and that the besieged were growne so weake as they seemed to haue no other thoughts but of yeilding he which at that time was Generall came vnto the Etoliens and let them vnderstand that it was reasonable that he who had indured so great paines and exposed himselfe to so many dangers during the Warre should haue the booty and spoile of the enemies if they were vanquished There were many euen of those which had any colour to attaine vnto that charge who discontented with this kind of demaund intreated the multitude not to determine any thing but to leaue the booty to him to whom Fortune should giue it Finally the Etoliens decreed that whosoeuer should winne the Towne he should share a moiety of all the Booty Riches and Armes with him who formerly had beene the Commaunder While matters stood on these termes and that within three dayes after the Assembly was to meete where according to the Custome of the Etoliens the last Commaunder was to be Deposed and a new choses there arriued in the night about a hundred ships neere to Midionia with ten thousand men of Sclauonia Who after they had recouered the Port and the day began to breake they landed in haste and by stealth and then they marched in battell after their manner against the Etoliens Army And although the Etoliens being aduertised of their comming were at the first amazed at this newes and the boldnesse of the Sclauonians Yet hauing great spirits and courage relying also in their Forces they drew out before their Campe the greatest part of their Horse and Armed men and placed vpon some passages which were not farre from the Camp some Horses and such as were lightly Armed The which were charged and broken by the Sclauonians as well by reason of the multitude of their Souldiers as for that the middest of their battell was strongly fortified In regard of the Horse-men they were forced to flye shamefully vnto their Campe From thence thorough the aduantage of the place they marcht speedily against those which kept the Plaine whom they charged and put presently to flight The Midionians sally forth and pursue them so as there was a great slaughter of the Etoliens and many Prisoners with the spoile of all their baggage hauing found no resistance When as the Sclauonians had performed their Kings Commaund and shipt all their baggage and booty they set sayle and retire to their houses The Midionians also being thus preserued contrary to their hope they assembled and held a Councell among themselues as well for other affaires as for the diuision of the booty taken from the Enemy and of their Armes to deuide them in common by an example taken of him who had beene Chiose of the Etoliens and of those which according to the decree of the Etoliens should succeed him as if Fortune had done it willingly to make the world know her force by the misfortune of the others In truth these in a short time made their Enemies to feele the miseries which they themselues expected suddainly The Etoliens after this misery serued for an example to the world not to hold future things as already done nor to put their hope in things which may succeed otherwise And that wee must alwayes reserue some part in things which may happen contrary to our hope as well as in all other actions seeing we are men as in the affaires of Warre When as the victorious ships were arriued King Agron transported with incredible ioy for the exploits of his men hauing vanquished the Etoliens relying much vpon their forces he gaue himselfe so to banqueting in the night and to a foolish delight of drinking and watching as hee fell into a Pleurisie the which grew so violent as hee died within few dayes after After whose death his Wife Teuca reigned gouerning the Realme by the counsell and aduice of her Friends But afterwards shee followed her womanish affections hauing no care but of this prosperity nor any regard to forreigne affaires suffering all those that would goe to Sea to spoile all passengers Shee also raised a great Army at Sea letting the Captaines vnderstand that the Countrey which was right against hers was Enemy vnto her Who at the first assailed the Elienses and Messenâ—ens whom the Sclauonians spoiled often But for that there is a large Sea and that the Townes of those Regions were all vpon the firme Land they could not easily preuent the Sclauonians courses and therefore they did spoile and ruine the Countrey without any obstacle And as at the same time they sayled to Epirus to fetch victuals they came to Phenice where there were about eight hundred Gaules entertained by the Epirotes to guard the Towne Heere they landed and parled with them to deliuer it whereunto they yeelded so as they tooke it and all that was within it by the helpe of the Gaules When the Epirotes had the newes they came presently to succour them with all their people and lodged vpon the banks of a neere Riuer Then they tooke away the planks of the Bridge to be free from the danger of those which kept the Towne In the meane time they were aduertised that Scerdilaide came by Land with fiue thousand men by the Streights of Antigonia Wherefore they deuided their Army in two whereof the one went to guard the passages of Antigonia and the other remained in the Campeidlely and negligently consuming what was in that Countrey without feare and
came out of the Fort alone or accompanied with some one with Bolis and Arian he might be taken with an Ambush as abandoned But if he came foorth well accompanied the businesse would prooue difficult to those to whom they had giuen the charge Finally they thought to take him aliue knowing that by this meanes they should do great pleasure to Antiochus Wherefore they gaue charge vnto Arian to march before when he should draw forth Acheus for that he knew the turnings by the which he had often entred and comeforth Bolis was to follow the rest behind to the end that being come vnto the place where the Ambush should be ready by Cambyle he might seaze vpon Acheus and stay him fearing that through the Allarum in the night he might saue himselfe through the Forrest or being in Despaire he might cast himselfe into some pit and contrary to their Resolution fall aliue into the Enemies hands These things being thus concluded when Bolis came to Cambyle he was the same night brought by him to Antiochus being alone And when the King had receiued him graciously and had assured them of his promises making remonstrances to either of them not to be negligent in the businesse they then returned to their Campe. In the morning Bolis accompanied with Arian ascend and at night they enter the Fort. Acheus receiuing him with great affection and loue demaunded many things of him dilligently And as hee obserued aswell the countenance as the familiar speech wherewith Bolis assured the plot he shewed partly a ioyfull countenance for the hope of his safety So he partly languished for the apprehension of the future danger But for that he was a man of a great Spirit and great Experience hee did not hold it fit to relye wholy vpon Bolis And therefore he vsed this Speech vnto him That for the present hee could not go foorth and that hee would send three or foure of his friends with him and that after conferrence with Melancome he would be ready Acheus in truth did all that could be done But hee was ignorant of the common Prouerbe That hee must Candize with the Candyots Bolis likewise had fore-seene all things which concerned this businesse But when the night came in the which he sayd he would send his friends sending Arian and Bolis before out of the Fort he commanded them to attend vntill the comming of those which should goe with them Whereunto obeying in the meane time he conferres with his Wife But for that he had amazed Laodicea with a businesse not fore-seene he stayed sometime vntill he had pacified her and brought her to an expectance of good hope Then making the fift hee attired the others meanly and himselfe puts on an old and simple Robe shewing himselfe to be a man of a base condition and so he goes forth He had giuen charge to one of his Friends to answere Arian continually to all that he should propound and that he should learne of him whither they went and should speake of the rest as of Barbarians When they were come to Arian he went before for the knowledge hee had of the way In regard of Bolis he followed behind according to the first resolution being doubtfull of that which was offered For although hee were a Candyot and did diue into all things neerely yet he could not know Acheus by reason of the darknesse of the night nor yet whither he was there And as the descent was rough and for the most part vneasie and in some place vnsafe and dangerous for the steepnesse and being come vnto a certaine place where as some helde Acheus and others receiued him at that time in truth they could not wholy forbeare to yeild him their accustomed reuerence then Bolis suddainely knew which was Acheus When hee came to the place appointed to Cambyle and that Bolis had giuen them a signe by his whistle they of the Ambush issue forth and take the rest But Bolis seazed vpon Acheus hauing his hands wrapt vp in his Robe fearing that in discouering the Ambush he should attempt to kill himselfe for hee had a Sword ready Being thus suddainly inuironed he fell into the hands of his Enemies and was presently led to Antiochus with his friends The King remaining in suspence expecting what would become of it hee was alone in his Tent waking accompanied onely with two or three of his guard But when as Cambyles Company was arrived and had layed Acheus bound vpon the ground his Speech failed him for so strange an accident so as he continued long without speaking And in the end toucht with Commisseration and pitty the teares came into his eyes the which in my opinion hapned by a Consideration that those things which Fortune brings are ineuitable and vncertaine Acheus was sonne to Andromachus brother vnto Laodicea the Wife of Seleucus and he had married Laodicea daughter to King Methridate and withall hee was Lord of all the Region on this side Mount Tauris As hee was then held to liue in a place of his owne wonderfull strong for the Enemy so he was now set vpon the ground bound and mannacled in their hands Neither was there any man that knew of the fact but those which had the Execution But when the day was come and that the friends according to the custome were come vnto the Tent and saw this accident it hapned vnto them as it had done formerly vnto the King For in wondring at the businesse they were in doubt of those things which they saw When the Councell was assembled they spake many things of him touching his defeate First they decreed that his hands and feete should be cut off and then hauing taken of his Head it should be sowed to an Asses skinne and the rest of his body hanged vpon a Crosse. Which being Executed and the Army hearing thereof the fury and alteration was so great in the Campe as Laodicea who knew nothing but the departure of her Husband looking from the Fort coniectured of that which had happened by the trouble and alteration in the Campe. A Herald was presently sent vnto Laodicea who aduertised her of those things which had befalne Acheus commaunding to consider of Her estate and to leaue the Fort. At the first they which held it made so great cries and lamentations as they could giue no answere Not so much for the affection they bare to Acheus as for the accident which seemed to them all vnlooked for and not fore-seene Finally they were in great doubt what they should do Antiochus after the ruine of Acheus prest the besieged more violently perswading himselfe that in the end hee should haue meanes to take it by the Souldiers themselues the which happened accordingly For they beeing diuided among themselues they parted into Troupes some holding for Ariobaze others for Laodicea After which both parties yeilded for their mutuall distrust and deliuered the place To conclude as Acheus had done what
againe Maisters of the Sea with out contradiction seeing the Romans had no more any Fleete at Sea Moreouer they had great confidence in their Army at Land and not without cause For after that the report of the battell giuen in Affricke came to Rome and that they vnderstood that the defeate of their men hapned by the force and fury of the Elephants for that they had broken the Rankes and opened the battalions and that they had made a wonderfull slaughter of them Their feare of the Elephants from that day was so great as for two yeares after they neuer durst charge the Carthaginians although they made many incounters in Affricke and in the Country of Selinuntia nor Campe in the Plaines within fiue or sixe furlongs of them keeping alwayes the Mountaynes and hilly Countries to saue themselues from the Elephants so as they only forced Theruce and Lipara Wherefore the Romanes knowing the feare their Army had resolued againe to put a Fleete to Sea At that time the Romane people being assembled they chose vnto the Consulship Caius Attilius and Lucius Manlius They also made fifty new ships and Rigg'd out the olde the which they furnished with Souldiers proportionably When as Asdruball Generall of the Carthaginians knowing well the feare of the Romans had beene aduertised by the Fugitiues that one of the Consuls was returned vnto Rome with halfe the Army and Cecilius remayned alone at Palermo with the other he parts from Lylibeum when as Haruest approached with his Army to spoile and falls vpon the Territory of Palermo planting his Campe vpon the Mountaines Cecilius hauing newes of their comming and knowing that Asdruball desired nothing but a battell kept his Army within the Towne By this meanes Asdruball growing very confident conceiuing that Cecilius kept himselfe close for feare he causeth his Army to March to Palermo hauing ruined and burnt all the Champion Countries The Consull was alwaies of opinion not to go to field vntill that his enemy was drawne to passe the Riuer which runnes neere vnto the Towne Walls But when he saw that the Campe and the Elephants approached he caused a â—ally to be made by the nimblest and most actiue men of his Army commaunding them to skirmish with the enemy vntill their whole Campes should be forced to come to the combats And afterwards considering that matters had succeeded as he desired he ordaines the lightest and most actiue to plant themselues beyond the Towne ditch giuing them charge to cast Pertuisans Darts and Spits a farre off at the Elephants And if they came running vpon them with fury and violence they should slip into the Ditch and from thence cast their Darts at them He also commaunded the Archers of the Marker place to go out of the Towne and to fight at the foote of the wall In the meane time he issued foorth with all the Eâ—signes by another side of the Towne right against the enemies left Wing and sent many to those which fought with Darts Presently after the skirmish beganne the Maister of the Elephants who with a desire of glory would haue the honour of the Victory incensed them against the enemies not attending Asdrubals pleasure The Romans obseruing the Consuls commaundment turned head presently and when as the Elephants pursued them with fury they slipt into the Ditch the Elephants being vppon the side of it they were suddainly charged with Darts and Pertuisans aswell by the Townesmen which were vpon the Walls as from the Souldiers which lay in the Ditch And when as they could passe no further they turned head being necessarily forced to fall vpon their owne battallions with great slaughter In the meane time Cecilius goes suddainly to field hauing his whole Army entire and in good order by another gate and chargeth his enemies furiously who being already broken by the Elephants and charged againe by the Consuls Troupes were easily defeated A part of them were slaine the rest saued themselues by flight There were ten Elephants taken with their Indian Maisters 〈…〉 after the battell their Gouernours being cast downe This Victory purchased great honour to Cecilius as the Man who by the report of all the whole World had beene the cause that the Romanes after that time resuming courage camped in the Plaines When the Romanes had newes of this Victory it is not credible the ioy which they conceiued not so much for the taking of the Elephants whereby the Carthaginians power was much decreased as for that their men seemed to be grownâ— more hardy in the Warre for that they had conquered them Wherefore they Prepared an Army at Sea as they had formerly resolued and sent the Consuls into Sicily with two hundred Vessells desiring to make an end of that Warre Whither they past hauing made prouision of Victualls and other things necessary This was the foureteeneth yeare since the beginning of the Warre The Consuls being arriued and receiuing the Bands of Souldiers that were there they go and lay siege to Lylibeum hoping after the taking thereof they might easily transport the Warre into Affricke But the Carthaginians mooued with the like considerations resolued by all meanes to keepe it knowing well that after the losse of Lylibeum they had nothing else remaining in Sicily The Romans in truth held in a manner the whole Iland except Trepanum But to the end that what wee speake of Sicily may not seeme obscure to some one by reason of the ignorance of places we will deliuer the Scituation in few words All Sicily hath its Scituation in regard of Italy and the limits thereof like vnto Morea in respect of Greece and its bounds It is true â—here is some difference for that there is a little Sea betwixt this and Italy Whereas Morea is ioyned vnto Greece by a little slip of Land for they may goe on dry foote from Morea vnto Greece and not from Sicily into Italy without shipping Sicily is of a Triangular forme and so many Angles as it hath so many Capes or Promontories there are vpon the Sea shore Among the which that whereon the Sicilian Sea doth beate is called Pachinus and lookes towards the South that which tends towards the North where the Sea doth end and is not aboue a mile and a halfe from Italy is called Pelorus The third which hath his Aspect towards Affricke and towards the Winterly West and which is right against Carthage from the which vnto the Affricke shore there is not aboue one hundred twenty and seuen miles is called Lylibeum diuiding the Sea of Sardinia and Sicily There is a Towne on this Cape which carries the same name the which the Romans besieged at that time The which is strong with Walls and Ditches and moreouer with Marshes and Pooles by the which lyes the passage for ships into the Port but the entry is difficult and not accessible but by expert Marriners The Romans then to besiege it throughly made round about it Trenches
haue formerly sayd an augmentation and wonderfull accord in our time For when as many laboured formerly to reduce Morea to one accord and could not effect it considering that all men aime more at their priuate profit than the liberty of the Countrey there hath beene at this day made so great a change as they haue not onely contracted friendship and a strict league but moreouer they vse the same Lawes the same weight the same measure the same money and more the same Princes the same Councell and the same Iudges So as there is no defect in Morea for the making of a Burgesse but that they dwelt not all in one Towne All the rest was alike and the same thing It shall not bee therefore vnfitting to shew how the Name of the Achaiens hath first reigned in Morea You must vnderstand that they which were first so called had no better Countrey nor more Townes nor more Wealth nor more virtue Without doubt the Arcadians and Lacedemonians doe farre exceed the other people of Morea both in number of men and Townes Neither is there any Nation in Greece which passeth them in prowesse and virtue What is the cause then that these men whom wee haue named and the other people of Morea haue willingly suffred not onely the Comminalty of the Achaiens but also to take the Name It were a folly to say that it was by chance Wherefore it were better to seeke the cause without the which wee cannot finish those things which are done with reason nor those which seemne to bee done without it For my part I conceiue it was the equality and the common liberty which was kept amongst them all as a certaine president of a true Common-wealth For there is no Citty in all Greece where there are found better Lawes Behold the cause which hath caused the greatest part of Morea willingly to follow this Common-wealth Some thorough reason and parswasion others forced by little and little with the time and yet they haue presently pacified their discontents And for that they did noâ— from the beginning leaue more to one then to another but would haue all things equall to all men it presently brought the Acheiâ—s to this great Authority vsing two meanes of great efficacy that is Equality and Clemency Behold the cause which wee must imagine for the which all Morea being of one will and accord attained to this prosperity and peace wherein wee see it at this day It is true that this manner of liuing and meanes of gouernment of a Common-wealth was long obserued by the Acheins the which is probable by the testimony of many witnesses Yet wee will produce but one or two at this time You must vnderstand that at what time a Company of the Pythagorians were burnt for a secret conspiracy in the Region of Italy which they then called great Greece It happened that the Countrey and the Townes were much afflicted with murthers and sedition by a strange alteration of Common-weales whose Princes were wickedly slaine And therefore Embassadours came from all parts to pacifie their debates Who leauing all the rest they referr'd themselues in all their quarrels to that which the Acheins should decree Soone after they resolued to vse their Lawes and to frame their Common-wealth like vnto theirs Without doubt the Crotoniates Sybarites and Caulonites after they had ended their quarrels in a friendly manner edified a Temple in publique to Iupiter Omarie where they might assemble the people and giue them iustructions Moreouer hauing accepted the Institutions and Lawes of the Acheins they would onely liue in them and erect their Common-wealth But the tyranny of Denis of Syracusa and the Gaules who at that time spoiled the Countrey hindered them from bringing their enterprize to an end Moreouer after the defeate of the Lacedemonians beyond all hope before Luctres and that they of Thebes had already troubled the Empire of Greâ—ce there was a great mutiny and a strange combustion throughout all Greece namely betwixt the Lacedemonians and the Thebains For that the Lacedemonians conceiued they had beene vanquished and the others did not thinke they had gotten the Victory Notwithstanding either of them by a common consent made choice of the Acheins among all the Grecians to whose iudgement they submitted themselues touching their quarrels not hauing so much regard to their forces or power for in truth it was the least of all the Prouinces of Greece as to the faith and iustice of the people which at that time was held great in the opinion of the World It is true they had then but bare virtue hauing done nothing worthy of fame or estimation Wherefore their comminalty did not increase much for that they had not any Lord which was worthy to gouerne them for that they had beene alwaies kept vnder by the Empire of the Lacedemonians or Macedonians But after by succession of time they had found Gouernours worthy of their estate they presently purchased honour and glory They reconciled all Morea which was an excellent worke whereof no man doubts but Arate the Sicyonien had beene the Authour and contriuer the which Philopomene the Megalopolitein finished and afterwards confirmed and that Licerta was the third which amplified and augmented it and subsequently all his Companions Hereafter wee will endeauour as much as the Subiect shall require to relate their deeds the manner and the time Yet wee will make a summary mention of the actions of Arate at this time and hereafter for that hee hath comprehended all things in his Commentaries according vnto truth plainely and amply But as for others our discourse shall be something more diligent and more copious It is true that in my opinion the declaration would bee more easie and the History more plaine to those that desire to know it if wee take it from the time when as the Acheins who had beene dispersed into diuers Citties by the Princes of Macedon drew themselues againe together as it were in one body and afterwards they augmented in such sort as they came to this great amplitude whereof wee haue hitherto spoken in particular and which continues vnto this day They of Patras and the Dymensorins made a league together in the hundred and foure and twentieth Olympiade at such time as Ptolomy the Sonne of Lagus Lysimachus Seleucus and Ptolomy Ceraunien dyed without doubt they all dyed during this Olimpiade Behold in what estate the Acheins were in former times They began to be gouerned by Kings at such time as Tysamenes the Sonne of Hâ—restes chased from Lacedemonia after the descent of Heraclites held the Countrey which is about Acheia After whom Kings gouerned continually by succession vntill the time of Sygus After whom the Regall power began to be tedious for that the Children of Sygus did not gouerne the Prouince legally but by Tyranny Wherefore they chased away their Kings and gouerned in common wherein they liued diuersly
be called and Commaunds Appelles to speake the same Words in their Presence the which hee performed boldly and without blushing Finally the King speaking not any thing hee said moreouer vnto them And for that Arate the King hath found you ingratefull and deceitfull hee hath resolued to returne into Macedony hauing first called the Acheiâ—s and acquainted them with the occasion Whereunto Arate answered The King sayd hee ought not to beleeue lightly but to consider well of the businesse when they speake any thing against his Allies and Friends before hee giue credite to a slander This is proper for a King and very profitable in all things And therefore in this slander you must call them that heard the VVords and let Appelles enter with them and omit nothing that may bee necessary to discouer the Truth before it be reuealed to the Assembly of the Acheins This answere was pleasing vnto the King saying That he would diligently search out the trueth they then departed But within few dayes after when as Appelles could not finde any proofe of those things which hee had obiected there was by chance a great testimony found of Arate his innocency For whilst that Philip ruined the Prouince the Elienses hauing some suspition of Amphidamus had resolued to take him and to send him bound into Etolia The which Amphidamus discouering hee steales away secretly and comes first to Olympia But hauing certayne newes that Philip stayed at Dyme to diuide the Spoile he went speedily vnto him As soone as Arate had newes of the banishment of Amphidamus from his owne Countrey hee was wonderfull ioyfull knowing that hee had not committed any thing against the Macedonians and goes vnto the King intreating him to call Amphidamus For hee was the man that could giue best satisfaction in those things wherewith hee was charged to whom the Words had beene spoken And that moreouer he would willingly deliuer the trueth seeing that for the loue of Philip hee had 〈◊〉 Banished his Natiue Countrey and that all his hope consisted in him onely At whose words the King was mooued and calling for Amphidamus hee found that Appelles had falsly slandered him Wherefore after that day hee held Arate in greater esteeme and fauour but disliked the practise of Appelles although hee were forced to indure this and many other things for the great Authority which hee held But Appelles changed not his humour Hee depriued Taurion of the gouernement of Morea not taxing him with any offence but commending and holding him worthy to bee in the Campe about the King for that hee desired to put another in his place Behold a new inuention of slander to wrong any one not in blaming him but in commending him There is also found but principally among Courtiers a malicious diligence accompanied with Enuy and fraud by a mutuall Iealousie and extreame Auarice Hee did likewise indeauour to disappoynt Alexander the Chamberlaine and affected the care of the Kings Person for himselfe and finally to breake all the Order which Antigonus had left Who had duly performed his duty in the Gouernment of his Realme and Sonne during his life And dying hee prouided wisely for the foure For he left a Will by the which hee set downe an order what the Macedonians should doe and what charges they should execute labouring to take away all occasions of Ambition and Discord which might rise in Court Hee appointed Appelles to be Tutour to his Sonne who had beene at the Warre with him And hee made Leonce Chiefe of the Souldiers which carried Targets and Megalee Chancellor and Taurion Gouernour of Morea It is true that Appelles at that time held Leonce and Megalee in his Subiection and was resolued to chase away Alexander and Taurion To the end hee might supply their places in Person or by his Creatures The which vndoubtedly hee had done if Arate had not preuented it But now hee suffers the paine of his folly and Couetousnesse For within a short time after hee suffered that which hee laboured with all his power to doe vnto others But wee will forbeare at this present to deliuer the causes making an end of this Booke and we will endeauour in the following Booke to set downe euery thing in its place After this Philip came to Argos where hee past the remainder of the Winter with his friends and sent backe his Army into Macedony The end of the Fourth Booke of Polybius THE FIFTH BOOKE OF the History of POLYBIVS THe Yeare of Arate his Gouernment being ended about May for so the Acheins measure the time he left it and Epirate tooke it And Dorimache was then Chiefe of the Etoliens At the same time Summer beginning Hannibal was parted from Carthage with his Army for that the Warre grew hoâ—e betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians and made hast passing Ebro to goe into Italy Then the Romans sent Titus Sempronius with an Army into Affricke and Publius Cornelius into Spaine Antiochus and Ptolomy hauing no more hope to decide their Controuersie concerning Syria neither by Embassies nor meetings had begunne the Warre And then King Philip prest with want of Victuals and money for his Army caused the Acheins to assemble by their Magistrates But when as the people were met at Egia according to the custome of the Countrey the King seeing Arate much discontented for the affront which hee had receiued from Appelles at the time of the Election and that Eperate was disdained of them all as a man simple by Nature and sloathfull and was helde as a scorne knowing also the treachery of Appelles and Leonce he beganne againe to turne his affection to Arate And after that hee had perswaded the Magistrates to referre their Diet to Sicyon hee spake curteously to olde and young Arate and perswaded them to continue in their first affection charging Appelles with all that had beene done Whereunto they consenting hee presently after his entry into the Assembly obtained by their fauour was necessary for his present affaires for it was ordred by the Acheins that they should pay vnto the King thirty thousand Crownes That is to say three moneths pay for the Souldiers and threescore and eleauen mines of Wheate euery mine being valued at fiue Quarters a Combe and a Bushell of London measure and withall as long as Philip should remaine in Morea he should haue sixe thousand two hundred Crownes monethly Which being done the Acheins returned euery man to his Towne But winter being past and the Troupes returned the King thought it best to assaile the enemy by Sea for hee saw well that by this meanes hee might enter their Countrey and surprize them on either side and that they should not bee able to succour one another aswell for the distance that is betwixt them and for the newnesse of the Warre by Sea as also for that they should bee amazed at the suddaine descent of their Enemies for at that
inaccessible Rocke as well by Nature as by Art It is enuironed with Riuers For towards the South runs a Riuer of the Townes name and on the Westerne part towards the Winter Solstice passeth the Riuer of Hypse The Fortresse is seated vpon the side of the Summers East The which hath without an inaccessible valley and within it one approach to the City On the top is built the Temple of Minerua and of Iupiter Aâ—abarin like as at Rhodes For as Agragas hath beene peopled by Rhodiens their God with good reason hath the same name as at Rhodes Finally the City is stately adorned with Temples and Porches In regard of the Temple of Iupiter Olympian it is none of the most sumptuous But likewise it seemes not lesse in its height and greatnesse then any other of Grecce The Oration of Chlenee Embassadour for the Etoliens to the Lacedemonians IT is so true my Maisters of Lacedemon that your power hath beene the beginning of Seruitude to the Grecians the which I hold so certaine as no man at this day will say the contrary Wee may iudge of it in this manner For what a multitude of Grecians are there in Thrace whereof the Athenians and Calsidonians haue planted Collonies What City hath had a greater estate and power then that of the Olynthiens The which when as Philip had made Captiue and ordained to serue for an Example hee hath not onely beene Lord of all the Cities of Thrace but hath moreouer made subiect the Thessalians being terrified with feare And when as afterwards hee had subdued the Athenians by Armes he vsed his Fortune nobly not so much for the good of the Athenians for there wanted much but to the end that by the same of his benefits towards them he might draw others to a voluntary obedience In regard of the authority of your City it seemed for a time to fauour the other Grecians Wherefore propounding what hee thought good he went to Field with an Army and in spoiling the Countrey he hath ruined and sack't your houses and finally your Countrey distributing part to the Argiues part to the Tegeates some to the Megalopolitains and the rest to the Messeniens seeking without reason to benefit others to the end he might endammage and and annoy you Alexander hath since taken vpon him the power and command Who thinking that there was yet remaining some comfort for Greece in the City of Thebes I conceiue you all know how hee hath ruined it But what neede is there to relate in particular the Deeds of those which haue succeeded them and how ill they haue intreated Greece There is no man so negligent of the actions of Warre which doth not know how Antipater the Grecians being vanquished neare vnto Lamiai did most wickedly intreate the miserable Athenians and others To whom hee was so outragious and vniust as hee sent Inquisiters for Fugitues and sent to the Cities against those which had contradicted him or in any fort offended the honour of the Macedonians Whereof some being violently drawne out of the Temple and others from the Altars themselues haue beene miserably defeated and slaine the other Fugitiues haue beene chased out of Greece There was no freedome but onely in the Nation of the Etoliens In regard of the executions done by Cassander Demetrius and Antigonus Gonas who is ignorant of them The knowledge hath beene manifest seeing they haue beene done without any disguising Some of them placed Garrisons in Townes others setled Tyrants By which meanes there hath not beene any City free from the name of this kind of seruitude But leauing this Discourse I come in the end to Antigonus to the end that none of you considering plainely my intent may thinke himselfe beholding to the fauour of the Macedonians Antigonus in truth hath not made Warre against you for the preseruation of the Acheins neither for that he was offended with the Tyranny of Cleomenes he desired to set the Lacedemonians at liberty it were too great a folly if you were of this opinion but for that he saw his power was not assured if the principality of Morea were vnder your gonernment and withall he saw the industry of Cleomenes and that Fortune smiled vpon you the which he feared with enuie He came not to giue succours to Morea but to rauish your hopes and abate your greatnesse Wherefore the Macedonians are not so much worthy of loue Lording it ouer this City which they haue ruined as to be held for Enemies and odious seeing he hath alwaies hindred you when you had meanes to command all Greece In regard of the iniquity of Philip what neede is there to vse any long discourse His execration towards the Gods for the outrages committed in the Temple of Thermes is plainely declared And as for his cruelty to men it is fully exprest by this preuarication and the accord violated with the Messeniens Finally the Etoliens haue alone among the Grecians made head against Antipater in the view of all the World so as they liued in safty which were outragiously afflicted They haue also withstood the attempt of Brennus and the Barbarians which accompanied him And they alone being called haue endeauoured with you to set the principality of Greece at liberty But it is enough of this Subiect Wee must now aduise in some sort and take order touching this present Councell as with them that resolue for the Warre Wee must consider it according to the truth I am also of opinion that as the Acheins as the weaker should not onely forbeare to spoile your Countrey but also giue great thankes vnto the Gods if they may preserue their owne The Eliences and Messeniens will make Warre against them for the league they haue with vs the like you will doe As I vnderstand Philip will desist from his Enterprize being assailed by the Etoliens at Land and by the Romans and Attalus by Sea It is moreouer easie to iudge of the future by the actions past For making Warre onely against the Etoliens hee could neuer subdue them how then will hee support this present Watre Take these words according to my first proposition that it may be notorious to all men that you ought not by a rash and vnaduised Councell but by a mature setled deliberation rather giue succours to the Etoliens the Macedonians And if you haue formerly preuented and giuen order for those what meanes can there remaine If you haue granted vs present succours before you haue receiued the benefits of Antigonus wee must with reason enquire if it be fit that in yeilding to the succeeding benefits you should contemne the precedent which you haue enioyed How this liberty and safety being published hath beene consumed by Antigonus there are some which reproach it vnto you and turne these things to euill demaunding often whither you should follow the party of the Etoliens or Macedonians You would enter League with vs in many things to
of the Sicilians they had all that we haue made mention of They say that when they came first into Sicily they which then held that Region where they now dwell being amazed and receiuing them with feare made an accord with them which was that they should maintaine Friendship and enioy the Countrey in common as long as they should tread vpon the Earth and carry a head vpon their shoulders And when this kinde of Oath was made they say that the Locrines did put earth into their shooes and secretly hid the heads of Garlicke and hauing thus sworne and finally cast the Earth out of their shooes and likewise the heads of Garlicke soone after they chast away the Sicilians out of the Countrey This the Locrines did say As a Rule although it hath lesse length and breadth yet it retaines still the Name if it hath that which is proper to a Rule So they say if it be not straight and hauing the property of a Rule it must rather be called by some other name then a Rule In like manner they hold that if the Commentaries of Historiographers which failing either in Diction or vse or in any other of the parts which are proper vnto them obserue the truth they deserue the name of a History But if that failes they are no more worthy of that name For my part I confesse that such Commentaries are to be held for true and I am of this opinion in euery part of our Worke when I say that euen as when the Bones are separated from a liuing Creature it is made vn-vsefull so is a History For if thou takest away the truth the rest will bee but a vaine Narration We haue sayd that there were two kinds of lies the one through ignorance the other which is deliuered wittingly The pardon is easie for those which through ignorance stray from the truth and they are to be hated deadly which lie willingly As men of iudgment resoluing to reuenge their enemies doe not first obserue what their Neighbour deserues but rather what they must doe the like we must thinke concerning dotracters not caring for that which the Enemies ought to heare but to obserue carefully what it is fit to speake They which measure all things according to their choller and enuy must of necessity faile in all and stray from reason when they speake otherwise then is fitting Wherefore we doe not seeme vniustly to reproue the speeches which Tymeus hath held against Demochares In truth hee neither deserues pardon nor credit with any man for that in wronging him openly hee straies from reason in regard of his naturall bitternesse Neither doe the iniuries against Agathocles please mee although he were the most cruell man liuing I speake of those whereof hee makes mention in the end of his History saying that Agathocles had beene a publique Sodomite in his younger yeares and abandoned to all infamous and vild persons and so to other foule villanies which he addes Moreouer hee sayth that after his death his Wife lamented him in this manner Why haue not I thee nor thou mee In regard of the speeches which he hath held of Demochares some will not onely cry out but wonder with reason at his excessiue Rage That Agathocles had necessarily by Nature a great prerogatiue it is manifest by the Discourse which Tymeus hath held Hee came to Sarragosse flying the Wheele Smoake and Clay being eighteene yeares old And when he was come for this cause sometime after he was Lord of all Sicily Hee also drew the Carthaginians into great extremities and ended his life with the Name of a King after that he had growne old in this gouernment It is not then necessary to say that there had some things happened to Agathocles which were great and excellent and that hee had had great power and great forces to execute all these things And that a Historiographer must not onely deliuer vnto posterity those things which concerne the blame and shew the accusation but also those which touch the praise of the man This is the property of a History But this Childe blinded with his owne rancor in his relation augments through hatred his offences omitting wholy the vertues being ignorant that it is no lesse blame worthy then a lye in those which write the Histories of Actions It happened saith he that as two young men contended for a Seruant that he was somewhat long with a Friend And when as the other two dayes before came out of the Countrey in the absence of the Master the Seruant retired speedily into the house and that afterwards the other knowing he came thither seazing on him brought him into Question saying that the Maister of the house ought to giue Caution For the Law of Zaleucus was that he deserued a suite to whom he had made the retreate And when as the other sayd that according to the same Law he had also made the retreate for that the Body was parted to come vnto the Potentate he saith that the Princes were in doubt vpon this businesse and called Cosmopole referring themselues to him in this cause Who interpreted this Law saying that the retreat hath alwayes beene to him who had the last or for a time possessed the thing debated without contradiction But if any one spoild another by force and had retired it and that subsequently he which first enioyed it termes himselfe the maister this is no true possession And when as the Young man discontented at this sentence sayd that it was not the sense of the Law Cosmopole protested and offerd the Condition if there were any man that would speake any thing touching the sentence or sense of the Law established by Laleuens The which is such that the Captaines Milleniers being there appointed with Halters to hang men they consulted vpon the sense of the Law if any one drew the sentence of the Law to a bad sense hee was strangled in the presence of the Milleniers This Speech being propounded by Cosmopole the Young man answered that the Condition was vniust for that Cosmopole had not aboue two or three yeares to liue for hee was about fourescore and ten yeares old and that he according to reason had the greatest part of his life remaining For which witty and pleasant Speech hee escaped the seuerity of the iudgement and the Princes iudged according to the aduice of Cosmopole Wee will make mention of a certaine expedition of Warre which hath beene very famous and decided in a very short time In the relation whereof Galisthenes hath ert'd in that which doth most import I speake of that which Alexander made into Cilicia against Darius In the which he saith that Alexander had past the streights which they call the Ports of Cilicia and that Darius tooke his way by the Ports which they call Menides and drew with his Army towards Cilicia And when he vnderstood by the Inhabitants that
likewise should prepare that which concernes the ships And the rest for the safetie of the Citie hauing a daily care for particular things But when as the Roman Army was inricht with bootie and that no man made any resistance Scipio resolues to send the greatest part of the bootie to the first baggage And taking the ablest and most actiue Bands to seeke to force the Enemies pallisadoe He therefore hauing a good courage seated his Campe in view of the Carthaginians He had a conceite that by this meanes hee should amaze and terrifie them The Carthaginians hauing in few daies giuen order for all the Equipage Victualls and munition of their Shippes they meant to weigh Anchor and to execute their Resolution Scipio came to Tunis and although that they which had fled thither kept the approaches yet he tooke it Tunis is distant from Carthage sixe score Furlongs and is to be seene in a manner by all the Citie Moreouer it is strong aswell by Nature as by Art The Carthaginians imbarked and came to Bysâ—rthe Scipio seeing the Enemies Army at Sea was troubled fearing least his should fall into some inconnenience hauing not suspected it neyther was it ready nor prepared for that which might happen Wherefore turning head he raised his Campe seeking to giue order for his affaires When hee perceiued his couered shippes well prouided to carry the instruments and conueniently to raise the siege but ill appoynted for a Combate at Sea and that those of the Enemies had beene during the Winter instructed and prepared he was out of hope to make head against them and to come to fight Yet he prepared the couered Vessell and inuironed them with three or foure ranckes of Merchants ships The remainder is wanting A PARCELL OF the Fifteenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS SCipio was impatient that the meanes to get Victualls was not only taken from him but there was plenty with the Enemy But he seemed to be much more grieued that the Carthaginians had broken their Oath and Accord making War againe Wherefore hee made choise for Embassadours of Lucius Servinus Lucius Citinus and Lucius Fabius and sent them to speake vnto the Carthaginians vpon this late Action and also to signifie vnto them that the people of Rome had confirmed their Accords for they had lately brought Letters vnto Scipio containing the said Articles When the Embassadours were come to Carthage they were first brought vnto the Senate and afterwards to many others where they discoursed freely of the present Affaires First they put them in minde how their Embassadours being arriued at Tunis and were come into the assembly of the Councell they had not only Sacrificed to the Gods in bending downe to the ground as other men are accustomed to do But moreouer prostrating themselues humbly they had kist their feete And when they were risen againe had acknowledged their faulte to haue broken the Accord concluded in the beginning with the Romains and that for this cause they confest that they were not ignorant that they were lustly tormented and that they intreated that by the Fortune of Humanes they might not be forced to suffer things that were not to be repaired and that by this meanes their indiscretion and rashnesse would make the Romains bounty Commendable The Embassadours say that at the repetition of these things the Chiefe and Councellors which were then present in Counsell were amazed and wondred with what impudence they forgot things that were then spoken and durst in manner breake the Couenants sworne It is in a manner manifest that vpon the confidence they had in Hannibal and his forces they had presumed to do these things but inconsiderately Finally it was apparent to all the World that flying the last yeare out of all Italy and being shut vp through their faintnesse in the Countrey of Lacinium and in a manner besieged they are fallen at this day to that as they are hardly in safety And although that as Victors they would present themselues and trie with vs the fortune of the Warre who haue vanquished you in two following Battailes yet they must not hold the future for certaine Nor yet thinke of the Victory but rather feare to be frustrated againe And if that hapned to what Gods would they make their prayers and vowes In what Language would they speake to mooue the Victors to a Commiseration of their calamitie Seeing that with reason all hope would be taken away aswell with the Gods as men These things thus propounded the Embassadours foorth-with depart Some of the Carthaginians were of opinion that the Accord should not be broken The greatest part aswell of Burgesses as Senators disliked that to the Accord there were some grieuances added and they were much discontented at the hard reprehension of the Embassadors Moreouer they could not restore the shippes which had beene broken nor repay the Charges They were likewise fed with no small hope of Hannibals Victory One part of them were of opinion to send away the Roman Embassadors without answere The Burgesses whose intention was howsoeuer to renew the Warne consulting among themselues practized in this manner We must said they giue order that the Embassadors may be safely sent backe to their Campe. Wherfore they presently prepare two Gallies for their returne But they aduertize Asdrubal Chiefe of their Army at Sea intreating him to keepe some vessells ready neere vnto the Romans Campe to the end that when the Marriners should abandon the Embassadors these other should board them and cast them into the Sea The Army at Sea had ioyned to the Romans vpon the flat neere vnto Bysarthe When they had acquainted Asdrubal with these things they dismisse the Romans And giue charge vnto the Marriners of the Gallies that when they had past the Riuer of Macre they should suffer the Romans to Saile towards the Mountaine for from thence they might visibly discouer the Enemies Campe. When the Marriners had Conducted the Embassadours and according to their charge had crost the Riuer they turne head hauing bid the Romans farewell Lucius in trueth suspected no harme but thinking to be thus left at Sea by the Marriners through disdaine he was much incensed Whilest they sailed alone the Carthaginians present themselues with three Gallies which assaile the Roman Quinquereme not able to annoy it nor board it through the great resistance which they made And that fighting in Front and vpon the flancke they annoyed the Souldiers with great slaughter of them vntill being seene by those which spoiling the Maritine Country came running from their Campe to the Sea shore they ranne the Galley a shore It is true many of the Company were slaine but the Embassadours escaped beyond all hope These things hapning the Warie was againe renewed with greater violence and cruelty then before The Romans intended with great Courage to vanquish the Carthaginians seeing the faith violated The Carthaginians likewise fearing themselues guilty of that which they
his young Sonne Finally they drag his Wife into the place and kill her This was the end of Agathocles and Agathoclea with their Kinsfolkes I am not ignorant what Fables and colours some Historiographers vse in these actions to amaze the Readers with a copious aduancement of words and otherwise then the truth containes Some referre this accident to Fortune shewing how inconstant and ineuitable shee is seeking to bring Causes and Similitudes of actions It is true that in the pursuite of this Worke I had resolued to helpe my selfe with the sayd actions for that this Agathocies had nothing honourable for his courage and prowesse in the Warre neither any happy mannaging of affaires which ought to bee desired Neither did hee vnderstand the cunning and policy of a Courtier in the which Sosybiâ—s and many others being very well instructed had vsurped Kingdomes The which notwithstanding happened vnto this man Hee grew great by chance for that Philopater was not able to gouerne the Realme Hauing therefore gotten this occasion to come vnto greatnesse when as after his Death hee had a fit opportunity offred to maintaine his power yet hee lost both life and goods faintly and basely being slaine within a short time Wherefore it is not fitting that in the relation of such things they should adde words especially when they speake of such as Agathocles and Denis Sicilians with some others which had beene famous and renowned for their actions One of them in truth came of a base extraction But as Tymeus cauells Agathocles being a Potter he came in his younger yeares to Sarragosse They were eyther of them in their times Tyrants of Sarragosse of that City I say which at that time was great in authority and abounding in riches And afterwards they were Kings of all Sicily and enioyed some parts of Italy In regard of Agathocles hee died not in assailing Affricke but after this manner with a desire to Reigne And therefore they say of Publius Scipio who first forced Carthage that when they demanded of him what men hee held ablest to vndertake an Enterprize and of great discretion and courage hee answered Agathocles and Denis Wee must in truth when the proposition is made hold the Reader in suspence and doubt and relate their fortune and humane accidents in adding words in manner of Doctrine In regard of the sayd things I am not of Opinion it should bee done For this cause wee reiect in this passage the Writers of Agathocles with their many words for that those horrible Narrations and fearefull euents which haue nothing but a conceite worthy to hold the Reader in suspence Finally it is not onely vnprofitable to treate of them with a long discourse but also their vehemency in the end brings tediousnesse and trouble There are two ends namely profit and pleasure whereunto they must haue regard which will ruminate any thing either of hearing or sight And for that profit belongs chiefly to the narration of an History it is most necessary and conuenient that this kind of adding of words vnto fearefull accidents should turne from these two ends What is hee that would willingly follow vnexpected accidents and without reason No man reioyceth continually eyther for the seeing or hearing of things which are out of Nature and the common sence of men But in the beginning wee are exceeding ioyfull and glad to see some and to heare others to the end wee may rightly vnderstand and know after what manner that is done which seemes vnto euery one very strange and impossible When wee once begin to know them no man takes any delight or pleasure to stay vpon things which are strange from the course of Nature nor will haue any desire to fall often vpon the same subiect Wherefore the Narration must drawe a desire of imitation where hee may delight And if they adde words to some miserable accidens besides these ends they are more fitting for a Tragedy then a History Peraduenture you must pardon those which doe not consider things which are common to Nature and the World But they hold the Fortunes of their Ancestors great and wonderfull whereon falling by Fortune in Reading or Hearing them from others they settle their affections Wherefore they know not that they vse more speech of such things then is needefull which are neither new hauing beene spoken formerly by others neither can they profite nor content The remainder is wanting A PARCELL OF the Sixteenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS Of the Battaile giuen at Sea betwixt Philip and King Attalus PHilip was much troubled seeing many things succcede vnfortunately in his siege and withall that the Enemies were in the Hauen with a good number of couered Vessells neither could hee well resolue what to do And when as the present occasions depriued him of all meanes of choice in the end hee weighed Anchor and set Saile contrary vnto the Enemies Hope For Attalus and his Company expected that he should grow obstinate at the Siege considering the preparation which he had of Engines of Battery Philip made all haste to saile away imagining that hee might get before them and make a safe retreate vnto Samos along the shore Yet hee was deceiued in his conceite For when as Attalus and Theophiliscus saw that hee had weighed Anchor they suddainly resolued and set Saile obseruing no order for that they conceiued that Philip would haue perseuered in his Enterprize Yet they charge him making great speed with their Oares So as Attalus fell vpon the right wing which got before and Theophiliscus vpon the left Philip seeing himselfe thus pestred and suddainly surprized hee gaue the signe of the Battaile to them of the right wing commanding them to turne their prowes against the Enemies and to charge them resolutely Then he retired to the smaller Ilands which were in the mid-way with the lighter Vessels expecting the end of the Battaile The number of Ships of Warre which Philip had were fifty three couer'd Vessels with a hundred and fifty Foists and Galleyes vncouered In regard of the Vessels remaining at Samos hee could not arme them Those of the Enemies were in number threescore Vessels couered with those of Constantinople with the which there were nine Galliots and three Galleyes When as Attalus Ships began the fight presently they that were neare charge one another without command Attalus fell vpon a Vessell with eight Oares crushing it in such sort as it tooke water and when as they which were vpon the hatches had defended themselues long in the end hee sunke it On the other side Philips Galley of ten Oares which was the Admirall was by chance taken by the Enemies For when as a Galliot sayl'd against it it bruised it much in the midst of the Bulke ioyning vnto it behind at the poope to the which it remain'd grapled for that the Pylot could not stay its violence So as when this Vessell stucke close vnto her she was much hindred
The King accompanied with Apolodorus and Demosthenes landed and had a long discourse with Titus In regard of that which was spoken of eyther side it is a difficult thing to iudge Titus then when as Philip was retired related vnto the rest the things which hee had propounded namely that he would yeelde vnto the Etoliens Larissa and Pharsalia but not Thebes That to the Rhodiens hee would leaue Perea but not Iasson nor Bargulies to the Acheins Corinthe and the City of Argiues to the Romans that which hee held in Sclauonia with all the prisoners That he would restore to Attalus the vessels and all the prisoners that were liuing since the nauall fight But when as the whole Company disliked of this accord saying that they must generally decree that he must depart out of all Greece Otherwise all these articles would be vaine and friuolous Philip seeing this contention fearing likewise the future accusations he intreats Titus to deferre this assembly vntill the next day for that it is now late saying that hee would perswade them or suffer himselfe to be perswaded And when as Titus had granted this they resolued to assemble againe at the Port of Tyronye and so they parted The day following they all mette at the houre appoynted Philip hauing made a short speech requires them all especially Titus that they would not breake of the treaty of peace for that there were many things which did conduct to the conclusion of an accord vnlesse the fault were in them that the composition was not made Otherwise they must send Embassadours to the Senate to order their differences to the which he would obey and doe all they should command him These things thus propounded by Philip the others said that they must doe that which concerned the warre and not trust to his demands But the Roman Commander said that hee was not ignorant that Philip would not doe any thing that was propounded vnto him and yet their cause was nothing impaired in yeelding him this fauour which hee demanded For there could nothing be spoken there that could be confirmed without the Roman Senate and that moreouer the approaching time would be very commodious to make tryall of their aduice For as the Armies are vnprofitable in regard of the Winter there could be no inconuenience if in the meane time they referr'd themselues vnto the Senate but a great commodity vnto them all When they were of this opinion seeing Titus to concurre that the present differences should be transferrd'd to the Senate they resolued to suffer Philip to send an Embassie to Rome and in like manner all in particular to make their causes knowne vnto the Senate and to accuse Philip. When this resolution of the Assembly had succeeded according to the humour and aduice of Titus conceiued in the beginning he presently pursued those things which were requisite for the Enterprize hauing giuen order for his affaires Finally hee deales no more with Philip but assignes him two Moneths onely in the which hee should send an Embassie to Rome and should retire his Garrisons for Phocis and Locre Hee giues him likewise charge that hee should not make Warre against any of the Roman Allies and should giue order that in the meane time the Macedonians should doe them no outrage And when he had dealt with Philip vpon these Articles by Writing he brought the rest of the things propounded to an end of himselfe Hee suddainly sends Aminandre to Rome knowing his sufficiency in affaires and to purchase Friends easily wheresoeuer hee came and that he would procure some good conceite and hope in regard of the name of Royalty After whom hee sends for Embassadours Quintus Fabius his Nephew in respect of his Wiues Sister and Quintus Fuluiâ—s and with them Appius Claudius whom they call Nero. The Etoliens sent Alexander Issien Democrates a Calydonien Dicearchus a Trichonien Polymarchus an Arsinoen Lamin an Ambracioâ—e and Nicomachus an Acarnanien and of those which were Fugitiues from Thurion and dwelt at Ambracia Theodotes Pherea a Fugitiue of Thessaly and then remaining at Strate The Acheins sent Xenophon an Egien King Attalus Alexander alone The people of Athens Ciphesodorus All which come to Rome to the Senate to deliuer vnto their iudgements the things which they had resolued that Yeare before that the two Consuls at the request of the others were sent into Gallacia against Philip. When as Titus Friends conceiued that the two Consuls should remaine in Italy for feare of the Ganles they enter all into the Senate and accuse Philip roughly deliuering the same which they had formerly obiected vnto the King Yet they laboured carefully to possesse the Senate with an opinion that they could not hope for any liberty if Calchis Corinthe and the Demetriades conâ—nued in the hand of the Macedonians They sayd that Philip had vsed that speech and had assured that the said places were the Bonds and shackles of Greece the which he might well say with reason and truth For they could not sayle safely from Mâ—rea to Corinthe there being a royall Garrison neither durst the Locrines Beocians and Phocoâ—ses doe it whilst that Philip holds Calchis and the rest of Negrepont Neither likewise the Thessalians and Magnetians could not sayle freely Philip and the Macedonians holding the Demetriade Wherefore in that which Philip hath said that hee would leaue the other places it is a fancy and a shift to escape the present time and when opportunity should serue hee would easily subdue the Grecians so as hee held the said places For this cause they intreated the Senate that Philip might leaue those places or else continue in his Enterprize and fight valiantly And that the greatest part of the Warre was already decided the Macedonians hauing lost two Battailes and the greatest part of their forces at Land being consumed These Speeches ended they intreated them with all affection not to suffer the Grecians to bee frustrated of the hope of their liberty nor themselues depriued of an honourable Title The Embassadors of Greece hauing debated these things or the like those of Philip had prepared a Mountaine of words but they were suddainly reiected For when as they were demanded if they would leaue Calchis Coriuth and the Demetriades they denyed that they had any thing in charge Wherefore being check't by this meanes they ended their Speech The Senate sends the two Consuls into Galacia and declares the Warre against Philip to be iust giuing charge to Titus to attend the Grecians affaires When as the newes came into Greece all things succeded to Titus according to his desire For besides that Fortune fauoured him what soeuer hee vndertooke hee brought to an end by his prouidence and care Hee was in truth if there were any among the Romans a witty and ingenuous man Hee not onely vndertooke ordinary affaires but those that were secret and with such Dexterity and Courage as hee surpast all others
although hee were yet but young for hee scarce past the Age of Thirty yeares He was the first which past into Greece with an Army A certaine Parcell MAn-kind which seemes to bee the most cunning and malicious of all the Creatures hath greater meanes to be more vicious The others seruing their corporall Desires are onely deceiued by them But Mankind sinnes no lesse by a desire of glory through negligence and inconsideration then by Nature More of Titus and the Grecians Actions ANd when as Titus could not learne where the Enemies Campe was seated and being assured that they were come through Thessaly he commands them all to cut stakes and to carry them with them to the end they may bee ready at necessity This without doubt seemes according to the custome of the Grecians impossible being easie to the Romans The Grecians in truth are no good Commanders of their Bodies in Marching and doe hardly endure toile But the Romans hauing their Targets hanging at their backes in a Belt of Leather and carrying their Head-peeces in their hands beare the stakes There was a great difference betwixt them The Grecians held a stake that had many branches at the foote very commodious But the Romans vse stakes with two or three or foure branches at the most so as they are easie to carry for a man carries two or three Faggots together There is also this difference For the Grecians stake planted before the Campe may be easily pull'd vp When that onely which is strong is fixed in the ground and hath many and great branches if two or three of them shew themselues and draw the stake vnto them it is easily pull'd vp And whereas this happens there is a breach easily made by reason of the greatnesse and then the ioyning of them is vndone by the shortnesse and mutuall height of this kinde of Pallisado The Romans doe otherwise They plant themright vp and interlace them in such sort as it is not easie for any one to discerne or know from which the of the stakes stucke in the ground the shootes take their growth nor from what stockes the branches come Finally it is not possible for him that seekes to pull them vp to put to his hand for that they are very thicke and intermixt together And if they bee carefully planted he that shall lay hold on them shall not be able to pull them vp easily for thatall their ioynts take their force from the Earth Secondly hee shall bee forced to transport many shootes together which shall lay hold of one branch in regard of their mutuall interlaâ—ing Neither is it likely that two or three will seaze vpon one stake Yet if it happens that some one pulls vp one or two yet the space cannot be discouered Wherefore there is a great difference for that this kinde of stakes is easie to finde and easie to carry and the vse is more safe and firme So as it is apparent that if the Ramans haue not any thing touching the mannaging of the War which is worthy of imitation yet this kind of stakes at the least in my iudgement deserues it When as Titus had prepared all things ready to serue him at neede he marcheth a slow pace with his whole Army And when he came within fifty Furlongs of the City of Pherees hee camped there The day following at the breake of day hee sent forth Spies to seeke if they could by any meanes discouer where the Enemies were and what they did But when as Philip had receiued aduertisement that the Romans were at that time Camped neare vnto Thebes raising his Campe from Larissa hee prepares his way towards Pherees with his whole Army When he was within thirty Furlongs planting his Campe there hee commanded them to haue a care of their Victuals At the breake of Day awaking his Army hee sent forth those that were appoynted for Scouts giuing them charge to gaine the Hills aboue Pherees Then at the Sunne-rising hee parts with all his forces It happened soone after that the Scouts of both Armies met on the top of the Mountaines Knowing one another in the Darke they stayed a little distance off and aduertised their Commanders of that which had happened And when they required Directions what they should doe they were called backe The day following either of them sent forth Horse-men and about three hundred Souldiers to discouer with whom Titus sent two Bands of Etoliens for their experience of the places The which assailing one another neare vnto Pherees and Larissa they fought valiantly But when the Etoliens of Epoleme fought with great courage being also called the Italiques it happened that the Macedonians were prest But after they had skirmished some time they retired to their Campes And when as the day following the Plaine was displeasing to either of them for that it was full of Trees Hedges and Gardens they raise their Campes Philip tooke his way towards Scotusse making haste to the end hee might draw Victuals from the City and lodge his Army with more aduantage Titus coniecturing what would happen parts with his Army at the same instant making haste to spoile the Scotussiens Corne before the comming of Philip. But for that in the marching of the two Armies there was a great interposition of high Hills and Mountaines the Romans nor the Macedonians could not discouer one another in the direction of their way Wherefore that dayes iourney being ended Titus came vnto Eretria and Philip to the Riuer of Onchiste and presently planted their Campes there vnknowne to one another And when as the day following they had marched on Philip stayes at Melambie of the Seotusseins and Titus about the Thetidie of Pharsalia where they were againe vnknowne one to another And as there fell a Raine and the yearely Thunder it happened that the day following in the Morning there arise a great fogge the which falling they could not see what was before their feete Yet Philip making haste to dispatch that which was offred Campt wandring with his Army But being hindred by the troublesomenesse and difficulty of the way in regard of the fogge he aduanced little and pallisadoed his Campe. Finally he sent Phedria and giues him charge to gaine the tops of the Hills interposed Titus likewise being Camped about Thetidie and being doubtfull where the Enemies were he made choice of tenne Bands and about a thousand of the most valiant sending them before to search diligently and to enter the Countrey who marching to the tops of the Hill fell by indiscretion into an Ambush of the Enemies by reason of the darkenesse of the day Eyther of them at the first were somewhat troubled but soone after they charge one another They likewise send to informe their Commanders of this accident But when as the Romans in this Charge were prest and in danger by the Ambush of the Macedonians they sent vnto their Campe for Succours Titus commanding the Etoliens
those which are in the Reare and vpon the Flanckes As Homer teacheth when hee sayth the Target assures the Target the Head-peece the Head-peece and the Man the Man The Head-peeces adorned with Horses haire touch one another with their braue Crests tending that they should be ioyned together and close As these things are spoken with good reason and trueth it is apparently necessary that the Pikes should be charged according to those that go before passing betwixt them the length of ten foot and a halfe By this meanes they may visibly know of what force the preparation and order of a Battallion is hauing the length of sixteene Ranckes Whereof they which exceed the fifth cannot fight with their Pâ—kes For this cause they cannot fight hand to hand nor man to man but they support them at their backes vntill they take breath to the end that the first ranke may hold a firme order repulsing all manner of force with their Pikes which passing the first might charge vpon the reare For in marching after this â—manner they presse the fore-most with the weight of their bodies to make a more violent charge For it is impossible for the fore-most to turne backe This being the order of a Macedonian Battalion aswell in particular as in generall wee must by way of comparison speake of the properties and differences of the Roman Armes and of their ordering of a Battaile The Romans haue three foote space with their Armes The which in fighting they mooue from man to man for that euery man couers his body with his Target the which they also vse when any occasion of Combate is offered They commonly fight with the Sword by transport and apart Wherefore it is manifest that these men haue betwixt them a Retreate and space of three foote at the least betwixt him that goes before and the other which followes to fight more at ease whereby it happens that a Roman standing still contaynes the space of two Macedonian Souldiers beeing in the first Ranke So as he must offer himselfe and fight against ten Pikes All which one cannot cut if hee would holding them in his hands Neyther can the following Forces any way assist the first Ranke neyther to assaile nor to mannage their Armes So as wee may easily coniecture that it is impossible for any man liuing to sustaine and defend the violence of a Macedonian Battallion in Front if as wee haue formerly sayd it retaynes its propriety and force for what cause then doe the Romans Vanquish Whence comes it that Macedonian Battallions are frustrated of their Hope of Victory It is for that the Roman Ordonance hath in Battaile infinite places and times commodious for the Combate and the Macedonians haue onely place and time when it may bee seruiceable and commodious And therefore if vpon some necessity the Aduersaries â—all suddainly vpon the Macedonian Battallions when they are to giue Battaile it is likely that they which make vse of it would be alwayes the Masters But if they can diuert or turne it which is an easie thing of what amazement and great terrour will this Ordonance be Moreouer it is very playne and manifest that a Macedonian Battallion hath neede of Plaines and Euen ground without any let or incumbance as Ditches Springs Vallies Hills and Water-courses for all these things may disturbe breake and make frustrate their desire and intention It is as a man may say in manner impossible to finde a Countrey of twenty Furlongs I speake of no more where none of the afore-mentioned things are found It is without any question or doubt a rare thing and which no reasonable man will deny Yet I will allow there are some found If the Enemies do not direct and guide themselues thether but passing on ruine the Townes Villages Cities and whole Regions of their Friends and Allies what profite then will grow by this kinde of Ordonance If it stayes in places of aduantage it cannot giue succours to its friends nor preserue it selfe For Victuals Munition and succours may bee very easily intercepted by an Enemy if without any opposition hee be master of the field If likewise in leauing places of aduantage a Macedonian Battalion seekes to execute some enterprize hee is in danger of the Enemy For although that some one goes to field and doth not at one time offer his Army to the fury of the Macedonian Battalion diuerting himselfe for a time during the fight wee may easily coniecture by that which the Romans doe at this day what will happen The coniecture of that which wee say must not bee taken from the effect They doe not present their Battalion in such an indifferent place as they must suddenly fight with all their forces in front One part fights the other stirres not Moreouer if at any time the Macedonians presse their Enemies eagerly and are afterward repuls'd by them the proper order of the Battalion is broken For they leaue the rest of the Army whether they pursue those that are retired or flye from those which charge them The which being done they leaue vnto the Enemy the place which they had held not to charge in front but to serue them vpon the flancke or in the reare to succour those of the Battalion Why it is not probable that it should bee easie for a Roman Battalion to obserue time and aduantage and not for a Macedonian seeing the differences are great according to the truth of the said things Moreouer it is necessary for those which make vse of the Macedonian Ordonance to passe through all sorts of Countries and to plant their Campe and finally to seaze vpon commodious places and to besieged and indure sieges and to present himselfe against the Enemy All these things are requirest in warre Sometimes also the generall moments which are great serue much for the victory all which are not easie for a Macedonian Ordonance yea sometimes they are vnprofitable for that the souldier can neyther serue in rancke nor man to man Whereas the Roman is fit and profitable for these things For euery Roman comming to fight with his Armes is actiue for all times and places and for all charges and hath generally one Ordonance whither he be to fight in Troupe with the whole Army or particularly Ensigne to Ensigne or Man to Man Wherefore as the commodity is most excellent so many times the end and conclusion of the Battaile is more prosperous and successefull vnto the Romans then to others I haue therefore thought it necessary and conuenient to vse a long Discourse concerning these things for that there are many Grecians at this day which hold it incredible that the Macedonians should be vanquished and ouercome being ignorant of the cause and meanes whereby a Macedonian Ordonance is vanquished by the Roman Armes When as Philip had vsed all possible meanes hee could in this Battaile and yet was preuented of the Victory hee foorth-with made great hast passing by Tempe to recouer