grew rustly in the subsequent Ages wherein there was not any remarkable track of the Purity of the Ancients But Q. Curtius out of a desire to be too polite has lost somewhat of that grand and majestick Air which is so becoming in Salust and Livy Certain it is that he flourishes too much in certain passages as for instance in that of the description of the River Marsyas at the entrance of the third Book in that of the Adventure of Abdolominus who of a Gardiner became a King in the fourth in that of the Siege of Tyre and several others wherein there is observable an Affectation of Elegance not consistent with the Gravity of History which cannot admit of any thing that is affected Moreover that Purity of Elocution which is so necessary to History ought to be kept up with an observance of great Sence For there 's nothing so flat or insipid as Elegance void of things and such as says nothing Nay it sometimes happens that an over-studied Purity of Discourse in great Subjects abates somewhat of their Grandeur as it appears in the History of the Indies by Maffaeus and in the Wars of Flanders by Cardinal Bentivoglio Both those Authors made it too much their business to please by the Politeness of their Discourse not reflecting that the most adorned Beauties are not always those that are most taking and that the most sumptuous Ornaments disguize the Wearers as soon as they are excessive and disproportionate V. Of the Simplicity of Writing THere is also a further Obligation incumbent upon an Historian to observe a Simplicity of Elocution to avoid the Air that is pompous and affected both which are contrary to the grand Character which History is to look after in regard that whatever is great ceases to be so as soon as it is devested of that Simplicity which it ought to have and what is joyntly simple and great doubles the Grandeur of it and becomes sublime Nor is there any thing that instructs better or more cajoles the publick Belief than that Simplicity of Style which was so much cultivated by the Ancients and is so little known to the Moderns whatever exaggerates has a counterfeit Air and Nature which ought to be imitated in all things expresses her self with as much simplicity as may be But to make a full discovery of that Simplicity which is so necessary to and consistent with a Grandeur of Style it is to be observed that there are three sorts of it to wit a Simplicity in the words such as that of Caesar a Simplicity in the Sentiments such as that of Salust and a Simplicity in the Design and in the Distribution of the Design such as that of Thucydides so much celebrated by Dionysius Halicarnassaeus Those Authors of the Moderns who have come nearest that Character are amongst the French Philip de Comines Guicciardine amongst the Italians Buchanan amongst the Scots and Mariana amongst the Spaniards most of the others endeavour not to keep themselves up by the Purity Politeness and the other Ornaments of Discourse but onely when their Abilities will not reach to the observance of that Simplicity and they paraphrase the truth when they have not the strength to deliver it naked Happy is that man who can arrive thereto when he is concerned to write ignorant persons may understand him while the intelligent are charm'd with him But there is not any thing of greater difficulty to attain than that even and natural Air which contributes so much to the Simplicity of Style There is an extraordinary Genius requisite in him who would speak things simply without falling into the mean and frigid Style For when he studies Simplicity there is not any thing he ought more to fear than Meanness of Expression But wherein does this admirable Simplicity consist which is the sovereign Perfection of a great Work and what is meant by writing simply In this that a man should make use of the most proper and most ordinary words but yet such as are full of great sence as that Prince does on whom Homer bestows a concise pleasant and significant Eloquence without any superfluity It is for a man to think and speak pertinently what he has to think and say without giving too great a Vivacity to his Expression as Strada does and without giving too much Lustre to his Conceptions as Grotius does It consists in a mans having ordinary and natural Sentiments without making so many Ratioecinations and Reflections as Davila does in his History of the Troubles of France for when a man is so much taken up with Ratiocination it is not Nature but Art and Study that speak and those so much studied Discourses smell of the School and the Declamation It consists in not intermixing more Ornament in the Discourse than the Modesty of Truth can well bear withal It consists in expressing that natural and simple Air of Xenophon's which all imaginable Affectation cannot come near It consists in fine in being Master of that miraculous gift of Retrenching what is superfluous out of the Discourse which Phocion was so excellently possess'd withall and of whom Demosthenes as great a Student as he was of that Simplicity was wont to say when he saw him ascending the Theatre to refute him See the Iron Instrument which is to cut off all the superfluity of my words The better to establish this Character which besides a great stock of Wisdom and sound Sence requireâ— great Exercise and much Meditation a man ought to avoid being conversant with those Authors whose Imaginations are over fertile and so to shun that profusion of frivolous Conceptions and forc'd Expressions and that Fustian way of writing into which men are apt to fall when they are not exact Pursuers of sound Sence and have not their Minds well poised For Models in this way of writing a man is to propose to himself onely the Ancients and amongst them he is to make choice onely of the most Eminent for the Simplicity of their Style Hermogenes proposes Theocritus and Anacreon for great Models of that simplicity of which their Writings are a sufficient Testimony Herodotus seems to Longinus to be over-daring Dionysius Halicarnassaeus charges Thucydides as simply as he writes with inserting too many matters of fact in some of his Narrations Xenophon and Polybius are too full of Moralizations and many times break off the Thread of the History by their Reflections Diodorus Siculus intermixes too much Learning in his Discourse Plutarch may pass for a great Original of that simplicity which we look after for he has observ'd it in all he has written Titus Livius does not appear to me more admirable upon the score of all his other great Qualities than he does upon this The current of his History is like the course of a great River which glides away majestically whereas the History of Tacitus may be compared to a rich and plentiful River but subject to
given to History is that which is most essential thereto 't is this onely makes it great or little and it is by this we discover the measure and extent of his genius who is the Author of it The person therefore who would write well must have a mind susceptible of great Idea's and capable of Elevation to the end that making himself Master of his Subject he may invest his matter into what Form he pleases 'T is by this draught that Livy gives his History a Character of Grandeur which has not any thing like it in all the other Historians by imprinting upon all the Subjects whereof he treats the Colours whereof they are capable according to their own worth 'T is thus that he gives the last Kings of Rome all the Arrogance which their absolute Independence inspir'd them withall that he diversifies the Spirit of the Republick by the uncivilliz'd Vertue of the first Consuls by the popular Insurrections of the Tribunes by the Austerity of the Government of the Decemvirs by the Luxury and Deliciousness of the last Consuls that he distinguishes every Age and Period of Time by the genius which had been most predominant therein without confounding the different motions of that genius in the different Circumstances of Times which have not any thing of resemblance and that he always keeps himself up at the same height by the great representations he makes of the things whereof he treats On the contrary Tacitus gives all his matters in a manner the same Form all is done in him by Political Considerations the persons he speaks of have always their Apprehensions disconsonant to those of other people It is not their own Character that makes them act but that of the Historian who by the limits of a Mind too much restrain'd within it self gives always one and the same Figure to his Expressions and the same Circumference to his Conceptions there is a general resemblance and conformity in all The Political Reflection is the motive and general decypherer and disentangler of all things If Augustus makes choice of a Successor at his death 't is onely that he might be the more regretted that he gives them a Governour of the State more wicked than himself If Tiberius makes Piso Governour of Syria 't is done onely to set a Spy over Germanicus who governed Egypt whose glory gave him some umbrage If the flatteries of Dolabella displease him the reason is because they are not smart and ingenious enough Of his sending Sylla into Exile the reason is that he look'd upon his Taciturnity as proceeding from Dissimulation and Reservedness The Modesty of that Emperour is onely a smother'd Ambition his Favours are onely so many Snares his Moderation is onely a scornful Fierceness and his Religion is onely a supercilious Personation of it 'T is an argument of the Indignation of the Gods that Sejanus becomes the Emperour's Favourite and is advanc'd to the Ministry of State Arruntius poisons himself upon a political account to avoid falling into the hands of a Master more brutish than Tiberius He finds Wit even in the Stupidity of the Emperour Claudius and Delicacy even in the Debauches and Brutalities of Nero and he represents as a refin'd piece of Prudence the bestial humour which was observ'd in some people under the Reign of that Emperour In fine all the Characters resemble one the other Nature has no part in any thing her Sentiments are always forc'd therein and the same genius reigns all over by the impression of the genius of the Historian who is in a manner always the same person Mariana takes a larger Career the Romans the Carthaginians the Christians the Arabians the Moors the Mahumetans make all different Figures in his work The Spirit of the Author is not diffus'd into the other Spirits otherwise than to distinguish them according to their Character making his way always by paths as different as the different Subjects whereof he treats do require it It may be also said That amongst the Moderns there is not any History greater upon the score of its Form than that of Mariana VIII The Design and End of History THe main Design of Romance is onely to divert and that of History to instruct And this is properly their essential difference the later having not any thing which it proposes to it self but the Instruction of the Publick For as it does not labour onely for the present so its prospect ought not to be confin'd to the present time which is transient but to be directed to Posterity which continues always What Extravagance were it then for a man to think of diverting onely the Age he lives in when he may benefit all Ages These are the Reasons which Lucian uses to oblige the Historian to mind onely what is beneficial and to regulate the Hearts and Dispositions of men by the Instructions he gives them It is a great mistake says he to pretend that History may be divided into two parts the Beneficial and the Divertive for the Historian ought to mind onely the Benefit which may be gain'd from a sincere and true Account of Affairs and if he inserts any thing that is Divertive it must not be out of any design to corrupt the Truth but to embellish it and to render it the more acceptable And to justifie his sentiment he alleges the Extravagancies of the Historians of his time who made themselves ridiculous by following other Principles Herodotus made it his business to please the Age wherein he writ but his Sincerity was so cried down in subsequent times that he occasioned the Fidelity of the Greeks to be suspected in point of History in the time of Quintilian Photius mentions an Historian named Damascius who could think of no other way to please than by relating things incredible And Seneca complains that in his time there were some Historians who had no other Expedient to signalize themselves than by fabulous Narrations that was always the gust and humour of the meaner sort of people who are pleas'd with Fictions not that of Persons of worth and abilities who love onely the Truth In the subsequent Ages the Arabians intermix'd so many Fables into their Writings that they spoil'd most of the Historians of their times by the humour then predominant of intermixing surprizing Adventures in all their fabulous Productions It was their Perswasion that in order to Divertisement there was a necessity of telling incredible things That Fancy infected some of the modern Greeks whence it comes that the knowledge we have of those Ages by the Byzantine History is not of the surest because the Authors thereof seem to be of a Character not very exact And when a man writes according to their Memorials he ought to be very well precaution'd against so false an Idea to merit belief inasmuch as the falshood spoils all and makes onely a Fable of the Truth Nay the truest things ought not to be related
when they once appear incredible or extraordinary if a man gives them not an Air of truth or at least a Colour of probability This is done by Thucydides and though he found Herodotus in so great esteem as that some gave his Books the names of the Muses he made it his business to speak onely the truth without minding how he pleas'd I had rather says he displease by speaking the truth than divert by relating fables in regard that by displeasing I may possibly benefit and I may haply prejudice by endeavouring to divert Let therefore this be granted that there is not any thing so excellent in History as what is real and that Truth being the greatest divertisement of it that very Historian who would endeavour to divert ought to advance onely what is true IX That Truth is the onely means whereby History advances towards its end and how it is found TRuth being the onely means whereby History may securely instruct ought also to be the principal rule of it that it may be the ground-work of the publick belief as it ought to be But where is it to be found Is there any thing in the world that lies more conceal'd than Truth For besides the Clouds and Mists whereby it is naturally surrounded and sometimes rendred inaccessible it is also begirt with all the Disguizes which mans Heart is capable of And if the ordinary Ignorance of those who write and are so short sighted as to the prospect they should have before them be an obstacle to the knowledge of Truth their want of Sincerity or voluntary Insincerity is a much greater For how many false Judgments do men make by the false prospects which Passion or Interest gives them and by the preoccupations which Error or Opinion are wont to inspire prepossessed Minds withall In fine Truth being of a nature so unknown to men either by reason of its own obscurity or by the weakness of their abilities or want of attention there is not any thing more difficult than to communicate it to the publick in its purity and without any adulteration And as it is continually corrupted and profan'd by the baseness of Flatterers most Historians being ordinarily Court-Pensioners so a man ought to bid defiance to hope or fear as soon as he has once concern'd himself in writing that he may have the courage to be a constant deliverer of the truth But if it suffices not that a man be willing to speak it he must also be able to do it by searching after it in the purity of its source by seeking it in the most curious Closets and by consulting the Instructions of those who have been concern'd in the Affairs so to unravel what is most mysterious in the most secret Intrigues The Historian above all things must well study Man in general make a discovery of his disposition by the most fantastick and most unexpected passages find out the greatest weaknesses of his heart dive into his true Sentiments that he may not impose false ones upon him and judge of him by those natural and unforeseen motions which he is guilty of when he least thinks of them 'T is by this means that he descries the real Sentiments of the Soul the Heart having not the time to recollect in order to its disguizing of it self for it forces it self as soon as it comes to reflect as Tacitus offers it to our observation in Agrippina and Octavia the Sister of Britannicus For as soon as he was smitten with the Poison which Nero had ordered to be given him at the Banquet wherein he procured his death Octavia was troubled as well as Agrippina there was a visible Consternation in their Countenances but whereas Octavia was in hopes of being married to Nero and that Agrippina his Mother a Woman naturally ambitious was desirous to reign their political Reflection reassur'd them and not to give any disgust to the Emperour who rid out of the way his Rival to the Empire they smother their Sentiments silence their grief and continue the Repast with the same Gayety of Humour as if nothing had happen'd while the Prince gave up his last gasp in the Antichamber Now this must be look'd on as a great piece of Contrivance in an Author who would give us an exact account of those whose History he relates But this is a Consideration not much heeded and is the reason that we have so few Histories There is a Character of Spirit proper for the delivering of things as they are which is not common it is one of the Talents of Thucydides the most faithful and most sincere of all the Historians he has a gusto and liking for the Truth and a discernment to distinguish between that which is true and false together with an Accuracy of Spirit which has gain'd him the approbation and esteem of all Nations Dionysius Halicarnassaeus commends him above all things for his keeping close to the Truth alledging that he never spoke any thing against his Conscience wherein he has surpass'd Herodotus whose design it was onely to please For Strabo affirms that he intermix'd Fables into his History out of a pure frolick to render it divertive The Historians of the lower Class became so great Flatterers that their defect in point of Fidelity diverted Vopiscus from writing the History of his own time but the Governour of the City a Favourite of the Emperour 's in a Discourse he had with him as they walk'd abroad took off that scruple by representing to him that the most considerable Historians had been deceiv'd in many things Pâ—llio affirms that the same thing has happen'd to Caesar in his Commentaries because he took not the leisure to examine what he said Now if the greatest men are subject to these miscarriages what will be the case of the ordinary sort of Writers And if Truth does not always make a discovery of it self in its purity to extraordinary Genius's how shall it expose it self to meâ—ner persons who upon the very score of their Quality cannot deliver any thing without changing the Circumstances thereof either by diminishing or augmenting the Objects For there is not any thing of greater rarity than an exact Character and such as is fit to communicate things as they are they are not said otherwise than as they are conceiv'd they are not conceiv'd but answerably to the frame of the Imagination and of several persons who may have seen the same thing there are not many times two that deliver it after the same manner every one relating what he had seen according to the Idea he has taken thereof and suitably to the frame of his own Apprehension The Talent therefore most requisite in an Historian is that exact and faithful Inclination of declaring the truth in all Circumstances conducive to its making an Impression in and meriting the belief of the publick But it is not yet sufficient to History that it communicate what
shews him their Manners their Conceptions their Designs their Motives their Actions as they are in a kind of dependence one upon another and in that natural Order wherein there is an exact Correspondence The Historian who knows how to manage this without confusion is a great man This is the way that is pleasing and not those extraordinary Emergencies after which a man runs when he has no Judgment For there is not any thing more taking than to see men act in that order that alone well deliver'd keeps the Mind attentive As to which particular Livy has been the most succesful because he has best followed that Order by pursuing the course of his History with an intertexture of Discourse and an always equal and even Concatenation of Actions Longinus has not forborn to observe that Thucydides does sometimes discompose things that were well concerted merely that he might surprize by his disorder and so diversifie his Narration nay he often relates things past in the present time in shewing them as if they then actually passed which raises a greater Expectancy and Attention in the Reader Tacitus has his frequent Sallies and does not make a consequential delivery of things That great Sence pent up in few words has not the extent it should have to be proportionate to the Apprehension of his Readers which is many times o'repressed therewith and as he is not natural in what he relates nor ever hardly humanizes himself so he does not instruct as he ought to do For instance when upon occasion of the Papian Law he explicates the Origine of Laws or when he elsewhere describes the Privilege of Places of Refuge he does not go to the Source of the things he does not clear up any thing to the bottom or he does it amiss as when he would explicate the Religion of the Jews in the fifth Book of his History Nay his very Style is no way fit for it which is a great defect in an Historian whose principal Function is to instruâ—â— But after all a Narration is good howe're it be made when it pleases XIII Transitions THe great Art of Narration and one of its principal Beauties consists in Transitions And indeed those delicate and natural Windings those happy Devolutions from one subject to another which make the Prosecution of the Discourse engaging those insinuating Attractions which conduct the Reader 's Mind from object to object and give him a spacious yet divertive Prospect in fine all that admirable oeconomy of Transition is that which is most delicate and most sprightly in Narration which looks always as it were forc'd never easie and natural without that Art It is not enough for a man to understand speaking well in order to the attaining of this but he must be eloquent absolute Master of his Subject and perfectly know the Connexions and Dependencies of it for the most proper Transitions ought to be rather in the things themselves than in the words So that those Excursions out of Kingdoms into Kingdoms out of Nations into Nations out of Ages into Ages without any method or management are great Deviations and Sallies in a History any thing well regulated wherein every thing ought to be disposed and adjusted as we find in the Structure of a great Palace the Proportion and Correspondency of whose parts make one of its greatest Beauties For History is as 't were a Body consisting of its several Members by a natural Connexion As to which particular the History of the Schism of England by Sandâ—râ—s is very defective amongst the Moderns as that of Florus and Paterculus amongst the Ancients There is not any thing more connected or more gently flowing than the the Discourse of Xenophâ—n Livy has those qualifications in a greater measure his Narration is an admirable Concatenation in regard his Transitions are not so much in the words as the things Salust is not of so even a thread Tacitus is less even if he has any Connexions they are forc'd and the thread of his Discourse is much interrupted which startles the Reader who cannot follow that Author but with loss of breath The most difficult Transitions are those which are in the most common things for a man must keep up himself with an Expression that has not any thing mean in it notwithstanding the meanness of the Matter nay find out an Expedient to connect things that have not any mutual dependence 'T is also in those places that a man ought to use his greatest art and wit The Reader 's Mind is so delicate that it is not always turn'd as an Author pleases And therefore those Windings which it is to be conducted from Adventures to Adventures ought to be prepar'd by secret Coâ—catenations For in short it is many times subject to a ridiculous Coyness and is in so fantastick an humour as renders it intractable But what artifice is there not requisite to diversifie those Transitions between which there should never be any resemblance that so he may always supply the Reader with new Idea's by not placing the same objects before his eyes Herein ought the industry of the Historian to be much exercised for in this consists that Gracefulness of Narration which alone can make it pleasant and attractive XIV The Circumstances of Narration IF a Narration becomes pleasant upon the score of its Transitions it becomes probable upon that of its Circumstances For nothing renders a man more concern'd than a matter of Fact well circumstanced which being over-clouded and obscure as it is in it self is cleared up by particulars and by that means becomes sensible palpable evident and there 's no way to make one apprehend the progress of great Enterprizes and important Affairs but that of unveiling them by the different degrees of their Circumstances So that the art of exposing the Truth in all its dependences by decyphering what is particular therein making one of the greatest Beauties of History the Historian ought to study it with all the care imaginable Take then what there may be to be observed therein The grand Secret is to know how to make a prudent and judicious choice of the Circumstances fit to give a greater Idea of the thing to imprint in them that colour which engages Credulity and by that minute dissection to render them capable of fastening on the Mind A Collection of great and small Circumstances methodically intermix'd one with another is of that nature when they are well chosen For the great Circumstances raise admiration and the small ones create diversion provided they be well chosen without being aggravated But though a Matter of Fact which is not exactly particularized does not make any impression yet is it requisite that a man should avoid all those mean frivolous and minute Particularities which debase a Subject for he becomes childish and indeed ridiculous who insists too much on small things Such was that impertinent Historian mentioned by Lucian who makes a very particular
That Francis the First of France had no motive to bring an Army into Italy but the fair Eyes of a Milanese Lady named Claricia There is not any thing more dangerous than this sort of people who make it their business to search into mens hearts to guess at their thoughts who say all they know and all that comes into their Minds out of a fear of being defective in telling the truth This is one of the great Miscarriages of D'avila whose Reasonings are pertinent enough but whose Conjectures in the Motives of the matters of fact which he alleges have but little truth in them if we refer our selves to the Sentiments of ancient Courtiers who had a true account of things from their Fathers 'T is therefore when all 's done onely an Action well disclos'd as to the Motives and a Secret well div'd into that gives a great Idea of the Ability of the Historian that creates a Judgment that he speaks as a person well inform'd and is a great beauty in a History But let an Author who is subject to guess at things be always on his guard against his own Prepossession let him not hearken to his Affection nor to his Aversion that so he may avoid Artifice and those Colours which he is apt to give things to turn them to that side for which he is prepossess'd let him not introduce supposititious Falsities to justifie his Conjectures and to bring things to the posture he would have them in let him not alleviate or aggravate any thing as Tacitus does who spits his venom every where or as Paterculus who scatters Flowers on all sides let him not make men have worse intentions than they have as Herodotus does when he says that the Persians were called into Greece by the Spartans because they could not any longer resist the Lacedemonians nor yet endure them as Plutarch reproaches him with it nor let him excuse unjust actions by good intentions as that Callias of Syracuse did who justifies all the Actions of Agathocles because he was kind to him as Diodorus observes nor as Paulus Jâ—vius has done in respect of Cosmo de Medicis in these last Ages There are in all Historians some Miscarriages of this kind because there are few among them who have their heads steddy enough to oppose their Prepossession But though the Motives in great persons ought regularly to be more excellent and indeed greater than the Actions for the Motives depend on them whereas the Events do not yet is there no great mistake the Condition of Grandees considered in putting into the Scales of their Counsels and Deliberations some Grains of the Vanity and Weakness whereof they are capable For it happens many times that most men determine what they intend to do upon impertinent and ridiculous Motives There are infinite Examples of it which I omit to avoid being my self infinite upon this Subject It is principally requisite that there be a discovery of the Vanity the Malice the Ignorance the Extravagance of Man's Spirit which are as it were the Principles thereof in order to a full discovery of his intentions and e're we can â—ive into the weakness of them which is the grand principle of his Malice and a man must not be ignorant above all things that the Slothfulness of most Grandees in examining what is of greatest concern in Affairs and the impatience they are in to see the issue of them is the Wheel upon which is carried about what is most essential in their conduct These are they who ought principally to be known in regard that being as they are the grand Actors upon the Theatre of the World all things are regulated according to the fantastick humour they are in but it is not to be affirmed that a man's Reason always hits upon the right when haply he may have done it once by pure chance There are some Historians in this Age who have lost their Repute by the excessive itch they had to intermingle their own Conjectures in all occurrences and to communicate themselves to the publick together with their Histories As Herrera does who says that the Duke of Parma did not what he could against the Dutch that he might according to policy keep them the longer upon the stage There is not any thing more opposite to the Spirit of the Historian who ought to be faithful and sincere than those Conjectures which are made at random without any ground and all those Deductions grounded upon simple Conjectures are either uncertain or frivolous And this I conceiv'd observable upon the points of Transitions Circumstances and Motives wherein the principal artifice of Narration consists Take now what is to be thought of its parts which are the Figures the Passions the Descriptions the Orations the Reflexions or Sentences the Characters of persons the Digressions and whatever may enter into the oeconomy of the Discourse whereof History ought to be compos'd XVI Figures HIstory does not make use of Figures but onely to animate and enliven it self The Orator who designs to impose does speak for the most part figuratively the better to set the Ressorts of his Art on work but the Historian ought to demean himself otherwise That very Simplicity of Expression which Truth requires in History is not compatible with those Figurative Airs which would offend its candour and ingenuity Lucian who is admirable upon all other accounts is not so much upon any as against those vain Ornaments of Eloquence which do not become History If you bring in too many of them says he you make it like Hercules dress'd up in the ornaments of his mistress which is the greatest Extravagance imaginabâ—e It is yet much less capable adds he of those glittering Flourishes which some use in Poesy to cause those Emotions which it excites in the Heart which stir the Soul and raise a disturbance in the Mind by the agitation of the Passions History which is simple and natural and would not have me believe any such thing ought to leave me the freedom of my Heart that I may pass a more solid judgment on what it tells me Floquence which by its proper Character is a delusive art may attempt upon my Liberty by endeavouring to persuade me whether I will or no But History which confines it self within the limits of pure instruction cannot with any decorum make use of Figures upon any other score than that of devesting the Discourse of its natural frigiditâ— and making it less wearisom 'T is onely thus that Herodotus Thucydides and Xenophon keep the Readers Mind vigilant nor is it ever to impose upon the publick that Salust Livy and Mariana speak figuratively Tacitus is not so scrupulous he has the Air of a man who designs onely to dazle the boldness of his Metaphors and of his other Figures renders his Expression as if 't were serew'd up and of difficult comprehension Caesar is in the other extreme it is a naked Discourse
Inhabitants with so much particularity It is requisite therefore that Descriptions should be necessary exact sucâ—inct elegant not sought for and that they have not any thing that clashes nor that there be discover'd a vain desire in the Author of making a greater shew of his Wit than of his Subject that so they may be such as they ought to be and such as those of Livy who is to be the Model which they are to propose to themselves who would make them well XIX Harangues I Find the Sentiments of our Masters much differing as to this point Herodotus Thucydides Xenophon Salust have principally signallized themselves by their Harangues Thucydides has therein excelled the rest the Discourses which he makes the principal Actors of his History deliver as Pericles Nicias Alcibiades Archidamus and whole Nations whom he introduces speaking by their Deputies are admirable Lectures for the Orators of all Ages and it is principally in that School that Demosthenes had his Institution Polybius is more reserved he does not make Scipio speak so much though he might justly have done it as having always accompanied him in his Wars Caesar is yet more reserv'd for he does not in a manner make any of those Harangues pretending they derogate from the truth of History and making it his business onely to write plain Memoirs that so he might be the more simple in his Discourse Dionysius Halicarnassaeus brings in Brutus making a great Exhortation upon the death of Lucretia to animate the people to revenge and the Harangue he introduces Valerius making upon the Form of Government which was most convenient for the State in the seventh Book of his History is of a great length Josephus Appianus Dion Cassius Procopius are great Discoursers as were also Thucydides and Xenophon who had taken that Idea of Haranguing from Homer And indeed if we examine the ground of those Discourses especially of those which are made by chief Commanders to encourage their Souldiers to fight we shall find but little likelyhood in them Trogus with much reason reproaches Salust and Livy with the immoderate excess of Harangues in their Histories Accordingly all those Discourses made by Grandees have an Air of Fiction for upon what Memoirs could they have been taken Besides that it is not likely a Warriour should speak as an accomplish'd Orator So when Pericles in Thucydides commends those Souldiers who had been defeated and killed by the Boeotians his Harangue is supposititious as is also that which Salust makes Catiline speak to the Conspirators which in all probability was secret and not much thought of before hand And this is some part of Beny's Argument in his disapproval of that Abuse Thucydides who was a judicious Author grew sensible of it in his last Books wherein he Harangues much less than in the precedent But it is a Lesson of Nature for there is no account made thereof if they who are concerned therein are not introduc'd to speak them for there is not any thing else does so much animate the Narration which is apt to become frigid by too even a thread of Discourse There is therefore a mean or temperament to be observed A short Discourse pertinently made in an History by an Author fit to make such a one and such as may be conveniently applicable to the person and the subject then concerned may have its peculiar beauty being set in its proper place But those formal Harangues at the head of an Army when they are just ready to engage and those tiresom and prolix Deliberations which are made upon the Affairs whereof they speak are now in a manner obsolete and out of use in well-digested Histories and the wisest Authors chuse rather to introduce the persons concern'd speaking indirectly and saying the things in general without engaging themselves to speak the very woâ—â—â— as Livy has done at the beginning of his History by the Embassadors whom Romulus sends to his Neighbours Most of the Harangues in Salust are always admirable and never pertinent nor to the purpose For nothing can be more excellent than the Discourse of Marius it is a most solid piece of Morality upon the subject of Gallantry all is rational in it and Antiquity has but few Discourses of that vigour in order to the persuasion of Vertue but that is not in its proper place And the Air wherewith he makes Cato and Caesar give their Votes in the Senate is not as great as it is proportionate to the rest of the History For the same reason the great Discourse which Dion Cassius makes in the 56. Book of his History upon the Commendation of Marriage and Celebacy is not very pertinent There is not any thing comparable to the Harangue which Tacitus brings in Tiberius making in the Senate upon the Reformation of Luxury and Riot in the third Book of his Annals never did Historian make a Prince speak with more Dignity The Harangues of Agrippa and Mecaenas to Augustus the one advising him 〈◊〉 quit the Empire and the other to keep it are admirable in Dion Cassius but they are so long that they take up the whole 52. Book In a word to put a period to this Article I am of Cicero's Opinion who speaking of the Discourses of Thucydides wisely says I find them very excellent but I could not do as much my self if I would nor would I do it if I could And this is the best that can be said as to that point for in fine Harangues are always subject to be tedeous And 't is a pleasant humour of Boccalini who makes an ancient man to be condemn'd by way of Penance to read one of Guicciardine's Harangues because he had read a Madrigal in the Parnassus with his Spectacles on XX. The Characters of Persons POurtraitures do very much imbellish an History when they are well done but the Romances have spoil'd us upon that score for we make too many of them and such as are not like any thing We amuse our selves in representing at random the external Accomplishments of the person which is not the business to be done Of what concern is it to me to know whether Hannibal had a fair Sett of Teeth provided his Historian discover to me the Grandeur of his Genius provided he give me the Representation of a bold restless Spirit of a Person of vast Projects of an undaunted Courage and all that animated by an uncontrollable Ambition but kept up by a robust Constitution as Livy has describ'd him Thus does Salust create in me a great Opinion of Catiline by the Pourtraiture he makes of him at the entrance of his History And when I see that resolute Souldier raising Armies in his Closet going to the Senat in a silence which denotes Resolution to affront the Consul slighting and scorning his Invectives putting Rome into an Alarm making Italy tremble in fine daring that which no private person ever durst I am not surpriz'd after the
is there not requisite to deliver the truth without paraphrasing upon it as they do who have not their Souls great enough to observe the Rules of a candid simplicity and to relate things as they are What unbyass'd Constancy is there not requisite to unmask the Vice which is naturally conceal'd in the artifices of Dissimulation What Penetration and Perspicacity is there not necessary to discover the recesses of their Genius of whom a man is to speak without amusing himself about the external consideration of their persons which does hardly ever signifie any thing But when his work is to make a distinction between whole Nations and Ages by what is essential in their Character what steddiness of Apprehension is there not requisite As for instance in a relation of the Civil Wars of Rome not to confound the Spirit and Humour of the Commonwealth with that of Monarchy the Independence of the one with the Dependence of the other not to attribute in a History of France the Manners of the Age of Lewis XIV which is no way superstitious to the Age of Lewis XI whose Character was Superstition it self not to make Charlemaign such a one as Henry III and to denote the times and persons by what is particularly remarkable in their difference What Principles of Equity should not a man have for the exact Administration of Justice to Vice and Vertue for the distinguishing of true and apparent Merit and for a man's accustoming himself not to look on the Actions without reflecting on the Persons What Judgment is there not needful for a man to pitch upon the right side in all things to display things in their best sence to be always tending to what is most solid so to interpose his own Sentiment upon the matters of which he discourses as not to force the Reader by Prejudgments not to descant upon the passages that seem delicate but with that delicacy of Reflection which cannot be the effect of any thing but an exquisite sence not to charge his Discourse with too much matter such as many smother the smartness of it without allowing therein some place for what Reflection he might make himself or giving his Reader a convenience to make any to be able to find out the real Knot there may be in every Affair without any danger of mistaking and so to clear the difficulty not to make a recital of great Events upon frivolous motives not to conceal false Conceptions of things under a pompous Expression to avoid what seems to have too strong a Scent of Study and whatever has a forc'd Air and to follow in all things that Beam of Light and Intelligence which gives an Idea of the discernment of the Historian by raising a good opinion of his Capacity and Endowments So that the part most necessary to History is Judgmentâ— The Orator may break forth into Sallies of Eloquence such as are lively and slorid and â—un the hazard of taking those boldnesses which may prove succesful in a great Concourse of people who are not taken with any thing so much as Confidence The Poet may expatiate out of his subject and not have his Wits always about him But the Historian who speaks in cold bloud ought ever to be Master of himself have the command of his thoughts and not speak any thing but what is judicious In short there is not any thing requires so great a stock of Sencefulness so much Reason so great Wit so much Judgment and so many other qualities as History if written as it ought to be and yet when all is done a fortunate Disposition enrich'd with all these Accomplishments must have one additional Perfection to wit that of a particular Conversation of the greatest persons 'T was by the familiar acquaintance which Polybius had with Scipio and Laelius that he became so excellent an Historian We have in Thucydides and Livy the accomplish'd Models which History requries Antiquity has not any thing of greater perfection in that kind and there is hardly any thing to be wished for in either of them unless it be that Thucydides is yet more sincere than Livy and Livy more natural than Thucydidesâ—Tacitus is admirable in his way Lapsuis prefers him before all the rest but all are not of his Sentiment It may be said in the general that he is an Historian of a particular Method by himself who has great beauties together with great defects but his defects are somewhat shadowed under a Grandeur of Genius which is conspicuous in whatever he says as also under somewhat of the sublime Character which exalts him above many Authors who are more exact and more natural than he is He has his Adherents and his Admirers 'T is true he pleases those who are talented with the imaginative part but as to those who are more for Judgment and such as affecâ— Sencefulness rather than Embellishment or Eloquence they are not so well satisfied with him Amongst the Moderns I find Mariana D'avila and Fra. Paolo of an admirable genius for History Mariana has the talent of reflecting and expressing excellently well what he thinks and has to say and of giving a Character of Grandeur to what is transacted in his mind D'avila does circumstance things well reasons appositely enough upon the Subjects he treats of and gives his Discourse that evenness of thread and intertexture from which it derives that insinuating Air which is observable in him above the rest Fra. Paolo in his History of the Council of Trent gives what colour and prospect he pleases to what he says never had any man that Art in a more eminent degree than he has He also makes a discovery of a vast Capacity in the talent he has of making profound Researches into the points of Doctrine whereof he treats in order to give his Reader an exact account of them Never did Author write with more artifice or greater smartness of wit nor yet with less reason and truth He is a passionate Author who imploys his Art in concealing his Passion He would be pleasant and drollish upon all occasions that he might not be thought angry and out of humour but he falls by that means into another default He is too much given to Raillery in a Subject so serious as that which he treats of for Passion spreads it self through all he says And so that Historian with all his great genius is the most vicious Character that may be seen in the way of writing History wherein there is not any thing less pardonable than Animosity When an Historian has once the repute of being prepossess'd with some Passion he is no longer believ'd And this Reflection gives us occasion to examine the Morality which is requisite in him who makes it his business to write XXVII The Morality of the Historian WHereas every one frames to himself a Morality according to his Genius there is a discovery made of the Spirit and Humor of an Historian by his Principles This must in
of his Work and was resolutely bent to stick to the truth wherein he has shewn him a better-principled man than any of the others for his Fidelity and Probity is remarkable through all his Work Titus Livius is more favourable to Pompey than to Caesar Dion more favourable to Caesar than to Pompey Anâ—â—i 〈◊〉 Marcellinus is a perpetual Adorer of Julian the Apostate and a great Declamator against Valentinian his Successor because he was a Christian Eusebius never shews Constantine but with the best side outward Zosimus shews him onely with the worst Pâ—ocopius â—â—oliz'd Belizarius Eginart had the same Veneration for Charlemaigne Sandoval for Charles the Fifth Strada for Alexander Earnese In sâ—â—e every Historian makes himself a◠〈◊〉 according to his own fancy whom he looks on 〈◊〉 his Creature and to make him the more beautiful he endeavours to make him the more admirable And this is it that raises a suspicion of most Histories because all Historians have their passions and there are few of them sincere because there are few but follow the bent of some Interest On the other side they who are not sway'd by interest are apt to be blinded with the desire of pleasing and the care they have of their Reputation inclines them to other Extremities Josephus in the History of the Jews suppresses true Miracles to humour the Pagans who would not have believ'd them and supposes things less true because he thought them such as were suitable to their gust and capacity This is the way to destroy and not to establish things ought to be related as they are since it is so much the worse for the incredulous for nothing more misbecomes a man who makes it his profession to give the publick an account of Truth than thus to profane it In short let there not any thing of Servility or Meanness appear in the Sentiments or Inclinations of the Historian for nothing creates a worse Opinion of his Fidelity But though I do not approve the Flatterers of great men such as Eusebius was who will not have us see any thing but what is commendable in Constantine who in the mean time had great defects yet is it my judgment that they ought to be indulg'd in certain things For though a man ought to say nothing but what is true yet all truths are not to be spoken Quintus Curtius might have forborn the Infamies he spoke of Alexander there are some Heads so privileg'd that they require respect let us therefore treat them honourably and not be chargeable with any insolence towards them We may relate the Vices of their persons but let us not say any thing that may scandalize their Dignity or abate ought that is due to their Grandeur Tacitus says so many dirty things of Tiberius that Boccalini cannot endure him for it What Lampridius relates of the Emperours Heliogabalus and Caracalla has made his History despicable and Platina discovers but little judgment in his way of treating the Popes All will not be of my Opinion but the wise will and it is my persuasion that how meritorious soever it may be for a man to be sincere he would be ridiculous if he were so in all things But it is to be consider'd withall that praises are never well made because they are not made with the delicacy that is requisite that Commendations are made upon indifferent passages and not upon those of which men were more likely to be sensible and mov'd thereat that the publick is always in an ill humour against Commendations which it hardly ever applauds The securest way of Commendation is onely to make a sincere recital of commendable Actions All know the Adventure of Aristobulus one of Alexander's Commanders who read to him the History of the Battel which that Prince had gain'd over Porus. Alexander who was sailing on the River Hydaspes highly disgusted at the â—latteries of that Historian snatch'd the History from him and flung it into the River adding that he should be serv'd so too for being so impudent as to commend so ill attributing to him imaginary Exploits as if there had not been real ones enough This is a rough draught of the Morality which I should wish in an Historian or at least these should be my Principles if I had any design to concern my self in the composing of a History and thought my self of a Genius vigorous enough for it In short I would be modest after such a manner as that there should always be an appearance of Candour and Moderation never any vanity in my Sentiments Upon which consideration I can hardly bear with the Extravagance of that Historian mentioned by Photius who preparing himself to write the History of Alexander promises that his style shall not be inferiour to the transcendent actions of his Hero But after all a man's edge to writing is soon taken off when he has seen the judgment which Dionysius Halicarnassaeus passeth upon Thucydides if he be any way stock'd with a senceful Apprehension of things for there is no Author though ever so judicious but may dread the Censures of that Critick And these are the Sentiments which I have gather'd by the reading of Historians I am not so vain as to pretend that I lay them down for Maxims they are onely Conceptions possibly not well digested which may become good by the good use which may be made of them In the next place you have the Sentiments which may be had upon the most considerable Historians XXVIII A Judgment of Historians HErodotus is the first that gave a rational Form to History and it is his Elogy that he chalk'd out the way to others His Style is pure and elegant Athenaeus celebrates him for the Charms of his Discourse His subject is of a vast extent for it comprehends Nations Kingdoms Empires the Affairs of Europe and Asia He is not very exact in what he says because he grasps at too much matter but I find him of a more than ordinary sincerity inasmuch as he treats the Greeks and the Barbarians those of his own Countrey and Foreiners without any discovery of Partiality I find also that Plutarch treats him with too much rigour when he would have him accounted a person of an evil intention in most of his Conjectures but that he is not favourable to him proceeds from pure Animosity and merely because he had ill treated his Countrey Boeâ—tia in his History Thucydides is exact in his manner of writing faithful in the things he relates sincere unsway'd by Interest He has Grandeur Excellency and Majesty in his Style He is always austere but of an austerity which has nothing but what is great and his subject is indeed not so large and more limited than that of Herodotus 'T is merely out of a spirit of Partiality that Dionysius Haelicarnassaeus prefers Herodotus before Thucydides because the former was of Halicarnassus but for my part I find him the most accomplish'd