in a second Army for the withstanding the invasion on that side and not saues it us onely but renders it to bestow in undertakings of profit which we were wont to spend upon defences We haue another valiant Nation to assist us whose service in Low Countrie warres hath often and alwaies given this testimony of their affection and faithfulnesse even in Queen Elizabeths time that in every Nationall quarrell between us and others which hath often happened and very remarkeable betwixt us and the French they haue voluntarily and brauely sided with us making the danger common both to themselues and us which was drawn out but particularly against the English The joyning of Scotland hath made us an intire Iland which by nature is the best fortification and the most capable of all advantages of strength that by Art can be added unto nature wherby we may at one the same time be able both to undertake any action abroad and defend our selues at home without either much danger or great cost Secondly by reason his Majestie hath the neighbourhood of the powerfulst nation by sea that now is in the world at his devotion a people by nature more worthy of credit with us then any other the use of whose neighbourhood our own histories will commend unto us if we enquire of the ages past even then when they wanted that power and knowledge in their industry which they now haue as well in matters of peace as warre the memories of those times will tell us that we seldome undertook any great thing without them in so much as our losse of France may probably be in part imputed to the breach we suffred in their friendship and though they were then of the same Religion with England as likewise now they are yet the present condition that we doe both of us stand in for point of Religion doth place us in an estate of better assurance with them then the conditions of those times did for then considering no main Nationall separation in the Church Religion was but a common bond unto them and inclined them to particular side where now it hath the motiue in it to make defence with against an opposite Church in such a Nation as hath drawn both of us into one and the same cause in quarrell as well of policie as of Religion And lastly their Army is the best Millitary Schoole of the world from whence our Land-services may be sufficiently appointed at least with Officers Now for the hearts of our people and the wealth of our Kingdome though it may be some of his Majesties ill-affected subjects could be willing we should distrust our own strength when we receiue these two points into our consideration yet for the first the occasion wherof they haue derived from our difference in Religion I may say the wrath of God hath been evident against them in the confusion of their plots One thinkes it should be a horrour to them for to think of attempting any farther that way for those of them that haue made a covenant with bloud wee stand not either in fear or need of their numbers but we may both spare and suppresse them And farre be it from me to think that many men of those that hold no communion in the Church with us should giue other Nations the cause to say that in England are the false men that take up Gods weapons against him and their own vveapons against themselues in favour of a forraign Ambition that makes the pretence of Religion but a port hole to lay his Artillery out at or his scaling ladder to assault by Now the second point touching the vvealth of the Kingdom if I should call the Councell of Spain it selfe to giue judgement in the cause I should need no better sentence to condemne their opinions vvho think the King of Great Brittain poor their Master knows it vvell enough he shall finde it otherwise vvhensoever hee shall undertake to attempt us or vvee them Now for Spain his Majestie there though accounted the greatest Monarch of Christendome yet his estate being enquired throughly his roote vvill bee found a great deale too narrovv for the top of his Dominions are so farre in distance asunder as they cannot giue reliefe time enough one to another upon an alarum vvhich is the reason he is more povverfull to assault then defend and therfore are compelled to haue continuall Garrisons of that charge he is unable to maintain he hath more to doe vvith shipping then any other Prince and yet hath fevv men at his devotion but by extreme charge and those of vvorst sorts his poverty hath therfore appeared in the mutenie of his Lovv Country Armie for vvant of pay vvhich vvas great cause of his ill successe there and I cannot see how his estate can be much better now then it vvas For though it be true that his charge is somevvhat lesse yet it is likevvise true that his Subsidies in Spain be also diminished as vvell in respect of insupportablenesse as of indisposition of his Revenues out of the Indies decaied And indeed but for his Indies he vvere the poorest Prince in Christendom Novv it serues the better for the finding his vveaknesse or strength to inquire vvhether he be able to stand upon the termes of defiance and yet hold his Indies I think not for his Majestie of Great Brittain joyning with the States of the Vnited Provinces is of power to raise Armadoes the one to block up Spain the other the Indies the least successe that may be hoped for out of this enterprise the cutting off his returne would beggar him the feare of this project was the thing that stopped his Greatnesse to the Vnited Provinces when hee departed with his pretence of Soveraignty to them and that feare is an Ague he is not yet cured of This is a right design and a great one such a one as I wish we had the treasure and valiant bloud of our Ancestors to bestow upon for the expence wherof we haue nothing to shew now but two poore Ilands Iarsey and Garnsey And to say the truth in that case if all the Ilands or Lands that belong unto the Crown of England were offered to his Majestie I should not giue my advice to receiue them much lesse to conquer them Now for the disposition of the Low Country men I assure my selfe there cannot be a thing more desired then they to joyn with his Majestie in any undertaking especially in this for they are sorie they understood the King of Spaines weaknesse so little in Queene Elizabeths time when her Majestie so much affected their joyning with her and that now they know it his Majestie being greater in power will yet suffer such an enemy to all Christian Princes chiefly to those of his Majesties Religion to creep into his bosome For all the greatnesse he hath he holds by the curtesie of his Majesty and to that end Courts it he knows he were undone else To
A TRVE SOVLDIERS COVNCEL ANNO 1624. THE motiue of this Discourse most renounmed Soveraign which at this time I intend to handle for that it hath relation to two ends or periods to wit peace and warre the one much to be preferred before the other as well by divine as human Arguments yet for that the time agreeing with the necessity we are in regard of the feare of the Spanish greatnesse hereafter which undoubtedly he will attain unto by the innumerable masses of his Indian treasures which are the nerves and sinewes of all martiall intendments by which fair opportunities offered unto the greatnesse of his desire for the enlargement of his state glory and renoume and that there may be no object that may impediment the let thereof but onely a determination in himselfe not to offend his neighbours I shall hardly beleeu that he will so much differ from his Progenitors I mean Ferdinand Charles and Phillip who raised not the fame of the Spanish Monarchie by just noble and laudible warres but by cruell bloudy and treacherous invasions especially against Princes of their own bloud who under pretence of relieving or giving them aide against the oppression of others haue made these passages unmoueable assurance for the obtaining of the lands Crowns and liues of their neerest Allies which giveth me no cause of hope of his good dealing towards your Highness and the States who are neither allied unto him by bloud as these former Princes were nor tyed unto him by offices of Confederacie wherby for former good turns received he might let you liue in peace but contrarily we being onely the stop of the Spanish fury of this part of the world and a Nation who haue not onely given him infinite disgraces as well by open battell as sundry invasions and incursions made upon his frontier Townes and Territories to the irrecoverable dishonor of the Spanish people and unmasking his former forces to all men which indeed are but a meer shew and frighting them onely knowing their Greatnes depends with filling the world with an imagination of their Mightiness For the Spaniard may well becompared to a drumme or empty vessell that being beaten upon makes a great and terrible noise but come neerer them break them and look into them and there is nothing within can hurt you Or rather like the Asse that wrapt him selfe in the Lyons skin and marched a farre off to strike terrour into the hearts of the beasts but when the Fox drew neer hee not onely perceived his long eares but likewise discovered him and made him à jest to all the beasts of the Forrest So that I inferre most gracious Soveraign that unlesse he now prevail with you and by that means gain a peace to make himself more strong for a fitter time to hunt you and your neighbours his forces at this time in respect of you and your Confederates are so weak and resistable as it may well appear unto your Highness that his Monarchy is rather maintained by Opinion then Might as it hath ever stood since the losse of the low Countries if it had been with judgment exquisitely looked into rather by giving out greater rumours of power and by secrecie then by the greatnesse of their own forces So as to make this Shadow a Substance wherby not onely his Indies should be sure but all the world tremble at his greatnesse What oath is it that he would keep What condition that he would not break Or what opportunity that he would let slip for the accomplishment thereof if therby he might assure himselfe of the I le And therfore though I commend peace before warre yet if the Country cannot obtain a good peace without a warre I think it consequently follows that it is necessary for you to make a warre with your enemy whilst you haue the advantage in your hands wherby you may lay a foundation of a sure peace for your Selfe Posterity and State for after ages rather then to dream of a peace which shall no longer hold then he is able by breaking to revenge For doubtlesse in the preservation of Kingdoms it is no injurie to doe that to your enemie which he would doe unto you if he could And therfore those Princes States or people whosoever that shall build so firmly upon the condition of peace to be kept by the enemie the breach wherof may turn to his or their great danger or destruction that Prince State or people in my opinion haue either little judgment of themselues or are ill advised of the Councell Securitie of their own estates or too much fidelity to others haue not onely been the destruction of many families but likewise of great and potent Kingdoms Provinces and Towns And therfore to this day there could never be found so great safety to private men or publique States as mistrust as appeareth by Demosthenes in his second to the Athenians against Phillip of Macedon There are quoth hee devised many strengths and defences for the maintenance of of Cities and Townes as Trenches Walls Ram-parts Dikes Bulwarkes and such like the which are made by mens hands with great cost and charge but nature saith he hath given to all wise men a common defence and safegard the which as it is profitable to all men particularly so it is a most wholesome and sure hold and fortresse to all Countries and Cities against all manner of tyrannie and what fortes to mistrust that which if it be well and truely kept it will preseru and keep you all And therfore to prevent danger in a convenient season and to provide in time against the worst is a thing most wholesome necessary and worthy of greatest commendations For as foresight makes men wary so confident suspicion helpeth judgment and bringeth to light many hidden practises and those that doe not fear the complots of their enemies nor regard of forces preparations against them are doubtlesse neer some dissastrous fortune or extrem ruin of their estates and fortunes How prejudiciall their treatise of peace haue ever been to such Princes or States with whom they haue contended is most evident as well to us as other Nations as appeares by their Armado in 88 who came with fire and sword to cut the throats of the people of this land had not God prevented their treacherous resolutions At the selfe same time they had entertained us with a main shew of a desire of peace and our Commissioners being with them for the same purpose As also when Ferdinand of Aragon the last and Phillip Archduke of Austria were in treaty of marriage of Madam Stawdii of France with Charles the fifth and after was concluded sworn and confirmed at Blois the King of France being Lewis the twelfth his Lieftenants mistrusting nothing in respect of the promises the Spaniards set upon them defeating two French Armies the one at Calabria under the conduct of the Lord D' Aubigney the other at Cernigola led by the Duke of Nemuers by
which treacherous overthrow of these two noble Captains by don Consolis de Cordua called the great Captain Commander of the Spaniards in these parts they wrested from the French most of the places in Italy which they keep untill this day And therefore howsoever other men be opinionated of the Spanish faith and fidelity with your Majesty and State yet for my part I will think of them and their promises as a Noble man of Athens thought of a certain Oratour Your words quoth he my friends are like the Cypresse which although great and high bear no fruit And truely as they are Spaniards I cannot well blame them for they well know that the Crown of Spain is at stake and all the Indies and his other Signiories and therfore will not fail to put in practise all tricks that may win the game though it be by foule play For if he haue not peace with England at this time it is not unknown unto him that the foundation of his Monarchy will be shaken in peeces And we cannot but see this and yet will take no advantage therof wherby we may secure our selues both for present and future times we may be compared to the Athenians of whom I haue spoken before who by Titus Livius report were men who knew what to doe but would not doe it which is a fault so ominous to all states that it not onely presenteth it selfe against but likewise followeth disasters and ruin to the Common-wealth that refuseth For opportunitie doth not attend upon Captaines and Councellours pleasures but sheweth it selfe on a suddain and if not imbraced passeth away without returning And therfore the advantages that one State that are enemies hath of another happen so seldom to the Globes as Saturn finisheth his course but in 30 yeares But our enemy is free and I speak it to his honour from this base and earthly resolution for it is reported of them by this speciall vertue they haue raysed their state to so high a pitch which is that no people can readier finde the occasion or sooner take or resolue it when it is offered And doubtlesse to say the truth I am much more fearfull of the Spanish proceedings for that he goeth by precedent which is an excellent kind of discipline as well in Martiall as civill actions especially when the action is grounded upon a sure foundation And as all Kings and Captaines which desire to attain to great things doe imitate some one Prince or Generall that hath preceded them so doubtless haue the Kings of Spain for these many yeares imitated in all their actions as neer as the time and States with whom they haue contended would giue them leaue that noble valiant and politick Captain Phillip of Macedon who indeed laid the foundation of his sons Monarchy and this was his Maxime That where force could not prevail he alwaies used bribes and mony to corrupt the principall of the inhabitants Insomuch that at a certain time at the assault of a Citie which to a Captain of his seemed impregnable and therfore thought to divert his purpose in the besieging therof Then art a fool quoth he for I will haue this great Citie notwithstanding the walles and ramparts if the Gates be so big that an Asse laden with gold can but enter And questionless if your Majestie would but search into the Spaniards proceedings since he had the Indies you should acquaint your selfe with many such presidents of their part to be a warning to you to look at this time advisedly to your own safety lest you fall into the like misfortunes And although I could alledge many which for brevities sake I omit yet I will recite one lest it should be thought I knew none which is viz. When Ferdinand of Aragon saw by the sword he could not get the country of Rowsâ—â—ton and Perpignan out of the hands of Charles the French King which as they say had been ingaged to Lewis the 11 he fell to practise with them of Religion wherfore he corrupted with a great summe of mony one Oliver Maillandor as some say Iohn de Madron a Franciscan Frier Confessor to the Lady Brawnen the Kings sister who under the root of Religion cloaking his hypocrysie and coveteousnesse perswaded this simple Lady that unlesse restitution was made of those Territories to the King of Spain his government could not prosper nor please God she being moved in conscience with this Friers perswasions brake this matter to Lewis of Amboise Bishop of S. Albie the Kings Schoolemaster who together with her so terrified the Kings conscience that hee not onely made restitution of the said Territories by the said Bishop but likewise freely released to the King of Spaine the said Ferdinand all the mony that Lewis his father had paid for them Marry with condition that the said King and his Successors should ever loue and honour the King of France that he should make no warres against it nor aide with mony victuals nor counsell any enemies therof nor permit them to haue passage through their Dominions And thus were the countries restored to the Frenchmens griefe But the French King misreckoned himselfe in the Spanish fidelity for having occasion to warre in Italy shortly after he was no sooner past the Mountains but the King of Spaine forgat all his kindness and began to practise a leagu with his enemies So as I inferre mighty Prince that either by shew of Religion or subtle and sophisticall Arguments or in desire you haue to trust some about you on whose shoulders ever in regard of your opinion of their wisedomes and fidelities you cast your selfe and your care of your estate in all or either of these you are like without the more grace of God to receiue disadvantage in this your peace-making and yet perhaps no fault in them For it seemes to me wonderfull that the truth of things being one yet may falshood be so apparelled with the habits of likelihood and truth as changing countenance it is often retained in stead therof As for as much as upon this Treatie now in hand not onely dependeth your own happiness the happiness of your noble Issue States Kingdoms Subjects or whatsoever else is deer unto you but likewise the happiness or unhappiness of all the Princes of Europe So most gracious Lord in respect of these great and mighty dependances as well in regard of your own particular as generall good of the Christian Common-wealth which so long hath groaned under the fear of the Spanish greatness digest and distinguish every particular and in a point in your own person without trusting of any man with a matter of great importance which although it will be very intricate by the diversitie of so many things as will offer themselues to be considered yet renoumed Soveraign it will be very profitable to your Highness and most acceptable and pleasing to the people when they shall hear and see the great care the King hath of them and their
safety For as Commines saith hee thinketh it the greatest plague that God can lay upon a Realm to giue them such a Prince as shall in great things giue his Authority unto others which most especially in such a case as this hee ought to reseru unto himselfe Although I confess Princes ought to haue Ministers in all things especially in great matters but not to conclude any thing without the Princes assent nor with him neither but by the relation of many circumstances in regard of that affinity which truth and falsehood haue in many matters of great moment And yet I protest out of my own opinion I am no way jealous of any of the Councell for as for them I hold them to be all most noble and worthy personages and fit to manage great Kingdoms as part of the Indies and other Seigniories which are as fit for you to take as the King of Spaine to keep which by your just command and valour of the English and Scottish Nations shall be gained unto you and your posterity without which whatsoever your Selfe thinketh or other men say neither you nor your posterity can ever be safe upon probable and reasonable grounds if the Spaniards intend to disquiet you as I will now my selfe proue and as these following projects made by the Castilian themselues may appear by the necessity they are in to be Masters of the I le viz. That a mighty King determining to preserue his own hath no better meanes then by conquering that of another mans alwaies holding this as a Maxime That whosoever preserveth getting nothing neither by keeping his own can subdue the will of perverse men that they may not be able to make him a disturbance These reasons ought more to prevail with your Majestie quoth he then with any other Prince since you hold your great State much dispersed and the greatest part of your power consists in things moueable and uncerrain which are the Indian Fleet which neither Garrisons Fortresses nor any good proceedings can hardly assure although your Majesty had great forces and power as at this present we may well perceiu by this Pirat Drake who with nothing is able to molest the whole world notwithstanding the provisions which are made on your Majesties behalfe for the preventing therof Wherfore saith he let your Majesty entertain an enterprise against England which both is and may be the principall disturber of your Indian Fleet and Commerce Neither let your Majesty suppose there can be a better or safer way for the quiet of States or the advancement of your certain Greatness then by removing this Mountain of Disquiet to your most high and Kingly purposes and conquering of this I le As also Don Phillip the second of Castile having a great and earnest desire to make himselfe Master of this I le of the world and perceiving two obstacles to curb his proceedings in that kind to wit the warres of the Netherlands and the Iealousie of this State of ours hath ever had of his Greatness and being desirous to haue the fountain of this happiness to spring from one of those two heads determining to build this resolution which with most ease most honour most safety and most advantage might be carried to his after designes Vpon consideration wherof and mature deliberation reasons were alledged pro contra amongst which in my judgment some are most prevailent reasons and such doubts as the Spanish King from the mouth of him who made Reason his ground and Experience his schoolmaster for what he said and are following It is my determination in this present Discourse said he to shew as your renoumed Seigniorie commandeth me by way of Reall foundation that it is much more expedient for that purpose of your Catholike Majestie to moue your war against England then the Netherlands declaring thus much notwithstanding reall foundation in this point I mean not common principles of nature or of science neither of Mathematicall demonstrations of this present subject is not capable but rather reasons probably grounded upon truth There are many who but observing the first view of your Catholike Majesties interest to Flanders and England affirm that though this Iland by just pretention pertaineth to your Majestie yet you are so much the more bound to recover those countries of the Netherlands rather then conquer England by how much by all policy the preservation of things already possessed must goe before things never injoyed But though this be a great position in publick affaires yet we intreating of matters of State I will not judge it of that weight as that it may weigh down the ballance which galling the one side more then the other might impair the whole summe and safety of things Wee must consider what ought but further how it is possible more profitable more easie more expedient to be done For oftentimes Princes are so pricked to warre by the stimulation of honour or of their desire to some enterprise as that the bridle of many other circumstances which would requisitely be considered cannot draw them back For an example of this we may set before our eyes the Venetian Common wealth who thinking of nothing else but their duty to be revenged on the Duke of Millain preferred immoderate ambition before all other respects and so too late remembred that the office of prudence is to moderate passions and spleen in important resolutions especially when they draw after them a tail or train of great inconveniences The consideration therof that we are more bound to preserue the things we possesse then conquer new is not sufficient to conclude that your Majesty ought to take in hand the enterprise of Flanders rather then England neither in that so importunate affaires should we seek occasions so light But to the end it may appear evidently that in every respect your Majesty is bound to the enterprise of England I will before any thing establish a foundation to that whole edifice of my opinion viz. That in subduing of England you overcome at the same time the Netherlands also but having overcome the Netherlands England is not presently subdued neither doth peradventure the hope increase that you shall after conquer it But I affirm moreover that to conquer England is not an action more difficult or lesse certain then if it were the Netherlands For if England doe consequently draw after it the Netherlands and if it be more easie and more secure who doubteth but he that should pervert this course would be a right destroyer of Opportunity and so become the forget of his own disgrace But I will proue with prevailent Reasons that one and the other member of my foundation which is that the victorie of England is more profitable then that of the Netherlands more easie to obtain As for the proofe of my first foundation I betake my selfe to these principall heads The first is If the Netherlands had not maintained warre so many yeares but by the aide and
is most true that the reputation that that Iland holdeth in warlike actions is rather grounded on that it was in time past then that which it hath at this present and therfore as it often happeneth the minde grown great with the bundles of imaginations wherwith it is maintained though the foundation wheron it dependeth be changed and diminished Yet for all that is the estimation of England great in our minds because wee all behold it with the selfe same eye of consideration as wee are wont to doe at all other times when as in ancient for succession of more then 300 yeares it possessed Normandie Britaine Guienne and Gascoigne and made Scotland tributary and for a long time enjoyed the most part of the Kingdom of France upon which Henry the 6 was publiquely crowned at Paris But those that haue diligently observed her now when shee is deprived of so great forces and aide will judge that shee is greater through the reputation of her ancient fame then for the quality of her present power and force and that shee is now no more England so grievous and terrible to the greatest Princes of Europe and since that with so unhappy a resolution shee fell into obscurity shee hath been driven of necessity to submit her selfe to those fearfull things which alteration of Religion and faith draw after them A most mighty and prevailent meanes to the ruin and declination of States For if Religion be the onely base of all the peoples obedience and loyalty who doubteth but that being removed all rule of life goeth to the ground and together all lawes both Divine and Human haue dispensation In which parties or rather habites of this most pernicious beast are most miserable how much the mutations haue been sudden and violent as aboue all other these of England haue been which from the height of Religion threw it selfe headlong into the depth of Infidelity from thence rising againe into the Catholike light from whence it came and a fresh to fall ruinously into the darknesse of heresie which is so prejudiciall unto States as there is no greater pestilencie or that more weakens the sollidity of their forces England therfore in these outragious stormes must needs haue suffered shipwrack of which we may plainly see the effects if wee doe but obserue shee hath lost the foundation wherupon no lesse her reputation then security was grounded that is shee hath lost the power and authority which sometimes shee had in sea-affaires for in times past this Iland maintained a great number of Shippes and kept a continuall Fleet of Armes wherupon it came to passe that minding to try the strength of her own forces the preparation was admirable amongst others wee may see that when Henry the sixth of England went against Charles the sixth of France with neere eight hundred great Ships which made a bridge over the Ocean but the quality of that Iland is so diverse and changed that since the daies of Henry seventh and eighth it hath not been able to maintain one hundred ordinary Ships which it was wont to wey and haue in readinesse for the security of the State and further this Iland hath been put to such pinches that they haue not onely been constrained to diminish but to sell out-right a great part of their Shipping which both was and is their onely securitie from forraign danger so much more urgent in Princes is feare of present poverty then the respect of their future safety So that now comming to resolue on the point of facility that your Majesty shall now finde in that Enterprise against this Iland I will offer to your Highness two principall heads the one of the Defendant the other of the Assaylant wherby I will shew that the assayled is as unable to defend as the Defendant is to assayle As for the Defendant which is the Kingdom of England it may certainly be averred that it cannot stand out in defensiue warre against the forces of your Majestie if you will but invade it with the provisions which is easie for you to compass and such as the Enterprise and importance of the action requireth the which I will cleerly shew for divers respects The first is because as I haue said the I le of England is poor and therefore is her debility such as if shee should goe about to manage a defensiue war against so mighty and potent as your Catholike Majestie shee might as well goe about to sustain heaven on her shoulders being neither Alcides nor Atlas The second is for the consideration of the necessity which possesseth there the State of England hath no more in readiness such number of Shippes as were sometimes maintained for the protection and security of their Kingdom The third is that the Kingdom of England by carelessnesse neglected or by poverty omitted to haue alwaies in readinesse prepared or practised Men Armes or provision as all other Princes haue to the end they may be a present remedy to all suddain Insurrectson which groweth either at home or abroad The fourth is because the desire of Innovation is proper to the Kingdom whose minds doe alwaies aspire after change and whosoever doth but obseru former histories will judge that her seditious conspiracies and every other effect of a disturbed and moving minde haue had their proper nest being stirred up with considerations which being accompanied with the ordinary disposition of the people to be alwaies attempting of new things may easily of a suddain if it were assaulted put the Realme into confusion especially when the Army of so mighty an enemy as your Majestie shall present it selfe wherby rebels may liberally discover their hearts without being chastised So as this people being any way ill-affected which meeting with their manner of disposition may peradventure easily giue occasion if your Majesty had no party in England which you shall never fail off to some unlooked for action if your Catholike Armies did but shew themselues It being so ordinary a matter with that people when they are masked with some great passion either of hatred or disdain towards them that govern that they will be ever ready to take all courses in hand that may be hurtfull to him Even so that Tantanus discontented with government of Cajus Iberius brought in before his face the Carthaginians First the English in respect of their ancient greatnesse haue been more accustomed to molest others then to be molested themselues and when they shall see themselues overwhelmed as it were with an innumeration of braue Souldiers and Captaines they will grow wonderfully astonied even as that change of fortunes countenance is a terrible spectacle to those to whom this sight is unusuall for by that meanes Greece which was sometimes Empresse of the whole East fell suddenly into other mens hands who of an Assaylant became assayled And lastly though nature get thus much in behalfe of them that England be well furnished with Armes men victuals and ships and whatsoever else
is necessary for the warres yet say I all this is nothing when the quality and condition is wanting which giveth form and essence to all enterprises which is mony which the Kingdom of England no lesse through the scarcity of Revenues as by the charge of ordinary expences is brought unto which they shall never be able to recover by their Trades and Commerce if the use of the sea be taken from them and therfore will never be able to supply expence of a defensiue Army Royall when it hath scarcely enough to supply their own necessaries especially against so great and magnificent a Prince as your most Catholike Majestie who embraceth within the circuits of your Dominions the whole Diamemeter of the earthly Globe and possesseth more land at this day then all the Monarchs and Republiques of the world haue A most opulent Prince in Armes Men Mony Souldiers Captains Shippes Victuals and all other provision of warre and a Prince who like a Moderator or Arbitrator seemeth to hold in his hands the bridle of Empire both of the sea and land And wheras it may be objected that the Gallies which doe you no service in that expedition being vessels of great consequence in battels by sea your enterprise of Portugal and of the Iland if it did not quite remoue it yet did it much abate the superstitious credulity of ours that those Vessels are not good at any time to passe the Ocean withall as if there were no faire wether in that sea in the Summer or that fair weather were abortiue in shipping there is no doubt but that Gallies may securely passe and hazard themselues in that Sea in the Summe for three moneths And those that will object the contrary by the overthrow of the Sea there let them be contented to obserue well that the same Anchor met not with no inward but outward occasion in the sea of that overthrow For Caesar ignorantly could not discern the time of the Moon which was then in the full and being mistaken by reason of her 100 much humidity doth use to disturb not onely the Ocean but all the coasts and the dominion shee holdeth of the salt waters And therfore in respect of the great honesty and equity accompanying the cause with it so honourable and godly life as the planting the Christian faith and religion no obstacle can be sufficient to stay the force of divine power serving under the standerd of Christ and therfore most weake and but a shadow shall all humane helpe bee which shall oppose it selfe against the will of the great Arbitrator But such are the pretentions of your Majestie over this Kingdom and such the obligations wherin you stand bound for the recovery of your own the title of Grandfather and Predecessours of famous memorie as there is no enterprise so peculiar and proper for you to undertake as this for that you goe not onely to possesse your selfe of the right which you haue to this Kingdome but likewise to make your selfe the most famous King that ever was in the memory of all the Princes of the world adding by this meanes unto the Crowne of Spaine a Kingdom so illustrious so mightie and so famous By the relation of this Spanish project against this State of England most Illustrious Prince may well appeare unto your Highnesse that the Spaniard himselfe well knows that there is no way for the expectation of his further Greatness no great possession of the high Monarchy which he himselfe alledgeth that he already enjoyeth but the conquering of this I le and adding it to the Crown of Spain and therfore if he had any other meanes to attain to this by him so violently longed for then by a peace why should not your Majestie thinke that the peace hee meanes to make with you at this time is for that purpose and for no other intent And therfore my good Lord I cannot as one standing upon the firme land gaze upon the shipwrack of my Countrie being so doubtfully tossed and floting in the dangerous sea of dissention betwixt peace and warre with one that will make a peace with you for no other end and purpose but that hee may bee the better able to make warre heerafter against you But to cast out the last anchor hold of my selfe which is boldness and freeness of speech to you my most renouned Soveraign to prevent if I can these extreme and certain dangers wherein both your Selfe your States and glory of the English and Scottish names are likely to be plunged when the Spaniards ability shall be such as there shall bee no let but his good nature to insult over you which howsoever your Highness or others think contrary will in foure or fiue yeares if he enjoy his Indies be brought to passe Surely my gracious Soveraign I am of opinion against Phillip of Spain in the behalfe of my Countrie as that noble Common-wealths man Demosthenes against Phillip of Macedon in behalfe of the Athenians which no doubt hath much affinity with our case at this time For Phillip seeing whilst he had warre with Athens at which he principally aimed hee could never overcome the other Provinces of Thebeans Lacedemonians Thessaliars Phocians O intans and the rest and till they were overcome he could never get Athens began to take another course which was to bribe with mony and gifts Councellours or Orators of that State to be of his side and by that means to be secure from the forces of that Republique or Commonwealth till he had by one and one overcome the rest But good Demosthenes perceived him by and by and warned the Thebeans of that Treason but these traitors of Phillips Faction being grown great in the Citie by meanes of the bounty they had daily received for rewards of their treason as also the Athenians were then as we are now not willing to hear of any warres or change to be brought against them which alwaies these Traitors joyn with the multitude in assuring them that Phillip of Macedon meant them no harm was the onely cause that all the other Provinces aforenamed were overcome but also the noble and stately Citie by him and Antèpator his successour And therfore since that like examples whilst the world doth last will bring forth like effects I will be of Demosthenes minde if since we cannot shunne the warres with Spain either at this time or hereafter when he hath made himselfe more strong either by the conquest of his neighbours or otherwise that you should begin with him whilst you haue the advantage of him and then you shall by proofe finde how profitable it will be unto you when you must needs doe a thing to doe it with a courage and cheerfulness And forasmuch as there is no man of another minde but that we shall haue the King of Spaine by so much more our mighty enemy the greater Princes suffer him to be Oh why be we so backward or why linger you oh noble King the
this time is apparant by the Kings of Cheley who hath within this few yeares beaten down the Spaniard and wonne from them the Town of Impetial wherin was wont to be placed and maintained one of the greatest Garrisons of the South Sea and not onely razed it to the ground but likewise kild and driven the Castilians quite from them Even so upon the East and North part of the Indies both upon the Coast of Brazil with all the firm land upon the Indies from Parabia to Cartagene the gulfe of Vraba the gulfe of Mexico and all alongst the Coast of Bahana even to their Forts in Florida they are in continuall warres with the Kings and peoples of those lands And surely under your Highness pardon I am confident of this opinion that it hath been a main policy of the Kings of Spain for these many yeares to keep us in continuall warres one with another in these parts or if not to encourage us himselfe whereby being forced to look to our home defences wee might not haue meanes to discover these his invasions abroad wherby he puts a mask before all the Princes eyes of Europe And therfore since he is now laid open and by no Nation so much as by your Majesties subjects of this land I hope for the prevention of future mischeife against this State as for other honourable respects and prevailent Reasons in challenging of that which is your own or at least as much yours as his you will no bee unmindfull which doubtlesse will not tend onely to the enlightning of many soules which to this day haue sate in the shadow of death but likewise lay a ground as before said for the safety and preservation of your States Glorie Person and Posterity in despite of the Spanish treacheries in the time to come which otherwise by no meanes by the wit of mortall man can be prevented as upon my life by circumstances I will make apparant But least this field of reasoning whereinto I haue walked be too tedious unto your Highnesse I will briefly end referring my selfe to Argument with any one against this mischievous and poysonous peace with Spain which I doe see cannot but proue very fatall to your Majestie and Common-wealth And though I bee not called yet considering I am your subject I cannot forbeare in respect of my great and loyall affection to your Majestie the Prince with the rest of the noble Issue and my natiue Country I cannot but presume to speake of such things which I think now fit to be considered especially at this time even as Mercaâ—ie Gataâ—er Chancellour of Spain did against the peace that was concluded betwixt Francis the first and Charles the Emperour his Master for he seeing that the Emperour was disposed to make peace with the said King and to set him at liberty and that the Viceroy of Naples and all other the Lords of the Councell tended to the same and although he knew as I doe now that his counsell would not be accepted yet failed he not to speak what he thought but likewise refused being great Lord Chancellour of Spain to signe the Articles which he defended with most excellent reasons which reasons are well delivered and with much gravity of speech by Quiccardine in the oration of the said Gataner But this event made it known that the counsell of Gataner was most noble most just and grounded as well upon the high wisedome as great zeale to the loue and good of his Country For as soon as the King was at liberty all the Spaniards wonderfull hopes that they expected of this peace and all the French Kings great promises to them vanished into smoke according to the opinion of that worthy Gentleman And I know no reason most noble Soveraign that I being your subject as hee was the King of Spaines and loving you and my Country as much as ever he did his and hauing a subject of the same quality to fear as he did them although I may well say as much more danger to us by the Spanyards if our peace be not built upon a sure foundation then it could any way be unto them by the French But to speak my opinion make what Articles you will and let them bee guilded over with the fairest shew either they or those of their Faction if you haue any about you can devise unlesse these foure be granted on their part to you you can never make any sure peace with them or at least such a peace as if he haue the minde to breake he will haue the advantage of you And Phillip Comines saith That for the many conclusions that hee hath seen in his time in the affaires of State that it were inexcusable folly for a Prince if he were able for to prevent it to put himselfe under the power of another 1 That your subjects may haue free accesse to the Indies either to traffique or plant where the Spanyards haue neither conquest Seigniorie nor tribute 2 That he doe pull down all inquisition wheresoever your people shall resort in all his Dominions and that the Customes be reduced to an ancient order 3 That he shall never come with a main Army of Ships into these Seas under colour of chastising the Hollanders 4 That it shall be as lawfull for your subjects to serue the States in warres against them as it shall be to serue them against the States these things accorded your peace may be safe otherwise not A short view taken of Great Brittaine and Spaine HIs Majestie now is of more power then any his Predecessours First because our addition of dominion Ireland is reduced to a more absolute state of obedience and increase of revenue then heretofore The footing wee had in France was rather a greatnesse of trouble to us then of strength it was alwaies in division it held us alwaies in continuall fluxe of treasure and bloud we never attempted in the Front but that attempted us in the Rear which did both distract our Armies and aggravate our charge It is a Territory so separate from us by nature as we could not advantage upon it either for offence or reliefe without the accesse of difficulty and charge that a State must undergoe when it runnes the necessity of such an undertaking by sea where the warre was bent upon a great Continent a populous Nation a plentifull Countrey and intire in its selfe and that can be succoured without passing the Seas In these things we found such disadvantage as haue been the undoing of our Expeditions In stead of departure of this broken Dominion we had in France his Majestie hath brought another whole Kingdom to England undevided from us in seate from whence we haue these benefits The back dore that was open in the assistance of our enemies both to offend us and divert our attempts from them is now open to us and his Majestie hath the key of it it saveth us the mony and the men that we were forced to employ