Selected quad for the lemma: state_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
state_n	peace_n	province_n	unite_a	1,120	5	10.2827	5	false

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A96533	A three fold help to political observations contained in three discourses. Written by that learned and experienced gentleman, Sir Jsaac Wake. 1. The first concerning the thirteen cantons of the Helvetical League, or of the Switzers. 2. The second declaring the state of Italy, as it stood neer about the year 1625. 3. The third touching the proceedings of the King of Sweden in his wars in Germany. Published for the benefit of the diligent observer.	Wake, Isaac, Sir, 1580?-1632.	1655 (1655)	Wing W228; Thomason E1671_2; ESTC R208410	42,380	141

may agree in the ground of a Confession yet differences of opinions do prove conscientious in matter of divinity and opiniastretes in those who do every one of them abound in their own sence can never be reduced to temper much lesse to regularity especially there wanting a head on our side who might call an universal Councel and by coactive power inforce conformity unto what should be decreed by the major part of Princes I do not bring in the king of Poland into any part of our account because although it be wel known he doth stand affected yet it is certain that he hath onely voluntatem liberam potestatem ligatam at this present so that he can do no great hurt nor good There is an other circumstance which doth make against us namely that the present visible supportation of our cause doth lie upon the king of Swedens person onely whom none but God can secure from Assassinates and if he should miscarry we should be to seek whereas the Imperialists and Catholicks have more strings to their bow then one But in case God do protect him from treason intended and that he do give him farther victory he cannot but live with some little anxiety for fear lest the king of Denmark retaining the memory of old quarels should come behinde him and that the Duke of Saxony should fall from him and accommodate with the Emperour Agaiust these I have no graines of civil considerations to oppose but must hope that God who hath made choice of him to fight his battles will alwayes assist him from open and secret enemies and either by him or some other whom God himself will chuse will perfect the work that he hath begun If this model of the present state of affaires be just or doth come neer unto rectitude then in the same glasse which doth shew unto us the present face of things we way foresee what is likely to be the event as far as any thing may be conjectured de futuris contingentibus the certainty of which is known onely to God All that can be said in this subject must be reduced unto two heads namely the accommodation of all differences all amiable or the continuance of the war this being to be understood onely of Germany which Province at this present is the onely Sedes belli it is hard to say which of these two is the most likely to insue in the first place for although it may be granted that peace is desired on both sides yet the concluding thereof will prove a hard resultate first in regard of the proximity of the armies which can hardly be contained from enterschaking when they come to a reasonable distance secondly in regard of the dispersion of the armies which being divided in places far off cannot easily agree upon a surseance of armes universal if any such thing should be accorded in any one place Thirdly because neither the one party nor the other can long live en gros upon the Paisant and therefore they must es loigne themselves or dispute their bread with their swords Fourthly wee do not heare as yet of any Mediator neither can we know where to finde one that may be trusted of both parties for although the French king would perhaps derive unto himself that honour yet the animosity that he hath and doth still expresse against Spain and the house of Austria will hinder him from being trusted by them and the partiality that is discovered in him toward Bavaria and the Catholick League will make him suspected by us This office would stand best with his Majesty if he were not in a manner a party for although in this conjuncture he might interpose very opportunely betwixt the king of Sweden and the Austriaci yet Bavaria and the Catholick electors will hardly admit of him for what doth concern their interests the one in regard of the electorat Palatinate the others in regard of difference in religion The peace or truce in the low Countries will prove a knotty piece of work and without that the peace of Germany can hardly be concluded Again there is an other dfficulty in regard of a new war likely to begin in Italy which will cause the French to disturb the quiet of the Austriaci in Germany as much as they shall be able and to traverse likewise any Treaty with the low countryes Lastly the Duke of Lorain having now with Tilly the command of the Imperial or Catholick army it is likely that they will both incline to war the one to purchase the electorate of Brande-bourg which is promised unto him and the other to have his revenge for having been beaten All that can be said on the other side is that both parties may be so weary of the war that they may rather desire Peace upon any conditions then hazard new Battles which are journiaillers Secondly that the question of the Palatinate whereupon the quarrel is grounded may seem unto some of easy belief to approach near unto the point of accomodation considering that Spain hath undertaken to dispose the Emperour on the one side how reall I know not and that France doth seem willing to dispose Bavaria on the otherside to accommodate with us upon any reasonable conditions Lastly that the Abbate Scaglia having in his hands the negotiation of Peace or Truce with the States of the united Provinces it may be presumed that he may effect as much as father Ney did heretofore If these Landmarks be not mistaken we may conclude that in probability quoad hominem it is more likely that the war will continue then any Peace be agreed upon and therefore taking that for granted it will now be time for us to take into consideration quid agendum But before I enter upon that discourse I will in one word mrake quid non agendum namely that we be careful aboue all things not to break off any Treaties that are or may be set on foot for the accomodation of the Palatinate how captious and elusory so ever they may be it being good to keep them up as long as they do do not amuse us and that we do not trust unto them but put in lucro any benefit that may unexpectedly come by them and therefore it will be very necessary to dispose the king of Bohemia not to stir as yet nor to appear in person as he doth seem to intend for very good respects and considerations Secondly that to much passion be not expressed on our side in favour of the Queen mother or Monsieur un-until our present negotiations here be consummated which will be very shortly fait ou failli and that we may see more clearly how they will govern themselves towards the king of Sweden and Bavaria which will be a short work considering that their assisting of Bavaria will be a secourse of Pisa if it be not speedy and that both the king of Sweden and the States do call upon them now very instantly for

whom he hath ten children should run so violently the other way Herein there is a mystery ful of cunning malice and malicious cunning For shorly after the death of Prince Philibert of Savoy who died in Palermo the last Summer a will of his was produced wherein he did declare his sister of Modena haredem ex Asse and bequeath unto his eldest son the Principalities of Oneglia and Marro The Duke of Modena in vertue of this will did lay claime unto all that might be thought to appertain unto Prince Philibert and being opposed by the Duke of Savoy who did first first except against the will as not being authentical in regard that it was onely drawn by a Notary but never signed by Prince Philibert and secondly alledge that the son had no power to make a will during the life of his father and lastly that Oneglia and Maro had ben lately conferred upon the Prince by his father with expresse reservations of returning to the Ducal chamber of Savoy in case the Prince Philibert should die without lawful issue the Duke of Modena offended with this refusal did flee off from Savoy and cast himself into the arms of Spain whose invention it was to cast that bone betwixt those two houses of Savoy and Modena may easily appear by the rule of Cui bono The father having fallen off from Savoy his younger son Prince Luiggi di Este must needs fall off as soon as he could from the Venetians whereupon as soon as they had entertained the Count de la Tour for their General Prince Luiggi seeming to be offended therewith did ask leave to be gone and being taken at his word by these Sri who did not like that the father should serve the Spaniards and the son the league he retired to Modena about two moneths since Mantova FErdinand Gonlaga Duke of Mantova hath his house free from any dependency by obligation but as his controversies with Savoy did first inforce him to seek the protection of Spain so since by marrying a daughter of Florence and the marriage of his sister Eleonora with the Emperour he hath espoused a tacite but absolute dedevotion to the service of the house of Austria He is a Prince whose natural and intellectual parts are singular his moral good unfortunate in having no lawful issue for if he his brother Don Vincenlo die without heires male their Niece the princesse Maria daughter unto the late Duke Francesco and the Infanta Margarita of Savoy wil carry from their house the marquisate of Montferrat and a 100000. crowns revenue of Beni Allodiali upon the Mantovan His differences with Savoy will never be reconciled as long as the Spaniards have the upper hand in Italy for Beati Pacifici is not to be found in any Spanish Liturgie But in these present innovations he doth not yet appear for Montferret concentrating with Piemont and Mantova being surrounded with the dominions of Venice he hath onely voluntatem liberam but potestatem ligatam with the State of Venice he doth hold very good quarter and they do respect him as figlivolo di S. Marco Of Genova nothing shall be said untill it may appear what will become of them for as they are now either they must stand by the strength of Spain or bury the reputation of the Spaniards in the ruins of their City and State Venice THe Venetians did lay the first stone of this great building upon which all the present innovations in these parts are grounded for they did wisely foresee and earnestly remonstrate unto the French king and the Duke of Savoy the danger which the publick liberties would run if the dayly usurpations of the Spaniards and Austriaci were not timely prevented Hereupon the league was concluded at Lions ratified at Paris confirmed at Susa and executed first by the Marquis di Coruveres in the Valteline and since by the Duke of Savoy and the Constable d' Esdiguisere in the Genoesate Their proceedings in this businesse have been and are stil mixed with a constant temper of generosity and warinesse for they do not spare to assist and favour all that are contrary unto the Austrian party as doth appear by their assisting the states of the united Provinces their contributing to Mansfelt their sending of men mony and ammunition to the Marquis di Coevures their entertaining the Count de la Tour and their resolution to set upon the state of Milan when the Duke of Savoy and the Constable shall begin and yet they do very cauteloussy keep themselves to the letter of the league and therefore they will not take notice of Mansfelt until he may come so neer the Valteline that it may appear he was entertained by them onely for that end nor have any part in the enterprise of Genova although they do very well know that the weakening of the contrary party in any place doth conduce unto the end which they do aime at Good Chirurgians do not descend unto Cauteries but in cases of extremity it may be presumed of the wisdom of the state of Venice that they would never have disturbed the peace of Italy if they might have lived securely without innovation They are not ignorant that the remedy is little lesse dangerous then the disease but the disease being upon the point to grow incurable they were inforced to apply that remedy which onely could save them as things did stand then from present precipitating Of their constancy there is no doubt to be made for they do wel know that as they were the first that did raise this storm so they shall be the last whom the contrary party will forgive and they have a maxime in this state that Priti Spagnuoli non perdonano mai The correspondences of the State of Venice and at this present with Rome are onely formal with such Princes of Italy as depend upon Spain ceremonial with the French king and the Duke of Savoy real with all Princes and states opposit to the house of Austria cordial By sea in their own sea they are strong Upon Terra firma they have all their Cities well furnished and for the defensive they are in good state How they stand in matter of treasure is a secret but certainly omnes vias pecuniae norunt and they do spend as if they did not fear to want The Duke of Savoy CHarles Emmanuel Duke of Savoy with the Infanta Caterina did espouse the interests of Spain and he was truly constant in serving that Crown and observing that King until Philip the second making his peace with Henry the fourth did out of charity to himself exclude his son in law the Duke of Savoy as may be seen in the Treaty of Vervins Then did Henry the fourth lay claim to the Marquisate of Salulles which Savoy had usurped by the counsel of Spain and did retain upon hope of assistance which was secretly promised but not performed The Spaniards had obtained their end when by the taking of

we may say good night unlesse we will deceive our selves If the king prevail it is not so for he pretending nothing in Germany for himself but intending the repatriation of divers exiled princes and proscribed States they will not be able to subsist severally of themselves without him nor he be able to maintain his army if he do give every man is due and retain nothing unto himself which may inable him to maintain both himself and those whose protection he doth undertake Herein I do finde a great difficulty for if he do live wholy upon the Catholick Princes our civil disputes will terminate in a war of religion and if he do live upon the Protestants they will be as weary of him as they are now of the Emperour if he do exact from both he will be in short time equally odious to both who will see that they have changed Dominum non servitutem But if the Emperour do lose the day he will not be so far streightned for the reverent respect due unto his Imperial Crown wil alwayes keep in devotion to his service milions of souls who do detest the barbarous proceedings of his Ministers Secondly the hereditary possessions of thé house of Austria yeeld many men and are of great extension which none can take from them in good conscience Lastly the dominions of the king of Spain are very vast and his Treasure of such consideration that it is a ridiculous thing to think that he can want mony for although he doth somtimee turn banquerupt when it doth turn him to account yet he doth alwayes finde mony for his own occasions and he that hath mony shall never want men His Majesty hath sent the Marquis Hamilton with forces to the King of Sweden those are counterballanced by the troups which the Duke of Lorain hath conducted in service of the Emperour The states may perhaps assist the king of Sweden with considerable troups when they have nothing to do but it were better for him that they had something to do because the Infanta will send as many to the Emperour as they can send to him so that the ballance doth go equal at present but for the future we have this disadvantage that if we have this disadvantage that if we be once beaten a Plat cousture we shall be worse then before Prague and if the Emperour lose the day he will prove like Anteus and rise from the ground with new strength having a good pulse of his patrimony in the conservation whereof many are interessed The point most considerable is that of religion which we are like to fall upon although we are to avoid it like a rock If inevitable necessity do cast us upon that desperate coast we must make account that at this present in Germany there is much ground possessed by those who do declare themselves on our side and thus much enjoyed by our enemies declared as may be seen by a schedule apart which shall be annexed into this discourse If we do confine our selves unto Germany onely we shall get little by the bargain and if we do go out we shall lose more In Germany the Catholicks have this great advantage that they do in Spiritualibus all acknowledge the Pope and do agree among themselves in doctrine and discipline whereas we have nothing but the confession of Ausbourg which doth binde us with so loose a chain that the names of Calvinists Lutherans Hussits are still in esse and their and their hatred one against the other greater then of them all against the Catholicks If we do go out of upper Germany there is Great Brittany Denmark Sweden and the states of the united Provinces which do come short of France Spain and Italy who will be against us when we shall come to that point for although this Pope be contrary in affection to the house of Austria yet he must contribute what may lie in his power to the maintaining of the Catholicks and the like must be presumed both of the French King and of the Venetians and Duke of Savoy who do all wish an abasing of the Austriaci but will never endure the increase of our religion in any place where they can hinder it Spain and the other Princes of Italy may well be left out here because it is too well known how they do incline and if they could agree among themselves perhaps the Duke of Nivers and Mantova might be their General with his new order of Militia Christiana I have heard some say that we must trust to our selves and never expect any good from Catholicks the first I grant but I denie the second I will say those men are very wise that will demonstrate how Protestants thorowout Europe subsist without support of Catholicks but if we can be without them it is good because they are to us like a lake of Anecie which doth yeeld fish all the yeer but in lent as these may serve us at all times but when we have most need of them Here we may put into our scale those of the religion in France whose relicks are something numerous quantum ad individua but they are light grains and of no greater consideration since the integrity of their body hath been dissolved and broken their fortifications demolished and their leaders either seduced or exiled so so that nothing can be expected from them but the aid of some few voluntaries whose zeal may transport them to offer their service unto such as do or may appear in this cause and the prayers of the Churches and good wishes of all true Protestants There is yet another thing of greater consideration which doth make for us and that is the difference among Catholicks for civil respects which wil in part help to counterpoise the misunderstandings of our religionaries in Germany of which before I have spoken though France hath not hitherto so visibly aspired to an universal Monarchy as Spain is said to have done perhaps unjustly it is apparent that their perpetuall domestick brovilleries have hindered them from executing and perhaps from projecting any such vast designes But it is certain that either envy or emulation or reciprocal jealousie have bred such an Antipathy betwixt those two nations that though they are unwilling to break yet they will alway disagree unlesse the crucifying of our Saviour do reconcile Herod and Pilate This emulation of these two Crowns doth breed as great a distraction of the Catholick body in Europe as may be equivalent to the disunion of our body in Germany only herein they have the advantage of us that their quarels being purely civil are more accommodable of themselves and that they have the Pope for Padre communé unto whom they do willingly remit the arbitrement of their differences when they are both so weary of making war that they do not care upon what conditions any peace be made pro interim whereas our differences in matter of religion are more irreconcilable for although the parties