lowe countries Naples Millaâ—ne see that Spaine that hath so long tirannized ouer them is gladde after so many ouerthrowes disgraces and losses to make peace with England vpon equall termes and they will know that the Spanish are Hombros commo losotos and that it hath bin basenes in them all this while Seruitutem suam quotidié emere quotidié pasâ—â—â—e so as I conclude by such a peace the Spanish shuld loose all reputation of his Armes and honour of his greatnes and his countreyes would not be kept from reuolting lâ—y any possibility And therefore conuenienty cannot moue him to any peace with vs. That necessity or want of meanes shuld dâ—iue him to it I thinke it both improbable and impossible improbable that he that so lately assailed England Fraunce and the lowe countries at once hauing nowe brooken the bande of league and deuided Fraunce from the other two should thinke himselfe vnable to make warre with vs. Impossible that heè shouldé lâ—cke meanes Wants he treasure his Partido to pay his armie is made with the Genowaies for a great time to come And as his enterprises are his obtides to make his treasure tunne low so his Indian retouâ—nes are his floudes to fill the bankes againe Wantes he men why besides all his new allies he hath those forces that were imployed in Fraunce free to be vsed against vs. Wantes he ships he buildes euery day and may embarge in Spaine as many as he list and is now both combining himselfe with the Easterlinges and conspiring with them against vs Wantes he victuals besides the helpes he was woont to haue he shall now by the peace in Fraunce haue asmuch as hee list So as I conclude which way soeuer I turne my selfe I see no likelihood of his disposing himselfe to peace with vs and if no peace be to be had theÌ„ no treatie is to be entred into For from him by intertayning treatie we can draw nothing nor succour any body and he may make vs and our onely confederats so iealous one of the other as in striuiug to take the start we should striue who should lose them selues first But if I allow our peacemakers their assurance of peace let me see what is their purchase if they can make any peace with Spaine good for vs it must be by including our confederates in the low countries or excluding them but I suspect neyther of these can be good or safe for vs therfore I iudge they can make no good peace at all To include the low countries in our peace it is impossible except they acknowledge the king of Spaine or him that shall claime vnder him for their Soueraigne as the Duke of Burguâ—die which if they doe all thinges else which should giue power to the enemie and bringes slauerie vpon the Netherlandes and danger vpon will necessarily follow The reason is manifest for when the authoritie of the generall states and the present forme of gouernment of the vnited prouinces shall bee broaken and dissâ—lued a monarchie set vp and a prince acknowledged there shall nothing limit the princes absolutenesse but his owne will The strength of a contract cannot limit it for neither will he keepe faith with those whome he accounteth Heretiques and calleth rebels neither will they make any longer delay to betray themselues for prouince will striue with prouince towne with towne and man with man who shall be obsequious and shew themselues most seruile all care of defence neglected by minds bewitched with the name of peace all memorie of former tirannie blotted out of their heartes resolued to accept a Soueraigne Some will seeke for charge of souldiers some for magistracie in townes some for gathering of custome and handling of money some for offices of iustice some for benifices and spirituall liuinges all for trade into Spaine and into the Inides euery man for priuate gaine and no man for pubelique safetie The magistrates and gouernours cannot limit it for the chiefe men which now bare rule in martiall and ciuill gouernment will prouide by flight for their owne safetiz for if the braue Count Edmoundes bought his trust and confidence in his Maiestie with the price of his head what shall any lowe countrey subiect hope in when his many memorable seruices especially those two memorable battles of Graneline and S. Quintinâ— and his putting himselfe into the Spaniards handes could not ouerweigh the suspition of the combining with the reuolters what hope of future merit shall weigh downe the offence of those which haue by counsell or action maintained the state of the lowe countries against Spaines garrisons Nor troopes of souldiers cannot limit it for there will be nothing to pay them when any thing aboue the kings ordinarie is demanded of the people it will be answered is not he our enemie Why doe wee acknowledge him as our prince Is he our prince Why doe we stand out against him as against an enemie besides all low strangers besides and the enemie will oppresse vpon any sodaine by force for his meanes depend vpon himselfe the others vpon the will of a people that will be glad to spaie the purse when they see present wars and the enemies number will be farre greater then the States banish straungers on both sides yet the enemie shall be strengthened with espaniolized Netherlandes and the states defended but by such as shall take oathe to the enemie Stipulation of other princes cannot limit it for the state wil be oppressed on the suddaine when their helpes will come too late and those princes that were glad to make peace when the enemie was weake themselues vnited and the low countries flourishing will not begin a new quarrell when the enemies strength is recouered themselues deuided and the lowe countries lost Yet those that I haue named are the least assurances that either our peace makers can pro pound or the vnited prouinces receiue I wil adde further that as it is certaine no peace is to be had with the vnited prouinces except a Soueraigne be acknowledged so is it with out all doubt that there can be no peace concluded except popish religion be either vniuersally established or else freely exercised in the townes and prouinces where nowe it is banished Allowe the first that they banish Gods true seruice to bring in idolatrie the leaue truth to receiue faslhood they refuse the protection of the most merciful god in heauen to win the fauour of the most tirannical prince in the erth Allowe the second you bring in a pluralitie of religions which is no lesse crime and which is against the pollicie of all states because where there is not vnitie in the Church there can be no vnitie nor order in the state for as the mingling of poyson with wholesome liquor in one vessell doth not corrupt that which is Letheal but corrupteth that which is wholesome so the poysoned doctrine of these espaniolized Iesuites once brought in will quickly leaue no one professour in al the vnited
maintayne warre Of all forraine helpe they are vtterly destitute Fraunce makes no diuersion England can yeeld no succours and in all Christendome their is no other prince or state likely or able to back them Their owne meanes and abilitie grow either by the fruit of the earth or by traffique and merchandise for the fruites of the earth that meanes is like to be but small for the enemy being maister of the fields and able to deuide his forces into diuerse places will euery day eyther winne from them part of that they hould or at the least so infecte those partes that are already in the States obedience as except it bee in Holland or Zealand which the enimie cannot yet come vnto the husbandrie will bee ill followed and yealde little profitte And as for their meanes by traffique it is vnlikely that merchauntes that may remoue their dwellinge to peaceable places nere hande where they may haue safe and free trade will remayne in the Low Countreies which onely is in warre of all these partes of Christendome and if they keepe their dwelling yet will the Spaniarde without doubt banish them the trade into Spaine when both Fraunce and England and the Easterlinges shall supply him and will seeke both to banish and impeach them of other trade as much as hee can pretending that they are now the onely perturbeâ—s of the peace of Christendome So as I conclude when I thinke with myselfe what the gouernours of the state of the vnited prouinces are like to resolue what the people in generall will be like to desire howe hardly the multitude will be forced against their liking or the meanes of the Low Countries make them subsist to themselues I see nothing but danger that the enemie will shortly and suddély be master of all the country which how it importeth vs to preuent it hath bin before made plain I will now coÌ„sider what conditions we are like to haue for our selues so we wil forsake our confederats restitutioÌ„ of places we can not demand as Fraunce did for the enemie holds none of ours Reparation of damage we can as little seeke for for from him we haue sustained no losse And trade into the Indies our zealous peacemakers wil not stand for least the enemie offended wil grant no peace Trafâ—ique into Spaine and Portugall we shall haue and that is the onely condition that carries any shewe of aduantage to vs. But if we consider howe greedie our merchantes will be of such a trade at first and how easie it will be for a faith breaking enemie to confiscate all our countrimens goodes and to embarge and vse English shipping against England wee would not bragge to much of this aduantage But on the other side he will require alteration in our gouernment or in the execution of our lawes for matters of religion deliuering vp the townes her Maiestie hath in the Loue Countries and reparation of all the damages susteyned in the wars The first is a condition only for a conquerour to impose and vnfitte for a braue state that in all the wars heretofore hath had the better once to heare mentioned The second should neuer be asked of a Queene so iust as shee will not yeald vp the keyes of a countrey deliuered by her best confederates into the handes of her greatest enemies nor of a prince so wise as shee will not adde strength to him whose strength alreadie shee holdeth so much suspected nor inable him to inuade whose ambition and malice thirsteth after inuasion and conquest The third condition is vnpossiblè to be graunted for the losse the king of Spaine hath receiued in these wars amounteth to a greater summe then the treasure of al the kings in Christendome If It be asked how I knowe that these conditions will be demaunded I answere I learne Albertus mind of Albertus himselfe and the Spaniards conditions out of the instruction giuen to the Spanish commissioners If it be sayd though in the intercepted letters and instructions such conditions were to bee asked but neuer meant they should be insisted vpon I answere that in the instruction to the Spanish commissioners it is expresly set downe in the first and third condition the legaâ—e shall be pressed to vrge the French king to stand with them in obtayning them and for the second if the English commissioners doe cut of all hope of deliuering the townes that then the treatie shall instantly breake of which is as much as if he should say except England will giue vs the keyes of the Low Countries whereby we may reduce them and let vs haue the Port of Flushing in which our Galleys may winter and from which we may set out our fleete for the conquest of England whensoeuer we will breake wee will haue no peace with England at this time But if it be graunted that the Low Countries wil maintaine the wars alone and that Spaine will grant vs good conditions so we wil abandon the states how wil it appear that it is possible for vs betwixt these two to hold a neutralitie If we do not the vnited prouinces some fauour vnderhand at least by letting them be serued by such of our nation as will voluntarily offer themselues vnto them their state cannot be maintained nor they kept our friendes whom we suffer to perish On the other side if we doe them in this kinde or any other any fauour which shall keepe them from perishing we giue the Spaniard and the Archduke a newe quarrell and so make them of new become our enemies Besides her Maiestie hath bestowed in the action in the Low Countries at the least 4 millions of crownes and shee hath in pawne for the debt which the states oweÌ„ her the townes of Flushing and the Brill to reimburse that which is due and to maintaine the warres the states are vnable to deliuer the townes without reimbursement were vtterly to loose all the treasure spent and the authoritie and bridle which her Maiestie hath vpon that people which is one of the greatest securities of her state to keepe them especially Flushing and to remaine in new treatie in my vnderstanding seems altogether vnpossible for when the enemie shall see that neither by treatie nor offer of his large conditions the states will be wonne he will assayle them by force yea he will take that way which will bee shortest and easiest for the reduction of the whole which will be to bring his Galleys into the riuers and to transport men into the Ilandes for so by peircing into zeland he shall make his way into Holland and if hee haue once good sooting in these 2. prouinces he is straight master of the whole state If Flushing which is the onely bulwarke against the Ilandes and the Castle of Ramnekins which commaundeth the riuer of Stoad shall notimpeach nor offend the enemie he will carrie all the rost of the Iland of â—aterezen and so consequently all Zeland if after he is become her Maiesties friend
prouinces So that I conclude it were both folly and impietie for them to make any such peace or for vs to drawe them to it yea more folly in vs then euer was committed in any state For what will not the enemie be able to doe vpon vs when besides the forces he now hath he shall haue a countrey in his handes able to find him 60000. or 80000. souldiers 500. shippes of warre besides insinite numbers of transporting vessels and commodious Portes that are but a dayes sayling from the very heart of England But the low countries shall be giuen to the Infant shee marryed to the Archduke Albert and so that state deuided from the crowne of Spaine in a farte safer hand For the disuniting of them I answere the Infant is if the Prince of Spaine haue no children to be heire to her brother and her brother in like case to her and then are the states vnited the onely likelihood of their remayning seuered is if they both haue children and yet since none of that house doe marry farther of then cosen Germaines I see nâ—t why we shuld not suspect their coniunction by such a match But allowe them â—euered is not Albert sonne in lawe to the late king and brother in lawe to the presentâ— is he not to be backed by the force of Spaine and maintained by the purse of Spaineâ— will hee not serue the Spanish kings turne aswell to ioyne in warre against England as the Duke of Sauoy that marryed the other sister did in war against Fraunce Nay hath he not a suspected strengâ—â— of his owne by being brother to the present Emperor and in no vnlikely hope to bee Emperour himselfe hereafter 〈◊〉 Nay is not the Infant the person whose title to the croâ—â— of England Parsons so laboured to prooue Is not the lowe countries the rise by which hee must leape into England Is not such a peace as this in hande the meanes to assure her of all the Iowe Countries Is not the armie which is nowe vnder her newe husbande the force on which the enemie for his enterprize of England must set his rest yes yes this cohaerence is manifest and their designe clearely discouered And it is too plaine what is to be expected of our peace if we include the lowe countries Now let vs consider how good it may be if we abandon them I haue euer thought that such a peace might bee good for vs if they that perswade vnto it câ—â— prooue three thinges First that they of the lowe Countries will haue both will and strength to maintaine thâ— warre though we make peace and forsake them Secondly so we leaue them wee may haue good conditions 〈◊〉 our selues And thirdly that as our affaires nowe stand a neutralitie can be possible kept by vs while the vnited prouinces and the enemie are in warre In the will of 〈◊〉 Iowe Countries to continue warre and to refuse all conditions that the enemie shall offer I vnderstande the resolution and counsell of the gouernours of the state 〈◊〉 the conformitie of the people to such a resolution In tâ—â— strength I meane aswell the strength of the gouernours to force the people if they bee aduerse as the strength and sufficiencie of their meanes to endure so great and so sharpe a warre as will fall vppon them Of the chiefe gouernours resoluing there may be these doubtes that they shall be tempted by the enemies offers who if he can wil purchase the seuerally that he may reduce them vniuersally And that they shall be terrified with the danger of counsell for it soundes both harshly aforehand and is â—â—e to fal out vnsuccessinely at the first the enemie being so much maister of the fields as some place will be caried I know they doe pretend to be resolute one way and protest against giuing eare to treatie but that may be eyther to moue vs by example or to make vs to leaue pressing of them to a treatie or to seeme to hold out to the last that we may seeme rather to haue vndone them then they to vndoe themselues But if they vpon mature deliberation should chuse the continuance of the warres as the lesse of the two euils yet that they people will be like affected it is not probable for when a people that hath been long â—yted with the miserie of the war shall heare the pleasing name of peace when they that had two mightie Princes ioyned with them in a straight defensiue and offensiue league shall see themselues abandoned first by Fraunce and then by England when one the one side for the maintenance of the warres they shall haue newe and great contributions demaunded of them and one the other side they shall be offered all plausible conditions of peace nay when they shall see England by making peace get the trade of Spaine from them and they alone by standing out shall be barred of that Nauigation which hath made them so mightie in shipping and so encreased in wealth and riches what then the multitude is like to chuse is it not easie to iudge And if the people be not conformable of themselues how by the authoritie of the gouernours of the state which are called the generall states they may be forced I doe not see First because it is not an absoluteÌ„ and necessary but a limited and voluntarie obedience which they yeelde Secondly because the state hath not as the state of Rome had and the state of Venice hath one place that as the head doth commaund and direct all the partes of the body but is compounded of equal parts Zealand is as absolute as Holland Friseland as eyther of them yea not onely the least prouince but the least town holdes it selfe to haue a kinde of Soueraigntie and will haue as free a voyce as the greatest Thirdly because of the former manner of proceedinges which hath not byn to send commaundementes to binde but deputies to perswade not to resolue and conclude in the greatest causes in any one counsell or assembly but to sound and feele the disposition of euery prouince and so to winne them to like of that they haue deuised of And lâ—stly because that euen amongst themselues they are for the time generall states there is not like to be vnanimitie in opinion and then though they that dissent being sewe will not beare the enuie to stande in counsell against the greater parte yet it is easie for them when they come home to worke in the particular prouinces and townes such a distrust of that which shall be generally propounded to all as the resolution will sticke and the whole businesse bee ouerthrowne it being vnsafe for them to denie libertie of voyce to any such libertie being the true cause of their taking armes and standing out against the common enemie But admit both by the gouernours of state and people it were resolued that the low Countries alone should remaine in war how are their meanes or is their strength like to
TO MAISTER ANTHONIE BACON An Apologie of the Earle of Essex against those which fasly and maliciously taxe him to be the onely hinderer of the peace and quiet of his countrey HE that eythet thinketh he hath or wisheth to haue an excellent face no sooner is tolde of any spot or vncomelinesse in his countenance then he hieth â—o shewe himselfe too a glasse that the glasse may â—…w againe his true likenesse vnto him The same cutiâ—…ie mooues me that desires to haue a faire minde to â—…we a true face and state of my mind to my true friend â—…t he like a true glasse without iniurie or flatterie may 〈◊〉 me whether nature or accident haue set so foule a bleâ—…h in it as my accusers pretend I am charged that eyther in affection or opinion or â—…th I preferre warre before peace and so consequently â—…t all my counsailes actions and endeuours dâ—e tende keepe the state of England in continuall warre espeâ—…lly at this time when some say peace may be had and â—…ly impugne it But both my heart disclames so barâ—…ous an affection and my iudgement so absurd an opinion And that the reputation of a most faithfull subiect 〈◊〉 zealous patriot which with the hazard of my life and â—…ay of my estate I haue sought to purchase must not â—…o vgly and odious aspersion that mine actions haue caused maintained or increased the wars or had euer any such scope or intent First for mine affection in nature it was indifferent to books or to armes and was more â—nâ—â—amed with the loue of knowledge then with the loue 〈◊〉 fame witnes your rarely qualified brother and that 〈◊〉 learned and truly honest maister Sauill yea my contemplatiue retirednesse in Wales and my bookishnesse frâ—â— my very childhoode And nowe if time reason and experience haue taught me to wish that to my self which is beâ—â— for my self what would I not wish rather then martial imploimeÌ„ts In which I haue impaired my estate lost my deâ—â— and onely brother the halfe arch of mine house buried many of my dearest and nearest friendes and subiected my selfe to the rage of the seas violence of tempestes infections of generall plagues famines and all kinde of wantes discontentment of vndisciplined and vnruly multitudes and acceptations of euentes while I did not only leaue my known enemies elbow roome to seek their oâ—â— and their friends aduancemnts but was faine sometimes vpon trust of their protestations after new reconcilemenâ—â— to make them the receiuers censurers and answerers 〈◊〉 all my dispatches And as mine affection neither in truâ—â— is nor if I regard my selfe in reason ought to be set vpon those courses of the warres So in my iudgement I haue euer thought wars the diseases and sicknesses and peaâ—â— the true naturall and healthfull temper for all estates I haue thought excellent mindes should come to the waâ—â— as surgions do to their cures wheÌ„ no easie or ordinary yâ—â— no other remedie will serue Or as men in particular questions are allowed to challenge combate when their is no way but by the sword to proue the truth of their plea and to obtaine their detained right yea I will goe one degreâ— further I thinke that Prince or state offends asmuch against iustice and against reason that omitteth a faire occasion of an Hon and safe peace as they which rashly and causelesly moue an vniust warre These principles sâ—â—â—ing made mee conclude this generall Thesis common to all estates that peace is to be preferred before warre I will come to an Hipothesis proper to the state of England wher most part of the wealth of the land and reuenewes of the crowne growe by traffique and intercourse and whereas almost all traffique is interrupted by the warres where state in largenesse of territorie and wealth which is the sinewes of warre is inferiour to that of the enemie where besides all forraine warres there is yet besides a great fire of rebellion vnquenched where associats in warre giue ouer the quarrell neigbours are suspected neutrals and shew ill affection and the people themselues growe weary of the chardge and miserie of warres there of all places peace should be imbraced if it be offered and sought for by honourable and fit meanes if it may be accomplished But though warres bee diseases yet I thinke it better to suffer some sicknesse then to venture vppon euery medicine But to trust an enemies faith when his perfidie shal vndoe or extremely indanger vs and infinitely aduantage himselfe were Medicum haeredem â—acere It is no cure to bring a state from a doubtfull war to an vnsafe treatie It is no more then to put a feuerous bodie out of a hotte fit into a colde To conclude as an vnskilfull Phisition may by weakening a naturall bodie with his medicines bring it from tertian or quartan feuer into an hectique so an vnprouident statesman may with conditions or treatie so disarme a state of the friendes reputation and the strength it hath as the cure will proue farre worse theâ— the disease Therefore it is not the name of warre or peace but the circumstances or conditions of eyther of them that should make vs flee the one and imbrace the other Now what are the circumstances of our warre or peace with Spaine it shall appeare in his proper place in the treatise following But eâ—re I pà sse further least this profession of my disposition and affection too warre or peace be challenged to be but a faire pretence and these rules which I auowi to holde in iudgement be compared to the doctrine of some diuines of our time farthest of all from their practise I haue thought good to answere some obiections of my deâ—ractors who will say mine entring into the action of the low countreyes ere I was out of pupill age my putting myselfe into the iourney of Portugall without chardge or licence my procuring myselfe the conducting of her Maiesties succours to the Frenche king in the yeare 91. my Sea iourneies these twoo last sommers wherein booth myselfe and my friendes ventured deepely of our owne priuate meanes my neare friendshippe with the chiefe menne of action and generall affection to the men of warre of our nation And lastly my opposing myself against the treatie of peace at this time when others perswade vnto it That all these I say are argumentes that I wish not peace but delight in warre But for my going into the lowe countries if neyther the company of my father in lawe the Honourable chardge of the general of the horse in a faire armie when I was but 19. yeares old then taking the start of those of mine owne ranckes when I sawe the state of England not onely disposed to great actions but ingaged in them If these reasons were not sufficient to warrant my course yet consider what choice I had or what else could I haue done with myselfe In the court I had small grace and few friends In mine own house in the country I had not
concluded this shewes that he meaneth to treate But remember howe heretofore the Spanish kings Lieuetenant and other ministers haue pretended commission when they had none yea haue drawne vs to treatie before they had there power from Spaine to conclude Remember also howe that king hath sent a commission from Spaine to bee openly shewed that treatie might be entertained when it is notorious to the world he neuer meant to conclude any peace witnesse of all this the Duke of Parma his want of commission when by his letters he drew my Lord of Darbie Cobham and other commissioners to the treatie of Berborch And afterwardes that comming of a commission when their great Nauie did presently appeare vpon our coastes for the conquest of England But doe they offer to treate and meane no peace What is then their meaning If you will haue me to interprete I will tell you Their first maine attempt against England was in 88. from that time to this present is full tenne yeares the iust time of the siege of Troy Anâ— now they see open force cannot preuaile they in shewe retire and giue ouer armes but they haue prepared a Sinons horse which cannot enter if we â—ast not downe our walles But because we are thought more credulous then the Troâ—an were the bare letter of a base beggerly traiterous fugitiue assuring vs that good faith is meant is the vttermost stratagem they vse to deceiue vs with but though some beleeue it yet I say Timeâ— Danâ—â—s dona serentes If they appeale from my expositioÌ„ let their actions expound themselues will they charge vs at Berborch with fayling to agree to peace or wil they haue vs to allow that the Duke of Medina came with that huge fleete and armie onely to be witnesse to the contract Oâ— if they had rather their owne woâ—ds should expound their meaning then their actions Here Emanuell Lewes the Portugal that brought Lopuâ— and Stephano Ferrara assurance of the 50000. Crownes to be paid so soone as their diuelish conspiracy against the life of our precious soueraigne should tâ—ke effect heare him I say who at his arraignement in Guild hall London coÌ„fessed at the bar that in their Cipher and Targon when they wrote of peace they intended the murther and death of her Maiestie Or if the peace must not be condemned to be insidious but vnder two witnesses here also Anthonie Rowles nowe prisoner in the tower of London who comming hither out of Spainâ— with a pretence of making a nouerture of peace and for better colour bringing letters to her Maiestie to your self and me from Teswell the Iesuite to that end confessed vpon his examination taken by maister Secretarie and my selfe that his true etrand giuen him by some of the king of Spaines chiefest ministers was to discouer the state of our preparations to assure the Papistes of England that they might shortly expect their deliuerance to win some counsellors about her Maiestie or noblemen in this kingdome to fauour their case and to offer me from the Spanish king what euer portion or summe of money I would desire so as I would be wonne to take their part Nowe iudge worthy maister Bacon out of the clearenesse of your owne iudgement how I should vnderstand their offer and speach of peace and thinke â—ut of the worthineâ— of your owne heart what peace my heart could take with them that haue attempted to conquer my countrey practized to murder my Soueraigne and sought out me aâ— a fitte man to be tempted to betray both my Queene and countrey But if God had not put me backe and arrested by contrary winds this last sommer I should haue taught that proud king what effect his offers had wrought in me And that the longer the will of God and my Soueraigne doe restraine me with the greater interest I hope to pay him in the ende But our peacemakers may alleadge that times are chaunged and with the times the humours of princes and affaires do commonly chaunge So although heretofore their were no trust to be giuen to the enemies word or faire shewes yet now his humour or the consideration of his owne affaires may dispose him to make peace For my part erel can beleeue that he is of a peace able humour I must know how his ambitious and reuengfull humours are satisfied and quenched Satisfied they cannot be for he hath receiued ouerthrowe in encounters ill successe in all attemptes and losse and scorne in all the warre hâ— hath had with our Maiestie Quenched they are not like to be for if apprehension of death would haue quenched them he would not the last yeare when he came newly out of that traunce which was thought would had been his dead sound had asked the first worde that he spake whether the Adelaniado were gone for England Or if remorse of conscience would haue quenched them he would not in his deuotions being at masse haue vowed to be reuenged on England though he sould all the candlestickes vpon the altar before him Of the first of these speaches my selfe and some of my fellow commissioners haue seene very credible aduertisement out of Spaine And the second was deliuered both to you and to me by the mouth of a principall Iesulte newly come out of Spaine But we may well conclude that his humour is not like to be chaunged for he will neuer thinke he hath sufficient parte of the earth till his mouth â—e full of earth And some of his ghostly fathers the Iesuites will as well perswade that the inuasion of other princes kingdomes is a worke of pietie as they doe teach desperate conspirators that to murder princes is the way to heauen And if he should die to morrow his sonnes bloud is hotter and his humour of ambition is like to be greater he hath bin breede in domo Regnatriâ—i and his minde shewes to be already swollen veteri atque insita Austriacae samiliae superbia So as in their peaceable humours there being no hope let vs see what is the present state of their affaites Princes and states when they do enter into consideration of their owne affaires may dispose themselues to peace for vtilitie conueniencie or necessitie For vtilitie if they can get aduautage For conueniencie if peace be sittest to conserue them in the state they are For necessitie when they haue no longer meanes to make warre That it is like the king of Spaine will make peace with vs because he shall get aduantage our peacemakers will not agree and if they doe it is their owne fault if we fall into the pitte which they shew vs so plainely That he should not be inclined to peace with England for conueniencie if neither aduantage intice him nor necessiue inforce him I reason thus All states doe stand as much by reputation aâ— by strength especially where there dominions are deuided farre and where a fewe of one nation giue the law to great multitudes of many Now let the Indies the
he be vsed as an enemie by that places she holdes the peace is broaken but though it were proued neuer so fully that the peace which we might haue if we may haue any at all is full of dangers incoÌ„ueniences yet som are so zelous of it that they will say it is the misery of our state that we neither haue a good peace nor a good warre and of the two euils it is better to haue a practised peace then an insupportable warre But iniurious are these to the men of warre that fight for them and defend them in thinking our Armes which haue euer done honour to our countrey stricken terrour to the heartes of our enemies lesse able to defend our countrey then their treaties which haue neuer beene free from scorne and disaduantage Iniurious are they to the countrey which bredde them which being one of the brauest strongest and happiest states of Christ endome is iudged by these men as weak as their owne weake hearts Iniurious they are to her Maiestie who hath ruled them who being so great so glorious so victorious a Queene shall be iudged vnable to maintaine warre when she cannot haue peace but at the pleasure of her enemie Iniurious and moste vnthankfull to God himselfe are they that hitherto fought for them in that for an vnsase peace with an Idolatrous and irreligious nation they would leaue an honourable and iust warre when they haue done all that they can it the enemie will not conclude peace we must haue warre And shall not reasonable men then aswell be perswaded by necessitie of reason as by necessity of fortune But wherein doe they find such insufficienciâ— to maintayne the warres our Nauy as also that of the confederats was neuer stronger nor the enemy in shipping halfe so weake our nation generally was neuer so martiall nor neuer had so many able leaders Our confederates in the Low Counteies who being firmely knit vnto vs are of more vse then all the friendes in Christendome that euer we had or can haue they I say were neuer more resolute Fraunce hath left vs we are cased of many chardges and shall make warre in fewer places Ireland is chargeable that charge may wel be borne when it is almost the sole burthen that lieth vpon vs yet if there be any weakenes in our meanes to make warre it is in our treasure But if it be considered howe for this present yeare Spaine hath no abilitie to assayle vs howe the next yeare the yearely subsidies will beginne to be paid how in Fraunce we haue an end of all chardges and are to receiue reinbursement of that is due how in the Low Countries her Maiesties expence may alsocease and shee receiue some helpe towardes her other chardges yea though her Maiesties treasure be drawne deepe into and the poore husbandmen by these late hard yeres hath now scant means to liue yet if our sumptuous buildings surfeiting dyet our prodigalitie in garmentes our infinite plate and costly furniture of houses be considered England cannot bee thought to be poore Can we exceed all nations in Christendome in expencefull vanities and can we not arme our selues against one nation which we haue alwaies beaten for our necessary defence was Rome so braue a state as the very Ladies to supply the common treasure to maintaine the warres spoyled themselues of their iewels and rich ornamentes And is England so base a state that the men in it wil not bestow some of their supersluous expences to keepe themselues from conquest and slauerie did the kinges and religious people of the old Testament to maintaine the warres against the enemies of God sell the ornamentes of the Temple and thinges consecrated to holy vses and shall not we which haue as holy a warre spare those thinges which we haue dedicated to our idle and sensuall pleasures and could our nation in those former gâ—llant ages when our countrey was farre poorer then it is now leauie armes make warre archieue great conquests in Fraunce make our powerful arms known as farre as the holy land and is this such a degenerate age as we shall not be able to defend England no no there is some seede yet left of the auncient vertue Remember with what spirit and alacrity the Gentlemen of England haue put themselues into our late actions There will euer be found some Valerij that so the state may stand and flourish care not though they leaue not where with all to bury themselues though other bury their money not caring what case they leaue the state We haue thankes be to God a Queene who neuer hath beene wastfull in her priuate expences yet will sell her plate and iewels in the tower ere her people shall be vndefended We are a people that will turne our silken coates into iron iackets and our siluer plate to coates of plate rather then our Soueraigne shall be vnserued but why should eyther prniceor people be put to that extremity If her Maiestie will but bestow 60000 pound a yeare which the Low Countries doe cost her and 20000. pound a yeare which the States doe offer her and 20000 pound more which I doubt not may be drawn by way of reimbursement from the French king this 100000. pound a yeare with halfe as much more bestowed by the States who to engage her Maiestie in mainteinance of the warre will neuer shrinke for their portion this summe I say of a 100000. pound put into the handes of an honest and sufficient treasurer for the wars and to bee issued by warrant of a counsell of warre well chosen will fully and sufficiently maintaine the war with Spaine yea if this be doubted it shall be made plaine that with 250000. such a force shall be maintained that her Maiestie hauing a conuenient number of her ships and furnishing them as she yearly doth the enemie shall bring no fleete into the Seas for England Ireland and the 〈◊〉 Countries but it shall be beaten nor seeke to gather any in Spaine but the partes of it shall be defeated before the whole be assembled yea those seruices shall be done vpon the enimy that the poorest Prince and state in Christendome shall haue little cause to feare his malice But of this question whether we should think the peace good for vs which the peacemakers wil procure I haue stood long innough I come now to the last question of all whether they doe enter into the treatie of it with due circumstances My purpose is not to deale with complementall circumstances or the Pantilios of honour though I iudge them in their proper time and place worthy of good consideration but the materiall circumstances which any prince or state should waigh before they enter into treatie I iudge to be these The time of treating whether it yeald most aduantage for peace or warre The persons of the treators whether or no the enemy with whom we treate may make aduantage by pretence if nothing be concluded The assurance of the
treatie or strength of the knette which is tyed and the state and condition wee are like to be in whensoeuer it breakes and disâ—â—olues The onely reason which they that would haue peace do vse to proue that this season is fittest and yealds most aduantage for peace is that now the king of Spaine is so weake and poore that he will be brought to that which he neyther would heretofore nor will hereafter euer agree vnto Therefore say they this is the onely time for peace but sure except they were better Logicians or could frame better arguments I would scarse wish them to be trusted with arguing for a treatie The conclusion is directly contradictory to their owne proposition for is he now vnablest of all times to encounter vs in warre then is this of all times the fittest season to make warre Is this the season he chuseth to recouer himselfe by peace then of all times peace now should least be granted Now now is the fittest time to make warre vpon the Spaniard his losses are not recouered his coffers are not filled his fleete not made his Sea prouisions not supplied his Indies not quiet his sonne in law in new Soueraignty not setled But her Maiesties late batteries haue made way to her greater and higher attemptes Terror accompanies the powerfulnesse of her Armies feare possesseth the heartes of her enimies and God himselfe by the successe hath iudged her cause All the world hath seene what hath happened and the actions past The common conclusion is Victrix causa quia dijs placuit So on the other side now of all times is the vnfittest season to make peace when the state of our best confederates is so vndetermined by practise threatned by force and sollicited to their owne vndoing by forrayne princes as exceptâ— wee both incourage them and cleaue fast to them their ruine is at hand Now it is no time to make peace with the chiefe enimy of our religion when a conspiracy is in hand against all the professors of it The newes is too rise and too credible that this vndertaking Pope after his victories so glorious in Ferrara and his powerfull reconciling of two great kinges in the heate of so greate a war that now he will not leaue till he make a generall league against all such as doe not or will not acknowledge the omnipotency of his Bulles Now if we shew our selues so weake that wee follow not the aduantage we haue wee shall hereafter be thought so weak as we may haue any condicions bee inforced vpon vs Now if we refuse the condicions which our friendes will offer to purchase in our constancy wee must resolue hereafter to take such condicious as the enimy will giue though it bee to our losse But if wee will needes slatter ourselues that our agreeing to peace when the enimy desires it can make any sounde and durable league betwixt vs wee shall vndoubtedly finde when it is too late to say Inter victos victoresque nunquam solida fides coaliscit And vnto the circumstance of time the circumstance of persons and it will appeare that the pretence and beginuing to treate of peace without concluding is like to be very gainefull to the enemie and preiudiciall to vs for if he which now is not able to guard his Indian fleete may but while we are talking haue one or two returnes in safetie if he which neuer feeles the strength of England and the Low Countries as they are vnited can for the present seuer them in counsell and affoction as he may here after more easily deuide them in partes If he that neuer wantes mallice but now wantes strength can sing vs a sâ—eepe with the name of peace till hee may rouse vs from sleepe by a thundering warre his gaine and our losse by this bare pretence will quickly appeare Then for assuring wee giue the enimy as good as he can desire in forbearing him when hee is weakest and letting goe our aduantage when it is greatest wee shew that nothing can draw vs to warre if wee may haue peace On the other side if a nation that yet neuer treated with vs but to deceiue vs and thinkes our religion but heresie our church schismaticall our Queene excommunicated so as by their owne principles they are neither to keepe faith with vs nor let vs receiue good by a contract with them what assurance I say can wee haue of such an enemie and in such a bargaine First to deceiue vs and serue their owne turne by making peace and then breaking of it they hold it no fault Next if they did purpose to keepe it the Popes dispensation would take it away And lastly if the Spaniard will keepe a shewe of good forme and not voluntarily breake faith when his turne is serued the Pope may to chardge him to breake with vs as conscience and obedience shal couer his malice and peâ—fidiousnesse Last of all let vs consider what our state and condition is like to be whensoeuer that running knot or vnsure contract doth breake or dissolue Are wee the breakers that say that we discouer how grossely wee haue beene cosened and howe farre the enemies proud and mischieuous designes are aduanced doth the enemy breake it then thinke that his iniuries to our state are all made vp And when he makes them play he will quickly after giue the assault his fleete that now is weake shal be supplyed but with those Gallions he buildes and with all the good ships of Christendome that will be bought or hired his coffers that now are emptyed wil be so full of treasure as he will be â—ble not onely to trouble kingdomes by warre but also to purchase them with money his ministers and best instrumentes for practise that dare not venture themselues to come ouer shall then haue free accesse and our hollow hearted malecontents if we haue any that now want traffique will be then ready and confident to intertaine any practise the Low Countries that now are his strong enemies either vniuersally by treatie or in part by conquest shall be reduced to bee his obedient subiects our victories wil be forgotten these men of warre we haue shall either be driuen to seeke new countries and new fortunes or to be consumed in a miserable beggerly Irish war our nation generally grow vnwarlicke in loue with the name and bewitched with the delight of peace and the Spaniard courage will bee recouered togither with their strength which is the naturall roote of all confidence These these worthy Maister Bacon are my apprehensions and doubtes that make mee afrayd to treate Let this bee answered cleared and resolued or let any man shew me how we shall haue an honourable safe and stable peace and i will imbrace both it and him with both mine arms But till then I say Iustissimum ijâ— bellum quibus necessarium copia arma quibus nulla nifi in armis spes est FINIS La. Rich to her Maiestie in the behalfe of the