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A64847 The commentaries of Sr. Francis Vere being diverse pieces of service, wherein he had command / written by himself in way of commentary ; published by William Dillingham ... Vere, Francis, Sir, 1560-1609.; Dillingham, William, 1617?-1689.; Dorislaus, Isaac, 1595-1649.; Ogle, John, Sir, 1569-1640. 1657 (1657) Wing V240; ESTC R219854 108,031 242

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manner would talk and question with me concerning the late journey and though it pleased her alwayes to give credit to the reports I made which I never blemished with falshood for any respect whatsoever yet I thought this forbearance to see my Lord would make my speech work more effectually So soon then as I was able to go abroad I went to the Court which was then at Whitehall and because I would use no bodies help to give me accesse to her Majesty as also that I desired to be heard more publickly I resolved to shew my self to her Majesty when she came into the garden where so soon as she set her gracious eye upon me she called me to her and questioned with me concerning the journey seeming greatly incensed against my Lord of Essex laying the whole blame of the evil successe of the journey on his Lordship both for the not burning and spoiling of the fleet at Faroll and missing the Indian fleet Wherein with the truth I boldly justified his Lordship with such earnestnesse that my voice growing shrill the standers by which were many might hear for her Majesty then walked laying the blame freely upon them that deserved it And some there present being called to confront me were forced to confesse the contrary of that they had delivered to her Majesty insomuch that I answered all objections against the Earl wherewith her Majesty well quieted and satisfied sate her down in the end of the walk and calling me to her fell into more particular discourse of his Lordships humours and ambition all which she pleased then to construe so graciously that before she left me she fell into much commendation of him who very shortly after came to the Court This office I performed to his Lordship to the grieving and bitter incensing of the contrary party against me when notwithstanding I had discovered as is aforesaid in my recuilment his Lordships coldnesse of affection to me and had plainly told my Lord himself mine own resolution in which I still persisted not to follow his Lordship any more in the warres yet to make as full return as I could for the good favour the world supposed his Lordship bare me fearing more to incurre the opinion of ingratitude then the malice of any enemies how great soever which the delivery of truth could procure me The Government of the BRIELL I Stayed the winter following in England in which time my Lord Sheffeild making resignation of his Government of the Briell into her Majesties hands I was advised and encouraged by my good friends to make means to her Majesty for that charge which it was long before I could hearken unto having no friends to relie on For as I had good cause to doubt my Lord of Essex would not further me in that suit so I was as loth to have any thing by his means in the terms I then stood in with his Lordship mush lesse by any other persons that were known his opposers Being still urged to undertake the suit I began at length to take some better liking of it and to guesse there was some further meaning in it and therefore I answered that if I were assured that Master Secretary would not crosse me I would undertake the matter whereof having some hope given me I took occasion one day in the chamber of presence to tell his Lordship as much who answered me that as he would be no mover or recommender of suits for me or any other so he would not crosse me I desired his Lordship of no further favour then might be lookt for from a man in his place for publick respects And hereupon I resolved to have her Majesty moved which Sir Fulk Grevill performed effectually her Majesty as her manner was fell to objecting That I served the States and that those two charges could not well stand together My Lord of Essex was before this gone from Court discontented because of the difficulty he found in obtaining the Earl-Marshalship of England I went therefore to Wanstead to his Lordship in good manners to acquaint him with what I had done who rather discouraged me then otherwise in the pursuit Notwithstanding I waited and followed my businesse hard and one evening in the garden moved her Majesty my self who alleadging as before she had done to Sir Fulk Grevill That it could not stand with her service that both those places should go together I told her Majesty that I was willing if there were no remedy rather to forsake the States service then misse the place I was a suiter to her Majesty for in hers and so for that time her Majesty left me without any discouragement The Earl of Sussex was my onely competitour and for him my Lord North professed to stand earnestly who as soon as I was risen from my knees told me that such places as I was now a suiter for were wonted to be granted onely to Noblemen I answered there were none ennobled but by the favour of the Prince and the same way I took About this time her Majesty being in hand with the States to make a transaction from the old treaty to the new in which the States were to take upon them the payment to her Majesty yearly so much monie as would pay the ordinary Garrison of the cautionary towns it fell in deliberation what numbers were competent for the guard of the said towns wherein before my Lords would resolve they were pleased to call before them my Lord Sidney and my self to hear our opinions addressing their speech concerning the Briell to me whereunto I made such answer as I thought fit not partially as one that pretended to have interest in that Government but as I thought meet for her Majesties service And hereupon Master Secretary took occasion merrily to say to my Lords that they might see what difference there was betwixt the care of Sir Francis Vere a neutrall man and that of my Lord Sidney that spake for his own Government but saith his Lordship he will repent it when he is Governour and then told their Lordships I was suiter for the place and that I should have for it his best furtherance My Lords gave a very favourable applause to Master Secretaries resolution and severally blamed me that I had not acquainted them with my suite and taken the furtherance they willingly would have given me It is true I never made any body acquainted with my suit but Sir Fulk Grevill and Master Secretary From thence forward I addressed my self more freely to Master Secretary and conceived by his fashion an assurance of good issue though I had not a finall dispatch in two moneths after In the mean time my Lord Sidney and my Lord Gray were labouring to succeed me in the States service my Lord of Essex had promised his assistance to my Lord Sidney insomuch as when I told him at his coming to the Court in what forwardnesse I was for the Briell and danger to lose my other
which we did about fourteen dayes after the taking of it I got there three prisoners worth ten thousand ducats one of which was a Church-man and president of the contractation of the Indies The other two were ancient Knights called Don Pedro de Herera and Don Gieronymo de Auallos In the mean time vvhether of designe and set purpose or negligence the Indian fleet being left unseized on by those vvho had undertaken it some of the prisoners of the tovvn dealt with the Generalls to have those ships their lading set at ransome vvhereupon they had vvith the Generalls conference diverse times till the said ships were set on fire by the Spaniards themselves in which was lost by their own confession to the worth of twelve millions of merchandise The troops being imbarqued the Generalls met and consulted upon their next exploit it was long insisted on to put to sea and lie to intercept the West-Indian fleet which commonly at that time of the yeare arriveth upon the coast of Spain But the scarcenesse of our victuals overthrew that purpose and resolution was taken to sail towards England and on our way to visit the ports of that Coast and so spoil and destroy the shipping And so first we made towards Faroll a good town and Bishops-see of Portingall to which by water there was no safe entrance for our shipping the town lying better then a league from the sea served with a narrow creek through a low and marish bottome For the destroying of such shipping as might be in this creek as also for the wasting the Countrey adjoyning and the town it self which though it were great and populous was unfensed with walls it was thought meet to land the forces in a Bay some three leagues distant from the town and so to march thither which was done the town forsaken by the inhabitants taken by us our men sent into the Countrey brought good store of provisions for the refreshing of the army the artillery we found conveyed into our ships we after five or six dayes stay returned to our ships the way we came The regiments embattelled and marching at large in a triple front in right good order which was so much the more strange and commendable the men for the most part being new and once ranged having little further help of directions from the high officers which were all unmounted and for the great heat not able to perform on foot the ordinary service in such cases belonging to their charges The troops imbarqued we made towards the Groyne and looked into the Bay but the wind blowing from the sea it was thought dangerous to put in and therefore victuals dayly growing more scant so that in some ships there was already extream want it was resolved to hasten to our Coast and so about the midst of August we arrived in the Dovvns near Sandwich my Lord of Essex having taken land in the West parts to be with more speed at the Court left order with me for the dissolving the land-forces and shipping and sending back of the English forces into the Low-countreys At this parting there arose much strife betwixt the mariners and the souldiers about the dividing of the spoil for the mariners envying and repining at the souldiers who as it fell out had gotten most purloyned and detained their chests and packs of baggage perforce in so much as to satisfie the souldiers I went aboard my Lord Admirall to desire his Lordship of redresse who promised to take order therein but some other principall officers of the fleet shewing themselves more partiall asked me whether the poore mariners should have nothing to which I answered there was no reason they should pill the poore souldiers who had fought and ventured for that little they had and that the mariners hope having so rich a booty as the Indian fleet at their mercy was more to be desired then the trash the landmen had gotten so as they had none to blame for their povertie but their officers and their bad fortune this answer was taken to the heart and is not forgotten to this houre of which I feel the smart The troops dissolved I went to Court and there attended the most part of that winter The Island voiage IN the yeare of our Lord one thousand five hundred ninetie seven being the next yeare after the journey of Calis another journey was made by the Earl of Essex to the coast of Spain and the Islands with a royall navie as well of her Majesties own shipping as of her best Merchants to which also was joyned a good number of the States ships in all about one hundred and fourty with an armie of seven or eight thousand Land-men as well voluntary as prest commonly called the Island voiage To which I was called by her Majesties cōmandment to attend his Lordship as also to deal with the States that besides the shipping which they were to send with her Majesties fleet by vertue of the contract they would suffer a thousand of her subjects in their pay to be transported by me to her said Generall and fleet for that service Which having obtained I hastened into England and found my Lord of Essex at Sandwich and his fleet in readinesse anchored in the Downes It was early in the morning and his Lordship in bed when I was brought to him he welcomed me with much demonstration of favour and with many circumstances of words First he told me my Lord Mountjoy was to go his Lieutenant Generall not of his own choice but thrust upon him by the Queen before me in place yet that I should retain my former office of Lord Marshall which as it had been ever in English armies next the Generall in authority so he would lay wholly the execution of that office upon me and as for the Lieutenant Generall as he had a title without an office so the honour must fall in effect upon them that did the service With much more speech to this purpose all tending to perswade me that it was not by his working and to take away the discouragement I might conceive of it I answered that I had partly understood before my coming out of the Low-countreys my Lord Mountjoys going Lieutenant Generall so that I had forethought and resolved what to do For though I was sensible as became me who saw no cause in my self of this recuilment and disgrace yet my affections having been alwayes subject to the rules of obedience since it was my Princes action and that it could not be but that my Lord Mountjoy was placed with her Majesties consent my sincerity would not give me leave to absent my self and colour my stay from this action with any feigned excuse but counselled me to come over both to obey my Lord Mountjoy and respect him as his place which I had alwayes much honoured required much more his Lordship which was Generall to us both though I was not so ignorant of his Lordships power as to doubt
that my Lord Mountjoy or any subject of England could be thrust upon him without his desire and procurement That therefore as I had good cause to judge that his Lordship had withdrawn much of his favour from me so I humbly desired his Lordship that as by a retrenchment of the condition I was to hold in this journey I held it rather a resignment to his Lordship again of the honour he had given me the last yeare so farre as concerned my particular respect to his Lordship unsought for of me then a service to him so hereafter he would be pleased not to use me at all in any action wherein he was to go chief he would seem to take these speeches of mine as proceeding rather of a passionate discontentment then of a resolution framed in cold bloud and that it would in time be digested and so without any sharpnesse on his part the matter rested The purpose and designe of this journey was to destroy the fleet that lay in Faroll by the Groyne and upon the rest of the Spanish coasts to that end to land our forces if we saw cause as also to intercept the Indian fleet Part of our land-forces were shipped at the Downs we did put into Weymouth to receive those which were to meet us there In that place the Generall called my self and Sir Walter Raleigh before him and for that he thought there remained some grudge of the last years falling out would needs have us shake hands which we did both the willinglier because there had nothing passed betwixt us that might blemish reputation From thence we went to Plymmouth and so towards Spain Where in the height of six or seven and fourty degrees we were encountred with a storme against which the whole navy strove obstinately till the greater part of the ships were distressed amongst which the Generalls mine and Sir Walter Raleighs and Sir George Caryes my main mast being in the partners rent to the very spindell which was eleven inches deep in so much as to avoid the endangering of the ship the Captain and Master were earnest with me to have cast it over-board which I would not assent unto but setting men to work brought it standing to Plymmouth and there strengthened it so that it served the rest of the voiage The Lord Thomas Howard Vice-Admirall with some few ships got within sight of the North-Cape where having plyed off and on three or four dayes doubting that the rest of the fleet was put back because it appeared not he returned also to our Coast. Our stay at Plymmouth was about a moneth more through want of wind then unwillingnesse or unreadinesse of our ships which with all diligence were repaired In the mean time our victuals consuming it was debated in Council whether the journey could be performed or no without a further supply of victuals It was judged extream dangerous and on the other side as difficult to supply the army with victuals which being to come from London and the East-parts of the Realm and be brought up at adventure there being no sufficient store in readinesse would hardly be ministred unto us so fast as we should consume them And therefore it was first resolved to discharge all the land-forces saving those thousand I brought out of the Low-countreys with the shipping they were imbarqued in Then it was further debated in Council how to employ the fleet the purpose of landing the army at the Groyne being dissolved A West-Indian voiage was propounded whereupon every one in particular being to give his advise it was assented to by them all only my self was of opinion it could not stand with the honour profit and safety of her Majestie and the State the fleet being so slenderly provided of forces and provisions that nothing could be exploited there answerable to the expectation would be generally conceived and yet in the mean time through the want of her Majesties Royall navy and other principall shipping of the Realm with the choice Commanders both for sea and land the State might be endangered by an attempt made by the Spaniards upon our own coast whom we certainly knew to have then in readinesse a great power of sea and land-forces in the North-parts of Spain Things thus handled the Lord Generall posted to the Court After his return no more speech was had of the Indian voiage but a resolution taken to attempt the firing of the fleet at Faroll and on the rest of the coast of Spain and to intercept the Indian fleet as in our discretions we should think fittest either when we came upon the coast of Spain or by going to the Islands With this resolution we set forwards directing our course to the North-Cape with reasonable wind and weather yet the fleet scattered for in a manner all the squadron of Sir Walter Raleigh and some ships of the other squadrons followed him who for a misfortune in his main-yard kept more to seaward The Lord Generall whilest he and the rest of the fleet lay off and on before the Cape attending Sir Walter Raleighs coming who with some speciall ships had undertaken this exploit of firing the fleet suddenly laid his ship by the lee which because it was his order when he would speak with other ships I made to him to know his Lordships pleasure He spake to me from the poupe saying I should attend and have an eye to his ship in which at that instant there was an extream and dangerous leak though he would not have me nor any other of the fleet know it Which leak being stopped he directed his course along the coast Southward and about ten leagues from the Groyne called a Council in which it was resolved to give over the enterprise of Faroll which as it was difficult to have been executed on a sudden so now that we had been seen by the countrey it was held impossible and not to linger upon the coast of Spain but to go directly to the Islands the time of the year now growing on that the Indian fleet usually returned And to advertise Sir Walter Raleigh diverse pinnaces were sent out that till such a day the wind and weather serving the Generall would stay for him in such a certain height and thence would make directly for the Azores At this Council his Lordship made a dispatch for England I do not well remember where Sir Walter Raleigh and the rest of the fleet met us but as I take it about Flores and Corvo the westerliest Islands of the Azores where we arrived in seven or eight dayes after we had put from the coast of Spain We stayed there some few daies and took in some refreshing of water and victuals such as they could yield which being not so well able to supply us as the other Islands it was resolved in Council to put back to them and the squadrons for the more commodity of the fleet appointed unto severall Islands The Generall with his squadron was to
quarter of a mile or more which was no small advantage to the fortune of that day Touching the opportunity of time which Pindarus calleth the Mother of worthy exploits oftentimes dependeth upon the circumstance of place a General ought carefully to advise that he neither precipitate nor foreslow the occasion which is well expressed in this particular service of Labienus For where his purpose was to draw the enemy over a river that had steep uneasie banks and thereby of a hard and difficult passage he would not shew his resolution until he had drawn them all over the river for he was well assured that the Romane legions would so charge the enemie upon their first encounter with the unresistable weight of their piles that in their giving back they could not escape the danger of the river And therefore to make the victory more absolute and compleat he suffered them all to come over the water that all might be endangered in their passage back again And this is the benefit which opportunitie bringeth which is the rather to be attended with all carefulnesse forasmuch as Non saepe ac diu eadem occasio est a man hath neither often nor long the same opportunity Concerning the last circumstance of the apt and fit disposition of the forces according to Time and Place which is necessarily required in the dutie of a General it is referred to this end onely that they may be ranged in such manner that as one man is assistant to another in their severall files and ranks so one troop may be in subsidiis assistant to another to the end that no part may stand naked or fall in the singlenesse of its own strength but that one may second another from the first to the last C. Sempronius a Romane Consul having fought unadvisedly and received an overthow Julius the Tribune of the people caused Tempanius a horsman that was present at the battel to be called and as Livie reporteth it Coram eis Sexte Tempani inquit arbitrerísne C. Sempronium Consulem aut in tempore pugnam iniisse aut firmâsse subsidiis aciem he said thus before them Sextus Tempanius do you belieue that C. Sempronius the Consul chose a good time to fight or that he took order for assistant supplyes to his army for Livie saith he fought incautè inconsultéque non subsidiis firmatâ acie non equite aptè Iocato heedlessely and without good advice neither strengthening his army with supplies nor well placing his cavalry And of these three circumstances consisteth the duty and office of a Generall touching the direction of a battel wherein whosoever faileth doth hazzard the prerogative of his command over that army which he leadeth according to that of Cesar in the first of his Commentaries Se scire quibuscunque exercitus dicto audiens non fuerit aut malè re gestâ fortunam defuisse aut aliquo facinore comperto avaritiae esse convictum that he knew well whensoever an army refused to be obedient to their Commander it was either because upon some ill successe they saw he was unfortunate or that by the discovery of some notorious matter they found him convict of avarice Which Cesar himself needed not to fear if we may believe Plutarch who writeth that he was indowed by nature with an excellent promptitude and aptnesse to take opportunitie in any businesse And in the next Observation he adds I will content my self with a practise of our time at the battel of Newport where after divers retreats pursuits either side chasing the other as it were by turn and mutuall appointment and as it often falleth out in such confrontments At last commandment was given to the English to make head again and after some pause to charge the enemie with a shout which being accordingly performed a man might have seen the enemie startle before they came to the stroke and being charged home were so routed that they made not head again that day The siege of OSTEND IN the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred and one The States resolving to send their army into Flanders or a good part thereof to take those forts the enemy held about Ostend and by that means to open the passage into that Countrey for the greater annoyance thereof made choice of my self though farre unfit and unworthy of so great a charge to command the said forces as Generall Of which intent I had first but onely an inkling given me and was by some principall persons of the State encouraged to accept the same and to take upon me a journey into England to inform her Majesty of that purpose and with all the necessary circumstances to frame her liking to the enterprise and to induce her to the yielding of the succours of three thousand bodies of her subjects to be levied transported and paid at their own charge and to be in the Low-countreys by the tenth of May with these speciall instructions for the manner of the enterprise With this errand I passed into England delivered the whole plot to her Majesty who liked and allowed thereof and with some difficulty as her manner was granted the men to be levied and transported in ten dayes warning for so the States desired lest the over-timely stirring of them before their other troops were landed in Flanders might give the enemy an alarm to the difficulting of the enterprise willing me the grant obtained to hasten over Before my coming into the Low-countreys the Count Maurice was marched towards Bergh the enemy that had long threatned to besiege Ostend with a good part of his forces was set down before that town so that it was now question rather of defending then of gaining more footing in that quarter The States therefore dealt with me to take upon me the charge of the place for which they gave me Commission not as Governour but as Generall of the army employed in and about Ostend with very ample power as aforesaid whereof I accepted And they forthwith gave order to the Count Maurice to send into Holland the twenty English companies he then had in the army with which troop I was to go into Ostend At the first he made some difficulty to send any having engaged himself in the siege of Bergh his works for the defence of the quarter not finished and the enemy gathering head in Brabant to succour and relieve that town in the end with importunity he sent eight companies with which my brother came With these being by the States put in good hope the rest should follow and that I should be liberally supplied with forces ammunition and all necessaries for such a service I went into the town and landed as I take it the eleventh of July one thousand six hundred and one on the sands against the middle of the old town The enemy commanded the haven so as there was no entring by it and then the use of the Geule was not known and this place I landed at
calculation and beyond his expectation that it continued longer At the Commissioners return his later entertainment to them was better then the first he feasted with them drank and discoursed with them but came to no direct overture of article though they much pressed him that part of the day and the whole night was so spent and in sleep The like had we in the camp except drinking whereof there was no excesse but of good chear and courtesie abundance In the morning were discovered five ships out of Zeland riding in the rode they brought four hundred men and some materials for the sea-works the men were landed on the strand with long boats and shallops the enemy shot at them with their artillery but did no hurt The pretext of succour from the States the Generall took to break off the Treaty which he had not yet really entred into The Commissioners were on both sides discharged in this order Cerano came first into the army it was my right to have gone for him but I sent Captain Fairfax at the earnest entreaty of Don Juan de Pantochi and some others who said they desired my stay onely to have my company so much the longer making me believe it was agreeable to them the rather for that I spake their Language I was the more willing to yield because I would not leave any other impression then that I saw they had received of my integrity in this negotiation Fairfax being in the town Ottanes made not long stay nor I after him The Generall was not pleased that I stayed out of my turn but when I gave him my reasons for it he seemed to be well contented GEnerall Vere having now received part of the long-expected supplies together with the assurance of more at hand straitway broke off the Treaty which though ending somewhat abruptly had it seems finished the part which was by him allotted it whereupon he sent the Archduke this following acquittance WE have heretofore held it necessary for certain reasons to treat with the Deputies which had authority from your Highnesse but whilest we were about to conclude upon the Conditions and Articles there are arrived certain of our ships of Warre by whom we have received part of that which we had need of so that we cannot with our Honour and Oath continue the Treaty nor proceed in it which we hope that your Highnesse will not take in ill part and that neverthelesse when your power shall reduce us to the like estate you will not refuse as a most generous Prince to vouchsafe us again a gentle audience From our Town of Ostend the 25 of December 1601. Signed FRANCIS VERE NOw whosoever shall but consider how many and how great difficulties the Archduke had struggled with to maintain the siege how highly concerned he was in point of honour and how eagerly engaged in his affections and what assured hopes he had of taking the town will easily conceive that he must needs finde himself much discomposed at so unexpected a disappointment He had already taken it with his eyes as if he had bound the Leviathan for his maidens to sport withall under the assurance of the truce he walked the Infanta before the town with twenty Ladyes and Gentlewomen in her train as it were valiantly to stroke this wild beast which he had now laid fast in the toiles and to look upon the out-side of the town before they entred into it Now to have his hopes thus blown up and to be thrown from the top of so much confidence wonder not if we finde him much enraged at it and what can we now expect but that he should let fly his rage in a sudden and furious assault upon the town especially considering that before the treaty began all things were in readinesse for such a purpose But whether it were that the treaty had unbended the souldiers resolution or the unexpected breaking off stouned the Archdukes counsels or whether his men were discouraged at their enemies increased strength or whatsoever the cause was certain it is that there was no considerable assault made upon the town for many dayes after And we have cause to beleive that Generall Vere was never a whit sorry for it who had by this means opportunity though no leasure to repair his works wherein he employed above twelve hundred men for at least eight dayes together during which time he stood in guard in person at the time of low-water in the night being the time of the greatest danger which conduced much to the encouragement of his men and having received intelligence by his scouts of the enemies preparations and resolutions within few dayes to give them a general assault he was carefull to man the chief places Helmont Sand-hill and the rest and to furnish them with Cannon and stones and what else might be usefull for their defences Mean while the besiegers spared no powder but let fly at the ships which notwithstanding daily and nightly went into the town and many a bullet was interchanged between the town and the camp who lay all this while pelting at one another some small hurts on both sides being given and received But the seventh of January was the day designed by the besiegers wherein to attempt something extraordinary All day long without intermission did the Archduke batter the bulwark of Sand-hill Helmont Porc-espic and other places near adjoyning with eighteen Cannon from two of his batteries the one at the foot of the downs upon the Catteys and the other on the South-side thereof from whence were discharged which the Cannoniers counted above two thousand shot on that side the town all the bullets weighing fourty and fourty six pounds a piece After I was thus far engaged I happily met with an account of this bloudy assault by Henry Hexham who was present at it to him therefore I shall willingly resigne the story HIs Highnesse the Archduke then seeing himself thus deluded by Generall Vere his Parley was much vexed thereat and very angry with the chief of his Council of War who had diverted him from giving the assault upon that day when the Parly was called for insomuch that some of them for two or three dayes after as it was credibly reported durst not look him in the face others to please him perswaded him to give an assault upon the town Hereupon his Highnesse took a resolution to revenge himself of those within the town saying He would put them all to the sword his Commanders and souldiers taking likewise an oath that if they entred they would not spare man woman nor childe in it Till that the enemy had shot upon and into the town above an hundred sixty three thousand two hundred Cannon-shot to beat it about our ears scarce leaving a whole house standing but now to pour out his wrath and fury more upon us on the seventh of Ianuary above-said very early in the morning he began with eighteen pieces of Cannon and half