affect his own Kindred deserveth not the affections of any others and will also give more assurance to his Government by defending him from any insurrections which might be made by them And this is the more considerable as Tacitus saith for that it is ordinary with the people to have a particular affection for the Kindred of a Prince when they shall see them hated without any just cause or reason exemplyfying the Love which the people of Rome did bear to Germanicus which increased in them by the hatred which was born to him by Tiberius and it cannot be doubted but that the particular affection with which the people love them may give them great advantages to embroyl the State and may serve for a strong prop to their revolts It cannot be avoyded but that Princes nearly related to a Soveraign must have some hand in the Government of Affairs and must partake with him in the Honours of the State how can it then be done in a good order unless they live in a fair correspondence with one another What way can a vessel goe when as they who guide it do some row towards the Poop and others towards the Prow despising the Pilots orders so that the vessel becomes exposed to be wracked And what may there be expected from a State where the Princes of the Blood Royal who have the Government of the Provinces fall off from his Majesties designs and interests engaging themselves in Factions and Parties Doth it not by this means absolutely expose the State to Civil Wars which being left at random by this disunion becomes a prey to strangers who will be sure to take advantage of it The sending of the Sieur de Blainville into England in the quality of Extraordinary Ambassadour THough the Allyance which had so lately been contracted with England seemed to be indissolvable by the confirming of it with the Mariage of the Princess yet it was not long before some grounds did arise to obstruct their good correspondency The great confidence which the Queen of England had in certain Ladies who had been a long while near and about her as also in certain Ecclesiastiques a little too inconsiderate in their zeal was in part the occasion of it for they giving her advices which were not alwaies accompanied with Prudence did clash with the King her Husbands humour and were upon the point of breeding some differences between them The King did not much wonder at it having of a long time known how little considerable womens counsels ordinarily are and how they commonly end in some broyl unless there be some one near them who may prevent it by the reputation and credit which he hath amongst them But however it did not hinder his Majesty from dispatching the Sieur de Blanville his Extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England that he might take some course before the inconsiderateness of those persons who were about the Queen had caused any more mischiefs which was the easilier to be done in regard the Queen wanted neither Respect nor Love for the King her Husband and was onely to be blamed for having relyed a little too much upon those who were given to her to be her Counsel But this was not all there was another cause of difference between the two Crowns which was this The Sieur de Soubize having fled into England and there saved himself had taken in times of Peace and against the approval too of those of Rochel a small vessel called the little Saint John at the Port of Blavet which he afterwards carried to Plymouth And not long after the English had detained and unladen another Ship at Dover called the Merchant Royal full laden with goods to the value of twelve hundred thousand Liuvers This kind of acting was as strange as unjust and a great noise it made The French Merchants not being able to get a satisfactory answer in it because the Sieur de Blainville's demands were sent to the Council of his Majesty of Great Britain seised upon some English Ships which exasperated them afresh and hindred the resolution of any thing untill the following year Politique Observation ALthough the common end of private Mariages tend to concluding of Peace amongst Families yet it is not alwaies the same thing with Princes They do never make up any Matches but on the score of Interests and if any cause of difference arise amongst them they do not at all value their Alliances but it is well known that those Wars which have been between such Princes have ever been the most bloody It was imagined that those many Contracts which had been made between the Princes of the House of Orleance and those of Burgogne would have extinguished the fire of their Quarrels but the sequel made it apparent they all served to no purpose Lewis the Moor Duke of Milan was near a kin to the Arragonois of Naples yet he undid them by his intreagues And who knoweth not that France never had such great Quarrels either with Spain or England as when they were allyed by some Mariage And indeed it ought not to seem strange for a Soveraign hath no Kinsman so nearly related to him as his State A private man may govern himself according to the Rules of Friendship but it is otherwise with a Soveraign who is obliged to preserve the Rights of his Crown against every one His reputation is of so great concern towards the good of his Affairs that he may not suffer any injury to be offered to it which he is not bound to repell by any wayes whatsoever The Treasuries are better regulated by the Cardinals care THey who have had particular knowledge of things ever since ten years last past could not sufficiently wonder at those vast charges which the State had been put to both by maintaining so many Armies together in Languedoc in Poictu in the Valtoline and Italy as also in the Match with England and defraying of Ambassadors expences together with Alliances with States considering that the Cardinal entring upon the Administration had found the Treasury not onely exhausted but likewise much indebted so that they lived upon the next years Revenues This was an effect of that great Ministers prudence who knowing how necessary it was for a State to have a good mass of Mony in reserve had quickly so setled the Treasuries that there was great plenty succeeded that former want The Secretaries of State were commanded not to seal any more Orders but by express command from the King or his Chief Ministers The Superintendants were also ordered not to authorize those which should be presented from the Secretaries of State but upon good and just consideration There were divers persons removed from Court who attended there to no intent or purpose but only had sometimes the honour to see the King Rewards were kept for those who deserved them by their services There were also new orders taken at the same time concerning the Treasuries which were so
and the Marquis de Breze found that they were out of danger and having discoursed some few minutes concerning the present State of affairs they judged that having fought so luckily slain so many persons of quality and taken him prisoner who was the soul of the Rebellion it would be improper to run a second hazard because having the person of Monsieur de Montmorency the residue of the revolt would dissipate of it self without necessitating the King's Forces to go fight Monsieur's Army afresh by a strait Bridge where but few could march together and that within Cannon-shot However they made a stand about and hour in the field to see if the enemy would demand any thing but perceiving them not to advance they drew off the King's Army to the City and Suburbs of Castelnaudary where Monsieur de Montmorency was kept for some time until his wounds would permit him to be conducted to some place of greater security and that his Majesty's pleasure concerning him were known Politique Observation IT is usual with Souldiers upon obtaining any great advantage in fight to prosecute their Victory to the full but a prudent General is obliged to curb in their impetuousness and to enjoy the favours of Fortune with great moderation The satisfaction of seeing his enemies overcome with fear ought not to blind him but he ought to make use of Prudence and not to run the hazard of losing a certain Victory already obtain'd in hopes of a greater but uncertain He who cannot be contented with an indifferent Victory endangereth the losing of that which he hath gotten Briefly It is great rashness to drive an enemy to extremities for to reduce them to a necessity of fighting doth often expel all fear from them filleth them with courage raiseth up one to be as good as four and redeems the Victory they had lost What but necessity made the Locrois behave themselves so couragiously that fifteen thousand of them defeated an hundred and thirty thousand of their enemies Was it not the same necessity as History observes which made the Romans when so hotly pursued by the Lacedemonians that they had not time to retire to their Vessels to turn again make a stand fight like Lyons kill two hundred of them and take as many Prisoners The Consul Manlius that not a man of his enemies might escape him set strong Guards upon all places by which they were to retreat but the enemy perceiving it and knowing the impossibility of saving themselves fell upon him slew him and became so furious that they had likewise cut the rest in pieces had they not had free liberty to retreat granted them For this very reason it was that the French retreating from Naples the ablest Italians were of opinion to let them have free liberty of departure and which is more if occasion were to favour their retreat It is always glory enough to vanquish in what measure soever but who so contenteth not himself renders himself unworthy to keep the Victory he has gotten The Sequel of what hapned at Castelnaudary THe taking of Monsieur de Montmorency was received by Monsieur's Army as the greatest misfortune that could befal them though it was in fine the greatest happiness that his Majesty's servants could wish for either in regard of Monsieur's person who had the Engagement longer continued could not have been kept from it or else in regard of the Interest of France by this means secured from the enterprizes of a Faction exposing her Natives to sundry miseries and violences Every one attributed this accident to the Leaders of Monsieur's Army who had too much courage and too little conduct and to his Souldiers who shewed no courage at all But to omit the causes of this happy defeat I shall say The King received notice hereof at Lyons from whence his Majesty resolved to depart upon the Cardinal 's assuring him that his only presence after such an advantage would soon reduce the whole Province of Languedoc as accordingly it hapned Notwithstanding the satisfaction which his Majesty received from this Victory be could not set forward so apprehensive was he of Monsieur's state without dispatching unto him the Sieur d' Aiguebonne to assure him of his affection who departed upon the ninth of September with order to tell him that his Majesty touched with the same affection he always had for him was ready to receive him to entertain him favourably at Court and to perform the contents of his last Declaration that he should be restored to his Goods Pensions Annuities and Governments in case he would acknowledge his fault and relinquish all his correspondencies both at home and abroad who had engaged him in that Revolt that if he had rather live in any other place his Majesty would assent thereunto Provided it were a place free from suspicion That he would restore the Duke d' Elboeuf and would pardon all his Domestiques their Lives and Estates Could more tenderness and affection towards Monsieur be wished for in the Kings heart then what was here shewed which cannot be denyed to have proceeded from a bounty truly extraordinary The sequel of the Negotiation with Monsieur BUt that I may say somthing of the event of this Treaty I shall tell you how the Sieur d' Aiguebonne coming to Monsieur found him much discontented not only for Monsieur de Montmorency being taken but to see most of the Nobility of Languedoc falling off from him which did not a little affright the Sieur de Puy-Leurens and those of his Faction no less sollicitous of their own then their Master's interst who then began to misdoubt their being taken and made objects of his Majesty's Justice for that he was obliged to punish the whole Rebellion upon their persons they having been the chief contrivers thereof Neither were they less afflicted for having miss'd of those advantages which they fancy'd to obtain by the War But on the other side considering the preservation of life is to be preferr'd before all other Interests they had already concluded that Monsieur wanting Forces to carry on the War should seem to desire Peace from the King the only way to secure them from otherwise unavoydable misfortunes and to betake them to their Arms again upon the first occasion of advantage which might give them hopes of better success Monsieur was the more readily inclined to follow their advice in regard he found himself unable to prosecute the War and reduced to a necessity of submitting to that Law which his Majesty would impose on him so that he had already sent the Sieur de Chaudebonne towards his Majesty to testifie unto him his sorrow for having given him occasion of discontent and to make him all sorts of Protestations of Obedience and Loyaltie for the future beseeching him to forget what was past and by the affection wherewith he had ever honour'd him to moderate that anger he might have conceived against him for his late proceedings Withal Chaudebonne had order to
ever they desire that were too base a condescension and would imbolden them too too much a mean ought to be used and a more pleasing way to obtain the same ends The highest point of discretion consisteth in acquiring the end we propose by such windings as may best convey us to it though it be the further way about and the greatest Triumph of reason seemeth sometimes to yeeld to Time and Necessity and to sit still with effecting though not all we would yet what we may without exasperating the people A King may lawfully without all peradventure establish that which is right and which carrieth with it any advantage to the publick but Prudence ought to precede all his Decrees and he ought to be carefull that there happen not at any time more evil then good by his commands The Requests of divers Lords for Monsieur de Montmorency his life and liberty ALthough his Majesty had pardoned the common fry yet the Duke of Montmorency being their chief Ring-leader there was small likelihood of passing by his Delinquency without due punishment unlesse it were purposely to give all other Governours free liberty to rebell as often as they pleased considering how it was by the chance of War and his own only rashness that he fell into the hands of his Majesties Officers For this reason it was that the King commanded him to be carried to Tholose whither his Majesty came not long after imprisoned in the Town-House and sent a particular Commission to the Parliament to prosecute his Indictment against him He was examined witnesses produced face to face according to course neither was there any great difficulty in proving such things as made him guilty of death he having been taken with his Sword in his hand against the King as himself confessed adding with tears in his eyes as is usual with all persons of quality when they find themselves convicted That if it would please his Majesty to pardon him his life he would not desire to obtain it unlesse to lay it out in his service and that he might expiate part of his Crimes with his Blood Sundry persons of quality and amongst others the Princesse of Conde his sister the Cardinal de la Valette and the Dukes d' Espernon and de Cheureuse were very earnest with the King to obtain his pardon and Monsieur himself sent the Sieur de Lavaupot to cast himself at his Majesties feet and to Petition in his behalf But what likelihood was there of passing by so hainous an offence without chastizing it What reason was there to give life unto him who had indeavoured to raise all the Grandees in the Kingdom with whom he had the least acquaintance who had used his utmost to ingage one of the chief Provinces of the Kingdom in a Rebellion who had induced Monsieur to march in Arms through all France that he might the better countenance his designs who had introduc'd the Spaniard who had had the boldnesse to procure the States of the Province to authorize his Rebellion who had raised all the Souldiers he possibly could against the King briefly who had left no stone unturn'd which might any ways contribute to the advancement of his pernicious designs What reason can there be alledged sufficient to excuse such a crime It was not a fault committed by mistake or rashly but a designed contrivance deliberated and discussed for the effecting whereof he had bent all his wits and set all his Engines on work for above seven or eight moneths together His name was indeed honourable in regard of his Ancestors but he deserved no honour for having been deficient in following the Copies of their Loyalty was his family illustrious his Crime was of the greater consequence and the more dangerous for persons of his quality especially such as had raised great advantages by the favours conferr'd upon them and the punishment of his offence ought to be exemplary to warn the Nobility to contain themselves within the bounds of their duties and within the limits of fear of his Majesties Justice He had indeed done his Majesty service in two or three occasions but not such as were any way considerable with that of this his attempt which strook at the root of the Kingdom which forced the people from their obedience which tended to the destruction of his Majesties authority and the ruine of his Subjects What would strangers have said at the report of such excessive Clemency far different from those prudent severities which themselves frequently exemplifie unto us upon the least commotions in their own Countries Had it not been a wilfull blindnesse in matters of State and the establishment of the publick quiet to have suffered such a Rebellion to passe unpunished To say truth he must have no longer been a King had he tied up the hands of Justice and hindred her from prosecuting those Orders prescribed by the Laws on such occasions Thus the Marshal de Chastillon going to wait upon the King with intent to join his request with others in his behalf told him that the countenance and eys of those who supplicated him did sufficiently declare that his Majesty would oblige very many persons if it would please him to pardon Monsieur de Montmorency's life but was answer'd with a Prudence well-becomming his Majesty that he should not be King if his sentiments were such as those of private men Politique Observation A King would render himself much blame-worthy towards his State if in all his actions he did not regard the publick good before the satisfaction of divers persons Good Emperours even according to the opinion of the most eminent Lights of the Church have preferr'd the State before their Fathers or children and indeed of such consideration ought it to be unto them seeing they are obliged not to give way to their own wills when they desire any thing in prejudice thereof Were it not a madnesse to expose all the Souls in a Vessel to th hazard of Shipwrack by indeavouring to save one particular man Seeing the very life of a King ought not by himself to be considered when as the publick good is in agitation of what weight then ought anothers life be to him The object of Princes is the civil good and is folded up in that of the people in general No one can doubt but that it is for the interest and advantage of the people to prefer the common good before that of any particular man who hath run into any hainous offences So the Laws have more regard to the safety of all then of any one criminal and that Prince who being obliged to propose to himself the Laws for a guide of his Actions will commit a manifest oversight if he dotqâ—not follow the like example He deserveth not to wear the Crown if he permit the oppression of his Subjects and the Revolt of others to go unpunished God Almighty having intrusted the Sword of Justice in his hands that he might preserve them
or three months time at Rome and Loretta The King was very glad of it and readily granted his desire as knowing that travel doth often correct passion in matters of revolt and love yet was it neverthelesse upon condition that after his return he should come to Court and clear some suspicions which had been taken at the manner of his late Conduct But instead of returning back from Italy he dispatched the Sieur de Grand Pre one of his Domestiques to beseech his Majesty then at Vic to bestow some employment upon him amongst those forces which were then marching towards Italy for the safety of his Allies His Majesty denied to grant his request conceiving that he rather aimed to palliate his disobedience then to do any real service and thereupon renewed his former command that he should come to him and justifie himself as to divers particulars whereof he was suspected But he being never inclined to obey this command and on the contrary living out of the Kingdom without his Majesties permission against the inhibition contained in the Law which declares such Princes as violate it guilty of High-Treason withall residing there to entertain intelligences to the King's disservice of which he had particular advice there was no other way to look on him but in the quality of a Rebel and to deprive him of the Government of Provence which lay convenient for him to let in a Forraign enemy he being further to be suspected in regard the House of Lorrain layeth some ancient claim although upon weak pretences to this Province whereupon the King provoked by these important reasons resolved to discharge him of that Government and to bestow it on the Marshal de Vitry whose valour prudence and affection his Majesty might rely on with confidence that the D.o Guise could attempt nothing in prejudice of the State which would not as quickly be repelled and withall caused him to take the Oath of Governour the same day that the Peace was concluded with Monsieur though his Letters Patents had been dispatched in April Politique Observation IT is very dangerous to commit the Government of a Province to a Grandee who hath once had his hand in a Revolt who hath declared his discontent or hath any pretence to the place in his charge The disloyalty which ingaged him in any faction rendreth him more deserving of punishment then preferment and the least chastisement which can be inflicted on him is to deprive him of all imployments it being a thing of great concern exemplarily to chastize those Governors which are guilty of such offences The punishment inflicted on them serveth for an example to others and keepeth them in their duties whereas impunity incourageth others to run into the same faults Besides he who hath once had the impudence to imbark himself in a rebellious design will be ever ready to put it in execution when a fair opportunity invites him Great sicknesses administer suspicion of relapses and the wisest Kings having once seen a Grandee fall off from his Allegiance have ever distrusted him and never afforded him the opportunity of doing the least evill Small things may be hazarded but amongst such the Government of a Province one of the most important charges of a State may not be reckoned It is likewise equally dangerous to trust a Grandee who hath once shewed himself to be discontented it were to be ignorant of the usual consequences which attend great mens discontents to intrust the Government of a Province with them There is not any thing more natural to a man who is either provoked or beleeveth himself injured then to study revenge and to use his utmost indeavour to retort it To give such a man authority were to impower him to satisfie his Passion which attended with weaknesse would be ineffectual The great imployments of the Marshal de Marillac did only serve to render him the more culpable neither indeed may any thing else be reasonably suspected from those men that give themselves over to a male-contented humor But above all it is a most signal imprudence to commit the government of great Provinces to such as have any pretensions unto them how old or ancient soever This latter age hath afforded us a memorable example hereof in the person of the Duke de Mercoeur who had not raised a faction in Bretaign but upon some pretences as antient as frivolous Doth not every one know how much the late King was troubled to get him out And was not the deceased King blamed for having bestowed the Government of it upon the Sieur do Vendosm his son-in-law who in processe of time was suspected to have designed to make himself Duke thereof Ambition doth easily ground new designs upon ancient pretences it teacheth Grandees disloyalty and maketh them like Moles alwaies undermining it maketh them slight their quiet Life Health Laws and Religion it self and all that they may gain the ends unto which they aspire nay it sometimes so puffeth them up that some of them have carried in their hearts the Crowns which their Kings have wore on their heads Mark Anthony made a discreet Order when Cassius had made himself Master of Syria his native Country whose inhabitants had assisted him in that design whereby he inhibited the conferring any command upon a man in his own Country How dangerous is it then to bestow it upon such who perswade themselves it is their brith-right If Ambition be to be feared though without a pretext how much more is it then to be suspected when there is some apparent justice for the ground of it If the Province be divided into parties he need then onely adhere to the strongest and then much may be done but if it be united he may possibly ingage the whole in revolt if he once get the affections of the people which is easily brought to passe if a man designs it and makes it his businesse The King returneth from Languedoc to Paris THe King having setled all things in Languedoc in such a posture as there remained nothing to be feared his Majesty parted from Tholose upon the 29. of October to return towards Parisâ— Now having formerly understood that Monsieur had onely made his Peace with a resolution to flie out again upon the first fair invitation he intended to march thither with all speed to which end he would only be attended with some Light-horse certain Companies of Musquetiers and Pikemen on horseback The Cardianl whose body is not so vigorous as his Soul could not resolve to make such speed especially considering the labours he had undergone in the voyages and much more the pains he had taken in smothering the Wars of Lorrain and Languedoc in their birth had much decayed his strength Whereupon he thought better to wait upon the Queen but scarce was he gone two daies journey from Tholose when he found himself seized with violent sicknesse which forced him to retire to Bourdeaux where is pains so increased that France was
thoughts unto them as he conceived most advantagious to their Common-wealth He beseeched them to consider that the eagernesse alone wherewith the Spaniards prosecuted it was enough to render it suspected that Counsels entertained with heat by an enemy connot be but with design to advantage himself that it was visible the disorder of his affairs was the onely cause he so passionately prosecuted it that the extremity to which he was reduced being assaulted over all the Indies in Germany in Italy in the Low-countries unable to furnish out new Levies or monies necessary for his security did not a little incline him thereunto He further represented to them how it had alwaies been esteemed for a matter of great concernment not to give an enemy breath when he is upon the point of falling and made it easie to be concluded that for them to make a Peace with the Spaniard in this his low condition would be the more prejudicial to them he having hardly any other shift to make himself considerable than the reporting of this Treaty to be concluded neither was he backward to represent unto them that admitting these his reasons should be invalid yet they did abuse themselves if they beleeved that the Treaty could include their Peace in it in regard of the Spaniards obstinate resolution of never relinquishing his pretended Soveraignty over their Countries a resolution which he hath ever protested against the Decree of the 16. of July 1588 which declared Philip the second to have lost all his right over them and how that after he had treated with them as between Soveraign and Soveraign by concluding that Treaty 1609 yet he could not forbear his ill intention during the 12 years that it lasted and which is more set Berkins Chancellour of Brabant in the year 1621. to sosicite them to return unto the obedience as he was pleased to say of their natural Prince that in vain they did perswade themselves the Councel of Spain would relinquish his pretensions seeing on the contrary upon every occasion he hath been ready to drive on his pretences both upon them and others and that admitting the Treaty should be once concluded yet they must ever be renewing of it and in effect that nothing would be obtained thereby but the losse of a fair opportunity whiles the Spaniards were reduc'd to so low an ebb He moreover forced them to confesse that the Treaty being uncapable of producing their Peace the State of their affairs and good of their Country did not oblige them in any respect to desire it that their Provinces were never more flourishing that Learning Husbandry Trade and whatever Peace maketh elsewhere to flourish were with them freely exercised in times of War that their Disciplines were so carefully improved that the Athenians could never with so much reason represent an armed Pallas as they might that their Pastures and Plains were not in the least troubled with the Souldiers that their Plow-shares were as bright as their Pikes and Swords and that the noise of the Cannons did not at all hinder their Traffick as the Province of Zealand and those others which are most addicted unto Merchandize have declared by their aversions to this Treaty Some private ones of Spain might paradventure object that admitting the State of their Provinces might not compel them to a cessation of Arms for some years yet it could not however but be advantagious to them because the Flemings and Walloons would in that interim forget their warlike exercises and that the Swedes and Protestants would so weaken the House of Austria that there would be no more cause of fear but he easily convinced them of the vanity of their hopes and represented to them how little reason there was to beleeve that the want of accompt during the Treaty would effeminat the Flemings and Walloons because the Spaniard would not leave them idle but find employments enough for them in other parts and that on the contrary undoubtedly the Spaniard would transport all his force into Germany which he had formerly entertained in the Low-Countries by which means he would force those Princes who counterpoised his Power to receive the Law from him and to lay down their Arms and which once effected that he would bring back his Forces from Germany recruited with a far greater strength which had for many years supported the House of Austria and that it would not then be very difficult to reduce Holland unto slavery This Answer was the more to be considered in regard it was so convincing contrary to the preservation of their State and Liberty nor did he forget to add that on the contrary it was not a little important to foresee how much this Treaty would undoubtedly weaken the united Provinces both in regard of the Division it would raise among them or the dis-use of Arms and their Traffique in the Indies so far was it from any likelyhood of encreasing their power that it was but vain to hope for it without reliquishing the Trade of both the Indies the Spaniard being not so indiscreet as to condiscend thereunto after the receiving so great detriment as he had from them but that in case they concluded it they would thereby blast their fairest hopes diminish the stock of their riches and cut off their right hand their power by Sea without which they were not considerable among their neighbors As to what concern'd the discontinuation of the War he freely told them that States preserve not themselves but by such means as have served to establish them as natural bodies subsist not but by the same things as are in their first compositions and that they did in vain strive to cause their State to flourish in peace which had received it's birth and being from War and which could not but by War be preserved in its present splendor He layd before them that peace would be absolutely prejudicial to them as experience had evinced in the late 12 years Treaty during which the Spanish Plots Gold and devises had wrought them a 1000 times more damage then all their open force could ever do besides the Souldiers laying by their usual exercises would loose much of their valor by which till then they had obtained such signal advantages and being not ignorant how powerful impressions truth maketh when it is seconded by glory that he might excite them he proclaimed aloud that there never yet was Common-wealth so like the Roman as that of the Hollander adding withall that if that had receiv'd such continual growth from War as it had not in seven hundred years from it's first foundation untill Augustus time but only twice shut up the Temple of Janus so it had lost it self by an unactive Peace and that nothing but the like misfortune could befall them when once they should relinquish their exercise of Arms. Nor did he conceal from them that in case they should then conclude the Treaty their Republique would totally discredit it self with its Allies
last or the least of all the Celestial Spheres The Reception of the Cardinal into the Administration of the STATE THose eminent qualities which raised the Cardinal from above the pitch of other men induced the Queen mother to present him to the King her Son to assist his Councels which qualifications had not been alone sufficient for the Administration if not accompanied with Fidelity Although this Vertue seems to have lesse splendor then others yet this is it which is so needfull a quality that the greatest Souls are not proper for that condition if their Ambition Covetousness or their private interest are able to divert them upon any occasion whatsoever But in whom did it ever appear with so much splendor as in the Cardinal who did alwaies make it his end never to seek for Honour and Wealth but in his Majesties service Which his Majesty had very singular proofs of by his management of those important Affairs whilest he was Secretary of State and he had one most ample particular assurance of it in his removal from the Court during all which time his Majesty could never find that he held the least intelligence with the Queen Mother or those Grandees of State to make Cabals contrary to his Authority though he had understanding enough not to be ignorant of some means which serve to imbroyl things on such occasions At first he was contented to Officiate like a good Prelate in his own Diocess without medling in any publick affairs but those which are common to all good French men who have any knowledge thereof and being afterwards removed into Avignon he had no other intention but of conversing with his Books and such vertues as are required in those of his Coat testifying by this great reservedness that he was so much the more worthy of those imployments which had formerly been conferred upon him according to that of the wise Polititians There are none fitter to command then those who obey with moderation and fidelity the reason is in obeying they learn to command and that all men do willingly submit to them who being private men have lived modestly and in-offensively But how could the King be capable of the least suspicion of his Fidelity after that one Procedure of his which was seen by the whole Nation when he was recalled from Avignon to divert the Queen Mother from those designs which they who had advised her to with-draw from Bloys to Angoulesm did perswade unto her It was no little honour for him to see that they who had so ill created him did yet believe he had sincerity enough to serve them in such an occasion as that was He got an accruement of Glory too by his Loyalty in his quick dispatch to that great Princess and by declaring to those Grandees then with her that whatever opportunities he had to make them repent of those injuries they had done him yet he would never deceive or betray them The Queen Mother was in a good Hold the greatest part of the Princes and many Lords offered her their service insomuch that would he have joyned the faculties of his mind to those forces which they might have raised he might have held them so much play that they would have found themselves intangled It seemed he was invited to testifie a sensible apprehension in the Queen his Mistresses behalf he having received from her hands many signal favours in recompence of the services he had done unto her and that then he had nothing to hope for but her good opinion so much had those Gentlemen thwarted him But neither the resentments of former indignities nor his indeavours in his Mistresses behalf nor the hopes of a greater Fortune nor the consideration of his own interest could ever so little shake him in his Fidelity After he was arrived at Angoulesm and that his own merit had restored him to that place of esteem which he formerly held in her Majesties good favour he proposed no other end in his discourse but to set her right with the King He presently assured her that he suffered in the disasters to which her enemies had brought her and not resting barely there he made use of this compassion to insinnuate himself more effectually into her soul and to gain a greater power over her spirit that he might improve to advantage the charms which his complaisant humour had given him and shewed clearly to her that if she thought it her mis-fortune not to be Mistress of his Majesties Person and Councel her condition would be much more to be deplored seeing she was no better then a Slave to the designs and Wills of those who hurried her into broyls and that she could not chuse a worse party into whose hands she might commit the management of her own interest Hee made it evident to her that Arms were but a weak means in France to restore people to the Government seeing his Majesties have been ever Victorious they who provoke him doe but totally destroy themselves Of this truth he produced several examples which are recorded in all Revolts from time to time Lastly he convinced to her that she might with ease re-assume that Authority from whence she was fallen would she but re-unite hers with the Kings interests that if shee should not obtain all at the first dash shee ought to expect some thing from time but with confident assurance that the King her son had such natural resentments for her that they alone would force him to accord her whatever she could with reason expect though he were not invited to it by her prudence or the Counsels of those who had the honour to be her servants That during her separating her self from his Majesty she could hope for nothing but scorn and debility whereas she should no sooner oblige his Majesty by restoring to him her heart and affections but she would find her self attended back to the Court honoured and obeyed by all the world as she was formerly wont to be These were some of those reasons which he laid before her and true it is that his Prudence animated with his Fidelity induced her to resolve upon that Accommodation which hath so long kept their Majesties in a strict union and France in so sweet a repose His Majesty did better understand then any other person all the particulars of the Cardinals negotiation and apprehended so great an esteem of his Fidelity that he thought no consideration able to undermine it and seeing that one accompanied with many other eminent qualities hee was easily convinced that he had not in his whole Kingdome a person more capable or worthy of the Administration then himself Who can describe with what dexterity the whole face of Affairs were changed which before were managed but lamely and by halfs Whereas hee conforming himself to those inclinations which carried his Majesty to great designs perswaded him to set them forwards and assisted him in their execution Formerly all affairs were carried without secrecy
have the reputation of an extraordinary Honesty especially to the transacting of such things which notwithstanding their innate Justice may provoke any evil spirits For though the most upright regulate their Judgements by some Principles which serve them as a Law in the Government of a State yet the most part ghuessing onely by their own senses and apprehensions judge of the Affairs by the Persons who conduct them Opinion guides the whole world and sets a price upon virtue it self and the reputation alone of him who negotiates may cause his designs to passe under the notion of good and lawful If the Foxes good counsel be once suspected by a man he will be hardly perswaded that a Person replenished with all the ornaments of a singular integrity will engage himself in unjust designs The repute of such a person sets a value and a price upon his words and actions and the opinion which is conceived of him is so absolute an Empire that there is no Appeal from his Judgement It is an ancient saying Truth is the strongest thing in the world But however if once Opinion hath fixed her Throne in the mindes of the people Truth will have somewhat to doe to disappoint her The prescriptions of a Physitian who is in esteem doe even passe for good And the Acts of a person who hath the credit of a sublime Virtue cannot be found fault withall The wiseft of the Pagans were not ignorant hereof but made great advantages by it as occasion offered it self Scipio the African would sometimes be a long while together all alone in the Capitol pretending he did conferr with Jupiter concerning the affairs of the Commonwealth and all this he did that he might be thought to be endued with a more than humane Piety Minos the Law-giver of Candia went down to make Laws into a subterranean Cave which he called Jupiters Grot and thence brought them all written perswading the people to believe that they were inspired into him by that Divinity And this was an easie way to perswade the people to whatsoever they had a mind to God himself hath thought it very proper too when he would bring any great thing to passe for he hath chosen usually such men who by their eminent virtue are able to make all people believe that whatsoever they declare could not be but truth He hath commanded the Prophets and Apostles to publish such sayings as would jarr and clash with the senses of most men and yet he hath replenished them in respect of his choice with the many graces that it were almost impossible for the most part not to believe them The deputation of the Sieur de la Ville-aux-clercs to the King of England in the qualitie of an Extraordinary Ambassador AFter the King had payed this respect to the Pope and that the Articles of Mariage had been coucluded upon the twentieth of November His Majestie cast his eys upon the Sieur de la Ville-aux-clerâ—s one of his Councellors and Secretary of State to dispatch him into England as an Extraordinary Ambassador He gave him particular order to testifie unto the King of Great Britain and the Prince of Wales the great affection which he had to live with them in a strait and near intelligence and to assure them that one of the chiefest reasons which drew him to agree to the Mariage was the consideration that as one link of their Friendship was tyed by Blood this would render it indissolvable After these Complements were once past he commanded him to procure the Articles of Mariage to be ratified and to obtain their Oaths and Promises by Writing according to what the Ambassadors had engaged their words He discharged himself with honour both to the one and t'other Commission and having several times entertained them with the Content that his Master would conceive by their Alliance he at last concluded with such dexteritie that he had instilled into them all sorts of good will and affection for France and in particular for his Majesties Interests and so invited them to a quick consummation of the Treatie that the sudden chances which usually happen to affairs of this consequence might not breed any alteration or change This was the ground-work upon which he founded his demands for their Instruments and Oaths which had been promised and which both of them were readily disposed to effect and accordingly they promised upon the Holy Evangelist not to attempt by any wayes or means to induce the Princesse to change the Roman Catholique Apostolique Religion or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it They likewise promised upon their Faith and words of Princes to grant to the Catholiques more Liberties and Franchises in every thing which concern'd their Religion than had been given in favour of the Match with Spain not to force them to take Oaths contrary to the Rules of the Roman Church and to take effectual care that they were no more troubled in their Persons or Estates for their Religion provided they exercised it in private and lived in obedience as good Subjects ought to doe and finally both of them signed and delivered two Deeds for the better assurance of their Oaths and Promises After all this his Instructions did not oblige him to be contented with words onely as to that which concern'd the Libertie of the Catholiques so that he proceeded with great earnestness to obtain the effects of it and he was assured that upon the conclusion of the Mariage there should be a Patent of Enlargement granted to all such as were Prisoners for their Religion-sake without being any more troubled for the future and for what related to all in general there was a Deed made under his Majesties own Hand and Seal directed to the Lord Conway Secretary of State commanding him to signifie to all whom it concern'd that it was his Majesties pleasure no farther prosecution should be made against them and accordingly the Lord Conway gave notice hereof to the Chancellor Treasurer to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York and to all other chief Officers principally requiring the Grand Treasurer to restore unto them all the monies which had been forced from them and payd into the Exchequer with order not to do the like hereafter and thus by obtaining their Promises Words and Assurances they had as much security as they could wish for could they but be contented to exercise their Religion in private and without noyse Politique Observation THe word of a King hath alwayes pass'd for so sacred that ours have sometimes scrupel'd at the confirmation by Oath of what they once gave upon their words It was for that reason Saint Lewis would not swear in his own person to the League then made with Henry the third King of England at the Camp neer St. Aubin Anno 1231. but desired it might suffice if he caused it to be sworn in his name and presence by the Prior of St. Martin the fields Indeed there being nothing
more inviolable than the word of a Prince it were an offence to doubt of his fidelity or to desire his ratification by Oath The Genius of a Prince was heretofore held in such veneration that another swore for him now to desire that he himself should swear were to decline that respect which is due unto him However the Infidelity of some hath made it a custom that all should confirm their Treaties by Oath when they are of any great importance which Oath is the strictest tye which they can be bound in The Laws look upon it for so venerable that they never permit it to be broken what ever advantage happen by it Perjury is condemned as a double sin because it not onely violateth that Religion which is due to God who is invoked as a witness but also Faith which is the most sacred Bond of humane society Which Laws too do oblige Princes much more then other men to keep their Oaths because if they once forfeit their reputation of being faithfull they have not any thing left them which is considerable Christians ought to be most precise in this point if they would not be put to the blush at the many examples of Pagans and Infidels It is much to be lamented that most men make no difference between deceit and dissimulation that they make no bones of infringing their Oaths if they may but get any thing by it they do much rather incline to follow the opinion of Marius though discommended by all the Sages of Antiquity who thought the Art of well-lying a great piece of vertue and that it was an Index of a good Wit then that of the Common-wealth of Rome which was so religiously faithfull for their words that Ptolomey King of Egypt left his young son their tuition and protection without the least apprehension of suspition Neither was he deceived in his confidence for after they had administred his government with integrity as soon as he came of age they delivered up the Kingdome into his own hands The Renewing of the Alliance between his Majesty and the States of Holland AT the same time that the English Embassadours arrived at Compeign the Sieurs de Nortwijck de Paw d' Esten extraordinary Embassadours from the States of Hollaâ—d came likewise thither to desire his Majesties Assistance and the renewing of the ancient Alliance The League being ended and the enemies of their Liberties beginning to execute the designs which they had hatch'd for their ruine The King who hath never lesse inclination to assist his Allies then to keep his own People in obedience received them with all kind of favour and forthwith gave them great hopes of obtaining their desires His Majesty knew that their Protection was Honourable that there is nothing more glorious for a Soveraign then to shelter under his Power those who are oppressed that what Assistances he gives them are most assured signs of his greatnesse and generosity and withall that it was full of Justice The History of Holland had taught him that the Princes of Austria by their altering the Fundamental Laws and oppressing the publick Liberty of those Countries had thrown themselves out of that Power which they once had over them that the Hollander had reason sufficient for their Authority to shake off the yoke of their obedience by those Laws which are as ancient as the quality of the Earl of Holland An ancient saith that Power is full of equity which is imployed in defence of the weak and feeble and there is not any thing more just then to conserve to ones Allies those Liberties which belong to them time out of mind and by the Fundamental Laws of their Country This in particular was so much the more assuredly just for Princes who possesse a Country by Treaty with the People and upon Conditions cannot infringe them and not lose their Authority and especially if they break Covenants which doth absolutely discharge such Subjects from their obedience The Hollanders were acknowledged for Free and Soveraign People in the Treaty of the League made Anno 1609. by the Kings of Spain and Arch-Dukes of Flanders And in the same quality have the Kings of England Deâ—mark and Sweden the most part of the Hans Towns the Common-wealth of Venice and many Princes of Germany ever treated with them whence it appears a work of Justice to aid them in main taining their Franchises A work of Justice so much the more certain for that liberty hath been ever esteemed a just cause for a War every one concluding it more glorious to die then to live in servitude from which his Birth and the Priviledges of his country have exempted him Besides these important reasons the King was no lesse informed of the especial advantages which France might make by defending of them that it is above threeseore years together that they have obliged not onely this State but the most part of Europe to assist them to ballance the Power of Spain and so to find his Armies imployment in that Country that his designs elsewhere might be frustrated besides that it was now much more necessary in regard the Garisons were to be established in the Valtoline and it would concern the State to make him some diversions that might entertain his Armies elsewhere withall he found that if he did assist Holland with these succours it would ingage them to do as much for him when occasion should require it which was no inconsiderable thing as Henry the Great found by experience when he was by them assisted against those unjust oppositions which were formed by the League to thwart and cross him He himself too might fall into the same necessities seeing the prosperity of Kingdomes is like a Calm at Sea which as it is often over-blown with storms so that too is no less subject to interruption by civil or forraign Wars These reasons were indeed too too weighty to reject that people demands And his Majesty whose greatest pleasure consists in doing such things as might testifie both his Justice and Courage gave all sorts of Assurances to their Embassadours of a strong succour and thought good to make a Treaty for the renuing of the ancient Alliance His Majesty gave the Cardinal power to conclude on the Conditions with them and this great Minister who had not a little fortified his Majesty in that resolution having determined them concluded it in the moneth of June at Compeign by which he bound himself to deliver them by way of Loan three Millions and two hundred thousand Livers in three years On condition that they should re-imburse them three years after the War was ended That they should neither make Peace or League with any one what ever without his advice and interposition That if he had any occasion of Ships of War they should furnish him either for sale or hire at a reasonable Price That in case he himself were ingaged in any Wars they should repay him one half of the said
summs of money or assist him with Ships according to the Proportion of that which was lent them That they should cause such French Regiments as should be entertained in Holland to be conducted to Calais or Diepe And thus in one and the same moneth the Cardinal made his entrance upon the Administration very remarkable by the resolution of the Match with England which ingaged the King of Great Brittain in his Majesties interests by the entertaining of the Spanish Forces in the Low Countries by which he diverted them from assisting the Valtolines so powerfully as otherwise they had done Politick Observation IF Marriages serve to augment the Power of a King certainly those Alliances which are made with neighbour States for reciprocal assistance in War do no less contribute towards it provided they be well established Two States well united are undoubtedly stronger then one alone and as an ancient Author saith if an enemy should prevail against one yet two would be able to oppose him Partnership is that which inricheth Merchants in Trading and Alliances enable Princes to make forraign invasions with their Forces and if there be such profit to be made out of it I suppose they are very necessary for the divine wisdome hath so disposed all Kindomes that they have all need one of another Aristotle saith nibil pâ—r se subsist it nothing is able to subsist by it self onely and if in the Microcosm every part is needfull for one another not excepting the most noble God hath also imparted Power to Soveraigns with such equality that they are never able to increase it without mutual assistance from one another Upon this foundation it is that all Alliances are established It is absurd to beleeve that the bare friendship of Princes can be a sufficient Bond seeing that it is interest which onely ties them effectually as is apparent to all men for that they usually break them when once they appear against their concernments If ever there be occasion to unite them together it is chiefly when there is danger of a common enemy and that they would hinder his growing strength and prevent him from making attempts upon their bordering neighbours and consequently upon themselves In fine it was upon that score that the Iâ—alian Ambassadors perswaded King Antiochus to league himself with them against the Romans representing to him that if he did not keep them in continual exercise they would render themselves Masters of his Allyes and then enter upon his own Country too And it was for the same reason that the Princes of the house of Orleans finding themselves too weak to make head against the Burguignions allied themselves with the English though otherwise they hated them and that Ferdinand King of Naples allyed himself with Lewis Sforza Tutor to John Galeazzi his Nephew and Laurence de Medicis that they might oppose the French who then threatned them Colonel Ornano is made Prisoner in the Bastile and thence sent to the Castle of Caen. VVHilest the King negotiated these two important Treaties and that the Cardinal gave a happy progress to them by his Counsails the Marquis de la Vieville who for the two last years had a great hand in the affairs inform'd the King that the Colonel d' Ornano Governour to the Duke of Orleans his Brother took such a course as would in time trouble the State The he had not forgot any artifice to render himself agreeable to the Monsieur and to gain such a power over his spirit that the Honour which he had to be his Governour gave him a great power in his Family That before he had gained the Mounsieurs affection he made his brags openly that he would get the Mastery over him to the intent he might raise his fortune to a higher pitch That he began to sow distrusts in the mind of that Prince and to extinguish the seeds of that Respect Love and Obedience which Nature had given to him in creating him That he took advantage of his good favour to make himself feared and that he vaunted to have done many things contrary to his duty of which there were many particulars and that he was observed to take great care to hold Intelligence with the Grandees of the Court This was so much the more to be feared for that the greatest misfortunes and the most part of Civil Wars have no other beginning then misunderstandings of Princes against their Kings The King thought good to impart it to the Cardinal and having demanded his advice of what was proper to be done in that occasion he did not at all dissemble the danger it would be to permit this procedure of the Colonel But the moderation of his spirit would not suffer him to carry him on to use such violent remedies as others did advise him to but on the contrary he represented to him that the Laws of Mercy obliged Kings to pardon the first faults of Grandees provided that they would confesse their errors especially if there be a meanes to prevent any consequence of danger That the wisest are sometimes subject to miscarriages and are also capable to repent them and afterwards to doe great services That the moderation which many wise Princes have shewed towards such offenders hath made them more faithful and affectionate then those who never committed any miscarriage at all That this Repentance was the more reasonably to be hoped from the Colonel d' Ornano who till then had lived within those limits which ought to be observed by those of his condition that his Father had given him a good example by those services which he had done until his death That he had indeed forgot himself but that his omission might be remedied which seemed to deserve pardon so much the more in regard it is almost impossible for the greatest part of Mankind not to forget themselves whenas fortune shall advance them into a place of Eminency Moreover there was reason to hope that the onely removing him for some time from the Monsieur would make him reassume his former countenance would make him sensible of his fault and he himself would easily be induced to judge that this embroyl wherein he had suffered himself to be surprised would undoubtedly precipitate him into utter ruin instead of raising him into a higher condition This counsel was accompanied with a much Prudence as Moderation and the King who is ever carried of himself to follow the best advice onely commanded the Collonel d' Ornano to retire himself to his Government of Pont-Sainct-Esprit untill he were permitted to return to the Court but the Collonel being confident that there were nothing but surmises and conjectures against him had the boldness to refuse obedience to this order perswading the Monsieur to keep him near him and to procure from the King by any extraordinary instances that he might not be forced from the Court The Monsieur beseeched his Majesties with all possible affection However the King gave him to understand that
first comming to the Crown he attempted with his utmost power to redress those dis-orders which he found He spilt the blood of such as were Malefactors with much severity and shewed himself to be very covetous which behaviour of his rendred him so odious that not many moneths after he was slain in the midst of Rome by his own Souldiers It is with the People as with a sick man who if in a Dropsie he have not water given him to drink though in it self very hurtfull throws himself into dangerous extremities so they if presently restrained from those Liberties and Freedomes which they had used to injoy do run into Desperation and Fury and eagerly push at the destruction of those whom they suppose Authors of the Alteration Above all it is necessary that a Minister who would change the face of affair with time should use a great deal of sweetnesse and a singular Lenity in it because insolency and impetuousnesse are evil qualities which do not at all conduce to the dispatch of Affairs and have no other operation then to render them odious who use it It makes the most justifiable remedies insupportable whereas courtesie and kindness sweetens any anguish and makes it passe for very reasonable People do in some sort rather love disorder in a Minister provided he be tractable then vertue if he be hard of access rough or insolent His commands will carry more Power with them if they be accompanied with gentleness then if set on with Force and Fury For which reason I should wish to him the temper of Aristides who amongst other good qualities that he had was master of a great affability which gain'd him the heart of all the World so that afterwards he might do what he would himself or the Humanity of Pompey which was such that never any one went dis-satisfied out of his Presence or the courtesie of Augustus whose Gates were ever open to all who would make addresses to him and whose Petitions himself received with an admirable curtesie It is to the examples of these wise men he ought to conform himself not with an easinesse or too great a facility that rather foments publick dis-orders but with the noble couragious sweetness of Brutus who according to Plutarch was beloved of all People for his natural goodness though the intention of his Will was so upright that he knew not what it was to stoop to the toleration of any disorders The Sieurs de Champigny and de Marillac are advanced to the Superintendency of the Exchequer AFter the dis-favour of the Marquesse de la Vieville his Majesty being necessitated to put into his place a super-intendent upon whose Prudence and Fidelity in the Administration of the Finances he might safely rely took advise of the Cardinal well knowing that it is in vain to choose Officers if the are nor able well to execute their places because they are as it were the Soul and main-spring by which he shall arrive to any good successe This grand Minister then discoursing with his Majesty upon this subject did not any longer conceal those aggrievances which several men did complain of in the Marquess de la Vieville but thought it necessary to set two in his place His reason was That the regulating of the Finances wes much different from that of the Administration of the State because if the division and envy which should arise between two Ministers would draw on many inconveniences yet the mis-understanding which might make a separation between two super-intendents would be the more advantagious it being somewhat impossible that two men who are grown jealous of one another should divert the monies from the Treasury either of them fearing least his Fellow-brother should detect him His advice was to chuse two such as were of great Honesty because admit that one should be corrupted in his Office yet the other might stand firm Besides this he advised him to cast his eyes upon such men whose age and experience had made them of good capacities He thought ancient men and such as were versed in affairs more proper then others because they are naturally inclined to more stayednesse and have a greater respect and authority then young men to move the people to submit to those Impositions which shall be charged upon them That the experience which they have by age is the more needfull in affairs of concern for without that experience Age doth rather make men unweildy and unapt for business that this same experience is known for one of the most solid Foundations of Wisedom of which no one can be more assured then he who had often been deceived by Fortune and who hath found to his cost that he ought to trust but a few and to be confident but of a little Moreover he proposed too chuse such as were neither too poor nor too rich not very poor fearing least the power of disposing the Treasuries might work upon their dispositions to mis-imploy it to their own uses that they might raise themselves out of their Poverty and Needinesse not very rich least the power and Authority which they possess might invite them to attempt whatever should be suggested to them Above all he advised his Majesty not to place in such Offices of charge and trust any but men of understanding and such as bad some government in their own affairs there being no reason to intrust the second affairs of the Kingdome with people of but an indifferent Capacity nor no hopes but of ruine and confusion from such whose life hath been disorderly and these are the chiefest good qualities of which a Super-intendent of the Finances ought to bee Master The King was not ignorant of these truths but was glad to find them confirm'd to him by the approbation of this grand Minister and in prosecution of it desiring him to name some men in particular upon whom his Majesty might cast his eys to fill up those vacant Offices He proposed to him the Sieurs de Champigny and de Marillac as persons in whom these qualities were eminent Their Age and Experience had made them ripe for all sorts of business their Birth and Fortune had favourably imparted to them the gifts of Body and Mind Lastly that most men gave them the Honour of esteeming them both Valiant and Loyal so his Majesty equally depending upon their reputation and the Cardinals advice honoured them with the Super-intendency It cannot be denied but that most of the Cardinals faithfull creatures reflecting upon the little service which the Sieur de Marillac would have done the State in his own person took occasion to talk of it that the should be so preferred into affairs without remembring those extravagancies of his during the Confederacy But such ought to consider that resolutions ought not to be judged by the event that the wisest Counsels are sometimes attended with ill success as well as the most rash and unadvised attempts and I shall tell them withall that the
to by France but as stoutly rejected by the Spaniards for that it did not grant to them the enjoyment of the Passages Their Refusal surprised the Pope but he being made by some of their Ministers who had represented to him that those Passages were the least recompence which they could pretend to in lieu of many Millions which they had expended for the defence of the Catholique Religion in the Valtoline His Holyness proposed to them to grant them passage for their Souldiers into Germany and Flanders in behalf of the War which they should make against the Heretiques but upon no other occasion whatsoever To this the King would in no wise agree because to have granted them free passage there upon what occasion soever were to give them the whole end of their design which was to unite the Estates which the House of Austria hath in Germany to those in Italy as we shall â—lswhere declare and by that means to expose the Princes of Italy as a Prey to the Spanish Ambition more especially the Venetians who should that thing be assented to have good cause to complain of France Besides that Article was quite contrary to the Treaty at Madrid for the execution of which this Treaty was onely intended That withall the King was in a League with those of Venice and Savoy and had engaged his Word his Honour and his Faith to resettle things in their former state It is true the Commander of Sylleris had been surprised by the Spaniards and had consented to those Articles wherein the demand of those Passages was included but however had not signed them and the King disowned them and declared that he having done it contrary to his order he was not bound to ratifie it and principally seeing he himself too had not assented to them but after he had understood of the disgraces which had befallen the Chancellor his Brother and the Sieur de Pisieux his Nephew Politique Observation IT is very dangerous for a Prince to sit still and see another invade his neighbours for certain Passages or Countries which may lay his States as it were hedge by hedge and especially if those places may serve for a In-let or Door to give succours to his own Allies such a thing were to give him leave to turn his weakness into strength for that united States are stronger then when disunited Great Rivers whilst they are in small Brooks are fordable by every one and are not feared at all until all their waters run in the same channel and divided Estates may easily be surprised whereas if united they are capable of giving jealousie to their neighbours as also to make attempts upon them It is a common saying in Philosophy Vis unita fortior united Power is much stronger than when divided into several particulars Sertorius evinced this to his Army for a Truth by a witty Invention he commanded two Souldiers to pull off a Horses tayl both which he chose for the purpose of a different humour and strength the one of them weak but ingenious the other strong but rash the latter in obedience to Sertorius command took a whole handful of the Horses tayle and tugging with all his force could not pull it off the second took a quite contrary way he pull'd them off hair by hair until he quite made an end whence Sertorius took an occasion to exhort his Souldiers never to separate themselves either in a Fight or upon a March he told them they had seen that united Forces are hard to be vanquished but easily overcome if disunited If this reason be sufficient to warrant a man from permitting an Invasion in any Country it is the more necessary to be prosecuted when it serves for a mutual passage for France to assist its Allies and to receive succour from them for that these Passages are of as great concernment as the Allies themselves for once being lost Allies can neither give or receive any succours at all That Prince who suffers them to be usurped exposeth his ancient Allies to be made a prey and cuts off one of his own armes wherewith he might have defended himself For this very reason it is that our Kings having often discoved the Spaniards designs of invading Savoy have presently been on foot to defend it as the usual Gate of Communication between France and Italy which once lost they knew that all the Princes of Italy would quickly be reduced to the mercy of the Spaniards seeing they could not be assisted by France which hath ever been their Protectrix as also that France if occasion were could not receive any succours from them The Deputation of the Sieur de Bethune to Rome as Ordinary Embassador and the Revocation of the Commander of Syllery THe Commander de Syllery being thus surprised the King was obliged to call him home and to send in his place Monsieur de Bethune a man of great judgement and reputation to whom he gave expresse order to declare very resolutely to the Pope that he would never consent that the Spaniards should have passage in the Valtoline and to beseech him in his Majesties name that he would use his authority to inforce the execution of the Treaty of Madrid that according to the rules of Justice the Grisons might be restored to that which had been usurped from them both in the Valtoline as also in the rights of the League at Caddee A little after his departure his Majesty received advice that the resolution of denying those passages was approved of at Rome so he dispatched one to him upon the way that he might every day be more resolute and that hee publish it aloud to all the world to stop the Spaniards mouths who made people beleeve that at last wee should give ground and accord it to them The Sieur de Bethune being arrived at Rome acquitted himself so worthily of that which was give him in charge that the Pope no more doubting of his Majesties resolution told him he would forthwith discharge himself of the Forts in the Valtoline The Sieur de Bethune was for the present satisfied with it and gave notice of it to the King But upon receiving his Majesties further pleasure upon that particular he very briskly told his Holiness it would be a thing of very ill consequence to deliver them into the Spaniards power seeing if it were once done a breach between the two Crowns were not to be avoided That it were no lesse against the Interest of Religion to surrender them to the Grisons who were Hereticks and that the best expedient which could be taken was but by the By he proposed it onely as from himself either to raze them as by the Treaty of Madrid was agreed on or to leave them to the Valtolines themselves seeing there might be an easier agreement made with them then with any others The Pope found himself so intangled that he knew not what to resolve so that the businesse had been Wyer-drawn into a great
he resolved to send the Marquess de Coevures into Swizzerland at the same time that the Sieur de Bethune was dispatched towards Rome There were two Instructions delivered to him by the first he was ordered to re-unite all the Swisse Cantons with his Majesty to dispose the Catholicks to give their assent to the Treaty of Madrid and to espy if in this re-union there might not some way be found out for to re-place the Grisons into the Soveraignty of the Valtonine The second was to be kept private if the first took effect else he was commanded to incourage the Grisons to rise who should receive assistance from his Majesty of such Troops as should be necessary according to such orders as should be received there went with the Marquess all the Grisons Captains who were at that time in the Swiss Regiment who were thought most able to be made use of in the Valtoline to fish out any thing which might be thought proper to be known and to give intelligence to the Marquess of those Countries But that which was the best guide of all was to see six hundred and sixty thousand Livres pass in a Convoy to be distributed some part amongst the Swisses upon whose natures nothing hath so great an influence as mony and the other part upon the first expences of the war if there should be any occasion to begin it Upon his comming into Swisserland he found the Spaniards had made strong Parties there so that it was impossible for him on the sudden to open the peoples eyes that they might see how they precipitated themselves into their own ruine He imployed the Sieurs de Mesnim du Mesnil to negotiate with them in smal Assemblies and presently after his arrival he went to Baden but it was with little success untill the General meeting in August at Souleur In the ixterim he laboured very diligently to gain the Principal Captains either by distributing the Kings money amongst them or by instilling such other reasons as might be able to move them To the Catholicks he gave assurances that his Majesty did not interess himself for the re-stating the Grisons in the government of the Valtoline but withall necessary conditions for the exercise of the Catholick Religion which made those suspicions which had been infused by the Spaniards to vanish As for the Interest of the Church and the good of their State it was evidently demonstrated to them that the losse of the Valtoline would presently be followed by that of the three Grisons which were inleagued together and of which the Arch-Duke Leopold had already gotten a good part That after the dis-uniting of those confederates the Spaniard being master of the Passages would not much trouble himself about those little Cantons which brought into them a great profit and made them upon that score very considerable In brief that it would quickly be easie for to invade their Country and that he would the sooner attempt it for that he did not want any pretensions to intitle himself to the Mastery of it These important reasons strenthened with the payment of their Pensions did so shake some of the Cantons that those of Berne and Zurich did first consent that there should be souldiers levied for the King and such Provisions of Ammunition as every place should require But the Martquess chief endeavour was at the Assembly at Souleur where he shewed a Master-peece of Prudence speaking very highly of his Masters name and succours and making use of the mony which he had brought with him both together served him to good purpose for obtaining of them if not all yet the most part of his desires The Catholicks accorded to ratifie the Treaty of Madrid declaring however that they did not intend to become bound to recover the Valtoline by force Then he got such assurances as himself liked from those of Berue and Zurich for the Levies of those Souldiers which they had promised and withall got it to be approved by all the Cantons onely that of Souleur excepted which by the means of Ladnoyer Rool's Faction refused to declare it self It is true the Catholicks consented to it but upon condition onely it were for France but there was a little more then so intended in it for the Marquess demanded them for the service of his Master and of his Allies without openly declaring that it was for the Grisons In Prosecution of time and not hoping to procure any greater assistance he began to prepare all things to enter with an Army upon the Valtoline but however it was after he had informed his Majesty of the condition of affairs amongst the Grisons where the Sieur de Landâ—e de Vaux imployed by his Majesty had put things into a very good posture and untill he had received his Majesties expresse orders and commands Politick Observation COmmonwealthâ— especially Popular are hardly perswaded to any great undertakingâ— they are naturally so in love with Peace That there is not any Warre how glorious or profitable soever which they would prefer before it Princes are capable of being ingaged upon divers considerations either for the love which they bear to their Allies or out of a sense of honour which they are commonly touched with or out of an apprehension of what may follow or out of such jealousie as a puissant Neighbour may oblige them to have or by neernesse of blood or by the compassion which they have of others miseries and the Ambition to become Protectors of their States But Republicks are not touched with any of these considerations All such as are called to a Common Councel think of nothing but their own particular Interest and they imagine that whatsoever hinders the injoyment of their Revenue or stops their Commerce or their Labors as War is a greater and more considerable evil then any others which you can make them sensible of and they can be drawn to nothing but in case of absolute desperate extremity Not but that there may be amongst the people some Souls and Courages more daring then others but as most voices carries it not their merit who advise it so they are no more regarded then Reason is when as a multitude of different Passions entertain the Will upon some pernicions object It is to no purpose for a man to attempt to shew them any consequences which may happen in future for their spirits have not a thing so noble as to look further then the time present they are sensible of nothing but what is beaten into them and they will much sooner be perswaded to beleeve that Fortune who they thinks disposeth of all humane affairs because themselves want wit to govern them will defend them from those evils which they are threatned with then be induced to take their own defences by Force of Amrs. Moreover their closer covetous homou abhominates any thoughts of expences without which War cannot be maintained and the noise of Guns and Drums onely do so beat their
entred without any resistance but he having first given the Allarum to the Town he who commanded the Fort had the leisure to put himself into a Posture of defence and to shut the Gate but the Sieur de Soubize did not long keep the Town in his power for the Duke of Vendosm then Governour of Brittain hearing of it presently sent to all the Nobility of the Province with order to bring all the men they could every one of which came with great diligence The Duke of Vendosm comming Post found that the Sieur de Querrollin entred into the Fort with store of Souldiers Victuals and Ammunition The Duke of Rets and Brissac came at the same instant of time as also those Gentlemen who were in a condition thereabouts and the chief amongst them being in Counsel together it was concluded to build a new Fort just over against the old one with intent to batter the Ships of the Sieur de Soubize and to sink those with more ease which he should attempt to carry out of the Port as also to assault the Town in six several places The Fort was finished in a trice and a Battery presently Planted but as soon as ever the Town should have been assaulted both he and his Souldiers forsook the place Withall to bring the design to a good passe they played with their shot day and night upon the Ships where he was and the Cannon did such execution that he was forced to hoise Sail which he did by the help of a dark night and a strong wind which carried him over the Cables that were overthwart the Port though the Cannon indeed sunk the best of the Duke of Nevers Ships and forced four of the greatest on Shore at the mouth of the Port which were taken and in fine he sled towards Rochel who were not behind hand as also the whole body of the Hugonots to disown it by their Deputies and by their Declarations which they sent the King Politique Observation IT is a dangerous Deficiency in Governours of Provinces not to keep good watch and ward in times of Peace upon places of importance especially on the Sea-Coast and such States as are subject to be agitated with Civil Wars For what neglect is committed in this point doth much help and assist those who would imbroyl things and who may come by Sea upon a sudden to surprize them Holy Writ tels us That they of the Tribe of Dan being informed that the Inhabitants of Laish were secure and suspected nothing went assaulted them took their Town without resistance put them all to the Sword and burned their City Did not Francis the first upon his expedition into Italy and by the surprize of Villa Franca teach all Governours of all Places that there is no consideration whatever can exempt them from alwaies being upon their Guards and that it is without reason that they think themselves secure either by the strength of their Fortifications or by the far distance of their enemies For Prospero Collonna who commanded that Town and making merry without the least suspicion upon confidence that the King was far enough off from him was surprised by the Sieur de Palisse which he heard not of before he saw him in his Quarters It is true he himself might be excused in regard his Sentinels were taken and that some of the Inhabitants held Intelligence with the Sieur de la Palisse but however the whole misfortune was laid in his dish though he was a brave Commander yet he was much blamed it being not permitted to a man of that condition to say I did not think I was in any danger For this very reason it was that Iphicrates one of the Athenians most renowned Captains would have his Army alwaies upon their guard or in a posture to fight during times of Peace in the same manner as if in the heat of War and he answered some who misliked his curiosity that one ought alwaies to suspect who would not be surprized Indeed vigilance is one of the most necessary qualities for a Governour of a Place he ought to esteem that the honour which he hath in commanding to be but a glorious servitude That in Commanding all he is bound to watch for all that he remember Governments are called charges and that the name of Charge which he hath ought to teach him that it is a burthen committed to his Prudence and that the place which is intrusted with him is not barely recommended to him but he to the place to be guarded and conserved with his best care Anno Dom. 1625. EVERY one takes delight in the Spring time to consider the Face of the World when as the hand of God guides the Sun a little nearer to us to behold that fair Star establishing a serenity and calmnesse in the ayr before troubled with Tempests to see the Earth replenished with a thousand Ornaments of Beauty before languishing and quite decayed by the bitternesse of Winter and to view Plenty introduced in the room of Barrennesse which the Hoar Frosts and Snows had left behind them But how much more delightfull was it to look upon France presently after it had pleased his Majesty to advance the Cardinal to the Government of Affairs who like a Sun which should be the greatest instrument of his glory began to re-assume his ancieat Splendour and to dispel by little and little those causes of Civil Wars which did every year renew themselves in the State to set bounds to the ambition of strangers and to establish such an order under the Kings authority which is not onely the happiest but most Illustrious of all other Kingdomes The increase of glory which his Majesty every day gave to this Minister did serve to augment his courage and raised new lights in his Soul subtilized his Prudence and furnished him with occasions to demonstrate to the World that he was amongst those Ministers of whom History gives us such commendations to be as the Cedar amongst the Hysop He could not be enough admired seeing his whole life was nothing but a Publick imployment and who absolutely renouncing the idle voluptuousnesse of several other Favourites who seem to think on no other thing then to indulge themselves with those favours which fortune presents to them had his mind without any intermission still affixed upon high designs tending to the glory and Grandure of his Master He knew that immoderate unseasonable delights did rob Ministers of State of a thousand fair opportunities That it is impossible to serve the Publick and injoy the pleasures of this life he made open profession he had none but such as were necessary for an honest diversion and certainly if pleasures could not bewitch him interest nor profit could never Charm him or get any power over his Will Honour was the chief aim which he proposed in all his actions which he sought for in his Masters glory and he scorned all profit which did keep him off from it But that
which from the beginning gave the greatest admiration of all to his conduct was that imitating that manner of operating used by the Divinity which is invisible as his Essence There were every day wondrous effects of his Prudence brought to light before any resolutions were heard of or before any Orders taken were perceived whereas before there was not any thing concluded on which did not make more noise then the effects We shall proceed to consider the particular in the Processe of this History and I shall satisfie my self with laying down this positive ground That the King having given him the Honour of all his Trust after he had known the eminency of his Genius the wisedom of his Counsels his fidelity not to be shaken the dexteriousness of his Conduct which hath nothing parallel with it he likewise totally gave himself up to his Majesty Politique Observation A Minister is obliged in the same manner to make his Masters greatnesse and that of the State his principal aim and end he ought to remember that Kings are the lively Image of the Divinity That then Ministers are the Suns which their Kings glory doth form for the good of their People As God hath created that Star which over-rules the day to shew us here beneath one Ray of his infinite Splendour and to be the Authour of all those blessings which are communicated to us here below but ought he not to know before he attain the honour of the imployment whereunto he is arrived that private Interest which doth serve to inrich Families is the greatest enemy of State in the Soul of a Minister and that the Administration of a Kingdom ought to be done as the Tutillage of Orphans which is granted not for the profit of the Guardian but of those persons who are intrusted under his Tuition Glory is the onely thing which is permitted him to aspire to and how can he hope to atchieve that without transacting many things which may give a Reputation to his Master and his own Ministration The Cardinal d' Amboyse lost a great part of his glory in Italy by preferring his own before his Masters Interests The Reputation of a Minister cannot be eminent unlesse he be intire to the Prince whom he hath the honour to serve He who is truly generous expects no other recompence for his Actions then the honour and satisfaction to have done them Also he cannot be ignorant that Virtue doth scatter such rays as make her venerable in the sight of all men and in this consists in the height of glory Particular between the King and Cardinal for the good of the STATE MOnsieur le Cardinal knowing there was nothing more pernicious to Kingdomes then the want of Generosity in Ministers who content themselves by living in a lazy Peace in which time they give leave to strangers to increase their powers and instead of cutting off the Causes do onely skin over disorders in the State did not imagine it sufficient to keep things in their former indifferency but brought the King to apprehend great designs towards the procuring that ancient lustre once again to France which it had in the beginning of its Empire It is natural to a man to be more apprehensive of those dangers which are nearest and as it were at hand upon him then those which are further off though they be of a worse consequence and at this passe had things been a long while together Whereas the livelinesse of the Cardinals Soul which penetrates into the Ages to come presently discovered to his Majesty the dangers of this nature and made him apprehend the other the more easily in regard his Majesty was not ingaged in them but onely by the weaknesse of those who had the management of affairs He made it quickly apparent to him that they who shew themselves so over-affectionate of Peace do by little and little weaken and decay the State without being aware of it that they do mollifie the Courages of the people by a sloathfull repose who by such waies are exposed to the violences of strangers who have in the mean while exercised themselves in Arms and acquired force enough to make an attempt upon their neighbours His Prudence imitated that of a discreet Physitian who that he may perswade his Patient to take such things as may be convenient for his sicknesse discourseth to him the causes of his indisposition and then leaveth in to himself to judge if they be not proper for him Sir said he one day to his Majesty in a particular Counsel though a King who looks after nothing more then quiet hath reason to bestir himself when he finds his Ministers have brought his State into disorder because there do every day arise to him new causes of discontent yet he who seeks Glory ought not to be much troubled at it for that such disorders are the Ground-works upon which he may raise Trophies as marks of his Prudence and Generosity so your Majesty need not be at all troubled for those defects which have happened to your Estate by the faults of those whom your Majesty hath imployed who though they have been very affectionate to your service have not however had Souls high enough to second the Generosity of your intentions You may easily remedy all this according as you have designed there need only wel to know the Causes and to apply such remedies as may be agreeable and the State will soon be in safety Your Majesty may command me any thing for that I dedicate all my cares and all my indeavours to you and I cannot have any greater pleasure then to sacrifice my life to your glory And seeing you do me the honour to hear me discourse what I think to be most considerable in the State of Affairs I shall not imagine my self deceived if I shall tell you that I have observed four things which are the principal Causes of the weaknesse and disability of this State The first is Forraign and is nothing but the unbridled Ambition of the Spaniard which makes him aspire to the Monarchy of Europe and carries him on to attempts upon your neighbouring States which are as the out-skirts of the Kingdom of which too he hopes to be one day Master when he shall once have fortified himself upon the Frontiers and made it destitute of succours from its Allies The other three are Domestick and at home which serve for supports to all Rebellions and Revolts which are like a Lyon bred up in the Kingdom from whence nothing but mis-fortunes can arise The second is the excessive licenciousnesse of the Grandees who do so much detract from your greatnesse by so much as they assume to themselves more then they ought The third is the want of disciplin'd Troops who should ever be on foot to oppose any enterprizes which may be made against your Majesty or your Allies The fourth is the want of considerable Foundations in the Treasury to commence War upon occasions and to
come to the very end he had proposed to himself or at least so neer as possibly he may withal remembring that he may perchance have formerly heard it said every one who fights doeth not conquer and the Conquerors do not alwayes were the Garland The King of Spain to breake the League between his Majesty the Duke of Savoy and Common-wealth of Venice negotiates another between himself and the Princes of Italy THe King of Spain was not a little surprised to see himself destitute of that Passage which is the surety of his States in Italy and concluded that in case that in-let should be stopped up it would be a great inconveniency to him so that without making himself sure of the Popes Protection he gave Orders to his Agents to treat a League between himself and the Princes of Italy to oppose that which had been concluded between the King Duke of Savoy and State of Venice and at the same time he summoned all his Estates and the principal Signeors depending upon his Crown to contribute their utmost towards the charges of the War Thus they gave an Allarum to Italy and made them all beleeve that the King Duke of Savoy and Venetians would divide it between them so every one of those little Princes being touched in his own Interests was very glad to enter into the League for his own defence The Partisans of Spain say that this Alliance between their King the Duke of Parma and Modena the Common-wealths of Genoa and Lucqua had concluded to raise an Army by Land of 24000 Foot and 6000 Horse which should be commanded in the Emperours name by the Duke de Teria Governour of Milan and a Navy by Sea of 90 Galleys who should come to Genova and be there commanded by the Marquess de Saincte Croix who was to be Admiral they reported too that all the Kingdomes of Spain and the Grandees of the whole Nation were taxed with great sums for the keeping of an Army of above 100000 men But all these black stormy Clouds vanished without any noise at the splendour of his Majesties Arms and he had more victories then Rodomontadoes as shal be made appear in the Prosecution of this year Politique Observation THE Affairs of Christendome were brought to that passe that the two Crowns of France and Spain did partake with the Interests of all other Princes The one is bound to assist those who are assaulted by t'other and never did either of them attempt any thing which ought not by reason of State bee opposed by the t'other If any one ask a reason hereof it may be ascribed to that emulation which for above a hundred years hath been nourished between them so that neither can indure to see t'other increase his strength or power but to speak more rightly the reason is not one and the same between France and Spain for that either of them have their particular motives The Spaniards like the Lacedemonians have fixed the highest part of their Monarchy not in that which is so much just as profitable for the inlarging of it and consequentially they do easily violate all Rights and Justice not reflecting that the Common-wealth of the Lacedemonians stood but a little while it being setled upon so ruinous a Foundation which was the destruction of their Power Now with France it is quite otherwise whose State being grounded upon Justice doth not hurry them on to snatch up their Arms but onely when their own defence or that of their Allies calls them to it France hath no design but to preserve it self Spain to increase it self France knoweth that safety consists in an equal ballancing of the Powers and strengths of one another and therefore it is that France thinks her self concern'd to obstruct Spains growing too Potent that he might not pretend to have any advantage over her or her Allies Spain on the other side which hath long since formed and contrived a design of making it self master of all Europe conceiveth that there is wrong done him if at any time France doth uphold her Allies in their just Possessions of their Estates or take up Arms for their defence Now to cement them in this dispute either of the two Crowns have their Allies which are tied to them by several Bonds that is by different considerations France hath such for her Allies who suspect the Power of Spain and fear they shall be set upon by it Spain hath others who take part with the Interests of the House of Austria as issued from thence by some relation or other and who are so far from France that being not easily releeved they are forced to keep all fair with them and serve them in their designs under the hopes that by this means they may at least procure that favour which the Cyclop promised Vlysses In this last from I range the Italians who having experimentally found how little favourable the Protection of France hath been hath been to them by reason of their distance from one another and the difficulties of passing Forces into their Country do tie themselves so much the stricter to the Spaniard it being easie for him to seize upon their States Milan and Naples lying so neer upon them Experience hath made it evident that they were never faithfull to the French They have sometimes ingaged our Kings in enterprizes by allying themselves with them but after they had occasioned great expences and all to no purpose they fell off from their words as Lewis the Moor Duke of Milan and then he of Milan who presently turned tayl to the Interests of Henry the 2d though he had secured him from the violences of the Emperour The onely means to unite them really with France and to draw them off from the Interests of Spain whom they have no great inclination to were to have a free open Passage for the Souldiers which might be quickly dispatched from Languedoc and Province which happiness France now hath by the Prudence of the Cardinal in the possession of Pignerol The Spaniard spreads abroad defaming Libels against the League of France Venice and Savoy AS Defamatory Libels are the most subtle Artifices which are used to surprize the minds of People and the Fire-brand which have been alwaies thought most proper to inflame their Courages to War So the Spaniards were not backward to countenance their designs by dispersing several of them abroad against the League between France Savoy and Venice and with all that Justice might appear to be with them to make use of Religion and Piety as a Cloak to their knavery They cannot but well remember that the same pretext served their King to invade the Indiaes That it was very advantagious to Philip the 2d to make himself Master of France and that very lately it gave them an In-let to the Palatinate and that they now hope by the same means to recover the Valtoline It gave their Libellers opportunity to say that the King of Great Britain and the Swiss
to fight gave the signal and fell upon them the Seamen were so dexterous that they got the wind of them in lesse then two hours there were above two thousand shot made and though the night came on yet the Fight ended not for the Duke perceiving nine of the greatest Ships retiring towards Rochel pursued them with such good successe that hee came up with them about day break and two others of their biggest Ships were not able to get off for want of water and so stuck on ground but long they did not so continue before they were taken It is true those of the Army who were got upon the Orelop and having killed all they met with the Souldiers who were in the Hold set fire to the Powder and blew up all above with such force that the Splinters of it were carried a quarter of a League off three of the Kings Ships were burned with it and above three hundred men lost amongst which were the Count of Vauvert the Sieur de Ville Neufeu and Veilon a Captain of Holland This accident did much take off from the content of the Victory yet it cannot be denied but that it was glorious enough for the happinesse of France in reducing the Rebels to that passe that they could not any more make any attempts by Sea Thus the rest of their Vessels which were of no great consequence retired some to Rochel and some into other places according as the Wind did drive them but never durst afterwards appear any more These things thus ended the Duke of Montmorancy landed at Oleron where he met with no resistance the Sieur de Soubize having withdrawn himself into England so that the whole Province was setled in quiet both by Sea and Land of all which his Majesty was very certainly informed who received the newes with much joy Politick Observation WHatever joys or delights Fortune insinuateth into those who revolt yet it is usually seen that all their designs end in ill success Experience hath made it often manifest that such Crimes seldome go unpunished and that Heaven hath used to sacrifice them to example They cannot more properly bee likened to any thing then to those high Mountains the points of whose Rocks seem to hreaten Heaven and which sending forth store of Clouds out of their Bosomes seem to obscure the light of the Sun though at last they are all dissipated by that fair Planet of the day who making those very same Clouds into Thunder-bolts causeth them to fall down upon them for to chastise their Insolency And is it not the same thing with Grandees who revolt and Rebell After they have made some attempts upon the Authority of their Soveraign are they not in fine ruined and brought into extremities by the Power of his Armes who takes occasion to crush them to peeces with that Power which they would have usurped themselves and did not of right belong unto them History abounds with exemplary Proofs of this Truth the many that are would spoil the design of quoting two or three onely But for the greater illustration of it I shall say thus much the injustice of a Cause is almost an infallible sign of an ill successe seeing Heaven doth commonly confound what Man hath wickedly built If at any time they shall become so powerfull as to secure themselves from the hazards of Battels yet they can never obtain a remission from Heaven They who attempt to grow great by unjust means will in fine meet their utter ruine God doth peradventure suffer them for the punishment of States to obtain advantages for some time but at last the violences which they Act fall upon themselves and they become a just subject for their Soveraigns Revenge The Arrival of Cardinal Barbirini in France as Legate from the Holy Chaire for the Affaires of the Valtoline WHilest the Fire of this Civil War was burning up of Languedoc The Cardinal Barbarini Legate from the Pope arrived in France and came to Marseille where he was received with great honour as also at Lyon according to the Orders sent by the King He came to Paris the one and twentieth of May and his Majesty caused his entrance to be made with the most Pomp that hath been seen for a person of his condition I shall not need insist on the relating that he is bound by the Laws of the Kingdome before he Officiate the Function of a Legate to present the Brief which the Pope hath given him for the imployment to the Parliament of Paris which is a Custome so ancient that I shall omit speaking any more of it but I shall observe that the Pope having ommitted in the Brief to give the King the Title of King of Navar which could not be denied to him without Injustice the Parliament refused to acknowledge it and obliged him not to make any further procedure in the businesse untill it were amended The Legate comming to Paris alighted at St. James de Haut-pas where the Clergy of the City the concourse of the Court and other Officers to the number of twelve thousand went to salute him and receive his Benediction After this the Prelates of Paris came to do their respects to him there was a little dispute in what habit they should appear before him the Legate desiring they should be in their Rockets and Camail covered over with a Mantlet as a mark that they had no power in his presence but the Prelates not being able to stoop to this Order by reason it was contrary to the Rules of the French Church it was concluded in the middle way between both to give some satisfaction to the Legate that they should go so habited to salute him and that they should accordingly accompany him in the Cavalcade to Nostre-Dame where being come they were to take off their Mantlets but all was done under a Proviso of saving their ancient right The King sent the Duke of Nemours the Sieur de Bonnevil the Introductor of Embassadours and several other Lords of great quality to receive him at his first arrival At night Monsieur the Kings Brother waited on him with a great number of Lords and saluted him with extraordinary respects and one his entrance accompanying him gave him the right hand The same day he had Audience from the King where nothing passed onely Complements but the next day he proposed what the Pope had given him in charge hee exhorted the King in general terms to Peace he urged his Majesty to restore things in the Valtoline to their former State as they were before the Army of the confederated Princes entred into it and beseeched him to grant a Cessation of Arms in Italy His Majesty answered to these three Propositions that he was ever inclined to Peace and that he would still be induced to it provided it were for the Publick safety and honourable for him and his Allies That as to what concerned the Valtoline the Treaty of Madrid made but a few years before
had made provision for all those difficulties which have risen ever since and that he desired the execution of it as to the Cessation of Arms that he could by no means hearken to it by reason of the prejudice it would bee to himself and his Allies and the great advantage those of the adverse Party might make out of it This was the sum of what passed on both sides The King adding in conclusion that he would send some one of his Councel to wait on him and try if there might be found out any way of accommodation Within a few dayes the Cardinal the Marshal de Schomberg the Sieur de Herbant Secretary of State went to wait on the Legate from the King and upon a conference he came to these two points The first was to demand the cessation of Arms in Italy and the t'other concern'd the giving his Holyness satisfaction pressing that the places in the Valtoline might be delivered into the Popes hands and that the King should make some excuses to him for the proceedings of the Marquis de Coeures Mâ—nsiâ—ur the Cardinal answered that the King had declared openly enough in his audience his intensions concerning the cessation of Arms in Italy and that if he should submit to it it would be a means of giving his enemies time and leisure to gather their forces together and to fortifie themselves against his Majesty and his Allyes That the Peace would as easily be concluded on as the War if either party would but hearken to Reason seeing the principal difficulties of State had been concluded in the Treaty of Madrid That there need nothing but some provision to be made in point of Religion to which his Majesty was much inclined That as to what he desired satisfaction in to his Holyness his answer was his Majesty never having consented to the deposit in his Holyness hands any longer then the time limited in which he ought to have caused the Treaty of Madrid to have been executed his Holyness had not any reason to complain and especially too considering the several declarations which had been made by the Sieur de Bethun in his Majesties name That the King could not any longer suffer the Grisons to be dispossessed of those Forts which did belong unto them Declarations which his Holyness himself thought to be reasonable for that he had upon them sent for the Spaniards to chide them for it Besides the respect which the Marquis de Coeures shewed to his Holynesse's Arms and Ensigns in the eye of the whole world did defend him from any blame which might be layd to his charge for having been defective in giving due honour to the holy Chair But that notwithstanding all these things his Majesty did bear so great a reverence to his Holyness that he would cause his Ambassadour to say all those words of respect and civility which should be thought fit as also that after the peace should be concluded his Majesty would consent to deliver up into his Holyness's hands the Fort of Chiâ—nuennes provided that the Spaniards would at the same time do the like by that of Rive to the intent both of them might be demolished which once done he would deliver all the rest up one after another until they were every one razed and that this was the most could be hoped for The Legat had other audiences and other conferences past between him and the Ministers where nothing more was proposed nor answered But the King being at Fountainbleau the Legate made a third proposition which concerned the security of the Catholique Religion in the Valâ—oline requiring for that purpose that the Soveraignty of the Grisons over the Valtolines should be moderated without which he supposed there could be no settlement His Majesty clearly declared unto him that the Interests of State and Religion were not to be mingled and that he would never grant any thing that might impair the Soveraignty of the Grisons his Allies over the Valtoline A while after he caused a conference to be had betwixt him and the Ministers upon that subject where having made the same proposition the Cardinal delated hmself upon the reasons of the Kings answer and told the Legat that his Majesty having taken the protection of the Grisons he could not consent to the diminition of their Soveraignty especially since it had been conferred unto them by the Treaty of Madrid since which time nothing had been altered in point of Religion That the Treaty was to be observed and that his Majesty could not depart from it without staining his Honour and Reputation offering notwithstanding his authority to give all sort of security and freedom to the Catholique Religion The Legat then declared the Pope was Head of the Church and could not suffer that the Valtolines should he reduced under the dominion of the Grisons and that his Holyness having consulted with some of the Clergy at Rome they had told him that in conscience he could not consent thereunto The Cardinal was not wanting to tell him that the divine Laws did oblige the Redelivery of that which did justly belong to a Soveraign of what Religion soever he be so there could be no scruple of conscience for the restoring of the Valtolines to the Grisons their lawful Masters and that in effect the Treaty of Madrid by which it was granted to them had been approved of at Rome by the Pope as also the sayd Treaty had not been resolved on but after a consultation with the Clergy who found no difficulty in the thing and that the truth being still the same his Holyness had not any reason to be scrupulous of it at this present This the Cardinal spake so smartly that the Legat perceived that there was no more to be expected in that particular so that from that time forward they were finding out new waies for the security of Religion yet still declaring he would not recede from his first Proposals but under the Pope and holy See's censure He proposed several Articles upon that score to which the King assented That leaving the Soveraignty to the Grisons which lawfully belonged to them there should be such provision made for the safety of the Catholiques in the Valtoline that the Grisons should give them full liberty for the exercise of their Religion that they should not send any Governours amongst them but such as were Roman Catholiques that all degrees both Secular and Regular might inhabit there with all kind of Freedom that no Heretiques or their Adherents should buy Houses nor that those who had then any in possession should any longer live there or enjoy their goods but onely in the behalf of Catholiques To be short that there might be a perpetual establishment of the whole businesse his Majesty promised to become pledge for the Grisons and to perswade them to consent to the utter loss of their Soveraignty in the Valtoline in case they should break the conditions of which the Pope and his
and in Italy were onely to make sure of the out-skirts that they might afterwards with the more ease make themselves Masters of France That he would not enter into any further proof of it seeing he was assured it could not be unknown either to his Majesty or his Ninisters onely he beseeched his Majesty to consider that it was more proper to go find them out in their own Quarters then to stay untill they entred upon theirs That that which gave them so great advantage in their Conquests was because none had attempted any thing on them every one keeping himself upon the defensive posture but that when any thing should be attempted on them the Palms of their Victory would soon be snatched out of their hands that they are not really so potent but onely because they dare affault the whole World and that they have the Courage to fall on others because none fall on them Which was too evident to be doubted That it was impossible to let them any longer follow the course of their Victories without being a Trophee for their Arms. He did excite and stir up his Majesty upon the score of Glory representing to him the lives of Cyrus Hannibal Alexander Caesar and divers illustrious Roman Captains who had been eternized and made famous by invading of their enemies That there was onely this wanâ—ing to add to his Majesties glory whom Heaven had created for the onely good of all Europe and to preserve the Liberties of his neighbours Their Artifices were so great that nothing more could be wished for onely that he would imbrace the design He alledged that England would Potently assist it That Flanders being subjected under the Spanish Yoak would gladly be delivered out of it and would be induced to do any thing which might tend that way and that for the expence there need no great care be taken for it seeing the French Souldiers were not harder to be pleased then those of Hannibal who being asked upon his putting off from Affrica with what he would pay his Army answered with the Army it self for as soon as ever he set foot in Europe the Ayr the Earth the Fire and all the Goods of those who inhabited it should be common to them and in the progress of that affair he made it evident that he was not mistaken for during eighteen years that he maintained War both in Spain and Italy he never received any Supplies from Affrica The most part of these reasons were so true and the rest so specious that the King must needs have wanted Courage had he not been perswaded with them and especially-seeing his Majesty had often spoken to the Cardinal upon this very point and that he was sufficiently convinced of the necessity for the Princes of Europe to assault the Spaniard that they might at last put some limits to his Ambition as also in relation thereunto that he had assaulted him in the Valtoline by stopping the progress of his proceedings But on the other side his Majesty was not ignorant that those enterprizes which he had already commenced were very great considering in what condition France then was and that it would be difficult to undertake any more untill the Hugonots who took advantages of his Wars abroad and who stayed part of his Forces at home to keep them in obedience were totally ruined That withall it were absolutely needfull before any thing could be attempted on Flanders to imploy the Arms of the House of Austria in Germany and to secure the Passages by which releef might be sent to them so that it might be impossible for them to hinder the Conquest of it His Majesty relying on the Advices of the Cardinal kept himself off from ingaging himself in this same offensive League And the Cardinal took upon himself the trouble of making the States Embassadour understand the reasons of it who found them so strong that he had not a word to reply against them but the King desired the State to be assured that he would never be deficient in sending them men and monies according as hee had promised by the Treaty of Alliance as also that when a fit opportunity of Time should present it self for the taking of any advantage he would most certainly ingage in it for that his own glory and their good way interessed in it Politique Observation IT is a small matter though a Soveraign have a generous resolution which leadeth him to make War if he have not discretion to chuse a fit opportunity for the taking of advantages upon his enemies It is not alwaies seasonable to take up Arms and to make Leagues or to break Peace Before a design be attempted it should first be known whether it be sure profitable and honourable and if it may be effected with little or no hazard to the person who adviseth it and whether he runs any part of the danger and above all it would be known and that exactly too of what force the enemy is what succour he doth expect the diversions which he hath in other places the advantages which he may have in Combats by what wayes those Troops must passe which come to defend him from whence he may draw Provisions for his Army and in short all the particular estate of the enemies Affairs A War never ought to be begun but with Prudence that it may be ended with advantage A resolution ought not to be taken but on the present State of Affairs ballancing Reason with hope comparing the present with past and never proposing those things for easie which are seen but by halves otherwise the successe will demonstrate that it was began with too much heat and too little Prudence The French never did so ill as when they broke the Peace with Charles the Fifth in the year one thousand five hundred fifty five in confidence of the Counsels and Promises of Pope Paul the Fourth of the Family of the Caraâ—fi for having done it upon like reason and without consideration of his Power whom they set upon in that conjuncture of time the successe of it proved more to their losse then advantage Hannibal was much to be commended as T. Livy saith that in all his Conduct he was acquainted with his enemies intentions as well as with his own That Prince who ingageth himself in a War without such a knowledge seeks after his own ruine and if there be any affair from which he ought to retain himself certainly it must be when a Proposal is made to him grounded on a League for that offensive Leagues do not alwaies end according to the hopes of them who are Interested in it If the enterprize will be of long continuance then onely the different Interests of several United Princes will force them to break off Besides Time alteration of Affairs and the Artifices of the enemy who is assaulted do commonly work some change In short the difference of things and Nations do breed jealousies and then every one retires
against them The knowledge he had of her inclination still to conserve that power to her self was a great impediment to his work And the King in whose hands the onely supream power resides was so much the more jealous of it for that it is ordinary with Grandees to be suspitious of their powers and that with so much the more reason for that Justice doth not permit that one should divide the command with them The Cardinal meeting with things in this conjuncture used his utmost industry to overcome the Queen Mothers inclinations being assured that it would be afterwards easie to dissipate those suspitions of the King He insinuated into her soul with all sweetness and address the truth which ought to be the foundation of their good correspondence letting her see that she ought not to think it any strange thing that the King should desire to be Master or that all Affairs were revolved by his order for that by his birth the Laws of the Kingdom did give him that Authority which no one had any right to deprive him of He used indeed his utmost address to impress this truth in her letting her see that she ought not to pretend to any part of it That the King quitting all his suspitions would give her more then she could wish seeing he was so naturally inclined to pay her all manner of respects The Queen Mother who did then much esteem of his counsels did beleeve him and she received such advantages by it that by letting his Majesty see by her conduct that she did no longer think of the Government he restored her into so absolute an Authority that she had all sort of power in the management of Affairs This was a very great advantage procured to her by this grand Minister and which surpassed all those favours which he had at any time received from her Majesty The State too did not receive less profit by it for that this good correspondencie which united the Affections of the King and Queen Mother did put an end to all those Cabals which had formerly divided the whole Nation so that the Forces of it would not now fly out any more into parties but remain entire to oppose the Ambition of Strangers The Cardinal that he might the more confirm this Union and make it the stronger perswaded the King to take Father Suffren for his Confessor who had been so for a long while to the Queen Mother assuring himself that this good person whose soul was so affectionately inclined to Peace replenished with Piety and voyd of Ambition being the Depository of the secrets of their Consciences would not be a little conducing to the dispelling of those little suspitions which might arise between them and that he would have somwhat the more power in regard women are naturally addicted to be perswaded by their Confessors Next to the Queen Mother Monsieur was the most considerable person in affairs as also the most capable to raise Divisions in the Kingdom as many Princes of his Place and Birth had done who not being able to stay for command untill the time prescribed by the Laws both the Nature and the Kingdom run out at the perswasion of those who were near them to seise on the Government The Cardinal therefore was no whit less industrious to tye him too unto the Kings Interests There was no great need of any extraordinary diligence to bring it to pass Justice having infused into him with his birth all those inclinations and dispositions which were proper for him to have towards his Majesty All which the Cardinal very well knew Neither was he ignorant That Princes of his condition are usually carried away from their duties by those who are attending near upon them so that he likewise made himself sure of the Colonel d' Ornano who had the honour to be nearest to his person and upon whose advice Monsieur did more relye then any others Now knowing that this soul naturally ambitious was not to be captivated by other tyes then those of Greatness he perswaded the King to bestow on him a Marshals Staffe of France conceiving that this Qualification would force him to become his Majesties very faithful servant Monsieur the Prince had the honour to be the first of those of the Blood Royal and the Cardinal thought it no lesse expedient to gain him and satisfie his humour by giving him a part in Affairs and the content which he might pretend to in his Interests He had a great conflict with the Queen Mothers spirit but at last with a handsom address he let her see that there could be no certain quiet and repose in the State without a good understanding between the King her son and him and that it was to contribute to his own greatness not to leave the Prince in those discontents whereunto he had been reduced and which might in time carry him on to the making of Cabals and raising of new emotions But whatever reasons he could then alledge she would not be induced to assent to his coming to the Court nevertheless the Cardinal so dealt with the King that his Majesty in some Letters to him gave him extraordinary expressions and testimonies of his Favour sometimes by asking his advice as occasions should present as also by taking a particular care for the expediting of his Affairs which was accordingly effected and the King writing to him assured him of his kindness towards him and desiring his opinion of the Affairs of the Valtoline of the Hugonots and the War of Italy By this he received an entire content and satisfaction so that from thence forward he began to order himself with more affection to his Majesties Inclinations then formerly he had done This strait union which the Cardinal tyed in the Royal Family was an assured foundation of the Nations Peace and cut off all hopes that any troublesome spirits might have to embroyl it Politique Observation THat Minister who would attempt any great designs abroad is bound to settle all at home by a strong uniting of the Royal house The harmony of the prime Qualities is that which preserves our bodies in a convenient health If one should assault the other the Natural Justice is violated and the Union dissolved which once so the whole frame falls to nothing Who knoweth not that the Union of Grandees especially those of the Royal Family is the most sure foundation of Peace and Welfare to a State They may not be disjoyn'd from their King neither may any one of them attempt upon his Crown but Justice will be offended and their Union broken which once so the State is soon exposed to manifold dangers and misfortunes This was the opinion of Misipsa in Salust and Cyrus instructing Cambyses his own Son advised him alwaies to be in friendship with his kindred and to give them such advantages as may content them because it will make him be well beloved by his Subjects who imagine that a Prince who doth not
exactly observed that it was impossible any more to abuse the Kings Monies as formerly they had done so that the Treasury was not only acquitted of those advances which had been made but was afterwards filled with such great sums that France had never seen the like Politique Observation THe King who designs great matters and wants store of monies to execute them doth onely attempt vain enterprizes The most part of Politicians have alwaies been of opinion that the Riches of a Prince are the Nerves of War because as it is impossible for a man to go or stand without Sinews so it cannot be expected that an Army should subsist or that Souldiers should do their duties if there be not good store of monies to pay them and to provide all necessaries for them There is not onely Machiavel who denieth this Position against the Authority of Dion Quintus Curtius Vegetius Cicero and Plutarch who is of opinion that money is not a Nerve in War But besides that the Judgement of these great Sages of Antiquity is at least as considerable as his opinion So I find not that those reasons of his are solid enough to overthrow so commonly received a maxime I must confess with him that War may sometimes have a good successe though the Souldiers be but ill payed because the Authority of a grand Commander and their own Courages may very much animate them but as that doth but seldome happen so there cannot be any certain conclusion deduced from it There is hereof a notable example in the Battel of Pavy where the Imperialists despairing to perswade their Army to fight by reason they were so ill paid the Marquesse of Pescaire took the resolution on himself to exhort them and infused such mettle into them that they went on with great Courage and got a great honour over the French But that Prince who would deduce an absolute Rule from this example or any of the like nature and shall follow them in his Conduct shall onely prepare himself for his own Confusion and Ruine Experience having made it evident on a thousand occasions that it is unreasonable to hope for a happy success in matters of War though never so inconsiderable without great practice I know that it is not money onely which conduceth to the carrying on of great exploits but that good Souldiers are also necessary an experienced old Commander courteous generous able in Counsels quick in executions beloved by the Souldiers and indued with several other qualifications necessary for command But besides all this though a General and Souldiers should be thus accomplished yet unlesse there be good sums of monies nothing can be really attempted For how can a Prince without this satisfie several Souldiers and Commanders How can he without this make his preparations of Victuals Provisions Ammunitions Artilleries and other things which cannot be had without great expences And in case his Forces shal be cut off or destroyed how can he make Recruits or new Levies Charles the eighth having great occasions for Souldiers to raise the Siege of Navar sent the Bayliff of Dion to raise it but having no money he could procure no Souldiers In the mean while the King accorded with the Florentines for the restitution of Pisa and several other Towns in Hostage by which means he received great store of monies of which he sent a small part into Swizzerland and the Bayliff who onely demanded ten thousand men brought twenty thousand with him The Assembly of the Clergy for the Condemnation of certain Libels sent abroad by the Spanish Ambition ALL the rest of the year at least after May the Bishops and Clergy of France were assembled at Paris The chief intent of this meeting was for the renuing of that contract which they made every tenth year with the King for the payment of those Rents which are imposed upon them But this was not the onely worthy imployment which entertained them the affection which they alwaies had for the King would not let them give way to the permitting those infamous Books abortives of the Spanish Ambition which had been sent into France There need no more then onely to read them and it would soon be apparent that they were full of seditious Doctrine That they were published onely with design to diminish the Kings Authority to detract from his Majesties glory to raise Wars amongst strangers to stir up the people to sedition and to kindle a flame of War in France The Contents of them were replenished with a thousand specious pretences of Religion These generous Prelates soon discovered their designs and made it apparent that they were like Apothecaries or Mountebanks Boxes which are marked on the outside with the title of some healing Medicine but have within nothing but what is very dangerous and hurtfull They condemed the Authors of them as enemies to the publick quiet and seducers of the people to sedition putting them in mind that God had commanded them to honour Kings as Lieutenants of his power and required them to be in a straight obedience by shewing honour and respect to his designs and Justice whom God had placed over them for the good and happiness of France and not contented with having thus verbally expressed their affections to his Majesty they testified their zeal and fidelity to him by granting him six hundred thousand Crowns upon the Churches of France as a contribution toward the Wars in which the State was ingaged as also to preserve Religion in its splendour and to maintain the glory of the Crown It cannot be denyed but that many poor low spirits grumbled at it who considering but one of those ends for which Lands were given to Churches began to oppose it as if the Church which is part of the State were not bound to contribute to the good of those Corporations of which they were members and as if the publique necessities were not more considerable than the private profits of some particular people who often employ their Revenues to bad uses Politique Observation KIngs may lawfully compel Eccleasiastiques upon an important occasion to contribute to them some part of their Revenues for the maintenance of the State seeing the goods of the Church are upon such necessities in the same condition with those of others They are not exempted from ordinary contributions either by the Son of God or his Apostles for when as they lived on the earth the Church had not any immovable Goods and it is from the favours of Emperours and Kings that she hath since obtained that priviledge it was never granted to her but only that they might be employed on the publique extraordinary necessities of the State They are only tyed by Religion not to exact it though they may by absolute authority force it for if they might not make use of the Churches Goods in a case of urgency their Soveraign power would be of little worth And Soveraigns not compelling them in this harsh manner doe so much
of Brittain daughter to Guy Count of Ponthieu elder brother to the said Count of Montfort of the other party That as long as there should be Males of the said House of Brittain no Female should inherit the said Dutchy They did not apprehend this Agreement to be firm and good unlesse Charles the Fifth who was Soveraign of the said Dutchy should ratifie and confirm it for that it was contrary to the Custome by vertue of which said Custome the said Jane had obtained the said Dutchy by a solemn Judgement against her said Unckle the Count of Montfort in being preferred before him as being the neerest and daughter to the eldest Brother and that therefore they intreated the Commissaries and Deputies who were the Arch-Bishop of Reiâ—ns and the Marshal of Boucicaâ—d to ratifie and confirm their Award which they did That upon the score of this Ratification the Males of the House of Montfort had alwaies succeeded in the said Dutchy of Britain by being preferred before the Females That Rainard the second in not having followed this order for the Dutchy of Barr and those other Lands which depended on France had made his said Will and Substitution absolutely void in it self Fourthly the best Historians did moreover alledge That this same Will of Râ—ynard the second was not deemed to be vallid in the House of Lorrain but had been abrogated from time to time As for those Lands which related to France they answered that the said Duke himself had about ten moneths after dis-owned his said Will by a solemn Act whereby he beseeched Lewis the twelfth to grant his consent that his Heirs Males and Females might succeed to inherit those lands in France though the said Claudius was born out of the Kingdome as may appear by the Letters of Naturalizing granted by the said King at Lyons in the year one thousand five hundred and seven in the moneth of May preferring by this Act the Heirs females of Claudius before Anthony his eldest son whom he had created Duke of Lorrain and the sons of the said Anthony That in Prosecution of his said Deed of Abrogation the said preferrency had been granted to the daughter of Claudius in reference to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumalle as also in the Principallity of Joinville in which it is declared that the said Daughters should be admitted to inherit the said Lordships and Lands excluding the sons of the late Duke at least from all which related to France Sixthly they added that as for what hath dependence from the Empire the Will ought not to be valid neither for that it is directly contrary to the Custome received and used in all Principallities thereunto belonging which are upon that side of the Rhine and particularly against the Custome of Nancy it self By vertue of which the daughters have ever succeeded excluding the Males when ever they were nearer related and that it was not in the power of Raynard to abolish the said Custome without the Emperours consent to that purpose first had and obtained On the other side there were some others who were of opinion that the Will of the said Raynard ought to be good and vallid there being no disposing Power which can exceed a Priviledge that it was true the said substitution was contrary to the Customes but the Soveraign Liege having power at least with his States to make and to constitute such Ordinances and Laws which might regard the good of his people provided alwaies that the Supream Authority from whence he depended were not injured in it he might abrogate such usances and that no one could pretend to oppose it no not the Lord Paramount himself for that he was not at all concerned in it admitting his particular Rights were preserved to him seeing as the Lawyers say That whatsoever is resolved by the States of a Country for the reformation of a Custome ought to be deemed and observed as a Custome of it self Their main reasons were That it was necessary to distinguish between a Soveraign Paramount and a Liege Lord that indeed it was granted a Liege Lord had not power to make any Orders or Laws in prejudice of his Superiour Lord but that it is not the same thing as to what concerneth the Powers which appartains unto him and that he may at least dispose of them with his States not to alienate but certainly to substitute and appoint them That it were indifferent to a Lord Paramount whether they were Males or Females who succeeded in the Government it being not any thing of concern to him provided his rights were preserved to him and that his Homage Service and Obedience were paid him That if at any time they should oppose such Orders and Laws as were made by a Soveraign Liege and his States their opposition however were not of any validity for that no one hath any right to oppose any thing which doth not clash with his own Interests That withall this reason was so much the more considerable in respect of those States which have dependance on the Empire because they are held with much lesse Subjection then those of the Crown of France for that the Duke of Lorrain is not at all obliged to pay Homage to the Emperour but onely to serve him and contribute to the necessities of his State They alledged one very considerable reason as to what concern'd his Majesties interests in relation to those Signiors which depended on his Crown making it apparent that he was so far from being prejudiced by those constitutions made in favour of the heirs Males that rather on the contrary his Majesty would receive a notable advantage by it seeing by this means the States of Lorrain would alwaies remain in the Possession of some small Prince whose weakness alone if he should at any time be minded to fall off from his Fidelity would force him to continue in his duty whereas if the daughter were admitted to a succession before any Males further removed it would of consequence fall out that those Females might fall into the hands of some Potent Prince from whom his Majesty might probably receive more dis-service then service as it happened in the case of Inheritrix of Lorrain who married Raynard it is apparently known to every one of what great concern it is without being beholding to examples for a King to have small Princes to be his neighbours As to that which concerneth the Ordinances of Orleance and Moulines which restrained all substitutions made to the fourth degree besides the first institution that is to say from the Institutor and the instituted who succeedeth the intestate they pretended it did not exclude Francis Count of Vaudmont from the substitution seeing he was the fourth from Anthony who was the first instituted For this Anthony left his State of Lorrain to his son Francis which Francis left them to his son Charls and Charls to the late Duke Henry his son who was father to Nicole which Henry having no sons
to present to his Majesty the Ratification of the Articles of Peace which it had pleased his Majesty to accord to them the year last past were accompanied with those of Rochel who came in their behalf to offer their submissions and to beseech him that they might obtain the same grace and favour which had been granted to the rest of that party It is true they did not so much repent for their Rebellion as they were sorry for those inconveniences which the Kings Army had put upon them then commanded by the Marshal de Themines who succeeded the Marshal de Plessis and who pressed so close upon them that they could not peep out but in danger of being taken For that they no longer had the liberty of injoying their Goods and that all their Traffique was spoiled Affliction doth at last open the eyes of those Rebels whom insolency and ambition had but lately closed up of which they gave assured proof by those earnest intreaties which they made to his Majesty to forget the Rebellion of which they had been guilty The same reasons which invited his Majesty to shew his Clemency to the rest of that party did also perswade him to do the like to them of Rochel as also the Cardinal hinted one more to him somewhat powerfuller then the rest There had then been newly discovered a Combinatiyn between divers Princes and Lord of the Court as shall be anon declared and amongst others one of their designs was to ingage Mensieur with the Hugonots Party so that if Peace had not been granted to Rochel as well as to the other Towns and Cities it were the ready way to let open a door for War and to give those Rebels the more means to execute their designs by a high hand for it were an easie matter by the means of this one City to raise all the party And last of all this great Minister laid down before his Majesty That the English being as they were picking a quarrel with us to which they were inclined would upon a word speaking find Rochel ready to let them into France These reasons of State were of great weight and fit to be considered of which his Majesty being sensible he did at last grant the City of Rochel the favour which was desired and the Cardinal was not a little diligent to watch that this Peace were not concluded upon such shamefull Articles and full of basenesse as formerly they had been The King consented that the Town should be delivered into the hands of the Corporation on condition they kept no Ships of War that they observed those Orders for Traffique which were established in the rest of the Kingdome That they should restore to the Ecclesiastiques all the Goods which had been taken from them That they should suffer the Catholicks to live freely and quietly in the exercise of the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion and in the injoyment of those Goods which appertained unto them That his Majesty should leave what Garison he thought fit in Fort Lewis and the Islands of Ree and Oleron onely promising that out of his bounty and goodnesse he would settle such a course in it as those of Rochel might receive no trouble by it either in their Commerce or the injoyment of their goods These Articles were agreed on about the beginning of February and the next day the general and particular Deputies ratified and confirmed them thinking themselves happy for having obtained this end from his Majesties Bounty By this years injoyment of Peace among the Hugonots his Majesty did with the more ease detect and break the designs of those who were factiously bent as also he assisted his Allies in Germany he eased the people and went on labouring in the means for restoring of that happinesse and glory which had been so long wished for in the Kingdome I shall onely adde that his Majesty for the surer execution of the Treaty sent Commissaries to Rochel who were received there with great honour Those of Rochel having sent their Deputies to Surgeres for the establishing the exercise of Religion and setling things into such order that there were very great hopes of a true Obedience and long Peace had not that people been extreamly much inured to Rebellion Politique Observation ALthough the Rebellions of subjects force a Prince to punish some for an example yet prudence doth oblige him sometimes to dissemble it and to give them peace when as there is any fear of a greater mischief to follow by any new revolt which joyning their flames with the former might endanger the putting of the whole into combustion It could not be any weakness of heart or necessity to which as an Antient saith the Gods themselves are obedient will force him to it It is no fault to fear when as there is a just ground for it but it is rather a great piece of prudence and a vertue without which there is no enjoyment of happy success in war any long time together of this Marcellus heretofore gave us a good example when as Badius that he might acknowledge the favour which Hanibal had done him in saving his life and giving him back his Ransom made the most part of the inhabitants of Nole revolt against the Romans in the Battle of Cannes This Captain seeing the conjuncture of Affairs did oblige him rather to allay then exasperate used his utmost power to regain Badius by assuring him that if he would but return to Rome those wounds which he had that day received would bring him great rewards Badius was much taken with the generousnesse of the Message and Marcellus the more to accomplish his design sent him a very goodly Horse and five hundred drachma's of Silver which did so oblige him that he was ever after very loyal and faithfull to him so that from that time forward he would never inflict any punishment upon those who were revolted It was more by Prudence then by Force that the Romans became Masters of the Universe A discreet Minister ought much rather to induce his Master to accommodation on such occasions then to hazard the State in any eminent danger by too much stiffenesse in resolution for the punishing of those who are revolted when they are upon the point of having a strong assistance by which means they may hazard the successe of the War An Edict against Duels JT was no small happinesse for France to be thus at Peace abroad and with the Hugonots at home but the Cardinal could not imagine it sufficient if not setled amongst the Nobility who were every day cutting one anothers Throats in Duels It was impossible to perswade them by any reasons that it was one of the greatest parts of glory for a wise man and a Christian to overcome his own emotions of anger and to forgive his enemies So this great Minister insinuated into his Majesty who was already zealously desirous of Justice That nothing was so contrary to the Law of God and
but they who are overswayed by passion do pretend to attain it but by vertuous wayes The Condemnation of a Book composed by Sanctarellus the Jesuit WHilst his Majesty was using these just and prudent means for the establishing of Peace in the State There did arise very great disputes in the University of Paris especially between the Doctors of Divinity and all about a certain book composed by a Iesuit one Sanctarellus by name which treated of the power Popes had over Kings which book had been approved by their Chief President by his Holinefs Vicegerent and by the Master of the Holy Palace His Doctrine was very strange teaching that Popes had a Power of direction or rather correction over Princes that they might not onely excommunicate them but deprive them of their Kingdomes too and absolve their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance whether it were for Heresie Apostacy or any other great publick Crime whether it were for the insufficiency of their persons or for their not defending the Church and that his Holinesse might at last give their States to such as he should think fit They who were clear sighted attributed this work to the Spaniards Ambition which useth all devices to stir up commotion amongst their neighbours and fish their own ends out of the troubled Waters and who did at that time chiefly aim to draw the hatred of all Christendome upon the King by reason of the succours which he had given to the Grisons and Hollanders and of some assistance which the Princes of Germany who were oppressed by them did hope for from his Majesty These tricks of theirs are so ordinary that it might easily be concluded this in particular was shot out of their Bow and that it was onely a piece forged in the Fire of their Ambition But that we may not be longer stayed upon the consideration of the promoters of so strange an opinion I shall only add that for the present it made a great noyse amongst the Doctors and was opposed by several books which were then set out and that the whole Body of divinity did condemn it some indeed of the old league seemed to favour it But the Parliament which is the depositarie of the Kings power that they might not let his Majesties Authority rest Idle called the chief of the Society of Iesus before them and obliged them to sign a Declaration by which they should condemn the said Book and to cause another of the like to be subscribed by all the Provincials and Rectors and by six of the most ancient of every one of their Colledges in France and so ordered the said Book to be burn'd by the Hangman with prohibition to the Stationers to sell any of them That the Kings of France may not be deposed by the Pope IT is very often no lesse important to prevent the offending of the Regal Authority by the publishing of any pernicious Doctrine then to oppose any violences which are offered to it by Arms. In my opinion he spoke very learnedly who likened this authority to the apple of the eye which may not be touched though never so little but the whole man is suddenly troubled and hurt by it for to say truth it can hardly be expressed unto how many inconveniences a State is exposed when once the authority is entrenched upon or shaken though it be but a very little But would not that Magistrate be very much to blame who should suffer that the authority of our Kings should be brought under any other power which might despoil them of it Were it not the only ready way to open a gate to the revolts of Grandees who would find means enough to embroyle the State as often as they pleased if the people might but once be perswaded that the King were guilty of any great sin uncapable of ruling suspected of heresy or a favourer of heretiques were it not the ready way to furnish the ambition of strangers with a pretext for entring upon and invading the Nation when and as often as they would or had power so to do Besides what appearance of any reason were there to tollerate so dangerous at enent and which all the Fathers of antiquity have condemned as erroneous which too was but now late risen up again in these last ages and in the time of Gregory the seventh who first attempted to make it vallid The King never ceaseth to be King until he be deposed by him who first constituted him to be King or unlesse he falls under those conditions which his first Constitutor hath declared should be the means he would use to throw him down from his authority Our Kings are only appointed by the hand of God He hath made use of their courages to set the Crown upon their heads and God hath not appointed that either Apostasie Heresie or any other Crime should be the condition which should shake them out of their Authority for that both good and bad do equally raign as we have heretofore said and by consequence they cannot be deposed but by God himself nor can they be deprived of their Authority for any crime whatever Besides if they could be deposed by Popes it would necessarily follow that the Pope must be superior to them in Temporal Power for that such deposing must needs be the Act of a superior Iurisdiction now the Popes are so far from being above them in this particular that rather on the contrarie the most ingenious and able writers of antiquity have confessed that they are inferior to them Pope Gelasius writ to the Emperor Anastasius Polagius the first to Childebert one of our Kings and St. Gregory to the Emperor Mauritius and that in such express terms that their meaning cannot be questioned The most moderate of them who uphold this error cannot maintain against these reasons the power of dispossing Kings which they ascribe to the Pope they say indeed it is not an absolute and direct power that they have and that they do not so much excercise it in despoyling them from commanding as in dispensing their subjects from their oathes of allegiance which they had made to them But how frivolous is this evasion For the Popes cannot dispense with divine right and the obedience from subjects to their Princes is commanded by divine right in an hundred express places of Holy writ But I shall passe farther on and say that it is not in the power of a King to bring himself under such a condition as that their subjects can be discharged from their duties and oathes by any means or way whatsoever for they may not do any Act which is prejudicial to the Regal Authority entrusted in their hands but they are bound to leave it entire not maymed to their successors Whence it hapned that Philip the Long intending to make a Treaty with his subjects of Flanders granted to them for their security of his observing the league that they might rise against him and withdraw themselves from
his obedience if he should faile in that which did belong to him or his part but he was hindred by those of his counsel who represented to him that it was unlawful for him to make any such condition The subtil means which the Cardinal used to joyne the Princes of the lower Saxony into a league with the Auseatique towns against the house of Austria THough Peace was very necessary for France yet it was no lesse needfull to prevent the rising of the house of Austria in Germanie which had usurped the Lands of divers Princes there and oppressed their liberties especially since the Treaty of Vlm For the same reason it was that the King of great Brittaine sending Count Mansfeld with an Army to endeavour the restablishment of his Brother in Law the Palatine his Majesty ayded him with two thousand Horse and a good summe of mony but these Forces were not enough to oppose those of the Emperor but it was requisite to send more and greater England would have engaged the King to have joyned in an Offensive league and declared the war against him but it was improbable his Majesty would hearken to such proposals for that affairs were not in a condition fit for such an attempt so they were rejected But the Prudence of Monsieur the Cardinal which is never deficient in the finding out expedients fit for the greatness his Master and did give life and heat to that designe which the Princes of Germany had heretofore resolved on of putting themselves into the field in defence of their liberty and for the restablishing of those who had been forced out of their States The King who hath a most admirable apprehension to Judg of those counsels which are given quickly conceived the goodness of this and in order therunto he sent about the end of the year last part the Sieur de la Picardiere to the King of Denmark the Princes of the Lower Saxany and the Auseatique Citties His instructions were to represent to the King of Denmark and those other Princes that the King his Master did hear with much joy their resolution to take up Arms for the establishing of the Prince Elector and his Brothers and to repel those menaces wherewith they were threatned and the ancient friendship which had alwayes kept their States in good Union obliging his Majesty to be sollicitous of their Interests had induced him to send a proffer unto them of what ever was within his power They had beseeched his Majesty not to engage himself in any league with Germany without giving them notice of it which he had not only order to assure them of but also to promise them the summe of a Million of livures in two years time and French Troops besides He had moreover express order to excite them to a quick dispatch because experience hath made it evident on a thousand occasions that the successe of most enterprises doth usually depend upon the ready and dexterous excecuting of them and that when as much time is taken in deliberation the most favourable oportunities are lost by it But these reasons were needless for by that time that he came to them he found them with their Arms in their hands and the King of Denmark had already sent some Forces by Sea to joyne with those of the other Princes who began to threaten the Empeour and forced him to send Count Tilly to advance towards them for the opposing of their designs Yet he did not a little heighten their resolution setting them on by proposing to them what a glory it would be to them to restablish their Allyes and also by telling them with oportunities of advantage they had against the Emperours Forces who were but weake and much dispersed by reason of the warres in Italy and the Valtoline whereas their Army was fresh and numerous and all their Forces met in a Body together He had particular order not to demand any thing in prejudice of the Catholiques His Majesty having no other end in his intentions but the setling the Liberties of Germany and the restating of those Princes Who had been clapt out of their States And whereas of lower Saxony is composed of several Auseatique Citties as well as Princes which Towns and Citties were no lesse against the war then the Princes were for it by reason their Traffick was into Spain and they much suspected least if they should declare against the house of Aâ—stria the Spaniard would then stop their Ships and break their Trade He was commanded to visit them in his progresse and to perswade them to associate themselves with the Princes in the league as also to contribute toward the maintenance of the Army and to represent to them that in case they should refuse to joyne in the designe they would then run a very great hazard least the King of Denmark fall upon them who had an old grudg to them and only wanted such a pretence to be upon them especially now that he had his Arms in his hand and that if he should be to weak to force them he might however easily enough ruin their Trade particularly that of Danzik and Lubâ—c and of other places too by stopping up the straight of the Zound by which their Ships must necessarily passe and also that of Hambourg and Breme by building some Forts on the Rivers Elve and Vezel which do belong unto him That in case such a misfortune should befal them all their Allyes would undoubtedly abandon them That the King of Spain could not assist them he being to far off that he had not one Ship upon that Sea and that as for himself and the King of great Bâ—ittâ—ige they could not in consideration of the King of â—enâ—ark take care or notice to hinder the Hollanders from seizing on their vessels between Calis and Dover which should make any voyadge into Spain which being so their Commerce would be for ever ruined and decayed so that it would bee much better for them to league themselves with the Princes which if he should do his Majesty would undertake their protection against all their enemies and that the King of England and Hollanders too would give them the same assistance These were the chief Instructions which the Sieur de la Picardier received and all which he effected with so great judgement and good successe that he he went not from them untill he had seen their Army march into the field and perswaded the Auseatique Towns to joyn in League with the Princes This was not a work of small importance for the resolution of this Enterprize was one of the chief motives which induced the Spaniards to conclude the Treaty of Mouson forced them to abandon the Valtolinâ— and to relinquish the designs which they had in Italy and leave all the rest of the Allies of France remain in peace and quiet His Majesty testified to him that he was well pleased with his conduct and management of the businesse for carrying on to that
his wickednesse to be found out and himself severely punished and it were needlesse to produce any the like examples for that History is full of them The Marshal of Ornano Arrested at Fountainbleau and carried Prisoner to the Castle of Bois de Vincennes â—T were a dangerous folly to give them who contrive against the State time to execute their designs Accordingly the King resolved with advice of his Councel to secure the Ring-leaders of the conspiracy yet still pretending ignorance both of the persons and their intentions He had been ever since the beginning of the Spring at Fountainbleau not so much for his recreation as because it was easier to dive into the bottome of those Intreagues in such little Towns then at Paris the vastnesse and confusion of which is sufficient to hide and shelter the greatest wickednesses The whole Court attended him and the cheef of that Faction failed not to be there But his Majesty needed no other witnesse then his own eyes to discover their frequent meetings nor other proofs but his own ears to convince the Marshal de Ornano to be the chief of that Cabal and of the extream Passion that they had to hinder Monsieurs match by his frequent discoursing with his Majesty whole hours together upon that Subject He was not ignorant that Princes were jealous of no one thing more then of their own authority and upon that ground it was that he principally indeavoured to incite the King by making him beleeve that those who perswaded him to marry Monsieur were not very affectionate to his service that this marriage of Monsieur would quickly raise him up Children and as soon as hee should have a Male every one would consider him as a rising Sun that the Grandees would forsake his Majesty to follow him and that he would soon find a power set up in the State able to confront his own Authority This Artifice was subtle and fitted to cast a Myst before his Majesties eyes had he not been before hand well informed of his design and if after mature consideration of the reason he had not concluded it of lesse consequence then the breaking of his wicked devices His importunities the true witnesses of his excessive Passion made his Majesty conclude that it was not safe any longer to defer the securing of his Person and he thought it so much the more necessary from the rule which he had learned in Tacitus that for the hindering the progresse of a Conspiracy against the State it would be needfull to make sure of the cheef because most commonly all the others are then left with as little motion as the Members of the body after the head is once cut off besides imprisoning of him Monsieur too was in a manner secured accordingly his Majesty returning from hunting upon the fourth of May gave command to some Companies of his Life-guard to beset the wayes between Fountain-bleau and Paris to seize upon those of the Cabal if they should indeavour to save themselves by flight in fine his Majesty caused him to be Arrested by the Sieur de Hallire Captain of his Guard he was imprisoned in the Castle and from thence guarded to the Bois de Vincennes where a few moneths after he died of a stoppage in the Bladder In the mean while his Majesty who never speaks openly any one sillable which may be of consequence in affairs kept close the reasons which obliged him to restrain him neither did he shew any coldnesse in his carriage to his Complices as well that he might prevent their running into extremities and oblige them to quit themselves of wicked designs as also that hee might have an opportunity to seize on Monsieur de Vendosm who was suspected to be of that party his Majesty was pleased to signifie to the Queen his Mother that he had imprisoned him by reason of-some broyls he had intended to raise between him and his Brother Monsieur having notice of it went presently to wait upon the King who assured him of the truth of it and told him the same reason which he had sent the Queen his Mother to which Monsieur answered that if he should be convinced of the truth of it he would be the first that should prosecute Justice against him but withall that it were proper to consider whether his enemies had not made this contrivance against him but he could not contain himself upon this occasion as in divers others from testifying his displeasure at it Politique Observation â—T is expedient after the discovery of a Conspiracy to wink at those who are guilty for the better preventing of them and seising on their chief instruments The reason is because they soon draw their necks out of the Collar if they have the least suspicion of being detected and sometimes so fortifie themselves that it becomes almost impossible to hinder the execution of their intentions or to secure their persons Lewis the eleventh was very dexterious in this particular as Philip de Consinus relates in several places of his History particularly in the reception he gave the Constable of St. Paul when he came to him near Noyon in the year one thousand four hundred seventy three he received him with so many endearments and gave him so many fair words that the Constable thought himself bound to beleeve him The King dissembled for two years together the hatred which hee bore unto him because his other affairs did not concur with his resolution of chasâ—ising him but at last he cut off his head it is likewise reported that hee would let his son Charles the eighth learn any other Latine then the Proverb Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare so much did he esteem dissimulation to be a quality necessary in a Prince which amongst private men passeth most commonly for a Vice The wise Fowler spreadeth not his Nets for one or two Birds but expects until the whole flight or the greatest part of them light together that he may take a great many at once and so a wise Prince who would secure himself of the chief heads of a Conspiracy knows well how to dissemble with them till such time as occasion presents it self that he may snap them all together or at least those without whom the rest are not able to attempt any thing considerable that he may bring in practice the saying of Seneca the Tragedian that hee who takes notice of a Conspiracy before the Complices bee imprisoned looseth the occasion of punishing them The Cardinal beseecheth the King to permit his retirement from the Court. THE Soul of Monsieur the Cardinal did like the Palm undergo with Courage all those burthens which were imposed upon him neither was he much moved at those pernicious contrivances though he knew his own ruine was the principal which they aimed at However to remove all pretences which his enemies might raise to asperse him That his fortune was built upon the losse of divers men of quality if they should be
punished according to their deserts and to take off any pretext for their making of Factions in the State should they but arrive to the end which they proposed to themselves he resolved to beseech the King to give him leave to retire himself from the Court He could not be reproached for this Act without injustice seeing the discontent of all those Factious persons was onely grounded upon the Power Authority and Glory which he had acquired for his Master and the good Order and Government which he had established in the State Great and Noble Souls cannot endure that Envy her self should have the least occasion to detract from their Glory and accordingly he testified to the whole Nation that he did not at all consider his own Interests Now that hee might the easilier obtain his request of with-drawing himself and that he might the better dispose his Majesty to grant it he entreated the King being then at Fountainbleau that he would give him leave to passe away some few days at Limours by reason of some indisposition which he found growing upon him which the King gave way to and being there he was visited by Monsieur what resentments soever he had for the Marshal de Ornano's imprisonment as also by Monsieur the Prince of Condy whom he had perswaded the Queen Mother to Caresse notwithstanding all her aversions from it that he might ingage him in his Majesties interests and divert him from taking part with those of the Cabal From thence it was that Monsieur the Cardinal writ to his Majesty beseeching him that he would be pleased to let him withdraw himself He presented to him that for his own part he never had any other designs in his service then his glory and the good of his State but was now extreamly much discontented to find the Court divided upon his occasion and the fire of dissention ready to flame out and all with design for his ruine That he would little esteem his life if imployed in his Majesties service and for the good of his Crown but that it could not but trouble him to see himself basely Butchered in the midst of the Court as it was almost impossible for him to avoid it he being every day attended by a multitude of men whom he knew not and not having any one near him who could defend him from any violence which might be offered to him that in case his Majesties pleasure were such that he would command him to continue neer him and in this danger he would most gladly obey him without the least repugnancy because there was not any thing which he would prefer before his Majesties Will. But the confidence he had that his Majesty could not take any delight to behold him ending his dayes by such a death to which he could not be exposed but his Majesty must remain injured and offended did oblige him to think good to retire himself from the Court He added that his want of health too which was much impaired by that great concourse of people with which he was dayly over-pressed did make him beleeve he could not long hold out in the management of Affairs and that his Majesty had so much the more reason to grant him his request in regard his weaknesse would in a little while make him uselesse in his service He writ to the same effect unto the Queen Mother and begged her to imploy her Power with his Majesty to obtain his requests But their Majesties were so far from having the least inclination to admit of his retirement that on the contrary the King openly declared he would never give his consent to it he being sensible enough of those great happinesses which he had procured to the Kingdom already of that credit and esteem which he had raised his Arms unto amongst strangers of the submission to which he had reduced the Heretiques of the good Order which he had established in the Treasuries and of the great height whereunto he had advanced the Authority of his Scepter The Queen Mother too considering over and above these reasons which were not unknown to her what a losse it is to a State to be deprived of a grand Minister how usefull the Cardinal was to her Counsels and Interests at the same instant resolved to oppose his removal so that it was by their common advices concluded to command him no longer to think of absenting himself and to let him know that his services were too well known to procure an assent for his departure and lastly that he need not be afflicted at the sense of those wicked designs which were contrived against him nor at the inconveniences which he suffered in point of health for that it were easie to remedy both one and t'other Monsieur the Cardinal who prefers nothing in respect of their Majesties will and pleasure submitted all his resolutions accordingly The King too that he might provide for the safety both of his life and health assigned Guards to him who were to wait on him every where and defend him from any attempts of his enemies he commanded the Sieur de Folain to have an especial care that his health were not prejudiced by the multitude of people who made addresses to him but that entrance were onely permitted unto such as had occasion to speak with him about some urgent Affairs These Provisions of the King were so many certain testimonies of the good Will which his Majesty did bear towards him and I think that the honour he got in this Action was more considerable then all the rest for by it he evinced to the whole Nation that hee was not tied to the Court but onely for his Majesties service and that his own particular intrests and concerns were not valued at all by him Politique Observation IT is impossible to prevent that the splendour of an extraordinary vertue honoured by a Prince with a great power should not raise up the Envy of those who have never so little Ambition in them The Sun doth not more naturally attract divers vapours from the earth which afterwards become Clouds and darken his light then a grand Minister doth ordinarily see his own merit and the greatnesse of his Genius draw upon him the hatred of the Grandees that they make use of factions and divisions against him We have elsewhere said that Fortune was never yet seen to defend them from this infelicity and I shal now adde that the cheef and ready way for great men to exempt themselves from the blame and the troubles which envy may stir up against them is to manifest that their medling in affairs of Publique concern is free from all manner of self-interest which may easily be done by their desiring to withdraw themselves from the trouble of Government to lead a private life This moderation will stop the mouths of the most imbittered men who after this cannot find any thing to object against the power wherewith they are honoured and are forced to convert their
hatred into admiration Lucullus finding that the glory of his Triumph had laid him open to the hatred of some leading men in the Common-wealth withdrew himself from the management of Publick affairs to spend the time in studying of Arts but he was instantly intreated by the wiser sort not to follow his own inclinations in that particular and at such a time for it was not unknown that he was only able to curb the ambition of Pompey And Augustus as Suetonius reporteth did often desire to quit the Empire when he found how difficult it was to deal with the people of Rome The Pope St. Gregory the Great in the like manner knowing that the course of his life did offend many persons who could not indure that his example should oblige them to live retiredly and reservedly and had designed to chuse another Pope in his place he declared to them that he for his part should be very much afflicted to find any storms arise in the Church upon his score and that he would much more willingly surrender the Government then see any Schism arise amongst them But this his modesty and humility represented him so venerable a person that those very men who did not resent his Government were obliged to acknowledge the greatnesse of his worth Lastly although it be commendable in a great States man to make shew of such moderation to the end he may silence that Envy to which he is exposed yet a King is bound to make some difficulty in ascenting to his retirement on such an occasion No Counsel can better bee followed then that of the wise man who said he who hath found a faithfull servant ought to cherish him like his Soul and to esteem him as a brother and it cannot be denied but that to deprive a Kingdome of the assistance and guidance of a Soul highly generous and understanding were to take away the Sun from it and to fill it with horrour and confusion The Imprisonment of the Duke de Vendosm and the Grand Prior of France his Brother at Blois IT had been little to the purpose barely to have imprisoned the Marshal de Ornano if some others too of the chief Complices had not been secured and especially the Grand Prior who was much to be feared he being a person of greater abilities to carry on a design then all the rest His Brother too the Duke of Vondosm was not to be neglected considering the intelligence which his Majesty had but newly received of his indeavours to withdraw the people from the obedience which they owe to his Crown That he had caused himself to be called Monsieur the Duke without any other Title That he had commanded this form of Prayer to be used in the Church Pro famulo tuo duce domino nostro That he had sundry times attempted by money to corrupt the Sieur de Cange then Lievtenant of the Castle of Nants That he felt the Pulse of the Nobility the Parliament and Chamber of Accompt that he might the better fortifie himself in the Province an intelligence which ought so much the more to be looked into in regard two brothers do not usually enter upon any great design but by a joynt consent that some pretensions they might have though weak ones upon Britain and that nothing doth sooner ingage great men in the Factions of a Court then Ambition Now although it was very needfull to arrest him yet it was difficult to be done in Brittain by reason of the great Power he held there so it was thought fit to withdraw him and ingage him to wait upon his Majesty upon some pretence or other No way was imagined to be more expedient for it then to work upon the Grand Prior by feeding him with hopes of the Admiralty concerning which he was to treat with the Sieur de Montmorancy or at least by perswading him that in case that charge were taken away as it was then intended he was the onely man who should have the Commission to discharge that Office These Proposals were made to him with so much addresse that they made sure of him and absolutely convinced him that there was not any suspicion in the least of him and the King going to Blois where it was not known that he intended to passe on any further his Majesty told him how glad he should be that the Duke of Vendosm would come to him so hee presently tooke upon himselfe to goe to him and to perswade him to come and pay all signes of obedience â—o his Majesty Some have said that hee being doubtfull lest his Majesty had already conceived some apprehensions against the Duke of Vendosm did demand assurance for his bringing him to his Majesty at Blois and that his Prudence returned such an answer which though it obliged him to nothing yet it gave the Grand Prior satisfaction enough to ingage the Duke to undertake the journey I passe my word to you quoth the King as is reported that he may come to me and that he shall have no more hurt done him then your self though for my part I cannot but much doubt of this particular passage but true it is he went from the Court and shortly after brought the Duke his Brother with him to Blois where his Majesty received them with so many embraces and endearments that they could not in the least suspect the resolution which was taken for securing of their persons Before I proceed to the manner of their being taken I cannot but observe how very recessary it is that the Chief Offices of the administration be supplied with persons of courage as well as of Integrity The King sent for the seal to the Lord Chancelor Haligie the very same day that the Grant Prior went to fetch the Duke of Vendosme The Honestie of his Minister was not unknown to all the world but it could not be denied that his mind was low and full of fear which he did sufficiently make appear wen as upon the taking of the Marshal d'Ornano he had not the courage to justifie his Majesties counsels in that particular before Monsieur although the thing it self were one of the most important accidents that had a long time happened for the good of the State This passion of timerousness is a very improper quality in a supream Minister of Justice who is bound to make head against all wickedness and not only that but also to use courage and force to resist and overcome it this was it which obliged his Majesty to take the seal from him and to intrust it with the Sieur de Marillac superintendent of the treasury whose loyaltie was then in great credit amongst all well affected men and who had testified a great deal of resoluteness in the dispatch of those affairs which presented themselves unto him The super-intendency was bestowed on the Monsieur d'Effiat whose judgment and discret conduct was well known in sundry occasions particularly in the late affair of the Match with England
But that I may now return to the two Brothers who were come to wait on this Majesty at Bloys his Majesty being retired to his bed sent about two howers after mid night to find out the Sieurs d'Hallier and the Marquis de Moicy Captains of his Guards and commanded them to go into their Chambers and make sure of their persons accordingly they seized on them and it is reported that the Duke of Vendosm beginning first to speak should say looking on his Brother well Brother did not I tell you in Britain that we should be arrested and that the Grand Prior should answer would I were dead upon condition you were safe there again and then that the Duke should reply I told you the truth when I said the Castle of Blois was a place fatal to Princes They then made a thousand excuses each telling the other that he was the cause of their imprisonment and that they themselves confessed that they were advised that evening by a letter how they should be imprisoned but that they could not believe it That whole morning they had liberty to disburthen their miracles by their complaints of the misfortune in which they found themselves imbroyled Afterward they were carried to the Castle of Amboyse and thence to the Bois de Vincennes This blow gave the allarum to the whose Cabal though his Majesty who would content himself with punishing of some few pretended to be ignorant of the rest He also sent a commission to the Count de Soissons to command during his absence in and about Paris for the securing of it It 's true he would not trust himself there but chose rather to passe away some little time either in Savoy or Italy A certain Princess took the boldness to say unto some who went to visit her that notwithstanding the assurance which the King had given to the Grand Prior in behalf of his Brother the Duke of Vendosm yet that both of them were arrested which did clearly evince that those were near his Majesty did perswade him to break his promises which being reported to the King it is said he was pleased to answer that the was not well informed of the whole passage and that he was not concerned to entertain such discourse for that if they knew themselves innocent they would never have thought of demanding a security to come and wait upon him and that who so doeth require an assurance for his attending on his Soveraign doeth in effect condemn himself to be guilty and that the promises which are made on such an occasion ought not to be his warrant unlesse they be very clear and expresse to that purpose Politique Reflection ALthough all absolute promises which are made by Kings ought to be kept and that even with seditious persons yet it is not the same thing where a divers sence may be imposed on them or where there is an apparent good will shewed on purpose to draw them on into a snare prepared to arrest them To punish them and hinder their troubling the repose of the Kingdom cannot be denied for an Act of Justice which if it cannot be done but by giving them fair hopes and good words to a muse them then such means are to be made use of accordingly provided alwayes that there be no expresse promise granted unto them King Antigonus having understood how that Pitho Governour of Media did raise Souldiers and money to revolt against him pretended not to believe those informations but gave out that he would send him an Army to command upon some exploit or other designing that Pitho when he once heard how affectionately he was esteemed would peradventure come to wait upon him which indeed hapned accordingly for he presently repaired to the Court shewing himself highly pleased with the Honour which the King did him and that he came on purpose to receive his Majesties Commands whereas Antigonus finding him within his power chasticed him according to his deserts Pope Leo made use of the self same device to imprison John Paul Baylloni and to punish him for those Crimes which he had committed and he answered those who complained of being deceived by his promises that evil doers could not think themselves deceived when they were chasticed for their fals but that they were deceived when as there were permitted to continue Scot free in their Crimes and when their liberties and lives of which they were unworthy were continued and granted to them The proceeding of Artaxerxes King of the Persians towards Artaban is not improper to be remembred on this occasion This Prince having unâ—eâ—sâ—ood how the other had contrived to kill him and seize upon his Kingdom resolved to prevent him but he being cunning and alwayes well guarded he had recourse to his wit dissembled the suspition which he had against him and that so handsomly that Artabanus imagined himself to stand very right in his opinion To compleat his designe he gave out that he intended a certain forraign invasion and gave him order to levy his Troops and draw them together which being all assembled Artaxerxes desired to see them mustered in his own presence and comming up to him in the head of his Forces seemed to be much taken with the handsomness of his Arms and desired to make an Exchange with him Artaban finding himself obliged to put them off forth with disarnied himself and presented them to the King who seeing him naked would not loose that opportunity but fell on him and killed him with his own hand I know there are some Politicians who are of opinion that there need not any great care be taken concerning performance of promises nay not those which are absolute and expresse though made by Princes in the way of assurance and security and that it is sufficient for them to answer those who shall complain of the breach of them as Agesilaus did a friend who taxed him upon a promise which he afterwards had found to be unreasonable If what you demand be Just I have promised it but if it be unjust I am not obliged to be as good as my word and when he was answered that a Prince ought to perform whatever he promiseth yes Quoth he and a subject ought not to request any thing of his Soveraign which is unreasonable But for my particular I am of opinion that a Prince is obliged inviolably to observe all expresse promises and that it is only permited to his Ministers for Justice sake to be lesse then their words I should rather imagine that a Prince should on such occasions make use of all violent means rather then delusions because Force is reputed for a vertue when backed by authority and nothing can be alleadged against it whereas deceipt cannot be taken for any other thing then a kind of mallice unbecoming the Majesty of a Soveraign The Assembly of the States at Nantes the King being present UPon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment it was mistrusted least divers persons whom
he had won to his Interests in Brittain might stir up some Commotion with hopes to enforce the King to grant him his liberty but as his Majesties presence only was sufficient to deprive them both of the means and liberty to do so he went to Nantes and shortly after summoned all the States to meet there where such as were any wayes suspected were not suffered to appear The King was pleased to be personally present at their first Assembly and the Lord keeper gave them to understand that his Majesties design was only to consider of what means and wayes were most proper for setling the peace of that Province which was the principal thing there debated and at last it was so happily concluded by the Kings Authority and the Prudent conduct of the Marshal de Themines to whom his Majesty had committed the Government of it upon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment that there did not any difficulties arise in it The chief means to settle all was to disarm such as were suspected and to deliver them to others who were known to be right and honest To destroy some strong places many of which belonged to the Duke of Vendosme and served only to countenance a revolt Which being thus ended The King began to debate with the Queen Mother and his Counsellours whether it were proper to marry Monsieur or not for that was one of the main pretexts of the Cabal who had endeavoured to possesse Monsieur with the opinion That having no other liberty or freedome he might chuse his own wife and in that particular follow his own inclinations but it was easie to undeceive him by laying before him how the liberty incident to Marriages was civil that it is ordered by the Laws of the Kingdome which do prohibit any Princes to marry themselves without the Kings consent and that he for his part could not do better then to be governed by the King who loved him very dearly and would undoubtedly match him which such a person as would be most proper for him Divers reasons were urged both of the one and t'other part all sorts of Interests were considered with great deliberation and all the consequences incident upon his marrying or not marrying were examined to the full and in conclusion the King of his own motion said he indeed apprehended several reasons which were sufficient to take him off from any thoughts of marrying him but with all that the Quiet of his State seeming to oblige him to marry him he resolved to do accordingly That his intentions in it being good he could not but hope Heaven would blesse it with good successe and in case the enemies of the publique Peace should attempt to raise contrary effects out of it that he had power enough in his hand to remedy and defend it It is reported That Monsieur the Cardinal did only represent to his Majesty those reasons which might seem either to invite or disswade the marrying of him without inclining more to the one then to the other as well because he knew his Majesty to be prudent enough and not to want any advices in what did so neerly concern the power of his Authority as also because it was a business in which his Majesty ought to follow his own will and pleasure and was not obliged to conclude off or on but with his own satisfaction and content it is very dangerous to second too strongly such counsels whose effects are lyable to the changes of Fortune and it were a great folly for a man to think himself safe and sure of that which is often perverted by the wickedness of some men who by it raise advantages to themselves At last it being generally resolved the Queen mother passionately desirous that Monsieur should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier sent to Madam de Gâ—ise to come forthwith to Nantes and to bring her with her as also she presently proposed to execute those Articles which had been so long since concluded on This Princesse who indeed was the richest match of France had been betrothed to the late Duke of Orleans in the year one thousand six hundred eight whilst the King was then living and the young Prince dying about the year one thousand six hundred and eleven both the King and Queen Mother had pass'd their words to marry her to Monsieur who was to succeed in the quality of Duke of Orleans Both being now of an age fit to be married Madam de Guise did oftentimes urge that the promises which had been made to her might be performed and Monsieur who had alwayes preserved himself in a total resignation of his own to the Kings will was the more easily induced to effect it in regard of those most excellent qualities wherewith Heaven had blessed both the Person and mind of that Princesse but however the liberty which is usually permitted to Princes of his age did allay the over hasty execution of it neither did his Majesty presse it until he had discovered by the dangerousness of the Cabal that one of the onely means to shop the farther progress of them was to hasten on his marriage The King did not approve of his marrying any Forraign Princesse least it might prove an in-let for Factions in the State and least it might open a dore for strangers to invade the Kingdome as often as they would raise any discontents to themselves but he liked well of this Match with Madamoiselle de Montpensier her Birth and vertue rendring her worthy to be admitted into the Royal family The Queen Mother who could not be heartily perswaded to love Monsieur the Prince did not like of the Match between his Daughter Madamoiselle de Bourbonne and Monsieur though the Cabal did much drive it on Withal Madamoiselle de Montpensier being left sole inheritrix of her whole house was extreamly rich and would very well serve to make up Monsieurs affairs as also ease the Exchequer of great Pensions which otherwise must of necessity be bestowed on him They of the Cabal were vexed at heart to find things so carried on but they were necessitated to be quiet and to hold their peaces too Shortly after the King declared some part of his thoughts to Monsieur who answered him that if it were his Majesties pleasure to marry him there he should totally resign himself to his Majesties will By which and in several other occasion he hath alwayes shewed That Heaven did with his birth infuse into him extraordinary respects for the King which had doubtlesse inseperably linked him to his Majesty had not the mallicious devices of those in whom he placed some confidence diverted him Monsieur sent M. le Coigneux his Chancellor to Madam de Guise to assure her of his kindnesses and particularly of the affection which he had to conclude the Match between himself and Madamoiselle her daughter and charging him afterwards to wait upon Madamoiselle de Montpensier he commanded him to assure her on his behalf that he would
he was the more obliged to do so in regard the King being well informed of his actions gave him so much time to look back into himself that he might not destroy him He seemed to be very ready to withdraw himself from those imbroyls and also took occasions to speak unto the King whiles he was making of him ready to assure him that he would never be defective in his duty yet notwithstanding all this his turbulent Soul was not able to contain it self in this resolution for it was known that a certain messenger sent by some one from the Cabal was kept private in his lodging at Tours while the King stayed there and that Louviece who belonged to him being one in whom he much confided was gone upon a private message for him these things gave reason to beleeve That he still persisted in his first designs and being a person of a bold nature and ready to run into all sorts of extremities the King was councelled to secure him at Nants Politique Observation IN concernments of State it is dangerous to rely upon the promises of those who are over-mastred either by love or ambition These two Passions do so hurry away the Soul so animate it with violent ebulitions and so blind it that they prepare it for any wickednesse We have hereofore shewed what attempts ambition maketh upon the valiant and we have evidenced that there is no sort of wickednesse which it will not perswade for the attaining of its designs And it is not more easie to verifie the same concerning lusts which corrupteth both the mind and understanding which beleaguereth and burneth up the heart with a bruitish heat and which doth so alter the nature and complexion of the most temperate when they are once ingaged by it that there is not any unlawfulnesse into which it doth not transport them it is a fatal sore from whence arise horrours sacriledges wars perfidiousnesse murthers Paricides and cruelties untill it leads them to the acting of such things as both Heaven and Earth do blush at the sight of The History of Italy furnisheth us with a memorable example to evidence that there is not any abhomination whatever into which these two Passions are not able to precipitate a man it is in the person of Caesar Borgia Cardinal de Valence whose Ambition not brooking the Popes giving the charge of General of the Church Armies to the Duke of Candy his elder brother an office which he himself aimed at and who likewise was passionately enamoured of his wife his Sister in Law caused him one night to be assassinated as he rid alone through Rome and his body to be cast into Tyber And that we may particularly look into the wicked effects of a dishonest love Antiquity hath afforded us a notable testimony of the disorders which he is liable to who permits himself to be blinded with this Passion when it saith that Jupiter himself the first of their reputed Gods could not be both wise and in love at the same time And one of the best advices which can be given to those that attempt to raise their fortunes at Court is that they forbear to ingage themselves in the love of women who are factiously bent for admitting them to be ingaged in any Cabal they have so powerfull an Art to perswade what they indeavour that it is impossible to defend ones self from them and as they have no small Passions they blindly ingage themselves in prosecution of their malice and revenge that a man insensibly finds himself upon precipices from whence it is impossible for him to get off The Cabal of Chalais punished by Arrest from the Chamber of Justices at Nants CHalais being once arrested condemned himself as guilty and desired in order to making of his peace that he might speak with Monsieur the Cardinal the Duke de Belligard and the Marquesse de Effiat who were placed near the Cardinal The King was advised of it who commanded them to go to him Twice they went and the Cardinal never spake to him but in hearing of the Sieur de Belligard At first Chalais desired and indeavoured to justifie his innocence but finding by the Cardinals discourses that his faults were but too well known so that that was not the way to do his work he afterwards freely confessed to him those Delinquencies which could not be excused he acknowledged the advice which hee had given Monsieur upon the imprisonment of the Duke of Vendosm and the grand Prior his brother and confessed that he was then of opinion that Monsieur should withdraw himself from the Court and discovered several other things of concernment But having twice abused the Kings Grace his Confession now avaiâ—'d him little The King gave Commission to the Lord Keeper Marillac and the Sieur de Beauclere Secretary of his commands privately to inform themselves of the whole Plot and his Majesty desired that Monsieur would declare in their presence that which he had discovered to him in particular after he had been sensible of the little justice and reason there was to ingage him in their embroils At first he made some scruple at it but at length having considered of the duty which he owed his Majesty and how much reason Princes themselves have to chastise them who ingage them by their evil councels in designs against the State without any other motion then their particular discontent and private interest he resolved upon it and discoursed the whole to them in the Kings presence That Mâ—nsieur de Soissons was the correspondent which he had at Court to inform him of all the news that passed there that Chalais was the Internuncius that his advice had been to gain Madam Villars by means of Monsieur the grand Prior to the end he might make sure of Haure if occasion should be and that he should indeavour to obtain the government of Pont de l' Arche for the Marquesse de Coeuvres with hopes that the grand Prior would at Monsieurs request deliver up that place which was upon the way to Haure and might serve for a retreat in case he went thither That Chalais did likewise perswade him to deal with the Hugonots and to make use of them for a revolt in the State and that he had lent him Louviere to be sent towards the Duke de Lavalete to ingage him in the businesse and to make sure of Mâ—ts in fine that it was he who had advised him that the King had ten thousand men about Nants to stop his going from Court This Declaration was signed by the King the Queen Mother the Lord Keeper Marillac the Sieur de Beauclere Monsieur the Cardinal and the Marquess de Effiat insomuch that for the chastising these insolent and rash actions the King set up a Chamber of Justice in Nants Politique Observation THough Clemency be one of the worthiest Ornaments in a Soveraign yet it is not permitted him to make use of it when it is prejudicial to the
qualifications as would only render his power feared and redoubted An Assembly at Paris to redress disorders of State THe setlement of Trade was sufficient to bring great profit to the Kingdom but it was likewise necessary to use divers other means for the raising of it to it's height and greatness The King had long before concluded on it but finding himself unfurnished of a Minister to put it in execution the affairs had still continued in some lameness until at last seeing himself assisted by the Cardinal he resolved to assemble the Chief Officers of his Kingdom especially those who had acquired most experience and shewed best conduct in affairs And for the better resolving upon the means he appointed them to attend him a Paris where being met together his Majesty himself opened the reasons of their Assembling upon the second of Deceâ—ber in the Thuillâ—ries He was pleased to tell them That he had called them together to provide some remedies against the disorders of the State and that the Lord Chancellor should farther acquaint them with the rest of his desires and the Lord Chancellor beginning his speech represented to them the great disorders that had crept into the Kingdom whilst the King was imployed abroad to repel his enemies and the great expences he was at for the keeping up of his Armies and then told them that his Majesty was resolved for the establishing of the Kingdom in its ancient splendour to employ powerful redresses and so to regulate his Treasuries that there might alwayes be a sufficient foundation to supply the occasions of the State without being forced to overcharge the people as of late He gave them to understand that the King was contriving to lessen the expences of his house and even those which he was at for the paying of several Garrisons in places of no importance which he was resolved to dismantle To settle Trade with â—ll possible advantages for the enriching of his subjects So to govern his Souldiers both in garrison and the field that his subjects might be no more oppressed upon which it chiefly was that his Majesty had desired their advices When he had concluded the Cadinal made a most excellent speech in which his eloquence was no lesse to be admired at then his prudence He laid before that Illustrious Assembly how visibly God had made use of his Majesty to atchieve that in a little time for the publique good which many thought impossible to have been effected in an age He gave them to understand that as there had been great charges and expences so the King and Queen had received very great advantages by it in relation to that Honour and Glory which is due to them and that if any good successe had at any time happened it was only the dawning of those resolutions which his Majesty had taken for the easing of his people and restating the Kingdom in its former Splendor That as only God can make something out of nothing so it was necessary to lay a good foundation in the Treasury and to that end to cut off from the extravagant expenses and add to the receipts or indeed to do both at once He shewed them how that every one regarding the advancement of his own private Interest it might possibly provoke some to anger if their expences were moderated but he added withal that no one could justly complain at it since nothing was to be preferred before the Publique good and that the King and Queen Mother were both resolved to give a good example by contracting the expences of their families He told them that if in great tempests there was sometimes a necessary to part with the goods to ease the vessel and defend her from shipwrack prudence did direct the like thing in a State Which ought not to be cast away for the preservation of any ones particular good and that they themselves were bound in reason to conform themselves to the resolution thereof for that it is impossible private and particular mens plenty and Riches should long last when the State is poor and needy in fine he told them that setling a good government in the Affairs and Treasuries they would in a very few years find both the King and Kingdom raised to a greater pitch of glory then ever it had formerly been but he added it would not be so necessary to order such things unlesse they were really put in execution That the glory of setling the Nation being reserved for his Majesty they who were deputies ought to esteem it a great Honour done them in that he gave them part of it and that for his own particular he should esteem himself most happy to dye in the prosecution of so glorious a design After this first overture the King sent divers proposals to the Assembly by his Solicitor General upon all which such courses were resolved as were thought most necessary for the setlement of the State But it was first of all concluded what order should be observed in the levying of men as also for the maintaining of them in such order that the Country man might not be injured by them It was thought fit to keep two Armies in readiness of between eighteen and twenty thousand foot and two thousand Horse as well to secure the Publique Peace as to support the Kings Authority and also to keep Forreigners in a due respect It is true there were sufficient means found out to prevent the peoples damage but it was to be doubted that the Souldiers would not so readily observe those commands which his Majesty had been so careful to order Next of all it was considered what unnecessary expences of the State should be cut off as well to pay off two and fifty Millions of Livers which the Exchequer was indebt as also to acquit the charges of the Nation without increasing the taxes In order to which it was thought fit to contract the expences of the King and Queens Families according to the resolution taken before the late Kings death Not to exceed the sum of two Millions in Pensions which was the sum appointed by the late King Henry the Great for that business and lastly the Assembly proposed to his Majesty the dismantelling of a great number of strong places which being in the heart of the Kingdom or at least remote from the Frontiers did only serve to countenance Rebellions and consume a vast sum of mony for payment of the Garrison Souldiers and building unnecessary Fortifications There was also care taken with reference to his Majesties good pleasure for the relief of divers poor Gentlemen Captains and Souldiers wounded in his Majesties service And at last the Assembly made earnest request to his Majesty that he would for the future prevent those revolts of the Grandees which were commonly made every year to the great trouble of the State and that he would punish some for example sake who had the Boldnesse to take up Arms against his Authority or to divide
the State into Factions They also proposed to his Majesty to admit into his Council a certain number of Gentlemen to bring them up to do him the more service by the knowledge which they might get in State affairs and in conclusion they gave his Majesty most Prudent Counsel concerning the ordering and decreasing of the taxes for the suppressing of divers useless Officers for the redemption of his Lands which were in Mortgage by paying them in whose hands they were the monies lent upon them or full Interest out of the account of the Revenue to settle an order in the Treasury to prevent all future relapses for the settlement of Commerce both by Sea and Land for the distribution of charges as well millitary as others which have dependance on the Chief Officers of the Crown it being improper that they should be bestowed by any but the King himself And these were the Chief things then brought into debate before them and resolved on So their was a Paper drawn up of those things which they proposed to his Majesty the most part of which appeared so reasonable and judicious that they have ever since served for Maximes and a Rule for the Goverment of the State The Cardinal having put them in practise one after another as fast as ever the Civil warres the Factions at Court and the attempts of the house of Austria upon France and it's Allyes would give way for it Politique Observation HE who would settle a discomposed Kingdom must resolve upon the course whereby to do it with the advice of the States or at least of them who have gotten a great reputation of by experience in Affairs by their qualities and conditions or the great understanding they are Masters of On such an occasion divers have had recourse to an Assembly of States which because they are ordinarily accompanied with confusion by reason of the multitude besides the great expence which they draw on I should think it much more proper to make use of a selected Assembly who are the only persons whose opinions serve for guides to the rest now no one can doubt but that their advices will be very necessary for a State on such an occasion for that those great persons are like so many twinkling starres whose counsels are replenished with so much light that they soon make their Judgments of with is fit to be done to shine forth Not to need Counsel is to be more then man and not to make use of Counsel in affairs of concern is to be lesse then man God is not contented only with overuling the Elementary World and to make it fruitful in all kind of Science by the influences and light of the Sun but he hath imparted some share of his Luster to the other starres and hath asigned so considerable a proportion of work to them that every one reputeth them in part to be the universal causes of all sublunary things so it may safely be said too that God creating a Minister in a Kingdom whose Souls he replenisheth with any extraordinary part of understanding doth not however forbear to bestow some light upon others too though peradventure inferiour both for sufficiency and quality that they may contribute with him to the General good by the particular knowledge which he may infuse into them and by the Counsels wherewith he may inspire them And if their advices may be of use in a Kingdom they cannot be lesse advantageous unto a Minister on such an occasion in which the angring of divers persons cannot possibly be avoided There never yet was any reformation for the publique good but many particular private persons were angred at it They who Judg of all things by their own private Interest are ever discontented and conceive no little ill will against that Minister who is guided only by his own will and direction Whereas if it were done by those whose wisdom is esteemed and whose Prudence is respected it would silence all men and make that sweet and easie which else would be bitter and insupportable It is very dangerous it for a Minister to undertake great enterprises upon his own head only For good successe is not inherent in any man seeing all are subject to Deficiencies in Actions and inconstancy withall it is not to be doubted but that the greatest part judging of things by the event would charge him home with blame if any misfortune should happen How many great men who promised themselves high matters have seen the successe fall contrary to their expectations and have been exposed to the disgraces of their King and People for their ill successe which might have been secured too had they but proposed their designs and taken good advice upon them in a Counsel of the most considerable Grandees in the State Hee who attempts nothing without good advice secures himself from any ill accident whatever Tiberius thought in no derogation from his honour to acquaint the Senate with every affair though never so little considerable Anthony the Debonair never took any thing in hand either in Peace or War which he did not first communicate to several wise men protesting that it was more reasonable to accommodate his opinion to their advices then to oblige them to follow his Will The Sieur de Baradas removed from Court ABout this time was Baradas removed from the Court a person who had been much in favour with the King He had been the first Gentleman of his Chamber and chief Querry of his Majesties little Stable And as great favours puff up the mind and destroy the judgement of many if not qualified with a great underâ—â—anding he did so much forget himself that he would oftentimes make himself Master of the Kings Will and interpose in matters of concernment in which he had neither ability or authority His Majesty was much grieved at it being a Prince who did not delight to see that they whom he favoured should abuse themselves and be defective in that respect which is due unto him but it one day fell out that he being too importunate to perswade his Majesty to bestow a very great place upon a certain Kinsman of his who must of necessity be dayly attending upon his Majesty being a person too whom his Majesty did mislike his Majesty resolved to deprive him not onely of his Offices or Charge which he held neer his person but of that extraordinary familiarity wherewith he had formerly honoured him and accordingly commanded him to retire to his employment in little Bourbon of chief Querry an Office of no small advantage But as nothing is so displeasing to Favourites as to find themselves cast off he was so transported by it that he suffered himself to be deprived by despair of that little judgement which he had There need no other indiscretion be alledged but that one thing which he did in his Majesties Chamber when the Governour of Souvre came in thither whom he supposed one of the causers of his
and whatever was strong or weak in the whole Fortification The wayes and passages of the whole Country were not omitted nor the length and largness of the Channel the places where Batteries might be raised with Forts for defence of the Port and oftentimes considering this Map with the Marshal de Schomberg and other able Ingeniers for such exploits he framed so perfect an Idea of all that could happen in the siege fore-seeing effects in their causes That he did no longer doubt of the victory And having discoursed more at large with his Majesty concerning it he told him that he could now almost assure his Majesty of a good successe in this design if it pleased God to Prosper it with his blessing as there was great reason to hope seeing he acted for the good of the Church and the glory of his own name The King was overjoyed at it and from that time forwards preparations were made in all the adjacent Provinces of warlik amunitions great store of Cannon were sent before hand towards the place that they might be in a readiness when time should serve divers means were thought on to block up the Channel and to begin with those of lesse charge to prevent greater expences in case they might do the work a private computation was made of what horse and foot would be requisite to invest the place and secure the neighbouring Isles and to be short every thing was disposed to the best advantage for the carrying on of the siedg Politique Observation HEE who shutteth his eyes at those difficulties which he shall meet with in war deceiveth himself Commonly they that do so are quickly reduced to an impossibility of executing their designs If there be any one Action which ought maturely to be deliberated in its beginning progresse and end without doubt war is chiefly the thing it being as Scipio saith absolutely important not to begin it unless Fortune presents a favourable occasion with advantage but when the means necessary for it's continuation are certain and when there is a sure way to come off with Honour Though Fortune should be crosse yet after so many considerations it can hardly end in a bad successe whereas with blinded eyes and no considerations had of the means to overcome such obstacles may arise as nothing but confusion and disorder and ruine can foâ—low Tiberius is very much commended in Tacitus for having so great knowledge of his enemies Plots designs and resolutions in so much that those very subtilities which they proposed for to get a victory he made use of for their destruction And T. Livy saith of Hannibal that one of the principal causes which gave him many advantages in war was the knowing his enemies Counsels as well as he did his own resolutions A discreet Pilot foresees a storm and secureth himself neither doth a Grand Minister of State attempt any thing of concern but he foresees the difficulties which may happen in it It is for Fencers not Princes to resolve on a suddain A wise man never brings himself within danger of repentance and as he knows his designs may be countermined so he is accordingly carefull not only to provide all such means as may carry his business to a happy issue but also such remedies as may overcome any obstacles which may chance to be made in opposition of it He never lets his courage be quelled with difficulties but makes them only serve to fix his resolution the more strongly against all resistances by this means he will see all things fall out according to his own forecast and he will force Fortune her self to become favourable to him The Duke of Lorrain comes to the King at Paris to complain of his Majesties Actions towards the Bishop of Verdun and to do him Homage for the Dutchee of Bar. GReat enterprises are not to be ended in a moment so that some months had passed before the English were in a condition to make good their promise to the Rochelois during which time divers remarkable things intervened The Duke of Lorrain about the beginning of the year came to his Majesty at Paris and made great complaints of his Majesties Officers Actions against the Bishop of Verdun his Kinsman how that they had seized on all his Goods translated the charge of his Offices to other persons that they had Posted up Papers against him and had resolved to have seized on his Person if it had been in their power But as he had not to do with such Ministers who had either fear or weaknesse or knew not how or when to maintain their Masters Interests so he was quickly answered That Bishops of what condition soever being his Majesties subjects owe as much respect and obedience to him as others of his degree that when they fall off from their duties it is then the more just to punish their faults their Delinquency being an ill example to which most people are apt to follow That injoying their Temporal States onely in order to the Oath of Allegiance which they all swear to his Majesty they do most especially deserve to be deprived of them when they break their said oath That his Majesty was more especially obsigned to maintain his Right in Verdun which was a Fontier Town and in regard too that the Bishop had attempted against his Royal Authority in hindring the building of the Cittadel though it were a thing only relating to the Soverainty and in which he was not all concerned These answers were so Just and grounded upon such sollid reasons that nothing could be replied against them so the Duke had recourse to his entreaties and beseeched his Majesty for his sake to wink at with was past to order restitution of his seizures and to command the Bishop Officers to be re-established in their former charges He was very urgent in his behalf and because at the same time the Emperour having writ to his Majesty in his favour the King had returned him answer That at his desire he should willingly grant him any reasonable favour the Duke obtained his request but upon condition however That the Bishop should first send a Commission to one of his Vicars to revoke the Censures which had been given out against his Majesties Officers and them who worked on the Cittadel and that in fature he should comport himself with more respect and moderation The Duke did willingly become bound for his performance and having sent the Commission the King discharged the seizures and setled all things in their former state But notwithstanding all the Duks seeming affection forwardness in this affair yet that was not the chief end of his Journey He had been newly put into possession of the States of Lorrain and Bar by vertue of Reynard the second King of Sicilies will and by the resignment of his Father the Count of Vaudmont pretending to hold them of his Liege in his own proper name though the late Duke of Lorrain his Predecessor had and that
with reason declared by giving him his eldest Daughter to wife that she should be the true Inheretrix of his States and that he should only enjoy them in her right He also made his entry into Nancy with Balls and publique rejoycings in his Court and all that he might celebrate with the more Honour his arrival to the Crown of Lorrain hereupon he pretended to do Homage to the King in his own name for the Dutche of Bar as appertaining to him in Fee and not in right of his wife but he therein met with greater obstacles then in that of the Bishop of Verdun It was presently given him to understand that he had not a little offended his Majesty in that he had upon his own head assumed upon himself the Investiture of Bar and not expected his Majesties introduction to whom the Soverainty did belong That he had expedited all letters Patents in his own name without mentioning that of the Dutchess his wife for that no vassal hath any thing by descent in his Fee until he be invested by his Soverain to whom he doth Homage That he gave a just ground to be disseised of it if he should possesse himself thereof before he were lawfully introduced That he had also committed no small fault when as he attempted to alter the quality of Tenure of Bar and so create it Masculine whereas the Chief Soveraign could only alter the nature of Fees and dispence with Customes The inconsiderate and lofty humour of this Prince was such that he could have wished he had not been dependant on any other and gave him not leave to consider the Justice of these reasons he answered those Ministers with whom he treated that it being indifferent to his Majesty whether the Homage of Bar were Masculine or Feminine he imagined that Râ—ynard King of Sicily his great Grandfather had lawfully constituted it upon the Males in exclusion of the Females and that in consequence it was become his own right that he was ready to pay unto his Majesty that homage which is due unto him and lastly he added that in his judgement he had no power to annul the right which he had acquired He made use of the Duke de Châ—ureuse who made many journies too and fro to make his argument passe amongst the Ministers for good and some others too which being inconsiderable I shall passe by But he was ever told that his Majesty had reason enough and interest withall to oppose that an Homage dependant upon his Crown might be altered in quality that the Customes of Countries and succession of States were not at all altered seeing such changes are reserved in his onely power and in no other whatever That he ought to know the Customes of Bar were never changeable but by his Majesties permission and moreover on condition that they were confirmed by the Parliament of Paris That he could not be ignorant how the custom of both Bar and all those lands bordering upon the Rhine did grant the succession to daughters in exclusion of any Males descended from a second Brother they beâ—ng daughters of the eldest and that he had so much the lesse reason to change this custom without the Kings Authority in regard this one Article was of greater concern then all the rest that such a change was contrary to the fundamental Laws of Lorrain and that he debarred the Dutchesse his wife of the right which indubitâ—bly belonged to her Now as he could not possibly make any satisfactory answer to these objections so he was forced to return without doing any thing at all in it onely he procured some time to make out his pretensions and to furnish himself with Titles and Reasons to second and uphold them Politique Observation THE wisest Politicians have thought it dangerous to the good of the State to alter any Laws without urgent occasion or unlesse the change carry some great advantage with it Aristotle saith it makes subjects slight rules and powers and doth much diminish their Authority Thucydidâ—s hath gone a little further thinking it safer and more proper inviolably to continue the Laws of a Country though ill ordered rather then set up new ones and better in their place St. Austin saith that as in sicknesse it is good to continue the use of those medicines which till then the sick person had used so likewise it is the effect of a great discretion to preserve the observation of those Laws which had formerly enough in them to remedy any inconveniences in the State Which if true of Laws in general is then much more necessary in Fundamentals which have been the establishers of a State seeing they are no lesse conducing to its preservation then the Foundation of a house for the subsistence of it To speak ingeniously such Laws are the Pillars which uphold Authority and as a building if the Foundation be undermined and shaken soon falls to the earth so a State too quickly comes to ruine if those Laws upon which it is established once come to destruction or alteration For this reason Adrian ordained that no one should intraduce any new Customes into Rome Plato in his Common-wealth prohibiteth the changing of any thing in it even Childrens-play for novelties alter manners and bring antiquity into dis-esteem a thing of great consequence I should like well of the alteration of some rules of Justice because the manners of men are variable and the punishing of Crimes too may admit of change according to the disposition of men and times But it is not the same thing in fundamentals which rule the government and which settle the election which God hath made of a Soveraign which do authorize the order established by former Princes for the ordering of the people and which are the known rules for the preservation of the common good indeed such ought no more to be changed then the Laws of nature for both are equally founded upon Gods Law He it is who divideth the earth amongst Nations who establisheth Kings families and inheritances so that without his will no alteration may be intraduced to change those Customes which have been anciently in use The Dutchess of Orleans death upon her lying in of a Daughter THE King was much troubled soon after the Duke of Lorrain's departure for the Dutchess of Orleans his Sister in Law We have in the former yeart related how many broils the marrying of this Princess did raise at Court and how most of the Princes of Christendome indeavoured to hinder it now we are come to wonder at the blindnesse of Grandees who turmoil themselves in extremity who move heaven and earth by their broils and all for those things which death and the inconstancy of humane affairs cause to vanish in a moment The marriage was concluded but more for discretion than love in his part yet God so blessed it that Love had quickly united both their affections very strongly notwithstanding all the indeavours or devices of Monsieurs Favourites
the people in their duty Monsieur the Cardinal spake to his Majesty and perswaded him to send the Sieur de Leon Councellour of State to Bourdeaux to indeavour their reconcilement and such a correspondency as might befit his Majesties affairs The ground of their difference was this the Duke of Espernon had caused the Edict of Peace granted by the King to the Hugonots to be proclaimed by the Jurats of the City before it had been registred in the Parliament Whereupon the Parliament had turned one Minuelle out of his Office of chief Jurat fining him 1500 Liures and ordered the rest to appear in Court and suffer such punishments as should be imposed upon them The Duke of Espernon would not put up the businesse but pulished an Ordinance to prohibit the execution of the Parliaments Arrest and confirmed Minuelle in his Office grounding himself upon certain pretensions in publication of Treaties of Peace The Parliament hereupon condemned the said Ordinance as an attempt contrary to the Kings Authority intrusted with him but the Duke of Espernon being not of an humour easily to submit to any others will then that of the Kings persisted to prohibit by another Ordinance the execution of the second Arrest The Parliament made a third so did he too to hinder Minuelle's displacing and that the Jurats should not assist at the publication of the Peace which was then made by the Parliaments Authority In sine an extream feud rise between them and the Parliament came to that point that they ceased to perform their Offices in the adjudging private causes yet not without taking care for all that concerned the Kings service This quarrel made a great noise in Guienne and had it continued untill the Hugonots next revolt they had doubtlesse taken advantage of it it being certain that every one lives as himself pleaseth when Magistrates are together by the ears in their particular quarrel The King finding of what consequence it might prove dispatched the Sieur de Leon to Bourdeaux to dispose the Duke to give the Parliament satisfaction and to continue the correspondence which they ought to hold together for the publick good The Sieur de Leon came thither and finding the Parliament resolute that the Duke should give them satisfaction for his fault could gain nothing more of the Duke then onely this that he would go to the Parliament and pay them some complements of honour and respect The Parliament was not contented with it so their accommodation was deferred till at last the news being come that the English Fleet was at Sea every one addressed himself to serve the King and to hinder their landing in Guienne And then the Cardinal de Sourdis Arch Bishop of Bourdeaux interposing between them perswaded the Parliament to be satisfied with those respects of honour and complements which the Duke of Espernon would pay unto them At last unto the Parliament he came and having complemented them with great civility they answered him in the like without the least mention of any thing past and thus this great storm was allayed Politique Observation JT is not dangerous sometimes for his Majesties service to permit Parliaments and Governours to fall out amongst themselves for they discovering one anothers defects by their division give occasion to redress them and withall each one feareth to offend that he may not give advantage to the other to impeach him It keepeth affairs in an equal ballance and produceth the same effects as a weight equally divided in two Scales which hindreth the over-ballancing of either part If they alwaies should continue in a strict intelligence each of them would do that without contradiction which best pleased himself and their Soveraign never the wiser Thus said Cato to them who thought the quarrel between Pompey and Caesar had ruined the Common-wealth It is true it did not a little contribute to that disorder which was then on foot but the friendship which had formerly been between them was the first and chief cause Their good intelligence gave Caesar means to grow the greater who afterwards finding it begin to break by the deceases of Pompey and Crassus their wives which served to preserve it there fell out great broyls between them concerning the Government Caesar being unwilling that Pompey should have more authority then himself and Pompey that Caeser should be his equall The Senate finding that divers Magistrates of Rome neglected their duties and that every thing went to decay chose Pompey sole Consul giving him an extraordinary Authority to ballance the power of the Magistrates and to redress those Delinquencies which they might or had committed Seneca with great reason compared this division among chief Magistrates to the Stones in a Vault which do so much conduce to the strengthening of it that the more weight is laid on it the stronger it bears it up whereas it would easily be broken if made of one stone alone In fine this little emulation is much conducing to the discovery of abuses to the looking more strictly into things and the keeping every one in his duty It is to be wished that Parliaments and Governours were firmly united toward his Majesties service and that there were no way but this for the well governing of a Province but it is not possible long to preserve that temperative in their authority no more then in the four humours of mans body and it is more expedient to search for means of advantage from their disorder then to study waies to settle them in an immutable intelligence One of the chief is when a Parliament pretends to assume too great an Authority to oppose the power of a Governour and if a Governor abuse his power to prevent him by the Authority of a Parliament And thus was it according to Tacitus that the Roman common people ballancing the Nobilities power did along while prefer their liberty Yet above all it would be necessary to hinder such dissentions from too much clashing and that the Parliament and Governours be not left alone to flie out into extremities from whence strange accidents might follow If heat or any other quality of mans body super-abound either death follows or at least great sicknesse and doubtlesse such contests hapning among Governours either in Kingdomes or Common wealths are sufficient to destroy them or at least breed great disorders amongst them The divisions which so often grew hot between the Roman people and the Senate caused great evils and when the quarrels of Marius and Sylla Pompey and Caesar did break out every one siding with some party took up Arms from whence followed strange murthers and Tragedies and the Peoples Liberty became inslaved to the Emperours Will. The King going from Paris towards Rochel falls sick at Villeroy after the first day of his setting out VVHilest these different affairs happened within the Kingdome the King was not ignorant of those great preparations made by the English to invade France The happy addresse wherewith Heaven had blessed
Monsieur the Cardinal enabling him to discover the most secret of Forraign Affairs gave him to understand all the particulars of their designs his Majesty thus informed of their resolution suddenly hoised Sail and resolved to go from Paris to Rochel that he might incourage his Souldiers to whom nothing is invincible when he is in presence But God who over-ruleth the designs of all men did not permit the effecting of it so soon as his Majesty desired It pleased his Providence to visit him with sicknesse from the first day of his departure from Paris which encreasing forced him to stay at Villeroy His fits were so violent that his recovery was questioned The Physitians imagining that the sense of Affairs did increase his Feaver beseeched his Majesty to dis-burthen his thoughts of it and experience having told him that it was but reasonable he committed all to the Queen Mothers and the Cardinals management But the Queen Mother was so troubled at this accident that her sadnesse would not give her leave to think on any thing The whole burthen then lay upon the Cardinal Not but that grief too had made a great impression upon his Soul as well as upon the Queen Mothers but as great spirits quit not the helm at the violence of the storm so he behaved himself in the giving such Orders as were necessary and conducing to prevent the English Fleets attempt together with the Rebellion of the Rochelois that it seemed Heaven had preserved all his sences to him to increase his glory It cannot be denied but that this was one of the most considerable affairs that had a long time happened to the Kingdome It was a parting blow upon which depended the settlement of the publick quiet and which particularly concerned the glory of his Master So he gave himself up to imploy his utmost industry in it and his prudence effected such things which cannot passe but for miracles Indeed it was so much the easier for him so to do since the King had commanded him to ease himself as much as possible he could for his health sake which did not well agree with the continual cares of this Grand Minister He had induced his Majesty to think good that he should take for his share the care of what related to his Majesties glory or the conduct of his State This moderation of his was to be admired at and such as few are indued with In that he represented to his Majesty that having intrusted the Seals with Marillac who was a person Active Lively and full of Understanding he might absolutely depend upon him for the Justice and on the Marquesse de Effiat in matters of the Treasuries of which he had made him super-intendent which being thus he could apply all his care to the government of the State and give a happy dispatch to all his Majesties commands And lastly that he did not think it either proper or profitable for France or any other State that one man alone should have the over-seeing of all manner of affairs for that imploying one part of his mind on those of Justice and the Treasury hee must have so much the lesse ability to look after the rest of the Kingdome which in France too would take up one mans whole care and time His Majesty did not a little esteem both his judgement and modesty far different from the Ambition of divers other Ministers who are never satisfied untill they rule all so he was pleased to admit of his request which he did the more readily grant in regard hee thought it might much conduce to his health which could not long subsist under the care of all things though he knew he had a Soul able to govern the whole world From that time forward he medled onely in matters of State and left all the rest to the other Ministers Politique Observation A Prudent Minister who knows the work of well-governing a Kingdome never burthens himself with the care of all manner of Affairs He who pretends to a super-intendency of all businesses is a rash inconsiderate man and he will find nothing but confusion in his Government and hatred upon his person The Soul of man of what quality soever he be is like a River whose course runs but weakly and slowly when exhausted into several little Brooks and true it is who so divideth the strength of his Genius in the management of all affairs can act but feebly in those of great weight and by consequence to the detriment of the publick good It is with Souls as with Appetites they who suffer themselves to bee drawn along by sawces and delicate meats over-charge themselves and convert the greatest part of their nourishment into ill humours thus those minds which would govern all leave all in disorder Plutarch speaking of the Government of a Kingdome saith that the Prince ought to be like a hand which should imploy several Ministers under his Authority the hand hath divers fingers to work There need no other proof of this truth then that knowledge and prudence which is required in the Conduct of a State besides the administration of Justice and the superintendency of the Treasuries A chief Minister ought to have his eye not onely upon all things affairs and persons of concernment in the Kingdome but likewise upon all the bordering Princes and Allies yes and upon their Ministers too to discover if possible their designs and either by policy or force to break such as may be any way prejudicial to his Master He ought to have his Engines on work to dive into the Counsels of the Pope the Emperour the Spaniard and all other neighbour Princes He ought from time to time to acquaint himself with their humours their inclinations passion exercises and all that may conduce to the Government In case any of them attempt a design which may make them too potent he is bound to oppose it If his Allies be set upon he must be as careful to defend protect them as the out-guards of his Kingdome As for that which is considerable at home the King his Master will take up a great deal of his time either in his applications to preserve his favour or to dissipate such jealousies as his enemies may have infused into him or to propose to his Majesty such expedients and counsels as may be proper and profitable together The Princes of the blood too will find him some work to keep them in such a condition as they may not trouble the publick Peace but that they may however live in some kind of satisfaction it being true that either the good or bad Fortune of a Kingdome doth most commonly depend upon them He ought also to have an eye upon the Clergy and Prelates to keep them in such decorum that they clash not by any mis-understandings to the bringing of Religion into contempt That they do not so greedily swallow down the respects which are paid unto them as to abuse that power of Souls
all those inventions contrived to stop up a Port or Haven Though this latter opinion is at present but weak and frivolous seeing men have by industry found out several means to overcome all manner of obstacles of this nature Alexander the Great besieged the City of Tyre stopped up the Channel by a Bank took away all hopes of relief and at last forced them to surrender to his mercy after they had refused to deliver up upon fair and honourable terms Caesar did the like before Duras as also St. Lewis upon the Râ—â—s being a Branch of the River Nile the Prince of Parma at Antwerp and Spinola at Ostend all which by some invention or other found means to hinder any shipping to come neer the places which they besieged But amongst all none is like a Bank because in Tempests the Sea doth usually spoil and break all their Engins of Masts Cables Timber or the like Neither are Chains to be trusted in such occasions for that small Vessels may passe over them as Câ—eus Duellius the Roman Consul did who being blocked up in the Court of Syracusa caused all his men and luggage to be removed into the Stern of his Galley and his Oarmen rowing with all their strength passed them half over and then removing all his goods and men into the Prow they rowed over the other half and so got clear away the like did the Spanish Forces at Marcellia when they found their enterprise was discovered The Sieur de Macheville is sent to the Electors of Baviers and Treves to dispose them towards the settlement of a Peace in the Empire THose great cares which the Cardinal was necessitated to undergo both in opposition of the English Forces and in the reducing of Rochel did not prevent him from providing for the Interests of those German Princes who were Allies to the Crown of France His great Soul like universal causes produced a thoâ—sand several effects at the same time nor could the mâ—nagement of any one important affair divert him from being circumspect in several others He advised his Majesty to dispatch the Sieur de Macheville towards the Electors of Baviers and Treves for the negotiating divers affairs particularly to induce them to settle Peace in the Empire His Majesty had learned that the Emperour had designed to have his Son King of Hungary elected King of the Romans That the Electors did much desire his Majestâ— would invite the Pâ—ince Palatine to retire himself into France That the Elector of Treves was well inclined to league himself with the French Interests and thâ—t divers Pâ—inces of the Catholick League did wish his Majesty would imploy himself to negotiate either a Peace or a Cessation of Arms in Germany Upon these four points it was that he gave the Sieur de Macheville instructions to treat with them As to the first he was forbidden to thwart the Emperours design His Majesty not thinking it fit to declare himself against the Emperour to the end he might have more power and freedome towards the setling of his own affairs But he was commanded to flatter the Duke of Bavian upon that accompt and dexterously to humour him in his imaginary hopes of the Empire by representing to him as likewise unto the rest of the Electors That it would very much concern them to promote some subject of lesse greatness then those of the House of Austria unto that dignity by which means the head of the Empire having a nearer equality and correspondency with the rest of the Members their union would bee the stronger and their conditions the more secure And in case he should find the Electors averse from that Proposal he was then commanded quaintly to hint unto them but not too openly that the Emperour not being troubled by Age or Sicknesse it would not be amisse to defer their Election of the Roman King unto some other time seeing by this delay they would render themselves the more considerable towards the Princes of Germany and the Emperour himself who would be the more carefull to preserve their friendship it being so conducing to his design whereas having attained his ends and finding himself in a condition of being no more beholding to them neither for himself or his it was to be feared least hee should indeavour to extend the limits of his Ambition to their prejudice This was he expresly charged not openly to declare because the King thought it more proper to insinnuate into the minds of those Princes the resolution of excluding the King of Hungary from the Empire or at least to defer his Election rather then to discover himself However he was commanded to advise them in case they were peremptorily resolved to chuse him that it would concern them to take advantage of this affair in which the Emperour was necessited to make use of them that they might draw him to condiscend unto such conditions as might settle a firm Peace in the Empire which it would concern them to do before the Election least he might be the more averse to peace when he should find the Empire once assured upon his Son As to the second particular which relateth unto the Palatins retreat unto this Kingdome he was commanded to tell those Princes that his Majesty could not assent unto it whatever proposals they made of entertaining him at their Costs and Charges His reasons were these That it was not beseeming the Dignity of a King to capiticlate concerning the Pension of any Prince unto whom his Majesty pretended to be a refuge and likewise that there was no reason why he should draw upon himself so great a Charge not being necessitated thereunto and in case they should offer to pay all his Pension without any treaty he was then commanded freely to reply unto them that their Promises did not at all make sure the Pension and if it should chance not to be paid his Majesty could not then avoid the entertaining both of him and his whole family Besides if the young Prince should come into France his Majesty was in Honour bound never to consent unto the Peace of Germany until he were restored unto his States and that he could not give him a Retreat without promising to protect him which he knew would not sort with their Interests That which concerned the Elector of Treves was not so difficult seeing there wanted nothing but the assuring him of his Majesties affection and good Will He went accompanied with that which gave him a very particular satisfaction but the secret management of it being of great consequence that he might serve his Majesty without suspition the knowledg of this hath not been discovered unto any one but themselves As to the fourth and last which concerneth the Peace at least a Cessation of Arms it was in relation to the enterprizes of the King of Denmark and the Princes of the Lower Saxony which had but ill successe so that he had Order to negotiate it the more effectually not onely
because his Majesty was desirous to give a period unto those calamities which had brought Germany into so miserable a condition but also for the Interests of this Crown which being concern'd with those Christian Princes who are not tied to the House of Austria oblige him to hinder the Emperours becomming absolute unto which the war seemed to contribute by weakning the Princes Electors and ruining the Protestants This was the more considerable in regard his Majesty was not then in a Capacity to redresse their aggrievances by force of Arms he was likewise commanded to procure an Electoral Diet where the Electours comming to treat together would doubtlesse resolve and conclude a Peace whereas if they should manage their affairs by their Doctors who for the most part were Pensioners to the House of Austria there could be but slender hopes of a good successe His Instructions Charged him to acquaint them that he was commanded to negotiate the cessation of Arms both with the Emperour the King of Denmark and themselves and that he should effectually endeavour to accomplish it provided that they would ingage unto his Majesty by Instruments drawn up in form that they would after the King of Denmark should assent unto it procure the Emperour to do the like and that themselves would do the same on their parts and lastly that they would call an Electoral Diet where the Peace should be ratified as also a confirmation of their Alliance with France These were the Chief Points of the Sieur de Macheville Instructions in which he bestirred himself with such diligence that he prevailed upon the Princes Electors without discovering his Majesties Intentions to defer the Election of the Roman King That he perswaded them to think it improper for the Prince Elector to retier into France That he tied the Prince Elector of Treves unto his Majesties Interests by Chains of Gold and that he at last procured them to meet at Mulhausen He himself came thither and represented to them those great miseries which the war had brought upon Germany in such effectual language that they became more inclined to Peace then formerly they had been And the year following the Peace was accordingly concluded which the House of Austria would have found means to prevent had not France interposed in the business Politique Observation IT is a piece of great Prudence in a Prince to procure a Peace for his Allyes when the war is not favourable to them It cannot be doubted but that his endeavours will redound to his Honour and Glory seeing it is no small reputation to become an Arbitrator between Soveraigns for God himself who overuleth the whole World hath styled himself The God of Peace But besides this consideration those Princes who have gone by the worst in a war are mutually bound to assist him in his occasions he having preserved them from destruction withal the quality of Allie doth oblige him to become a Mediator for them it being a means proper to preserve their Union and an Act necessary for their conservation The Laws of Charity which command all Christians to lend a helping hand unto one another in dangers and necessities do more especially injoyn it unto Princes seeing their downfals cannot but carry greater consequences with them and that after many frowns of war their ruin cannot be avoided When once they are reduced to extremity it is no longer seasonable then to treat of a Peace for victory pufs up their Enemy whose insolency will hardly give way to loose the advantages he hath gotten and if he should be drawn to lay down his Arms it must be upon hard and shameful termes It is easie to conceive how dangerous it is long to expose them unto the uncertainties of war seeing that Prince who once looses either part of his reputation or forces doth for the most part undergo duly crosses and seems to have been made the laughing stock of Fortune It was not without great reason that Scipio said unto Antiochus The Majesty of a King is not so easily reduced from the height of their power to a more indifferent degree as it is precipitated from an indifferent degree unto the lowest ebb of Fortune Hereupon it was that Hannibal desired Peace of Scipio the African before the last battail which he fought in which he was overcome and that he Etolians were blamed for not accepting of it when offered unto them by the Romans after they had been often worsted by them I might hereunto add that a King who in such occasions procureth a Peace for this Allyes doth not a little serve his own Interests for that a Kings Power consisteth as much in the force of his Allyes as in that of his own subjects There is so strict an Union between the States of Allyes that no one of them can receive any considerable losse but the effects of it will soon appear in all the rest The Power of Allyes is like the strength of the Frontiers to a Kingdome and as an Enemy having once gotten the suburbs and out Quarters hath a notable advantage against the Town it self so the Allyes of a King can neither be weakned nor ruined but himself is in danger of being assaulted in his own Dominions and is rendred the lesse able to make resistance in regard his Allyes are not in a condition to relieve him It was for this cause that Thucydides said he who dis-respecteth his dangers of his Allyes is carelesse of his own safety and I conceive that a Prince who sees his Allyes groaning under the hand of War is equally bound to assist them by mediating a Peace for them least his ruin follow theirs as every man seeing his Neighbours house on fire is obliged to use his utmost endeavour to extinguish it least his own house come into the like danger The Marquis de Saint Chaumont sent to Vincent the Duke of Mantoua in quality of an Ambassodour Extraordinary AT the same time that the Sieur de Marcheville went into Germany His Majesty who thought himself equally concern'd in the Interests of his Allyes as the Affairs of his own State sent the Marquis de Saint Chaumont Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Duke of Mantoua The Duke had by letters express given his Majesty notice of his Brother Ferdinand's death and also begged his assistance to second by his name and officers as Rome the suit which he made there for dissolution of the marriage which he had lately contracted with the Princess de Bossolo who though she had charms enough to perswade him to marry her yet was too old to bear Children The King could have answered him by letters but it being necessary to look after Monsieur de Neuers his Interests who only hoped for his Majesties assistance he thought it more proper to send an Extraordinary Ambassador thither The Marquis de Saint Chaumont was chosen for this employment and commanded to signifie to the Duke how sensibly displeased his Majesty was at the late Dukes death but
protect the execution of Justice Besides they have by so doing a great and notable advantage to themselves in abating the insolent and ambitious pretensions of those who would usurp their Subjects rights and become terrible to their neighbours by their too great power If this rule be worth consideration in general it is much more to be observed in respect of the rights which may befall his Majesties Subjects in Italy where it is absolutely necessary to prevent the increasing greatnesse of the house of Austria They have already become Masters of the greatest part of Germany and there is not any more certain way to ballance their growing power then by Alliances with the Princes of Italy by finding out some means to set foot in their Country be it either by gaining some of their States as divers of our late Kings have attempted or by establishing such French in them as want not pretences to them and which might be able to let in the Arms of France when the Princes of Italy should have occasion to make use of them and there is no doubt but the Princes of Italy would be very glad to see the Arms of our Kings in their Country opposing those of the Spaniard whom they hate because they fear To speak the truth it is an action which doth beget both glory and affection in those who shall succeed the honour which is to be atchieved in so doing will shine thorough all parts and render them venerable amongst all strangers The Marriage of the Prince de Rethelois with the Princess Maria the Inheritrix of Mantua UPon the news which his Majesty recived by the Marquesse de St. Chaumont that there was little hopes of Duke Vincents long life he concluded it to be very necessary that he should use his utmost indeavours to make up the Match between the Prince de Rethelois and the Princesse Maria as also to procure that he might be declared the Successor to the States of Mantua and Montferrat after the decease of his Father the Duke de Nevers The Cardinal by his Councels seconded his Majesties judgement and that with the more eagernesse in regard the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan did both begin to declare their pretences This made his Majesty resolve upon sending away the Marquesse de Saint Chaumont into Italy The Instruction which he received was onely of two particulars in which he was to bestir himself The first was in his Majesties name to make an end of those differences between the Duke of Savoy and Mantua to which end he was to passe by Turin to dispose Duke Ferdinand to the making of some other overtures for their accommodation and then to propose them to the Duke of Mantua to see if any conclusion could be had withal to let them both know that a good correspondence were not amisse for the good of their States in regard their enemies by their divisions would be furnished with opportunities to make attempts upon them The second was to labour very earnestly with the Duke of Mantua for the concluding of the Match between his Neece and the Prince de Rethelois and that he might be declared successor to his States after the decease of his Father the Duke of Nevers At that present it was the easier to be effected in regard the Pope had solemnly protested he would never grant a dispensation of his first marriage He was also commanded to shew unto him that as this marriage was of great advantage and benefit to the Duke of Nevers and Rethelois whom he loved by assuring them of the succession so it was not lesse necessary to defend and secure himself from the attempts which the Spaniard and Duke of Savoy might make upon his life and State for that they did already begin to discover their intentions against him He was farther Commanded That if Duke Vincent should chance to die whilst he was near him then to animate in his Majesty name the Chief leading men of the States of Montua and Montferrat by all arguments of reason and perswasion to preserve the liberties of their Country to keep the faith obedience which they did owe unto Monsieur de Nevers as their Lawful Prince and to declare him for successour to Duke Vincent according to the usual Forms of those Countries and lastly to assure them that his Majesty would protect them against any Forces that should molest or trouble them that himself would invite the Pope and all other Princes of Italy to joyne with them in defence of their liberties These were the Chief Instructions in the Marquis his Commission In order to them he went to the Duke of Savoy to perswade him to some agreement with Mounsieur de Mantua He told him how the report went of his being in league with the Spaniards for the deviding of Montferrat But the Duke seemed to be angry at it and wondred that after the having done such good Offices to his Majesty be should imagine such a thing of them Yet he did not disown his apprehensions of the advantage which he might now take during Duke Vincents sickness to regain that which did belong to him in Montferrat adding withal that it would be much more for his Majesties Interest if it were is his hands rather then the Spaniards and that at last in case he were joyned with the Spaniards yet it was no more then his Majesty himself had done seeing they sent him a Fleet to Rochel But the Marquis that he might lay the foundation of an agreement proposed to him to renew the Treaty which had been between the late Duke Ferdinand and himself as to that which was in dispute between them in Montferrat all the answer he could get was this he demanded fifteen thousand Crowns rent for his pretentions there and twenty thousand for the Damages he had sustained for want of execution of his promises made of marrying his little Daughter with the Cardinal his Son By these his unreasonable demands he evidenced that he only sought an occasion to justifie his breach with him and the Marquis finding after divers other conferences had with him that there was no good to be done made no longer stay there but went to Mantua he came thither so opportunely as if Fortune had lead him by the hand for within five dayes after his arrival there the Duke dyed He found that the Marquis de Strigio had disposed the Duke with a great deal of addresse to all that could be desired That he had stirred him up on the designs which his Enemies might set on foot both against his life and State to declare by his Letters Patents the Duke de Nevers his only and Lawful successour in all his States and the Duke de Rethelois his Livetenant General ordering him to marry his Niece the Princesse Marie before his decease and to cause the Governours of all strong places faithfully to keep them for the Duke de Nevers There wanted indeed a dispense for the marriage
lost and the King taken prisoner Now for the staying of Souldiers in an Army one of the best ways according to Alexander Severus is this pay them well clothe them well shoe them well arm them well feed them well and so order the businesse that they may alwayes have some mony in their purses and when they be thus well used such as run from their Collours must then be severy punished Corbulo beheaded all such without mercy and it was observed that this severity of his was of great advantage to him for by it he kept all his toopes neer at a stay in point of Number Neither is it lesse needful to prevent Captaines and Commissaries scroles who can by a dangerous miracle revive dead Souldiers in their companies and make more to appear then really they have This is an inconveniency of which the losse of the Kings mony is the least consequent evil for if it happen that a Prince assure himself according to the Roles is thereupon become confident in attempting any enterprises he may perchance when it comes to a trial find himself much weaker then he expected and by that means run into the same premunire that Francis the first did at Pavie The best preventive Course in such disorders is that which Darius used who notwithstanding the vastnesse of his Armie and the Extent of his States was however so careful of his Forces that he would often review them in his own presence pay the Souldiers with his own hands and be perpetually in company with them not onely that he might be particularly acquainted with them but that he might take care to provide necessaries for them encourage some and reward others who had wel deserved of him If after all their cares the Captains shall still presume to make false musters both they and the Commissaries who admit of them ought to be punished with so much the more rigor in regard their faults are of so dangerous a consequence The English Fleet cometh before Rochell THE perpetual instance which they of Rochel made to the King of Great Brittain at last wrought on him to send out his Fleet to Sea upon their first being ready for it and about the eleventh of May they were discried two leagues off the point of Coreille The light Vessels which the Cardinal in his Majesties absence being then at Surgeres had sent out to discover the Coast brought intelligence that their Fleet consisted in four Pinnaces seven men of War of about one hundred and fifty Tun a peece twenty smaller of neer one hundred Tuns twenty Barques of about thirty and forty and divers Fire-ships There was such order taken to repel them in case they should attempt to passe the Bank that it would be almost an impossibility for them to effect it For besides there engines which were at the mouth of the Bark there was also the Kings Fleet composed of good store Men of war and divers other Vessels which lay in the Channels The Chevalier de Velencay was in the formost Ship of the vant-guard and commanded as Vice-Admiral who had order to grapple with the first Ship of the Enemies and to fight those who were in it The others were to follow his example and every one had order to beat the Enemies as neer to the Shore as possible they could where they would find it a hard taske to get off in regard of the great shot from the Forts and Batteries thereabouts If the Enemie should break through all those obstacles of the greater Vessels shot from the Batteries yet they would find themselves entangled amongst fourscore other Vessels Gallies Galliots and Barques from whence it would be difficult to get off and at the worst they would be stopped by those vessels which had been sunk or the first Pallisade of three and forty ships which were next to them The Cardinal who knew that his Majesties courage would lead him to every thing presently gave him advice of the arrival of the English and his Majesty presently took horse and came the same night to the Camp The strength of his Army the Batteries which were built on the shores and the good order which he observed both in his Land and Sea forces banish'd all causes of fear from him neither were his resolutions lesse fortified by the confidence which he had in God for whose glory he did fight more then for the Interests of his own Kingdome to whom he caused publick Prayers to be made for his blessing on this occasion In short as he was not ignorant that the presence of an enemy obligeth him who commands to be the more vigilant he sent to discover the enemies Fleet at a nearer distance within Musket shot then lying in the road of the Chef de Bay he likewise called a Councel of War where he resolved upon the following order for his own Fleet He commanded that upon the first motion of the enemy no Vessel should weigh Anchor untill they were neer at hand and that then they should board them before they came neer the Bank That no Vessel should releeve his Companion being ingaged with the enemy that in case any Vessel were in pursuit of an enemy and should fall foul upon one of his own party not yet provided then the first vessel should cast Anchor to the end to stay the enemy that both might fall upon him that if any vessel were fired the Shallops should presently come to assist and that in case she were grappled with a Fire-ship they should remove the Wedges from the Cannons that they might shoot over That in such case too they should knock out the ends of their Barrels of Power and pour in some Buckets of Water That they should not make ready any greater number of vessels then the enemy should bring in between the two points That the ships should every day send their Boats to watch before the Fleet and that their chief care should be to prevent the enemies Fire-ships by surprising their Shallops in case they had any or by casting an harping Iron whereby to draw them off from the vessels That for the more readinesse every vessel should have a grappling hook in the stern and that when-ever the enemy should hoise sail they should have their long boats armed and ready to advance with assistance against any fire where it should happen This order was resolved on by the King assisted with his Generals and Sea Captains and so delivered to the Commander of Valencay Vice-Admiral who distributed it amongst the Officers Lastly his Majesty took a review of all his Quarters and Batteries to see if all were in condition to fight and repel the enemy when-ever they should appear Politique Observation OF all the Arts none more becommeth a Prince than the Military which not onely preserves his own State to him but gives him means to increase it and raise his power to a higher degree It cannot be doubted but that it is one of the
obedience Those Rebellious mutineers when they saw there was no hopes of succour from the English and that they died by thousands of the famine made divers proposals of accommodation Hereupon his eminency told them how that those of their party on board the English Fleet had withdrawn themselves and had obtain'd the Kings pardon that the English finding it impossible to force the Bank relieve them had interceded for them that they had moreover sent Montague to make proposals of peace unto his Majesty who had kindly received him that thereupon he was return'd into England to encline the King his Master to hearken to an accommodation and that things being thus they had no other hopes but to die by famine if they had not recourse to his Majesties mercy by a true confession and humble acknowledgment of their faults This news gave an Allarum to the whole City The discreetest of them represented to the rest how the Rich did now begin to dye of famine as well as the poor having sold the greatest part of their victuals to those that had none upon hopes of the English relief that death made an harvest of them that since the last six moneths there had died between eight and ten thousand of famine insomuch that not having where withal to bury the dead and indeed having hardly any people strong enough to make their graves or carry them insomuch that they were forced to draw them with cords into the Church-yards and there to let them rot that diverse had been seen to crawl with much ado to the Church-yards and there lay down and dye hereupon the rest of the people languishing and touched to the quick with the remembrance or indeed the present image of so many horrible spectacles resolved to try their fortune to appease if possible the Kings just indignation by imploring his mercy They entreated the Sieur Arnoult to procure a safe conduct that they might send their Deputies to his Majesty which upon his Request was graunted But his Majesty would that they should first make their proposals to Monsieur the Cardinal to whom they went with an unspeakable joy therupon this grand Minister producing those Deputies which he had kept to that purpose let them discourse with one another who having assured them that they themselves had obtained the Kings pardon represented to them that they likewise had nothing now to hope for if they did not totally submit themselves to the discretion of his Majesties mercy but miserably to dye by famine his Majesty being resolved never to depart from thence till he was Master of the Town They were much surprised at this newes having not heard of it till then yet they were insolent enough to make propositions of peace still relishing of their former mutinie This grand Minister declared to them they must not think of any other conditions than absolutely to submit to his Majesties will but however promised them that he would employ his utmost power in their behalf so they returned promising to dispose their Fellow-citizens to it as much as in them lay testifying as much satisfaction and joy as they who are reprieved from the Galleys After this meeting they published all over the Town how kindly the Cardinal had entertained them with assurances he had given them to employ his interest with his Majesty to obtain the same grace for them which he had for those with the English whose Deputies they had spoken with conjuring every one to accept of it The height of that misery to which they were reduced did at last quash their mutinies although some of their Ministers not ignorant that power was the worthiest stipend of their insolencies animated them by the hopes of glory which they should obtain by dying for the liberties of their Religion so they could not presently resolve to surrender to the Kings mercy but proposed to make a general peace for all those of their party that they might choose a Governour that they might choose a Mayor and Sheriffes and generally the preservation of their priviledges to which end their Deputies made diverse journeys to and fro but Monsieur de Cardinal who never omitted any thing that concerned the glory of his Master and on the other side knew the extremities to which they were reduced still told them They must either all dye by famine or submit to his Majesties discretion This plain dealing of his did at last force them to stoop whereupon they chose twelve of the principal amongst them most of which could hardly creep to beg his Majesties pardon to assure him that they would live and die in the obedience which they owed unto him without demanding any other conditions then what his Majesty should please to give them and one of the bést Orators amongst them made their speech which was all to that purpose The King graunted them the pardon which they desired and the Sieur d' Herbant Secretary of State read the Pattent to them by which his Majesty pardoned their Rebellion discharged them of all acts of Hostility ordained that they should be restored to their goods graunted them the exercise of their Religion in the City and commanded that all the Souldiers in the City should enjoy the same grace and that the chiefe Captains and Gentlemen should go out with their Swords by their sides and the Souldiers with Cudgells in their hands but first they were to swear never to bear Arms against his Majesties service Politique Observation THough Rebels have been so stout as to let themselves be forced by a long siedge and with great expence yet it is more glorious for a King to deal mercifully then severely with them It is enough that they have already suffered great miseries unlesse there be a necessity of continuing the War against others of their party for in such case the evils they suffer are examples to terrifie others and get moderation toward them is a charm which may reduce those who are unconquered to reason This moderation is sometimes like a precious balm which takes away the pain of any would how mortal soever whereas too too strict severity drives to despair I should not be of this opinion where Rebels are forced in a few dayes but where they have endured the miseries which accompany long siedges Then I must confesse it were not amiss to expiate the crimes of all by the lives of some which were a cruelty too suparlative after the rigors unconceiveable miseries of many moneths for then a true courage is rather touched with compunction than revenge The Roman Valour is often comnended for this by Antiquity and who knoweth not how sensibly compassionate they were at the sight of their miseries whom they had vanquished Marcellus having mastered Syracusa and considering the ruine to which it was reduced could not forbear weeping Neither could Pompey endure that Tygrances King of Armenia should remain Prostrate before him whatever War he had made against the Roman people but raised
of exception For if a Soveraign hath the least suspicion that they may revolt a second time he is then bound to deprive them of all possible means to effect it be it either by disarming the inhabitants or dismantling their Fortifications nay by levelling their very Walls too if they are of any considerable strength Thus did the Romans destroy Velitre by reason of their frequent revolts turned out the Senate and commanded them to live on the other side of Tyber The strength and Fortifications of a Town do often invite the people to rebel as Tacitus observeth speaking of Hierusalem To which same purpose did Xerxes prohibit the use of any Arms to the Babylonians and Cyrus to the Lydians both of them commanding those people to study Arts which might divert them from War It were not much amisse to deprive them of the means of making assemblies The Romans have shewed the way of it by destroying all form of Government amongst those of Capua after they had overcome them whereby they had not any occasion of assembling any more together as formerly they had used To this same end too hath the Turks inhibited the use of Clocks amongst the Christians or any others over his whole Empire to prevent the meeting of any Assemblies which might be contrary to his will and the obedience he requireth from them But they who are Victorious ought alwaies to accompany their commands with some sweetnesse which may tollerate to them the exercise of their Religion the assurance of their goods or the like but then at last he must be sure to take from them all possible means of a future Revolt and Insurrection The Honour which his Majesty got by the taking of Rochel THE most ingenious of men even the Pope himself extolled the glorious â—tchievment which his Majesty had obtained indeed he could not be praised enough considering he had defeated three English Fleets releeved the Isle of Ree and overcome a City which through all Christendome was thought impregnable and by such a means too as was no less admirable then the taking of the Town it self and without the losse of almost one man although Charles the ninth lost the lives of many great Commanders and shot ten thousand great Guns at it and could do no good upon it How glorious was it for him to have restored this Monarchy to its ancient splendour and lustre by destroying a Faction which had so often armed some of his Subjects against the rest which hindred him from being assisting to his Allies and prevented him from regaining that honour and esteem in Europe which his Predecessours had held as their due This rebellious Town had for above two hundred years banded against their Kings whenever they were upon any great expedition as against Lewis the eleventh during the broyls of the Duke de Guienn his Brother against Charles the Eighth when all Italy expected him at Fornove against Lewis the Twelfth whilest he was in the Wars for the Milanois against Francis the first whiles he was ingaged with Charles the fifth against Francis the second and Charles the ninth doth in his minorities against Henry the third arming his brother to oppose him against Henry the Great just as he was ingaging against the Duke of Savoy And lastly against his Majesty himself upon whom they had thrice mad War but now their strong Walls being overthrown served for Monuments of his eternal glory Monsieur the Cardinal did much contribute to the taking of Rochel THe Cardinal being the chief Minister in this Affair as well as that of the State it were unreasonable to deny him some part of the credit They who writ concerning those Subjects made the lesse difficulty of it in regard his Majesty attributed the whole management of it to his Councils as by divers Declarations published abroad was apparent neither could it indeed be denied unto him seeing he it was that advised the besieging of Rochel who had contrived the means of releeving Ree who had beaten off the English who had first laid the Foundations of the siedge who had drawn the Lines and Works who had preserved them in good order who had kept the Forces from disbanding who had made them live in such a Discipline as was formerly unheard of in France who had contrived the Bank and at last concluded a League with the English who were come a third time to releeve the place But as the most glorious acts expose men to most envy so some malignant Pens there were who dis-esteemed and spoke lightly of him nay would have made his greatest services have been esteemed for attempts against his Majesties Crown yet all would not do some impression indeed they made upon them of the Cabal who could not behold without envy so shining a Star they who are well acquainted with him cannot but know how that he always and upon all occasions avoided what ever might expose him to envy that he did ever ascribe all the glory of his conduct and government to his Majesty and that on the other side the most that he ever pretended to in his greatest Actions was onely the honour to have served him faithfully and not improfitably they cannot but know he could not more fitly be compared to any one then unto Germanicus Nephew and adopted son of Tiberius who having obtained a great Victory in Germany prepared a fair Trophy at the foot of which was inscribed The Army of Tiberius Casar as Tacitus hath observed after the reducing of the people between the Rhine and Elbe raised a Monument to Mars Jupiter and Augustus but mentioned not himself And thus the honour of doing those glorious actions which he every day atchieved was by him esteemed both his satisfaction and reward Politique Observation WHat ever honour is attributed to second causes upon the effecting of great things yet the chief glory redounds unto the first not onely because he communicates all the power which second causes have to operate but withal because those effects depend upon his particular influence It cannot be denied but second cause deserved commendation and indeed without injustice it cannot be gain-said but that they have likewise much contributed The Sun in the Universal Principium of the generation of all Plants he it is who extracteth the Germinative quality wherewith the earth is replenished who produceth the Flowers and Fruits wherewith it is adorned it being most assuredly true that without his influences the earth would remain fruitlesse dry and barren Which though it be so yet what Philosopher did ever deny that the earth was not one of the chief causes of all those effects Have they not all confessed that the earth produceth Lillies and Roses And was not that Sophister esteemed a Novice who denied the Title of Mother to her In the same manner God is doubtlesse the first Authour of every thing done in the World yet no Philosopher will deny but that the Sun and Man beget Man that the Sun
loseth many advantages in War and also in negotiations of Peace and instead of getting glory renders himself contemptible both in one and in the other Anno 1629. NO one can with drie eys behold a Vessel in which divers of his friends are driven by a storm beaten by winds and waters now raised up on high and anon cast down again and sometimes ready to be swallowed up by the Waves But when the Tempest is once over then the whole pleasure is to discourse in what danger they were and the future remembrance of it is a satisfaction and delight In the same manner who could behold the violent emotions in which France was agitated during this year and not be moved to pity Surely he must be devoid of a French heart and destitute of all those resentments which nature infuseth into all men for their own Country But now his joy and delight must be equal too the storm is blown over and it is become a pleasure to discourse the hazard she hath escaped The King after the taking of Rochel releeveth Cazal in person THe King having reduced Rochel his courage invited him to relieve Cazel in his own person The enterprise was difficult and there was no hopes of any good successe but after great labours hazards and difficulties There was a necessity of passing the Alps and that at a time when the Ice and Snow was enough to have stopped up the wayes but besides this the Duke of Sâ—vâ—ys Army must be passed through likewise many strong places were of necessity to be taken in and an inevitable necessity of marching five or six days through an enemies Country where they were sure to find no Victuals where by reason of the ways it was as hard to get any to be carried for the relief of the Souldiers These difficulties would have troubled a resolution lesse couragious then his Majesties but it being his onely desire to obtain glory by the hardest things especially where his Justice is concern'd he was not so much as moved at it He assembled his Councel to consider of it presently after his return to Paris some of them indeed were against it as doubting lest the French falling thus directly on the Spanish forces might make a Breach between the two Crowns which experience had evinced to be very prejudicial to the State The Spanish power had by little and little become terrible untill the Cardinal pulled away the Visard and made it apparent that those were onely Chimeras and vain Clouds which would soon be dissipated by the lustre of his Majesties Arms insomuch that his Eminency who is not to be shaked in any thing where his Masters glory was concern'd began to discourse the businesse that at last every one of them submitted to the reasons which he produced and it was then concluded that Cazal ought to be releeved Sir said he seeing the taking of Rochel hath ended a most glorious enterprise for your Majesty and the most profitable for your State that can possibly happen again in your whole life Italy now oppressed for almost a whole year by the Duke of Savoy and Spaniards attendeth a relief from your power and a deliverance from their evils by your most victorious Arm Your Honour obligeth you to defend those neighbors and Allies of yours who are unjustly despoiled of their States But besides these important reasons your own interests do oblige you to turn your thoughts and arms thither and I dare assure you that if your Majesty resolve upon it and it be executed as it ought the issue of it will be no lesse happy and honourable to you then that of that rebellious City I am not I confesse a Prophet but I am confident that if your Majesty lose no more time but carry on the design you shall both releeve Cazal and settle Italy in Peace before May from whence returning with your Army into Languedoc you shal likewise settle all there before the end of July so that I hope your Majesty will in August be returned both safe and victorious to Paris These were the chief points of his advice spoken with such Grace and Courage that not a man in all the Assembly but approved of it and I have the more willingly inserted them here for the preservation of them to posterity as an Oracle of his Prudence which might indeed passe for a Prophecy seeing that every thing fell out just as he had Prognosticated Politique Observation â—T must be confessed that eminent Souls have extraordinary fore-sights and somewhat I know not how more then humane they see all effects by their causes they do commonly speak of things with assurance and prognosticate things to come as if they saw them presently acted before their eyes they behold all dangers long before they happen which they fear not because their Prudence applies fit remedies they know the weaknesse of their enemies when and where they ought to be assaulted they know all their stratagems all their designs and thus it is that their Prudence maketh them frequently judge of things with certainty Some have been of opinion that these extraordinary knowledges have been communicated to them by their Genius and to speak more Christian-like by their good Angles which me thinks cannot well be denied seeing the like hath befallen the Grandees amongst the Pagans as Socrates Brutus and Caesar and of latter ages divers other experiences of the same kind But I may well add the Angles do but seldome afford those their favours and as seldome as that eminent Prudence whereunto they add their fore-seeing quality is rare Prosecution of the History THe Cardinal did clearly fore-see that this expedition being well managed it would be impossible for the Spaniard or Duke of Savoy to raise a force sufficient to oppose that of his Majesty He knew that in all Italy there were hardly three thousand natural Spaniards that their forces were but small and divided that they were monilesse and harassed with losses on every hand that there was such an inclination in the minds of most part of the Italians to revolt that there need no more then to tell them they should be set at liberty and discharged of their great burthens and that this would be enough to make them take up Arms that there could not a more favourable conjuncture be wished then this for the securing of Monsieur de Mantua from the violence of Spain and that it were as great imprudence to lose this opportunity as it would be discretion to lay hold on it This was that which made him deliver his advice to his Majesty with such confidence and which induced his Majesty first to an assurance of it and then to command an extraordinary diligence to be had for the raising of Levies and providing all necessary munitions for the expedition into Italy Politique Observation THe discreet Pilot guideth his Ship and spreads his Sails according to the Wind that he may come in safety to the Haven and a
Prudent States-man ought to make his resolutions and to regulate his Conduct according to circumstances and the advantage of the time present the former would be much found fault with if he should lose the Wind when it is fair and the latter would commit a deplorable over-sight if he should neglect those advantages and opportunities which should present themselves unto him Opportunity is oftentimes of greater advantage then several Troops and Experience hath dayly evidenced to the World that the advantages of time is the onely thing which if laid hold on carrieth great actions to a prosperous issue Nature observeth her time to put forth her works we never see her bedight with Flowers but when the Sun smiles gently upon her just thus is it with a Prudent man he must strike when the Iron is hot and not strike untill it be hot For this reason it was that the Pythagoreans held opportunity to be the first cause of all things and it is but truth that opportunity is that which giveth them all their perfections and causeth them to terminate in a happy successe Antiquity did much esteem of Pittacus his advice which was comprehended in two words onely know thy time that is lose not thy opportunity but make sure of it it being certainly true that the least smile which she bestoweth is the ground-work of great successes above all an enemy ought to be assaulted at his weakest before he be fortified and that his other Troops come to joyn with him The valiant Scipio would no longer defer his fighting with the Carthaginians when he foresaw that if he gave them time Asdrubal would come up and joyn with them which would augment the difficulties to overcome them Marius in the 25 Book of T. Livy resolved to prosecute the enemy because his Prudence fore-told him that in case he deferred it their whole force would in a small time joyn themselves together and then instead of one Captain and one Army he must incounter with three Generals and three Armies Caesar as himself observeth in his first Book of the War with the Gauls having learnt that there were certain forces comming from the Swedes which were to passe the Rhine presently advanced to fight with Anovistus as doubting least if those forces should come up to him he might be too weak to encounter them The King having resolved upon his Italian Expedition commits the Government of the State to the Queen his Mother THe King before he departed from Paris would as reason was settle the affairs of his Kingdome and State in the hand of a person of whom he was well assured He knew that Kings being out of the way gives opportunity to seditious minds to act and stir who in their presence durst not think a thought that way tending Whereupon he concluded it necessary to intrust the management of all things with some one person upon whose Credit Fidelity and Ability he might rely The Cardinal who was never deficient in procuring all kind of honour to the Queen Mother advised his Majesty to fix upon her as he had done at the siege of Rochel though indeed he was but ill requited for his pains it being at that time that she conceived the first seeds of her hatred against him and suffered her self to be deceived by the false Impostures of her and his enemies That which did most of all clash with the Cardinals thoughts in perswading the King to devolve his power upon her was that she still was guided by those very persons who laboured nothing more then the increasing her Majesties hatred against him and who would act to that purpose with so much the more insolency when they found themselves supported by her authority But as he ever preferred his Majesties before his own Interests he did not long stick at it but finding it most fit for the Government of the State he advised his Majesty to resolve upon it For first the Government of the State could not have been left with any other but it would have raised great broils in the State and secondly he had much rather have been thought improvident in fore-seeing that might hurt him then ingratefull in not procuring to her all possible honour lying in his power and lastly he had some reason to hope that the absolute power which his Majesty left with her during his absence might open her eyes to discern with what zeal and fidelity he had served her In fine his Majesty give the Queen his Mother full and absolute power and caused the Commission which he had made for that purpose to bee read in the Parliament Politique Observation NOthing doth so much allay the hatred of a woman as to procure some honour to her for as they are naturally passionate of ruling so there is not any thing doth more please them then power It should seem that nature having created them to obey they become so much the more ambitious of governing both in private families and in States too for either of which they are very improper Hence it is that they arm themselves with fire and anger against all who oppose them unlesse they are mollified and appeased by love next to which nothing doth so much please and satisfie them as the procurement of some extraordinary power and honour unto them It is a long while since a Philosopher said no water doth so readily extinguish the fire of anger as good deeds which as they make a greater impression on the mind by how much they come nearer to their inclination so there is nothing which doth more please or delight them and hence it is that they are the fittest and most dexterous ways to recall and reclaim their unjust and groundlesse anger and displeasure The King chargeth the Lord Keeper Marillac to chuse out the best rules which had been esteemed proper for the good of the Kingdom by the States met at Paris Anno 1614. and to propose them to the Councel to be drawn up into Ordinances AT the same time the King who cherished Justice as the best Flower in his Crown resolved to publish divers Ordinances relating to his peoples good such as he had chosen out of the best rules which had been thought most proper by the States General at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred and fourteen and by the Assembly at Rouen in the year 1617. and at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred twenty six His Majesty knew that God who had put the Scepter into his hands had not more commanded him any one thing than to administer Justice indifferently to all whereupon he gave order to the Lord Keeper to pick out from those rules such choice ones as might be thought most advantagious for his peoples good to propose them to the Counsel that they might be made Ordinances after mature deliberation had upon them all which was done accordingly and thence sent to the Parliament of Paris whether his Majesty went to hear them read in
homage in that form which should be thought reasonable and in the mean while to beseech him that he would excuse him for some little time He presented unto his Majesty a Kennel of as find hounds as could be seen which his Majesty kindly accepted of and yet to let him see that he looked upon hunting onely as a diversion when other important State affairs gave him some leisure time he hereupon made him a discourse which is not amisse to be observed in this place for the instruction of Soveraigns in what degree they ought to hold those recreations which tend to their pleasure Cozen said he I have left off hunting I must confesse I delight in it when other affairs give me leave but at present my thoughts are altogether taken up to show how affectinately I interest my self with my Allies after I shall have relieved the Duke of Mantua I may perchance return to my old recreations till some other of my friends may have occasion to make use of me And most certain it is his pleasures never withdrew him from theears of his State He would be informed very exactly of all affairs how mean soever neither would he allot any time for the recreations which other Princes used to allow themselves because his piety forbid him as knowing them to be contrary to the Laws of God Politique Observation HUnting is a kind of war not onely not misbeseeming but sometimes very comendable in a Prince It was Xenophons advice in his Cyropaedia It teacheth them saith he to rise betimes It inures them to heats and colds habituates them to riding and all other labours The resistance which salvage beasts make against them teacheth them to fight and to use their Weapons seeing they ought to observe a time when to beat them when to prevent them and to have the free command of their body to cast themselves to and fro when once they come up upon the pursuit Doth not the chasing of those who may endanger them accustome them not to fear any perils I have often observed that those Princes who are great hunters have been likewise esteemed very valiant History tells us so in the examples of Vlysses Pelopidas Pompei Alexander The Prince of Roman eloquence saith that a man at hunting useth a kind of military exercise Plinius Secundus thought it the more agreeable for Princes it being a solitary and silent exercise and giving them leisure to think on their State affairs to which give me leave to add one effect more which renders this recreation very commendable in Kings and that is it keeps them from vice It is reported that Hippolytus Theseus his Son did use this diversion to live chastly and avoid idlenesse the source of all vices and evills The Poets feigned that Diana spent most part of her time in that manner in the company of Arethusae Calista Cranae and divers other Nymphs who were all desirous to preserve their virginities each of them knowing that they were exposed to many Shipwracks by the divers companies with whom they conversed Plutarch observed upon the life of Pompey that this great conquerour imagined that Princes get no little honour by this exercise and after he had vanquished Domitius in Affricque and reduced all in those Countries to his power himself spent some dayes in hunâ—ing Lions and Elephants to the end quoth he that the stoutest beasts themselves might not be ignorant of the Romans good fortune and courage A Victory obtained by the Kings Forces against those of the Duke of Savoy upon the 14. of February 1629. THe King departing from Chaalons passed by Lyons but did not go into the Citie by reason of the sicknesse to Grenoble where he staid 7. or 8. dayes during which he oftentimes sent to the Duke of Savoy to acquaint him that he was come thither resolved to relieve Cazal and to demand passage through his States which he was obliged by Treaties to grant under assurance of not doing any acts of hostility or any other damage The Duke being engaged with the Spaniard and having promised them to assist them in the taking of Cazal as Comte Louâ—s d'Ast one of his Residents at Rome had openly declared had recourse to his usual artifices and returned many complements and fairs words he beseeched his Majesty to give him leave to find out some expedient to dis-engage him of those promises he had made to the Spaniard The Duke proposed several overtures but so void of reason and Justice that it was no hard matter to discern his intent was onely to stay the King until Cazal was taken which as was well known could not hold out above dayes but it was all in vain for the King a person not to be delayed but with just reasons and who was well assured that Cazal would yet hold out in expectation of him two full moneths marched from Grenoble and by great Journies came to Oux a place bordering upon the Frontire and passage of Suze The Duke having but ill intelligence heard not of his Majesties advancing for indeed he made such haste that it was hardly credible but by them who were eye witnesses of it The Duke thougâ—t he had been still at Grenoble when indeed he was not far off Suze But for fear of that storm which threatned him he resolved to send the Prince of Piedmoâ—t his Son to delay his Majesty by giving him some hopes of opening the passages not without expectation that Cazal would in the mean while be taken The Prince was hardly come to Chamberry but he heard the Kings Army was passed the Mount of Geneva this made him return directly to Chaumont where he found the Cardinal already arrived with the Vanguard He had at that place a long discourse with his Eminence who no lesse powerful in his words than arms entertained him with a great deal of addresse and pressed upon him such reasons that he at last promised to do whatever should be desired of him The Cardinal at first told him he was much astonished that notwithstanding the Treaties between France and Savoy that his Majesty and his Army should be denied to passe his Country to assist one of his Allyes Hee remonstrated to him how injurious this procedure was to the honour of a Prince it being contrary to his word and faith that his Majesties Arms marched in a just cause but that his did unjustly protect injustices That if he should have the advantage at any time to hinder his Majesty from entring into Italy which however he could not well hope for yet it would be as great a discredit to him to support an unjust oppression as the design of a protecting a Prince would be glorious to his Majesty withal that he did apparently deceive himself if he imagined to raise any advantage by assisting the Spaniard in the taking of Cazal that his hopes of sharing the Montferrat between them was vain and that they would suffer him to have no greater a part than in six
the King of Kings and Governour of all Kingdomes His Majesty departeth from Suze towards Languedoc after Cazal and the strong Towns in Montferrat were revictualled HIS Majesty having stayed at Suze as long as was needfull for the securing of those advantages which he had got as also for the conveying of Wheat and all other necessaries into Cazal and the places of Montferrat in case they should be again set upon after his with drawing back he at last resolved to passe through Languedoc His design was onely to bring the revolted Heretiques under obedience who had of late shewed their teeth against him upon all occasions and opportunities whatever Notwithstanding his Majesties Declaration made at Paris as hath heretofore been observed they had made an Assembly at Nisms where they published a sedition manifest by which they indeavoured to represent his Majesties gracious proffers for so many snares to intrap them and that notwithstanding his Kingly word he intended to put them all to the Sword whereupon it was resolved not to lay down their Arms but by and with the consent of the King of England to which effect all they of the Town and Party were to bind themselves by oath which was as much as to say they peremptorily resolved to continue the War as long as ever they could The King of England being troubled for the affront which had been given his forces both at Ree and before Rochel desired nothing more then to see France divided and at War amongst themselves which would be a great dimunition of his Majesties strength and power Monsieur de Rohan had likewise been with the King of England in the behalf of the Assembly to implore his Protection and to let him know that they of his party having built all their hopes upon the expectation of his succours did humbly beseech him not to defer any longer his assisting of them Were not these so many evident signs and tokens of an intended bloudy War for the securing of themselves in those Towns which were strong and in their own powers did they not hope his Majesty would find work enough to be diverted in Italy and that he might neither have time nor power to fall on them or oppose their designs And after all this what reason was there to give any longer way to this rebellious people to fix and root themselves any more in their obstinacies and willfull perversenesse Must not his Majesty in so doing have been defective both in Prudence and Courage But the Cardinal was too industrious to suffer any such blemishes to lie upon his Masters glory so that he perswaded his Majesty that it was now high time to call them to accompt and that he should forthwith set forward to curb in their insolencies and to set bounds to their unlimited Pride and Rebellion Politique Observation REvolts are the most dangerous Convulsions in a State and as in mans body there are Symptoms which are as so many Prognosticks to tell us the event of them so those of States are most commonly accompanied with certain circumstances which give a just cause to fear lest they may end in the ruine of the Kingdomes where they are first born without present remedy to prevent it The wise Pilot when he fore-sees any storms as usually he doth by some secret Winds and I know not what tremblings upon the surface of the Waters provideth himself against they happen and a wise Minister discovering by a revolt such signs which may make him suspect their consequence ought no longer to defer the imploying of his utmost power to divert those mis-fortunes which are threatned Now among â—ll such Prognostications none are more apparently evident then manifest Declaâ—ations unlawfull Assemblies Levies of men keeping of watch in Towns and Ciâ—ies against their natural Prince For these things are indeed the fore-runners of â—aying aside all respect and duty and in some sence the dividing their Kings Authority and his Kingdom too These are manifest Symptomes of a mortal disease which threatneth the State Now as a wise Physitian when once he discovers in his Patient any one or more signs of death doth no longer delay his applying of all necessary preventions So a Minister when he finds any people either resolved or inclined to it is obliged to make use of his masters forces to prevent it and allay such storms in their first growth which if delayed would perchance in danger the whole structure In such occasions he ought to use an extraordinary diligence for if vigilance and care be necessary in such enterprises as are made abroad much more is it in those nearer home especially when it concerneth the keeping of a people inclined to Rebel within the limits of their duty By this means was it that Alexander prevented that general insurrection which was intended in Greece for he appeared there in the head of his Army before there was a word heard of his being upon his march And how much recommended was that vigilance of Rhodoginus King of the Persians who being one day told whilest he was washing of his head of a certain rebellion newly began amongst his people had not the patience to sit until he had made an end but tying up his hair mounted on horse-back to go and take care about it well knowing that Rebellion is like a Viper easily killed in the Birth but much more difficultly overcome if let alone until it gain force and strength The King of Spain treateth with the Duke of Rohan for the raising of more troubles in France THey who have once delivered themselves up to a revolt are easily led into all extremities upon hopes of a good successe Thus was it with the Duke of Rohan he had so much forgot himself as to demand assistance from the King of Spain who glad of any opportunity to trouble the Waters in France caused his Agent de Clauset to be received with honour and assured him of all assistance for which he could reasonably hope A Treaty not long after was concâ—uded in which the Duke of Roâ—an obliged himself to continue in the War in France so long as his Majesty of Spain should think fit and generally to further and defend all the interests and affairs of Spain And lastly that he should not treat or conclude of any League or Peace without his Majestie of Spain's consent and approbation and the King of Spain did reciprocally promise him all manner of assistance particularly that he would pay him down at two payments six hundred thousand Duckets of Gold towards defraying of the charge of the War and to make a diversion in Provence Languedoc Dauphine and other such places as his Catholick Majesty should think most convenient for his interests and designs and besides did grant unto him a Pension of forty thousand Duckets yearly and eight thousand to his Brother the Sieur de Soubize and ten thousand more to be yearly distributed amongst his Officers as he should think fit O most blind
birth which was every day apparent by her conduct whilest shee had the management of affairs as also because she every day fancied to her self that she did see Forrainers enter into France with their Swords in their hands burning and killing all and turning the State topsie-turvie These Panique fears made her earnestly desire to see the King and because the wayes were difficult for one of her sex to passe she dispatched one to his Majesty beseeching him with all earnestness that she might have the honour to see him The King who took a most particular care to render her all respects and compliances which might be agreeable to her presently departed from the Camp at St. Pierre to give her this satisfaction though for the good of his own affairs and for his health's sake it had been more proper to have deferr'd it to a more seasonable time It cannot be imagined how many artifices the Queen Mother imployed to stay him at Lyons without considering the news which came from the Army how that many of the Souldiers believing the King would not return any more had disbanded the very same time that they perceived his Majesty went from thence and by this means did put the successe of affairs in hazard for that the Companies were diminished to nothing Politique Observation WOmen are capable of ruining the most important affairs in a State if they have but power to execute their passions History is pregnant with examples which verifie the many evils they have caused whilest the Government of Kingdomes hath been in their hands Fear which is natural to their sex takes them off from approving the Wars be they never so just be they never so necessary for the glory and advancement of the State Their Conduct is founded more upon Passion then Judgment and they look not into any Reasons caring not so they may arrive to the end of their designs and not at all reflecting on the consequences which attend it There is not any blast of wind or flames like the Passion of a Woman especially when shee is filled with hatred as the Queen Mother was who would have been very glad to have seen the Cardinal perish in this design and which shee hoped to see if his Majesty did but leave him there alone The Resistance which they find against their wills serves to augment their hear and the very contradition converts their designs and desires into fury whence an Antient very wisely said that Womens Counsel is not to be made use of in Publique affairs but as Medicines to which a man hath recourse in extream necessity and when all other means fail The Queen Mother continueth her anger against the Cardinal THE King had too much knowledge and experience to be moved by all the Instances made to him so that he departed three dayes after to return to St. John de Morienne But the Queen Mother was aggrieved thereat so much the more sensible by how much shee had earnestly desired to stay him neer her And the Lord Keeper who omitted no occasion to exasperate her mind against the Cardinal raised thence great advantages to infuse into her Spirit new resentments of hatred and anger against him The displeasure which he conceived in his particular to see the War was carried directly against the Spaniard whom he had alwayes openly favoured raised up new inventions in his mind to stir up the anger of this great Princesse entertaining her in all those thoughts which might serve to reinflame her The opinion which he had of his own judgment and of his own thoughts which he adored as so many revelations with held him from stooping to the Cardinals prudent conduct Though discretion and the acknowledgment which he was obliged to shew of that high Honour to which he had raised him should have perswaded him that he had strong Reasons importing the good and glory of the Estate which carried him on to continue the War Politique Observation IT is very dangerous for a States-man who hath any share in the Government of affairs under the conduct of the Chief Minister to be too much wedded to his own opinions All the Orbes follow the motion of the Primum Mobile and as we should soon see the World revolve into it's first Chaos if they should clash so can there follow nothing but confusion in Kingdomes when the inferior Ministers would carry on affairs by wayes contrary to those of the Chief He wants Judgment who doth not accomodate himself to the principal Genius which hath the ordering of all affairs and deserves as much blame as Fabius Maximus who almost overthrew the Commonwealth of Rome by opposing himself with too much violence against Scipios expedition into Affrique It is good to conform ones self to the opinion of those who guide the Stern and though it be permitted us to give some Place to our own thoughts neverthelesse it never ought to arrive to that height as to hinder us from following their resolutions or paying them our respects and endeavours It is true the Prudence of a States-man is too remisse who makes himself indifferent to all he ought to resemble a skilful musician who sometimes sets up one string and le ts down the others But however if he depend upon another he is obliged to follow rather his then his own Judgment not forgetting that his degree is inâ—eriour and that in diversity of opinions submission and to know to how to yeild are Marks of a wel-tempered soul and that the most generous spirits are the most universal and the readiest disposed to all that another would have This condiscending not being an effect of debility but of Respect whereas obstinacy and perverseness in maintaining ones opinion is a dangerous sickness of the mind and more proper to Pedants then to persons of affairs The establishment of the * The yearly râ—nt payd by the Officers of Justice to the King Droict Annuel THe care which the Cardinal had of Forraign affairs never took off his thoughts from the concernments within the Kingdome The late King Henry the Great haviâ—g hatched grand designs for the glorâ— of Frâ—nce had occasions for monies and thought it necessary to establish the Droict Annuel Hence he raised great sums but prejudicial to the people because it gave way to all Officers of Justice and of the Treasury to keep the free disposal of their Offices they paying every â—eâ—r a certain Tax to the * A Treasâ—ry â—o calleâ— from the Casualty of the â—ncomes Parties Casuelles and the liberty to continue the Sale of Offices which were introduced since the time of Francis the first who finding himself obliged to make a Vertue of Necessity was constrained to create many Officers which were continued from the time of Henry the second who created the Sieges Presidiaux and many other Officers which have remained even to this present The Cardinal who had no other end in the Honour which the King had done him to continue
him in the conduct of the most important affairs of the Kingdome them the Reformation and re-establishment of the State did not fail at the end of the foregoing year to represent to his Majesty that it was not only important but almost necessary to take away that power of Sale and consequently to suppresse the Troict Annuel upon which it hath it's principal dependance And his Majesty did so much the more approve of his resolution because he found nothing in the Cardinals Counsels which was not as admirable as profitable to France Politique Observation THE Sale of Offices is one of the greatest mischiefs in a State Ambition never faâ—ls to raise them to an excessive price which causeth that al the Honours of the Kingdome serve rather for a recompense of riches then of vertue It takes away from Kings the power of chusing Officers which are the Organs whereby Justice is distributed to their subjects it casts the greatest Courages into despair when they find themselves reduced to Poverty see others occupy the place of vertue and that the most glorious Actions to which they could aspire shall not be able to raise them out of the dust Is not that it which gives subsistance to such a number of Officers who-instead of serving do but oppresse the people Is not that it which hinders the suppression of a great number and reducing of them to a smaller which might be the hundreth part of what now are and yet sufficient for the Kings service and the good of the people With how many pensions doth it overcharge the Kings exchequer and the sum which is imployed in their pay is it not immense But this Sale of Offices is not only a charge to the Publique since particular persons suffer extreamly much by it The hopes they conceive of the continuation of the Droict Annuel incourageth them to buy their Offices at so high a rate that the very richest are beggard by it If they continue any long time in their Offices the expences to which they are tyed to live with some Splendour undoes them and their Children are so far from drawing any advantage from it that they are commonly left if not in absolute poverty yet in much want Many are constrained to sell them off during their lives for the accomodation of their families and to divide the money among their Children and it is as much as any if he be none of the richest can do to maintain one of his Children in the succession of his Offices leaving all the rest in a necessity of living below their qualities The suppression of the Droict Annuel in regard of the Officers of Iustice re-established by the King THese just considerations being represented to the King by the Prudence of the Cardinal induced his Majesty ever since the beginning of the year to suppresse the Droict Annuel in relation to the judicature which are more considerable then the rest that so by little and little death might extinguish a great part of the Offices and take away the venality without any great prejudice to the Officers themselves For he had resolved to allow the Survivances to those who had long lived in their charges with Honour Or if they were taken away by death to grant their Offices to such of their Children as should be found capable or in case they left none able to manage them to cause that such as should succeed should allow some recompense unto them thus restoring to the State by little and little the accomplishment of its perfection But these Officers made so great instance to his Majesty for the Continuation of the Droict Annuel being therein like the sick who flatter themselves in their diseases and will not apprehend the danger to which they expose themselves that he was obliged to continue it for 9 years longer but burthened with such extraordinary charges that they would find difficulty to pay them whereby they might enjoy the favour granted to them by the Declaration made in June and be staggered another time to desire the continuation of it The King would not absolutely discontent the Body of Officers who do at this day constitute the greatest part of his Kingdome But his Prudence sound it fit so to burden this condition that the greatest part should renounce the benefit which he accorded them to free themselves from the charges Besides the immense expence of the War did incline him to this resolution for his supply Necessity obliging to do that which otherwise he would not do Politique Observation IT is with men as with the sick We must not administer neither to one or t'other the remedies proper to their disease without regard to the disposition of their humour because they may sometimes be so stirred in the discontentments which they receive that their sickness would rather encrease then receive any abatement The most commendable Counsels which are given upon the General consideration of affairs become oftentimes hurtful by reason of some circumstance which may happen The most that can be done in such occasions is to put the business into such a state that that which is needful to be done suffer but a simple delay conserving still the liberty of executing counsels in a more favourable time It hath been often seen that States have been cast into extremity and sedition by attempting any unreasonable reformation It is not of smal importance to content the Officers when they are so numerous as they are in France They are they who keep people in obedience who have power to enforce obedience to the Laws They are the Directers of the civil Government in all Towns and by Consequence the commotions which might be stirred up in their breasts by any extraordinary discontent though taken up upon a false ground would be as dangerous as a violent heat which doth seize upon the Heart the Liver or any other vital parts The Kings return from St. John de Morienne into France A Little while after his Majesties arrival at St John de Morienne he was seized on by 2 or 3 fits of a Fever which gave occasion to the Cardinal to doubt lest his Majesty might fall into some more dangerous sicknesse And as one never ought to hazard the Person of a King who is the Soul of his State the heart which distributeth the Spirits of life by the Arteries unto all parts the Liver which giveth nourishment to all and the principal of all others good fortune so the Cardinal entreated his Majesty with so many instances to retire himself from that abode which was neer hand infected all over with the pestilence and return to Lyon where he would find a good ayr and ease from those great Cares which the War had ingaged him to take upon himself that at last he did accordingly resolve to return and arrived there about the beginning of August The Cardinal in the mean time could not think of quitting the Army so soon foreseeing that should he have gone with his
they were procured and bestowed upon him as so many just recompences of his services or to ingage him to do others of more importance as the effects of a pure liberallity But after all either these indeavours these cares these services these respects or these submissions could mitigate that sharpnesse which had taken possession of her spirit They wrought for some time so much upon her reason that she kept all fair and seemed not to be displeased but assoon as she was arrived at Paris her Passion revived and to that height that she removed out of her family Madam de Combalâ—t and Monsieur de la Meâ—lleray and in prosecution her passion carried her to commit and act unheard of violences upon the Kings disposition to induce him to destroy this incomparable Minister without whose Prudence France it self had been destroyed Politique Observation AS Women do not ordinarily love men though the most amiable with or by reason the only instinct of their passion making a deeper impression in their souls then the merit or worth of those whom they address themselves to love so there is no reason which is able to root out any hatred which they shall once conceive They easily passe from one extremity to another upon those Wings of Inconstancy which nature hath given them with their births and the changeableness of their humour is easily known by the pride which they take to hate such persons against whom they have once taken any impression and of which there is not any hopes to cure them by any lawfull waies The strongest reasons of truth passe in their opinions for Artifices and the most humble submissions do not at all touch their high minds and the greatest in stances make them the greater Rebels They being of the same humour with fortune who doth ordinarily bestow her favours upon those who least seek after them The constancy of the Cardinal against those who would remove him out of the Kings Favour JT cannot be denied but that the Cardinal was affected with such apparent grief on this occasion as cannot be imagined and as it is not generosity but a poorness of spirit to a shew an insensibleness on such occasions so in the Cardinals face one might see all the lively marks of displeasure It was not the apprehension of losing his fortune that did touch him for he had learnt by a long experience that the greatest happinesse of this life is not confined to the greatest honours and that those who govern an Estate are like the Celestial Bodies which receive much honour from the earth but have no rest at all so that he had most readily renounced all according as he supplicated his Majesty if his Majesty would have thought it fit who too too well knew of what concernment he was to his State It could not be that he did suspect his Majesties goodnesse or constancy to whom hee knew his fidelity was better known then to all the rest of France and of whose affection he had so many daily testimonies that he could not but without great blame have him in any doubt at all But as Innocence cannot without trouble passe for guilty so the vice of ingratitude with which the Queen Mother did strive to sully his glory made it so much the more insupportable by how much lesse he had deserved it He was not to learn that the power of Grandees was potent enough to insinuate into the peoples minds their particular thoughts for infallible truths and that she might in France and to posterity make him passe for an ungratefull servant of those favours which she had conferred upon him It was for this that he could not imagine no more then he Kings loyal servants that after he had given canse to the whole World to admire him the Artifices of some seditious spirits would be able to counterpoise his glory Ingratitude is a deficiency of that acknowledgement which one ought to have for good Offices so that who so confesseth himself to be indebted cannot be accused But surely he cannot be called ingratefull who hath no greater desires then of paying eternal service to those from whom he hath received obligations and who hath no more apparent grief then to see the malice of his enemies able to remove him from the opportunities of so doing But what appearence can there be of casting this infamous quality in his teeth who hath paid all imaginable services to his very enemies onely that he might make ' them Mediators of his Reconciliation which would inable him to imploy the rest of his life to serve her who had obliged him Can he be called ingratefull who would lose the first place of Honour in a State to preserve that which he had formerly possessed in the good opinion of his Benefactâ—ix seeing he could not make a more perfect demonstration of his acknowledgement And now cannot the whole Court bear witnesse that all this was but one part of the care which the Cardinal took to recover some part of the honour of the Queen-Mothers good opinion He whom she made his principle accuser never durst disavow it in his writings But not welâ— knowing how to describe his ingratitude he would fain make him passe for ingratefull because he did not adhere to and follow all the Queen Mothers sentiments in State affairs as if a Minister could with Justice prefer the opinion of such a person as she was before the Kings service And as if the condiscendence which he should make to the Queen Mothers will would not be one of the greatest defects in a person of his Trust It is true that her birth might oblige him to extraordinary services but they never ought to run counter to the fidelity due to his Master which commands him to passe by no occasion of preserving or augmenting his glory He is obliged to know what is due by way of recognition to those who favour him and what is due by Justice to the King his Master and never to prefer the acknowledgement of of particular kindnesses before the Interest of the State which is entrusted to his conduct He would perchance have him pass for ingrateful because he did not discover some important secrets to the Queen-Mother which was only in matters contrary to her opinion as if secrecie were not the soul of counsel as if to reveal a thing were not evidently to obstruct the execution of a Designe The sagest Polititians have said He is the wisest King who after he hath caused divers expedients to be proposed communicates his resolution of what shall be done but only to a few persons Politique Observation HAtred which hath no just foundation is so inconsiderate that it proposeth Chimeras for very plausible nay strong reasons without regarding that they will not be credited but by such spirits as she hath got the possession of when Truth doth not furnish it with solid reasons it attempteth to make pretenses pass for currant lawful causes There are no
sorts of wickednesses which are not powerful enough to entertain the minds of women especially when they believe that the subject they work upon would set bounds to their Authority and hinder them in their Governing according to their own Fancies The greediness of absolute command hurries them with a greater impetuosity to revenge then any other cause whatsoever without this consideration that God hath not created their Sex for Government and experience hath evidenced it upon many occasions that they are very unfit for that purpose But as Ambition is a blind Passion we do many times see great obstacles opposed to their Powers when they think to increase their Authorities and the greatest props of their Grandeur ruined whilest they use their greatest endeavours to render themselves more absolute The great Qualities of the Cardinal ALL the Artifices of the Queen mother made no other Impression upon his Majesty then to carry him to recollect and reiterate in his mind the Fidelity of the Cardinals services the great affection wherewith he had behaved himself in all occasions where his Majesties glory was concern'd the good success which accompanied his Conduct of his Armies the Incomparable Prudence wherewith he was endued with which he did penetrate into what was to come and foresaw effects in their Causes and accordingly prepared Remedies before they hapned the indefatigable vigilance which made him so intent both day and on the affairs of State that though he gave Orders in the greatest yet he never forgot the least and that prodigious promptitude which produc'd effects from resolution in Counsel before one knew whether it were resolv'd on or no These were those just considerations which the King recalled into his mind to oppugne the divers Artifices of the Cardinals enemies and one may say they did so fix his Majesty against those violences with which they would as it were shake him that to the end he might evade those perpetual instances which the Queen-mother hourly made to him he resolved to go to pass away some days at Verfilles In effect that was the cause of the King 's going from Paris and the Queen-mother could get no other satisfaction from his Majesty then that of Respect and hearty affection by his taking leave of her Politique Observation THe King well knew that the disgraces of a grand Minister are as dis-advantagious to a State as his services have been profitable and that in it a Prince receives as much blame as he had once gotten glory in drawing him neer to Person An excellent Workman never uses to throw away his Instruments wherewith he is accustomed to make rare pieces of his Art and a King doth much recede from a great Conduct if he doth drive from the Government of his State-affairs such a Minister whose admirable Genius is the principal instrument of his glory Undoubtedly the Counter-blow of such a stroke might rebound against his Authority He ought to know that it is easie to blame those who govern and to lament their Conduct and that many more find it very perfect and compleat seeing it doth not give them leave to do whatever they would in their own particular and that the Estate of Publick Affairs ought not to be judged by those of their own houses There need no more but to consult with experience to evince that it is very difficult to find a great Genius on whose Prudence they may confidently rely for that two or three whole ages do hardly bring forth one only such How many Kings have been constrained to leave both their Courages and States as unusefull for that their Country produc'd none such in their times He who is so happy as to meet with one ought to preserve him with as much care as the most assured foundation of his Kingdomes happinesse How frequent are the misfortunes which happen in Battels for the only losse of an expert great Captain And how many confusions arrive to States by the loss of one grand Minister his only conservation is of greater importance then that I will not say of Towns but of whole Provinces for he is not only capable of regaining them but conquering new ones whereas the losse of him is irrepairable for that hardly many ages produce one that doth resemble him Why the King went from Paris and caused the Lord Keeper of the Broad-Seal and his Brother the Marshal de Marillac to be Arrested THe King went from Paris only to give himself more liberty to negotiate in his important affairs and to withdraw himself from those importunities not to say violences of the Queen-Mother In whose presence the respect which he had for her hindred him from doing any thing which might displease her His Majesty knew that it was necessary for the good of his Estate to chastise those contrivers of Intreagues and on the other side he cemented himself in an unalterable resolution which being an effect of his own onely Prudence acquired him so much the more Glory never to part from the Cardinal Now it was often seen that these Cabals had no other beginning then from the Lord Keeper and the Marshal de Marillac therefore his Majesty took away the Seal from the former as the Arms of a mad man which he had imployed to do evil causing him to be carried to Lysieux and sent Orders to the Marshal de la Force and Schomberg to arrest the t'other and send him Prisoner to the Castle of St. Menehoud What reason was there to suffer any longer the insolence of these two ambitious humours who had been so audacious to commit such offences between the King and Queen-Mother and to breed a division between their Majesties which keeps them at a dislaâ—â—e to this very day Was it possible to suffer their unbridled Ambition which made them aspire to the Government of the State by the destruction of him who had established it in so sublime a pitch of Glory that it is not only more honoured but more feared too by strangers Again could it be that the Ingratitude of these two Brothers should not pull down as it were by force the Kings Justice to dash them as with a Thunder-Bolt and to punish their devices which they used with the Queen-Mother to carry her on to the ruining of him by whose Counsel his Majesty had raised them to the highest degrees of their profession winking at their unworthy actions which had heretofore rendred them culpable and by which they made their first attempts His Majesty knew in how many occasions the Cardinal had favoured them the great gifts which he had obtained of him for them and how that in som affairs he had become their Protector when in their conduct there was just reason to complain of them And on the other side when he reflected on the extremity of their ingratitude he could no longer permit that one of them should be any more imployed in affairs or that the other should remain unpunished for those many Crimes of
Observation THere are four principal causes which make Kings to march out of their own Country Ambition which hath no limits makes them impatient of being confined within those of their own States and desirous to inlarge them at their neighbours expences The natural inconveniences too of their own Country may draw them out to seek a better where they might live with more ease as our first French the Vandals and Goths did Some flatter themselves in the belief that there is not at this day any lawfull Prince at all whose Estate had any other beginning and that Kings have no juster Titles then by Conquests with their Swords Lastly they go forth to revenge those injuries which are done them it being allowable to repel Force with Force and to decide their differences in the field by that power which God hath given to them They quit their Countries to assist their Allies it being not only necessary for a Prince who aims at an extraordinary pitch of Glory not to injure any person but also to defend and protect those who are joyned with him by interest alliance or kindred The Assembly at Ratisbonne ABout the same time there was held an assembly at Ratisbonne and the King of Swede understood that it was then and there resolved to make a strong resistance against the Justice of his Arms and that the Emperour had contrived a design wherein though he was much mistaken to force him out of Germany and to make him perish in the Baltique Sea not vouchsafing to treat a Peace upon those Proposals which had been sent to him only for restoring the States and Liberties to those Princes and Republiques from whom he had ravished them Resistance heightens and augments Courage and this made the Swedish King march up into the Country and resolve upon great designs which we have seen him bring to passe But first he had recourse to such Kings and States with whom he was in League About September he writ to the King desiring him by that ancient Alliance which had been between the Kings of France and Swede with mutual promises not only to preserve friendship between one another but also when occasion should serve reciprocally to assist one another to imploy the power of his Arms and Authority to defend that cause which he had then undertaken in prosecution of which he had passed the Sea and all in the behalf of those who were tied to him by kindred and allied to the Crown of France The King whose courage could not indure that any wrong should be offered to his Allies received this request so much the more favourable in respect it were as glorious a thing in him to contribute to their establishment and accordingly he gave the most advantagious answer to his Embassadours that could be expected However the Cardinal offered one thing to his Majesties consideration that it would be needfull to take care for the maintaining of Religion in preserving of States and to ingage the King of Sweden not to commit outrages against it where he found it setled His Majesty took time to deliberate and resolve on the Articles of their Treaty which being concluded and assigned about the beginning of the yeer following I shal then re-assume my discourse of it in its due order Politique Observation HAsty rashnesse in resolving upon grant affairs is as dangerous as a nimble executing of them is advantagious Prudence ought to guide both one and t'other And whatever Justice appear above-board in designs yet they are subject to have but ill successes if not commenced with mature deliberation Though the wise man resolve to do such a thing which he knows to be just yet he will take time to deliberate on the means And as the interest of Religion is very considerable so the Cardinal would not act any thing untill that were secured Whereas on the contrary rash hasty persons do greedily run unto the end which they have once concluded but never examine the ways which conduce to attain to it thus they do many times find themselves so at a losse and intangled in the executing their designs that they at last find no dore to walk out at with honour and so leave off with shame and confusion Hence it is that Demosthenes in his first Oration against Philip saith They who counsel with great hast are not the greatest Counsellours those Stomacks which make a quick digestion do not concoct so good a Chilâ—â—s as those whose heat is moderate as Physitians tell us and true it is those spirits which make their resolution with most heat and promptness do commonly came lamely of at last cast The King honoureth the Sieur de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staff of Marshal of France SHortly after his Majesty came to Paris well knowing that rewards of honor are not only due to those who have deserved them but withall usefull to incourage others to follow their example He resolved to honour the Sieurs de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staffs of Marshal of France as a mark of Valour which the former had shewed in the War of Piedmont and which the second had shewed to all Italy during the Siege of Cazal They being persons of great esteem every one commended his Majesties choice which he had made in raising them to that eminent degree of honour But the Rebellion of the one and the evil Government of the other did shortly after sully part of that glory which they had merited they shewing by their Procedures that valour and prudence do not alwaies meet in the same subject Politique Observation THe rewarding of services is so necessary for the good of a State that when it is once laid by the practice of vertue is neglected especially if it be not distinguished by marks of honour There are but a few of the same mind with the Phylosopher who said he never expected other fruit from his good deeds then the contentment to have done them and that he thought himself very happy to receive that testimony from his Conscience which she gave to him It is true a truly noble man doth not so much regard the Recompence as the Action of Vertue which render him deserving but it cannot be denied that those marks of honour do make lively and excite resolutions to noble actions The wisest Phylosophers have said that the two supporters upon which all the motions of a State depend are reward and punishment without which there were no doubt but that great disorders would soon follow and vertue become totally neglected The King Honours the Sieur de Servient with the Office of Secretary THe King who was not to seek in any thing which concerned the good of his State would now make another proof of the knowledge he had of that Prudent maxime One of the places of Secretary of State being vacant by the death of the Sieur de Beauclere his Majesty recollected in his mind the services of the Sieur de Servient the Prudence wherewith
great men when they are once perswaded it is necessary for the preservation of their Authority There is not any thing but only power which advanceth them above other men and they are easily led by it to ruine every one whom them conceive to hurt them But above all women are most subject to this fault in regard they are weaker and more wedded to their Passions then men are The natural levity of that Sex makes them passe with little adoe from the extremity of love to that of hatred not being able to keep a medium It is enough to ingage them not to do a thing if you do but earnestly entreat them to do it especially if they be but a little provoked to anger Such entreaties as are made to them when so affected cause them to passe from that of Anger to Fury and when they cannot dis-allow of the thing which is entreated of them yet it is enough to deny it if they love not the person who desires it Rigour hath a greater Empire in their Wills then Submission And they whose Souls seem to be more heightned then others are so much the more to be feared they having more mettle then conduct it is impossible ever to root out of them any jealousies which they have once conceived and their humours are so fixed in suspicions that it is almost impossible to defend ones self from them by lawfull means If the beauty of their countenances give them an almost absolute dominion over the minds of men yet the weakness of their Sex doth subject them under the commands of all and every Passion especially that of hatred from which it is impossible for them to dis engage themselves after they have once given it admittance into their breasts Although I look upon all Queens as exempted from the major part of their qualities by reason of the particular assistance which they receive from God who considereth them as his own Images here beneath yet it is very rare to find any who are not liable to that violence which is inseparable from their Government And this is one of the reasons upon which Aristotle groundeth that saying in hâ—â— Politiques that they are not proper to govern States In regard Clemency is known to be one of their chiefest Pillars It is also most assured that such as are born with a more generous temper then others are the more to be scared for being unable to direct with Prudence they fortifie themselves with rigour and become inflexible towards those of whom they have conceived the least suspicion Monsieur the Kings Brother disapproveth of the Queen-Mothers Intreagues MOnsieur Brother to the King was not ignorant that the Queen-Mother was in the quality of a subject as wel as in that of Mother to his Majesty and that therefore she was bound to obey him in every thing which absolutely concern'd the good of his Kingdom so that he could not approve of her opposing his will and pleasure neither was he backward of testifying his dislike of it to the King The discourse which he made of it did give no little satisfaction to his Majesty who was resolved not to let pass any opportunity which might conduce to the firm establishing of him in his due respects especially seeing Monsieur himself had confirmed him in it by his protesting to the Cardinal that he loved him as a person whom he thought necessary for the good of the State Yet we know that the favourites of great Personages do sometimes pervert their best inclinations and are the common instruments made use of to divert them from their duries therefore the King concluded it very fit to make sure of Coigneux le Sieur de Puy-laurence Monsigot whom Mansieur principally confided in he knew there was no chain which could tie the major part of such people stronglier then good Offices and accordingly he resolved not to wave or let slip any time to advance them and to hold them off from being gained by such as were already ingaged in any Faction His Majesty caused three hundred thousand Livres to be given to Monsieur de Puy-laurence that he might buy the Dutchy of Anville He granted to Coigneux an Office of President au Mortier of the Parliament of Paris with hopes of a Cardinals Cap which his Majesty had also writ for to the Pope Monsignot had fifty thousand Livres for his share and each of them received these gifts with such handsom actions and expressions of thanks that they made a thousand protestations of preserving and continuing their Master in a strict intelligence and obedience to his Majesties will and pleasure Politique Observation IT is very important for a Kings service to make sure of those in whom the Princes of the blood do most confide It is the only means to keep them within compass and they are only able so to dispose them for that they do make such impressions upon their spirits as shall carry them when and where they please to incline them Princes commonly are notwithstanding the greatnesse of their Souls which they receive with their birth more addicted to their pleasures then their affairs whence it happens that they do not give themselves time enough to examine of what qualities any things are or whether fit to be ingaged in or not but remit the particular care of that to those whom they confide in and are contented when things come to be acted if they do but hear them tell them they are good and they had rather suffer some disorders in their houses then lose a quarter of an hours passe-time These are they who share the government with Princes whiles they impose on them the burthen and so divide the honour of commanding thinking on nothing but delights and supposing that as their births hath created them the chief in the State so Fortune cannot but be propitious to them for the obtaining of whatsoever is necessary to give them a continual subsistance It is for this reason it cannot be doubted that it were necessary to keep their Favourites obliged very strongly to the Kings service and to be dependent upon his Majesties will and pleasure that they may be made use of as occasion shall present themselves for the good of the State In Spain none are allowed to the Kings Brothers but such as are belonging to the Kings themselves which are changed too very often lest a long continuance in their service might in time beget too strong a confidence and draw them off from the first ties of their obedience For this reason it is that there ought no great deliberation to be had for the removal of such from them who are experimentally known to ingage them in affairs prejudicial to the good of the State for the great compliance in permitting them a longer continuance neer them will soon produce very dangerous effects Their removal peradventure may seem harsh to Princes but it is better they should be displeased then the whole State be indangered
worth made him very undeserving Politique Observation I Have formerly said It were requisite that the Favourites of Princes should be nearly tyed to the Kings Interests that they might be carried to whatever his Majestie should desire of them and now I shall add that it is not less then necessary to prevent their troubling of the State for that the most part of such Civil wars have hapned by their means But there are great obstructions and difficulties in the encompassing it seeing that it is not somtimes in the power of the greatest Ministers to retain them in their duties what-ever advantages are prepared for them And as eating doth but excite the hungers of starved stomacks so those Riches which are given to them do but make them more ambitious of other and greater It is the humour which doth possess most Princes Favourites and is the cause which doth often engage their Masters in great Broyls The most violent storms which turn all things up-side-down are formed only out of Clouds drawn up by the Planets into the highest Region of the Ayr and the greatest Revolts which have troubled the quiet of the people and ruined whole Kingdoms have proceeded from those suggestions which Princes Favourites the Stars of the State have raised in their minds from whence they often get nothing but mud and dirt Hath not the last age made it evident here in France in the time of Henry the third when as the Duke d' Alençon had not gone out of the Court but by the perswasions of Bâ—ssi and Semier and some others his Favourites who were troubled to see the government of Affairs in the hands of some who would not give them leave to do what they pleased And if we look back a little more shall we not find that Lewis the eleventh whilest he was Daulphine had not withdrawn himself the first time from Charles the seventh his Brother but by the advices of Chaumont and Boucicaut and their Partisans who could not enoure to see that his Neece the fair Agnes and Villiquier should have so absolute a Power Our own times have furnished us with examples enough to prove this truth which are so well known to all men that I need not trouble them or my self to relate them I shall only add this that as Goldsmiths have a certain strong water to separate Gold from Silver though incorporated by the Fire that they seem to be the same Body So the Favourites of Princes have certain Arts which the malice of the Court teacheth them the power of which is so great that when they please they will divide a Mother from her children a Brother from a Brother and generally all whom Nature or Friendship had joyned together in so strict a league that one would have reasonably imagined nothing could have been able to have made a separation Monsieur 's resolution to leave the Court. VVHen Coignenx had once perswaded Monsieur by his subtle devices to leave the Court he gave him no respite until he had put it in execution That his departure might be with the more noise which might serve for a Beacon to put the whole Kingdom in an uprore he found a trick to perswade him that it would be an act of courage in him to go quarrel with the Cardinal in his own house before he went off and to declare to him that he would be no more his friend but that he would take the Queen-Mothers part against him Accordingly Monsieur went to him and told him so But the Cardinal who knew such things could not proceed from his goodness which rendred him not only the least evil-doer but indeed the most obliging Prince of the world answered him with nothing but respects and civilities Assoon as Monsieur went from him he got into his â—oach and went directly to Orleans without taking leave of the King The Queen-Mother seeming to be surpriz'd at it presently sent notice of it to the King then at hunting who was much troubled at it though he could expect little good from the base dispositions of Monsieur's servants of all whom his Majesty had been fully informed though he could not imagine they would have carried things to such extremities considering the great gratifications he had bestowed on them and those several protestations of inviolable fidelity which they had but so lately made unto him When his Majesty return'd from hunting he alighted at the Cardinal 's and gave him such singular testimonies of his favour that they were able to obliterate any apprehensions of Monsieur's proceedings His Majesty promised he would protect him with and against all and commanded him to be the more confident of it in regard he was bound in honour to preserve him from whom he had received such signal services That if any did him an injury it was his Majesty whom they did offend and he would so take it as done to himself From thence the King went to find out the Queen-Mother to whom he could not dissemble how much Monsieur 's departure did displease him and the just ground he had to suspect that she had a hand in the counselling him to it of which for the present she endeavoured to clear her self though shortly after it was found to be but too true by that strict intelligence which was between them and by those letters which they writ to the King having one and the same sense and expression As also by Monsieur's own discourses to the Ladies at Orleans when they asked of him the reasons of his so sudden return not that the Queen-Mother was ever satisfied with Monsieur or he with her but that there was a means found out to perswade them that if they would but closely unite themselves they would be the better able to drive on their own Designs and induce the King to ruine the Cardinal the only thing which they desired Politique Observation THough the Ring-leaders in a State be of different humors and inclinations and though they be much divided by the emulation which they bear to one another yet they do easily re-unite that they may if possible increase their own Powers by destroying that of their King Experience sheweth us that fire can naturally incorporate most different mettals as Gold and Iron The fire of Ambition is no less able to unite the minds of Grandees when it is once proposed to trouble the Kingdom One hath not obtained the Pension or Boon which he desired another could not get his kinsman into a Benefice as he attempted and another thinks he deserveth to have a greater hand then he hath in the government of affairs or could not procure the Office which he aspired to and these are those several discontents which they have received in the diversity of their designes and which run them up to that pass that they become unsatisfied with the King or his principal Minister not at all considering that there are several other concerns besides theirs in particular which oblige by necessity that
those things be granted to others which they would so fain procure to themselves This general discontent is enough to unite them together and to engage them in that one designe of a revolt They know there are two waies to attain to greatness Prudence and Power when they once perceive that all the devices of their Will or to speak more properly all their Deceipts are not able to raise their greatness to that pass which they desire they presently fly to the latter imagining in themselves they might get more by it then by the former They cannot be ignorant how that many of their Predecessors have bee shipwrack'd on the very same score by which they pretend to raise great advantages to themselves and as the minds of most men abound rather with hopes then fears so they fancy to themselves that Fortune will be more favourable to them then others and upon this account it is that they do often associate themselves together not with intent of putting State affairs into a better posture as they pretend but to advance what in them lies their own private Families and Interests at the cost and charges of the Publike I shall liken them to the first qualities which not holding themselves in a good correspondency for the preservation of the subject whereof they are compos'd do unanimously conspire and contrive the ruine of it for in the same manner do they instead of keeping up and maintaining the State by their Prudence and Authority of which it is their honour to be chief supporters they employ them to divide and ruine the people forcing the Prince to contribute to the means which are necessary to oppose their violences The Queen-Mother rejoyceth at Monsieur's Departure AFter Monsieur's departure the Queen-mother became more resolute in her eagerness against the Cardinal and believed that his going away would be very advantagious to her They who flattered her and blew the Coals of her Passion perswaded her that half the Kingdom would quickly be up in Arms and proffer their assistances to Monsieur in what-ever he would employ them That several Towns would revolt That Monsieur 's discontent alone if once known abroad would raise a war on every side and that amidst this confusion the King would think himself very happy could he but prevent the ruine of his Kingdom by submitting to that of the Cardinal She withdrew her self from being at any counsels to which she had but lately before used to go and seemed less solicitous in dissembling her discontents What pity was it to see a Kingdom exposed to so imminent a danger of being totally subverted by Civil wars and all to destroy him who for eight yeers together employed his whole time both day and night to settle it in its former glory What Injustice was it to repay the Cardinal's services with such Ingratitude What a confusion was it to see a Mother and a Brother revolt against their King and all to satisfie the Hatred and Ambition of their Ministers The King endured it with the greater displeasure because he understood that Forreigners had sowed these Tares under hopes of kindling a fire which should constrain him to withdraw his Forces from Italy abandon â—he assisting of his Allies or at least to submit to shameful conditions of Peace for which purpose they were just upon meeting in Piedmont His Majesty was not to seek in the knowledge that Queens are not exempted from punishment when they contrive troubles in the State that is if the quality of Mother did exact the respects of a Son from him that of a King did oblige her not to prefer any consideration before that of the good of his State and in conclusion that he ought to use all diâ—igent means to break off the intelligence which she held with Monsieur and those who nourished his mind with discontents There was no more certain way then to assign her some Town to live in a little distant from the Court to disperse here and there those who abusing her goodness did foment the fire of dissention in her soul and to place near her some one endued with Discretion and Power that she might not in future attempt any thing against the good of the State The Respect wherewith the King did alwaies honour her was such that he could never resolve to use any violent remedies but at the very last cast after he had tryed all others to which end he resolved rather to leave her then that she should leave him and accordingly he removed to Compeigne imagining that the sharpness of the season would invite her to continue at Paris after his departure and that in this small separation she could not any longer divide the Court into Parties as then she had done There were likewise other devices found to draw off some of the most factious from about her that their absense might afford some opportunities of calming her spirit It were to have been wished that she had rather according to his Majesties pleasure resolved to have lived in quiet at her Palace of Luxenburgh whilest his Majesty was out of Paris then to have followed the Court where her presence countenanced the Faction which she had there contrived Indeed the King verily imagined she would the sooner resolve so to do because she had declared she would intermeddle no more in any affairs neither appear at any Counsels so much did the Cardinal's presence afflict her whereas she instead of comporting her self to this fair and sweet way was guided by the perswasions of those who ruled her spirit and who induced her to resolve to carry on her anger to the utmost extremity and to follow the King every where assuring her that at last the people would all rise and that from thence she might undoubtedly find some expedient to perswade his Majesty to consent to the Cardinal's Banishment or Ruine This procedure of hers did absolutely intrench upon his authority as if he could not have commanded her to quit the Court and it served only to provoke the Kings anger and to force him to deal more rigorously with her then otherwise he desired to have done Politique Observation HOpe is that Root which doth long nourish the Thought of Revenge and without which the most generous persons lose their Courages and fall into despair instead of prosecuting their designs No one hath so well described the qualities of that which is without reason as the Ancient who said it is the dream of those who are awake and whose minds are mastered with this Passion To speak truly just as Dreams fill the mind with Chimera's which have no other being then in our Fancies so an ill-grounded hope fills our Courages with illusions and imaginary contentments by representing such things which are absolutely beyond our reach as if they were subject to our wills and desires it flatters our thoughts with a vain belief that there is not any impediment possibly to be met with in our enterprises which we
persons ought to be respected As the very greatest are not exempted from those punishments which the Laws have enacted for the Factious so their enterprizes ought to be cut off and destroyed the sooner by reason they are more to be feared then others on the score of the power which they have to work upon the minds of people It is true â—â—e means which conduce to it are very dangerous and on such occasions it is that a great Minister of State ought to testifie his zeal and generosity by taking the power out of their hands who abuse it as Arms from a mad man It is necessary to resolve upon one of these three things so to reconcile them that they may rest in a true â—riendship which is almost impossible at least very difficult amongst Grandees who are once offended with one another And this way ought not to be chosen but after a long time of consideration that the assurance of it may be of some continuance The second is more rigorous and withall more certain which is to take off the lives of the Factious to which however I should not advise but in case of extremity and after all other means have taken no effect by reason of the respect which is due to the Royal Family I esteem the third and last to be most agâ—eeable which is to banish them and take away from them the means of doing any more harm They who are so dealt with cannot with Justice complain of it seeing they have deserved it It is unreasonable to suffer such persons to remain in a Court who make open profession of comptrolling their Kings Actions of blaming his Conduct of setting limits to his Authority of raising Wars and revolts in his State Princes though of the Blood Royal are not exempted from Obedience and Subjection to the Laws of the Kingdom It belongeth not to them to give Orders for the government of affairs That Prerogative is inseparable from the Crown and they who would design the assuming such a power to themselves by other ways then those of his Authority deserve to be catechized as Rebels Do we not all know that that which heretofore brought this State into the danger of falling into the Spaniards hands was the too great condescention of Henry the third towards Monsieur de Guise who was but a stranger Prince too Certainly France had not been exposed to those extream mis-fortunes which it hath suffered had he but had the good luck to have held his hands from those enterprizes The resolution of the Councel for the Removal of the Queen-Mother ALthough the Cardinal did very well know the reasonablenesse nay the necessity of seconding his Majesties inclinations to the Queen-Mothers removal yet such was his modesty and so prevalent over his own discretion and interest that instead of so doing he on the contrary rendred his often entreaties to his Majesty that he would be pleased to give him leave to withdraw himself from the Court He represented to him how that peradventure the Queen-mother might thereby be appeased and induced to leave the State in peace and quiet and that for his own part he should willingly suffer himself to be thrown into the Sea to save the Vessel provided only that his Majesty would preserve him in his affections and not remove him out of any dislike either of his Fidelity or Services Nor did he this as being ignorant of the obligation which lay upon him by reason of the place he held in affairs of truly acquainting him with every thing which concern'd the good of his State but onely that he might let his Majesty perceive how little he regarded private concernments in this occasion Nor that he did not much esteem the honour which his Majesty did him by intrusting him in the first place of the Administration but onely because the respect which he did bear to the Queen mother surmounted the consideration of his own greatnesse Not that he wanted heart in his persecutions and afflictions for it was well known the greater resistances he encountred in the Cabals and intreagues of the Court did so much the more whet his Courage and Resolution insomuch that they could not at all move much lesse shake him but only because the greatest courages are most temperate it being sometimes more generous to destroy then preserve ones self In short not that he wanted affection for his Majesties service seeing nothing could more sensibly have touch'd him then to have been deprived by his removal of the means and opportunities to serve and defend him from the unjust attempts of those who perverted by their wickednesses the minds both of the Queen-mother and Monsieur but only that he could never with a good will be withdrawn from doing her all service who had the honour to be mother unto his Master How really was his advice any whit necessary to perswade his Majesty to remove her Her own Actions bespake her unto his Majesty and shewed him in words at length that it was not fit she should any longer continue at Court untill that time and truth had opened her eyes These were the true reasons which induced the Cardinal to desire his Majesties permission to withdraw himself But his Majesty who well knew how great a losse such a man might prove unto his State seeing many Ages did hardly produce his Equal and how that he had made the same use of him that God doth of the Sun that is to dissipate all those storms which might arise not only refused to grant his request but on the contrary weighing the great services he did him the remarkable advantages which France had enjoyed since his promotion to the Administration as also the condition in which affairs now were in respect of the disorders and confusion into which the Queen-mother endeavoured to bring them And lastly comparing the present state of things with what they were upon his first entrance into the management of them he no longer deliberated on this particular but absolutely resolved to desire the Queen-mother to passe some time away from the Court All the Ministers of State were of the same opinion unwilling belike to fall into the sin of Treason against their King to render an unjust respect to the Queen-mother every of them considering that she had no just ground to complain either of his Majesty or them but only of those who had ingaged her in such wicked designs as made her longer stay at Court incompatible with the good of France Politique Observation AS the end of all Government is the good of the State so all Kings are obliged especially to have a regard unto that as being the Center unto which all their Actions should tend and to avoid all such things as would divert them out of that way In vain do they attempt or begin any great or glorious enterprises if any by-respect to those of their Blood or the consideration of their own pleasure be able to put a stop to
the necessity of withdrawing her from those Factions which would ingage the Kingdom in Revolts and all this to compel him to deliver up this grand Minister in case they could not effect it by the dayly instances which they perswaded her to make unto his Majesty This indeed is the true reason which forced his Majesty to part with her as himself testifieth in his Letter to the Governours of the Provinces where true it is mention is made of her refusal to love the Cardinal but it is likewise said that the hatred which she bare to him transported her to attempt things contrary to the good of his State and the publick quiet insomuch that he could no longer permit her stay at Court But who can impute her removal to the Cardinal when it is well known how carefull and solicitous he was to appease that anger which she express'd against him which he did so effectually as to renounce his own interest and Fortune and to sue for his own discharge from the Court with that earnestness that his stay there may justly be said to be only in order to his Majesties Will and satisfaction who expresly commanded it and to acquit himself of the Obligation which he had to acknowledge by the continuation of his services of the honour which he did him the King still protesting as great a resolution to preserve him as the Queen-Mother did eagerness to destroy him But lastly who can deny that a designe tending to ruine what-ever it cost one of the chiefest pillars of the State and him whom the King himself had often professed to be the principal Author of his good is not a crime Laesae Majestatis Were it not such in any one to attempt the destruction of any the strongest places on the Frontites or rather to invade any the fairest Towns of France Had not experience then made it evident that the Cardinal was of greater use and concern for the good of France then many Citadels and divers of the best Towns in the Kingdom He would easily have retrived them all if so be any Invasion of our Enemies should have forc'd them from us but it was not to be hoped ever to find a Minister qualified as he was who was a greater Protection to France then all the Citadels put together and who by his Industry had made the King master of a great number of Towns and Cities Politique Observation JT was not without reason that Theodosius the younger and Justinian inserted in their Books as likewise Leon the first and Constantine in their Politicis and Basilicis that Law made by the Emperour Arcadius whereby they who had engaged themselves in any Faction tending to ruine the chief Ministers of a Soveraigne were guilty Laesae Majestatis And for this very reason If any one in England be convicted of having contrived though but in his thoughts the downfal of any Counsellor of State though he had not executed it yet such is the Law there that he lose his life as guilty de laesae Majestatis against the King as it was in the case of Somerset Uncle to Edward the sixth and Protector of the Kingdom for only having designed in his thoughts to put the Duke of Northumberland to death who likewise governed the Kingdom of England under the same young King The Laws of Swedeland are so respectful of them that it is death only to speak ill of them Salvian de Marseille saith That the enormity of Injuries ought to be weighed by the quality of them on whom they reflect whence it followeth saith he that those injuries done to a chief Minister of State who representeth the Person of his Prince are to be reputed as done against the Prince himself Thou hast commitied an offence saith Quintilian but because it is against the Magistrate thou art therefore guilty of Treason Whence it was that Verterius as Plutarch observeth was condemned to die he having been defective in his respects to a Tribune whose place is much inferiour to that of a chief Minister This was the sense which Antiquity had of those offences committed against publike persons and thus were they punished who so offended And who can deny these their Laws and Customs to be very reasonable and just seeing chief Ministers are like the noblest parts of the Soveraigne as is declared in the Law of Arcadius And if the Prince be the head of his State they are then the Members and Instruments by which he governeth And thus hath another said Our Saviour is the Head of the Church the Church are his Body and the Prelats are his chief members They are Stars clothed by their Princes with part of their own splendour that they may the better guide the people by their Influences they are the lively Images in which they cause the foot-steps of their Authority to shine forth Whence it is that if a man be guilty de Laesae Majestatis for only offending by any dis-respect his Princes Image or Picture made only of Brass Stone or the like surely he is much more guilty who disâ—respecteth his living Image in whom the most lively stamps of his Royal Authority are engraved who is the Organ by which he delivereth his Will unto the People and indeed the principal Instrument of his Glory And if it be needful to re-inforce this with any stronger reason That is the crime de Laesae Majestatis which offendeth the Soveraign or which interfereth with the greatness of his State And what Is not this to attempt upon the greatness of his State when a Cabal shall be contrived and fomented for the ruine of a Minister who by the conduct of his Masters Arms and his own Prudence hath extended his limits hath rendered him terrible to all other Nations hath vanquished all his Kings enemies and reduced them to an impossibility of attempting any new thing against his Masters authority who hath extinguished all those Factions which troubled the publike quiet who daylie augmenteth the Revenue of the Exchequer hath established Peace in the Kingdom and in a word next unto his Majesty is the greatest prop and supporter of its greatness Cicero saith That he who raiseth a Sedition against the Publike Peace doth diminish the Majesty of the Empire There are three sorts of High Treasons The first is absolutely against the Princes person The second against the Respect due to him And the third against the Grandeur and Safety of his State and Kingdom Now it were to be purposely blind not to rank under this third degree all those Factions which contrive the ruine of any Ministers of State they being so much contrary to the good of the State neither were it unreasonable to range them under the first as in England seeing Ministers carry their Masters Image instamped on their Foreheads Prosecution of the Subject THe Mareschal d' Estree whose Discretion hath been often experimented in the many affairs in which he had been imployed used his utmost endeavours to
induce the Queen-Mother to yeild unto his Majesties Will and Pleasure The Marquis de Sainct Chaumont came divers times to her from his Majesty to assure her that he could no longer permit her stay at Compeigne All which produced nothing but new heart-burnings in her mind and great lamentations at her Imprisonment which in its self was but imaginary seeing she had not any Guards upon her disposed of the keys of the City and went abroad where-ever she pleased This procedure of hers could not but provoke his Majesty neither indeed could it be longer endured in a State where Obedience is the Foundation of Government so his Majesty resolved to dispatch unto her the Mareschal de Schomberg and the Sieur de Roissi who were known to be both prudent and respectful to the end they might deal clearly with her telâ— her the truth which till then had been forborn and discourse at length unto her the disorders of her carriage of which his Majesty till that time seemed not to take any notice notwithstanding the shew which she made of her innocence Accordingly they dealt ingeniously with her represented to her that the King was well informed of those many Cabals contrived against his Authority and Glory that he likewise knew Monsieur's departure first from the Court and then out of the Kingdom was an effect of her only Counsel Lastly that there was not any one in the Kingdom how great soever who could pretend to a Right of imposing a Law on his Majesty for the choice of his Ministers and that his Majesty could not but think it extreamly strange that she above all others in particular should so press him to destroy the Cardinal seeing she knew better then the whole Nation that there was not any person in the Kingdom who had done or was more able to do service to the State then he To be short that she had no such great reason to complain that she was forced to live removed from the King there being not any Law in holy Writ which require children alwaies to live with their Mothers especially when they are of age to dispose of their own good but that it s found written in divers places which command Kings to be obeyed as God's Lieutenants upon earth that his Majesty had just reason to be offended he having so often sent to her to withdraw her self from Compeigne and she having as often slighted it nor could she pretend any excuse for her so doing seeing his Majesty had offered her the choice of any other place to dwell in that they were obliged to tell her that this her disobedience was not to be endured in a well ordered State neither that it were just for his Majesty to put up this resistance of hers that it was the ready way to force him to use her with more rigour and Monsieur de Schomberg did not stick to tell her that it had been his own advice to remove her from the Court so prejudicial was her presence to his Majesties service These discourses so full of Truth and Prudence should have opened her eyes and discovered his Majesties goodness unto her who was satisfied only with a short removal of her for such reasons as have formerly Imprisoned nay condemned divers great Princes to death whereas her mind was so charmed by their devices who had ingaged her in this Cabal that instead of disabusing her they only added extremities to the excess of her choler Politique Reflection ALthough great men should more especially be informed with â—he truth of things seeing their affairs which depend on it are of greater importance then others yet however the most part of them do not much love her she seldome comes within their Courts but naked and if perchance she appear in their presence they turn about from her as if they could not endure to see her They desire things should be related to them as they would have them not as they really are It is very dangerous to find fault with any of their Actions which they undertake in confidence that they are well-beseeming their greatness If any one presume to debate their Designs by discovering the naked Truth to them he will presently be esteemed but an ill servant for his pains whence it is that the most part of their attendants unwilling to run the hazard of displeasing them do not discourse to them of any their affairs but so as they think may be acceptable to them they find by the daylie experience of others both past and present that this complyance of theirs is the most assured supporter of their Fortunes and a far greater prop to them then Truth her self Those Princes who are of this humour never well counsell'd there being but a few who would willingly for their sakes renounce their Fortunes especially seeing by telling truth they should get nothing Such counsels as thwart their Passions are either esteemed extravagant or as proceeding from a naughty servant They are for the most part like that unjust Judge who demanded of our Saviour what Truth was but would not stay to be inform'd Great and many are the inconveniencies which by this means happen to them for those specious appearances of Truth with which they are deluded are like to those Lamps set out on the tops of Rocks by Pirates which insteed of a Harbour entice the vessels to their shipwrack whereby they make a prey of their goods An Ancient Author saith That the greatest pleasure of the mind consisteth in the knowledge of Truth But it ought to be understood of a soul free from Passion and which only prosecuteth the Laws of Justice And the Rule of the Wise says Happy is the Prince who is so disposed and who knoweth how to esteem those who counsel him freely without disguising the Truth for they and only they are the real supporters of his State and greatness Prosecution of the History THis behaviour of the Queen-Mother's seemed incredible considering the goodness which she had hitherto made apparent in her conduct neither indeed could she possibly have fallen into such disorders had she not been lead into them by those very persons in whom she most confided Such and so great was their wickedness that wanting sufficient reasons and inducements to entice her to their own bends they sought for some amongst the Stars and were so bold as to cast the King's Nativity and foretold her that by the Position of the Heavenly Signs his Majesty could not long live which being so the Laws of Prudence obliged her to side with Monsieur that she ought in reason to look on him as the Rising Sun who would shortly sit at the Helm and whose favourable influences would be necessary for the upholding of her greatness This foundation being thus laid it was no hard matter to perswade her in her Passion that she need not much regard the Cardinal for the King once ceasing to be he would of consequence lie at their mercy These were the vain
partial in their advices do alwaies adhere unto that which is most honourable whereas they who have other Interests or are prepossessed either with Fear or Ambition do ever and anon infallibly fall on that side by which they hoped to secure themselves from the storm or raise their own Families Princes in their necessities have the more reason to complain they then having most need of good advice Faithful Councellors being hard to be met with in Courts there is the place where Interest holds the chief Seat of its Empire where it is more regarded then Kings themselves for the most part of their Attendants do serve them only for the love of it Love and Loyalty are seldome admitted into those places it being usual to sue for a Princes favour not so much to love him the more as for the better effecting of ones own designs Hence it is that the major part of their Followers give them such advices as they think to be most conformable to their inclinations not such as are according to the Rules of Prudence or Justice and by this means they hope to acquire more favour then if they had told the truth Not that they are ignorant of what is good Counsel but they think it unprofitably bestowed unless it contribute to increase their Fortunes Now the best resolution on which they can fix in this misfortune which inevitably will fall upon them is not to adhere unto Cleobulus his opinion who as Plutarch observeth said That a wise Prince never ought to believe all which his most intimate familiars advise him for that were to ceprive them of a very great advantage when they are faithful and able but that they should well examine the qualities and sufficiencies of them whom they advise withal and then likewise to follow their counsels not because they proceed from them but because after a due deliberation they are esteemed good and reasonable Prosecution of the Subject FOr this reason it was that the King press'd Monsiâ—ur by the Cardinal de la Valette to discharge himself of those evil Counsellors which were then neer him being very well assured that this once done his inclinations would be no longer so violent and that he would with ease be disposed to seek the good of France Coignâ—ux seemed to agree to it and the Sieur de Chaudebonne who came from Monsieur unto his Majesty then at Estampes assured him that he was totally disposed to it But his Majesty having replyed to him that this was his only way to raise his Masters affairs unto a height of good fortune he made it apparent that his overtures were only words and that he was yet blinded with those fond hopes which he had grounded on the last yeers State Almanacks made by his means during the King's late sickness He was very vigilant and industrious that Monsieur might make sure of Monsieur de Bellegard Governour of Burgogne that he might might have the disposal of the strong places in that Province as himself inform'd the King by the Sieur de Bouoarre about the end of February The King likewise understood from other parts that he had lifted divers of the Nobility under Monsieur's name in Normandy Languedoc and Limosin and that Fueillade and others of the Sieur de Puy-laureus his kinred did raise forces as freely as if they had had the King's Commissions There was brought a letter unto his Majesty written by his direction from la Ferte Lievtenant of Monsieur's Gens d'Armes unto his Companions that they should come to Melun neer Orleans though it ought not to be done without his order Every one knows that he had perswaded Monsieur to write unto the Sieur de Thoiras to intice him from the Court and to draw him to himself The Letter having been brought by himself unto the King the designe in which this rash indiscreet Minister had ingaged Monsieur of seizing on the passages upon the River Loyr and of victualling Orleans was every where known His correspondencies with Spain and Lorrain were publike His confederates in Provence and Dauphine were discovered so that it was easie to judge he had not the least thought of withdrawing himself but designed to frame the Body of an Army and so raise a war And most true it is That in case the Nobility who were expected above fifteen days before his Majesty departed from Paris had come or if those who were imployed in levying of Forces had brought them according to the time appointed he would not have made use of them to march out of the Kingdom but much rather to have setled himself in such a condition within that he might not be subject to that Law which the King of Right ought to impose on all his Subjects He little considered how easily his Majesty had reduced the whole party of the Hugonots how he had set bounds unto the Spanish Ambition how that he had put the English to a shameful flight in that very place which they had designed for a Theater of their own glory and that he would but laugh at their attempts which were so repleat with rashness Politique Observation IT is not sufficient in a Prince who would attain glory that he be not apprehensive of any dangers in war or that he shew himself to be more desirous of honour then fearing any misfortune unless he consider before he take the field what strength he hath from what friends he can presume to have assistance of what force his enemies are and whether he have Provisions enough for his own subsistence He ought to measure his Courage by his Forces and not to attempt any thing above his Power or against Reason It is couragious to stop the eyes at all hazards in the execution of a Designe but it is discretion first to discuss all the inconveniences which may arrive lest he ingage himself in his own ruine Who so doth otherwise cannot escape falling into one of these two extremities either he must fall with his attempt or be compell'd to a shameful composition after a discovery of his own weakness and discredit Beside that rashness is full of inconsideration it is ordinary attended with misfortunes They who give up themselves to it are for the most part reduced to a necessity of quitting their designs with as little advantage as they used consideration in their attempts The vain hopes wherewith it feeds them makes them at first all fire but their flame evaporateth into Ice by their want of subsistence It is blind and fore-sees not neither dangers nor any accident which may happen whence it followeth that it is very unsafe nay pernicious to be guided by its Counsels and that experience telleth us it seldome keeps any of its promises The History of Cambyses King of Persia related by Herodotus may serve to exemplifie it he designed to make a war upon the Macrobeans in Aethiopia to which end he sent Ambassadours to their King who might under pretence of carrying him presents espie
the Parliament of Paris as conceiving it to concern his reputation to make known the Truth of those passages not only in Burgogne but through the whole Kingdom Now Cogneux together with divers others of that Cabal having gained some principal members of this Court by informing them with all things though quite contrary to the truth had ingaged them so far in their designs that they publikely exclaimed against it as violent for such reasons as had been sent unto them which were as frivolous as false They had raised such a confusion in that honourable Company surprizing them with false informations and untruths that it was debated whether the Declaration should be ratified or not whereas they ought to have remembred that such Declarations as regard the Government of State are sent unto them only to be registred proclaimed and observed by his Majesties Subjects and most commonly they are not acquainted with the true reasons which induced his Majesty to make them The debate was so hot and great that their opinions being equally divided the Declaration remain'd unconfirm'd and unproclaim'd Whereupon the King being upon his return to Paris was forc'd that he might not let such a disorder pass unpunished to command the Parliament unto the â—ouvre with order that they should come on foot as guilty and in a posture to receive that rebuke which they had incurred whereby he might give them to know that to discuss State affairs did not concern them at all that he only sent this and other Declarations of the like nature unto them to be proclaimed inrolled and caused to be observed by his Majesties subjects and that they ought to have been more readily disposed to have passed this Declaration in particular there being a very great difference between a bare Commission to form an Indictment against any one and to adjudge it and between a Declaration published by his Majesty for the information of his Subjects concerning those persons against whom he complains with what reasons he hath so to do and for what causes it is that they are guilty of high Treason for that in a Declaration his Majesty assigns them a certain time within which they may obtain his pardon if they have recourse unto his Grace and moreover for that after all this not any formalities are omitted which are necessary in the processe of Criminals before their Condemnation This was effected in the Louvre the King sitting in his Counsel and the whole body of the Parliament being on their knees before him where after that the Lord Keeper of the Seals had in his Majesties name given them to know that it was not in their jurisdiction to determine concerning any Declarations of State which should be sent unto them the King with his own hands tore the sentence of * Vpon the equal Division of their Members debate they Registred that Division as a Sentence Division which was Registred as a Record and commanded that the Order of his Conncel whereby it was declared void should be entred in its places with prohibitions of intermeddling for the future in debating Declarations of the like nature And lastly for the punishing the fault of the whole Body in some particular Members the Presidents Gayon Battillon and the Sieur Lesne Counsellour were commanded by Order from his Majesty to withdraw themselves for some time from Paris and suspended from executing their Functions in regard they had discoursed too freely and without respect concerning his Majesties proceeding and the Government of the State which notwithstanding his Majesties goodnesse was such that lasted not long for they were soon after recalled and restored unto the Parliament and to the discharge of the Offices of which their integrity and merit had made them very deserving and from which they had been restrained not without the grief of all wise men who were sorry to see that they had blemished their reputations by a zeal too rash and inconsiderate Politique Observation PArliaments are no lesse bound by the Laws of Prudence then those of Justice not to separate themselves from the King in State-affairs I say they are obliged to it by Justice for for them to judge of such affairs were to assume a Power which belongs not to them their first creation was by Kings and that only to do Justice unto the people as the President de la Vaquiere told the Duke of Orleans Chancellour who in his Masters behalf moved the Parliament that they would press his Majesty to come to Paris and make use of their advice in certain weighty matters The self-same answer did the same Parliament make unto Louys de Bourbon after his taking of Orleans and sending his Declaration unto them Francis the first prohibited them from intermedling in affairs of that nature in the proceedings commenc'd against the Chancelly du Prat and after him Charles the ninth did as much in prosecution of the Arrest which had been issued out for the summoning the Prince of the Blood and Peers of France to consult concerning such complaints as tended to the good both of King and State Thus his Majesty having impowered and intrusted them with the hand of his Justice that they might only preserve his Subjects right each to other they may not intermeddle in any other businesse without particular Order from his Majesty who can only confer that Authority upon them But how can they with any reason dissent from his Majesty in State affairs especially in this particular of Declarations which are sent unto them to be proclaimed when as they are not acquainted with the many circumstances which induced them without the cognizance of which it is impossible to make any true Judgement Were not this to determine things without judging of them as also to do it without lawfull power so to do But if they complain of their want of Authority the Stars might as well murmur against the Sun for not imparting a light unto them as glorious as his own They ought to recollect unto their memories that that Power which makes them considerable is no more natural to them then that of the Stars that from the King it is that they receive all their Marks of Greatnesse and Badges of Authority and that from him alone all those rays do proceed which make them shine in the eye of the people And if Magistrates would but look a little neerer into themselves they would easily perceive that they have not any power but what is derived from their Kings it is from them that they hold their Authority and which lasteth no longer then their Will and pleasure Hence it is that all Bodies corporate are bound to take their confirmation from all new Kings who shall succeed to the Crown whereby they might learn that as they were created for the good of their Soveraign so their subsistence depends meerly upon his Will and Grace Peradventure they wil pretend that what they do is to conserve his Majesties Authority but why do they
not then consider how they themselves abuse it by resisting it and that whilest they violate his Authority their own flowing from his cannot remain entire and survive it When as the Moon jealous of the Sun attempts to obscure his Rays and sets her self just before his face she depriveth us of his light but we all know she loseth her own likewise and that she receiveth her whole light from those Rays which she obscureth As true it is that Magistrates who become jealous of their Princes Authority which alone hath cloathed them with lustre and made them to shine in the eye of their fellow Subjects and attempt to abridge their Majesties of their Power and Glory cannot so do without wounding themselves and eclipsing their own light Monsieur's Request to the Parliament to Indict the Cardinal THe Cardinals ruine was the main design at which all they who were with the Queen-mother and Monsieur did drive they verily beleeved that in case they could induce the Parliament to impeach him that then his Majesty would begin to have is Fidelity in suspicion and to give credit unto those Crimes wherewith he should be charged but this was a resolution very inconsiderately taken seeing they could not be ignorant that it lay not in the Parliaments Power and withall seeing they could not but know that his Majesty being better acquainted with his integrity and services then any other person whatever would never permit that he should be intreated with such ingratitude However in order to this design of theirs they caused a request signed by Monsieur to be presented unto the Parliament wherein he protested that the persecutions which he had received from the Cardinal had forced him to go out of the Kingdom He desired an instrument of his Protest that the Declaration made in the Parliament of Bourgogne might not prejudice either himself nor his Dependencies and that he might be admitted as a Party against the Cardinal This Request indeed was one of the causes which ingaged the Parliament in the Declaration of which we shall anon speak and which made them culpable in not publishing that of his Majesty But the King having commanded the Request to be brought unto his Councel it was ordered by Arrest that it should be suppressed as contumelious contrary to the good of his Service the Peace of his Subjects the safety of his State and as presented to that intent by those who had induced Monsieur his Brother to withdraw himself out of the Kingdom whereby they might escape the punishment of their Crimes and traduce his Majesties chief Ministers against whom no charge or complaint can or may be given although there were cause for it but by way of humble Petition to his Majesties own person who hath the particular cognizance of their services and proceedings Besides his Majesty not satisfied with this bare Arrest dispatched a large Declaration unto Fontainbleau to let his Subject know that the evil Counsels which had been given unto Monsieur had carried him out of the Kingdom as those given unto the Queen-mother had caused her removal from the Court and that the Cardinal could not in the least be taxed therewith including a most honourable mention of his Integrity and Sincerity concluding that his Majesty was well satisfied and assured by a long and continued experience that the Cardinals chief ends and designs did only tend to advance the glory of his Crown and the good of his State and lastly conjuring his Subjects and Successours still to preserve his memory in their minds Thus was this great Minister secured by his own sublime vertue and his high services from the violences of a factious potent Party Politique Observation NEeds must that Minister be indued with an extraordinary Prudence and Wisdom who can preserve himself immovable in all the shocks which are raised to his ruine Low and mean souls are frequently constrain'd to stoop under the violence of calumny and to give way unto those storms which are falling upon them but great persons like rocks are not to be shaken though in the greatest turbulence of wind or weather It is said that of all Birds the Eagle alone can soar above the Clouds whereby he may secure himself from storms and upon this reason it is that the ancient Heathens feigned Jupiter to have committed the guard of his Thunder unto the Eagle Now great men are like the Eagle and they only can support themselves amidst all the storms and designs which are raised and contrived for their ruine These are those Suns whom the clouds can only dusk for some small time which once pass'd they dissipate of themselves and become annihilated All the attempts made against their Fortunes are but like so many blows in the Ayr so ineffectual they are either to hit or move them The Prudence wherewith they are endued affordeth them the means to foresee all their enemies designs as also to secure themselves and to command even Fortune her self to be favourable unto them their innocence is so great a Bulwark of their glory that it gives Truth power to tryumph over Calumny There needs nothing more to preserve them in their Masters affection then the services they do him for those alone will easily make apparent that all the slanders spread abroad against them are only inventions of some base people who would endeavour to destroy honest men of their reputation whereby they might be made useless amidst their disgrace and that themselves might get somwhat by their shipwrack notwithstanding all which they still persist in the prosecution of those glorious designs which they have laid and make it daylie evident that souls which are truly great do but laugh at those who endeavour to injure them and wipe off with their fingers such Vipers without receiving any hurt neither will they be discouraged from continuing to act what they have well begun Their generousness is like and armed Souldier prepared to resist what-ever shall oppose their Reputation Their Fidelity is like a Wall impregnable against all Force and Artifice Their Wisdom maketh them Masters of their Passions neither will they suffer themselves to be surprized by them so that any advantage may be taken against them Their address dictates unto them to watch the time when they may gain that from their enemies which they designe to obtain Their Abilities are enough to secure them from discredits and disgraces with their Prince where it is impossible for him to get their like In a word those excellent qualities of theirs do discover unto them their enemies contrivances and renders them Masters of their own Fortune which is impossible to be ravished out of their power The Queen-Mothers Request to the same effect THis Request was only the beginning of those Calumnies wherewith Monsieur's Agents did endeavour to bespatter the Cardinals glory for from that time laying their heads together with those of the Queen-Mother they never ceased from inventing and spreading of defamatory Letters and Libels The
Queen Mother too her self presented a Request unto the Parliament against him But when they perceived all their attempts were vain either as to the ruining of him in his Majesties good opinion or for the advancing of the Army which they had already contrived in their conceptions then their Anger turned into Fury and they resolved not to leave any thing unsaid which might bring his Reputation into dis-esteem They verily perswaded themselves that at last some Neighbour Prince would assist them with an Army to maintain their Quarrel or that they might raâ—e so great a hatred against him in the peoples minds as they would rise and take up Arms so to force his Majesty to sacrifice him unto their Fury Indeed I should have concluded him very unfortunate had his glory depended upon their testimonies and if the honour which he hath merited by laying out so much of his health by drying up his blood by watching day and night over the Affairs of State by giving up his Freedom his very soul his words his writings and all his time unto his Kings service and for the good of France by doing things even above admiration it self should need their approbation But as the reward of Vertue is extracted from Vertue it self and as there are no Theaters where great mens actions appear with more pomp then in the testimony of their own proper Conscience whereby Noble deeds glance out rayes of honour like the beams of the Sun so it was happy for him that they chose this time to calumniate him when he had newly accomplished such glorious actions for his Majesties service as cannot easily be described in History He needed not have desired as that Ancient did to have a house so built that all the world might behold him seeing the glory of his actions was of so great advantage unto all Europe that every one was taken up in contemplation of him with admiration I may safely add that the malice wherewith they bely'd his most just and sincere proceedings did render all their accusations suspected And who knows not without more ado that the usual course with them who would embroyl a State is to fall foul upon the Ministers of Government Politique Observation IT is commonly seen that good services are rewarded with calumny Envie is one cause of this injustice her eyes being offended with the splendour of any noble actions just as the Sun dazleth and decayeth eyes already sore and weak It is a passion which in some sort runs counter with Gods goodness which draws good out of evil whereas this takes occasion to injure and would great persons even from those very actions which makes them most conspicuous the same relation which the shadow hath to the Body such hath envie with vertue And as the highest mountains cast the greatest shadows so the greatest persons are most exposed unto envie and calumny Private Interest is another cause and to say the Truth is the first and chief for that it begets envie All they who by their ambition pretend to have some part in the Government do fancie unto themselves that Fortune hath cast them so much the further from it as it hath raised up them who now possess it Now as for those who do not pretend unto so much but do yet aspire unto some higher quality then that in which they are at present they suppose they have reason enough to complain of the Governours of State when that which they expect is not cast upon them the discontent which hereupon they conceive is not unlike those false Prospectives which represent things and objects unto the view which neither are nor ever were and thus indeed their judgment being overswayed by Passion becomes so depraved that they apprehend things in their conduct far different from what they really are I might add Ignorance amongst the causes which produce ill reports against Ministers there is nothing but the out-side of their actions to be seen their intents and designs are secret and unknown at least of such as have any conduct neither do they ever disclose their drift and main end whereby they may not give the enemies of the State opportunity to prevent their being effected Which being so it cannot be denied but that the small knowledge of their actions giveth their enemy a great advantage to exclaim upon them They seldom have any thing to object against them but what seems to be defective and they disguise things so artificially that they make white pass for black lies for currant truth being very wary that it fal not into their consideration how they have extraordinary intelligences which ought not nay which cannot be dived into by vulgar judgements But above all the rest they are assaulted by slanders when-ever the Grandees of a State are bent upon mischief they dare not openly to complain of their King lest they should too much discover themselves and lest their rayling might pull down some vengeance upon them which might prevent them from effecting their intentions but they addresse themselves to throw dirt in the face of the chief Ministers although in effect they strike at their Kings Withall they are commonly troubled at the ill-government of the State they distaste the power and honour which the King confers upon them and complain of the charge which is imposed on the people These are the subjects of all the Manifests which were ever made to provoke the people to rebellion If we but look back on the Passages our own times or those before us we shall alwayes find that Factious persons have been alwaies discontented with the Ministers of State and against them have they ever made use of reviling slanders as a most certain torch to set the whole Kingdom in a Flame Examples hereof are so frequent that we need not stay to recite them Besides it may be found in all History that when by the Prudent Conduct of any Ministers they have been reduced to a disability of being further troublesome to the State by War and open Force yet have they still persisted to disgorge the fury and rage which possessed them upon their papers fraught with poison and lies Aspersions charged on the King refuted IT was indeed somewhat strange that these Libellers should attempt to defame a man whom the ablest wits have recommended to be of as great a Soul as any these many Ages But it is incredible that their malice should strike at the Kings own person endeavouring to represent him as uncapable of Government I could willingly complain of all French men who seeing such indignities done unto their Soveraign whom after so many years they had reason to know for the most Just most Valiant most Generous most Prudent and most Mercifull Prince that ever swayed the Scepter of France did not take up their Arms to punish those Libellers in other Countries but that they may not undertake any War without his Majesties permission What reason could be alledged that he should passe
this But without making of comparisons it shall only suffice to say this complaint was ridiculous seeing the Cardinal had at that time only two places which were of any importance and his Kindred as many whereas some great Houses of France had more Besides what cause of Jealousie could there be seeing he was every week twice or thrice at least with his Majesty and still brought with him a surrender of his Offices it being in his Majesties power not only to dispose of his Charges but of his Person likewise He had indeed over and above the Government of Bretagne But how Was it not at the earnest intreaties of those of the Country who considering themselves to be invironed with Ports concluded that he could most effectually establish their Trade by means of his Superintendency upon the Sea which had been much decayed during the late Governours times because of the frequent differences between them and the Admirals of France each of them pretending to command upon the Sea coast That which made these factious exclaim more loud then all the rest was because his Majesty had discharged some Governours from their places and committed them to him But what Was not his Majesties so doing a piece of great Discretion when he foresaw the ruine of the Kingdom by the little obedience of such Governours who having the possession of Towns and Places in their Families a long time together would hardly be perswaded they were beholding unto his Majesty for continuing them unto them but would presently fly out into Rebellion upon the first noise of any insurrection Hereupon his Majesty resolved to punish them according to their deserts and deprived some of them of their Offices and Governments with intent of bestowing them on such persons of whose fidelity he was well assured as upon those of the Cardinals Family who were never seen to intermeddle in any Cabal against his Majesties service and who knowing the honour of his Majesties favour to be the only support of their Fortunes were careful of not being ingaged in such Designs as might make them unworthy of it The advantage which this alteration brought with it was soon after apparent for how would it have been if one had continued Governour of Brest if another had kept his Government of Brouage and if Calais had not been dispossessed of its Commander would they not have served for so many Citadels and Magazins to countenance all Revolts which they designed And what I pray is become of all those places which were entrusted with the Cardinal or his Allies Have they not continued in their Obedience to his Majesty and those who engaged the Queen-Mother and Monsieur in their differences could not dispose of any of them according to their own desires And that indeed was the only and chief motive of their complaints Politique Observation NOthing gives greater tranquility to a State then the disposal of Governments into the hands of such persons whose affection and fidelity are well known unto their Prince The experience which France hath so often had hath been too sad to be forgotten seeing the most part of Civil wars nay of Forraign too had not been broached but by the defect of Governours more solicitous of their own Interests then of their Masters glory and service Few are the Grandees who are not discontented if they have not Governments conferr'd upon them nay if they have not some kind of assured settlement in their Commands that their Authorities may be greater A King therefore is obliged to be the more inquisitive whether with their Gandeur they have loyalty and zeal for his service otherwise it were only to give them the means of combining one with the other to raise Factions and to diminish the Soveraign by advancing their own private power Admit they be discontented 't is without cause for no one hath any right to prescribe a Law to his Prince how he shall chuse such persons as he is pleased to employ in his service It is prudence not to regard such discontents they are inconsiderable when the publike Peace is in question A King cannot distribute his Governments with more discretion then by intrusting them with such persons whose loyalty is impregnable and who he is assured will never interest themselves with any party but his own if any Division should arise Now of whom can he better be assured then of such a Minister of whose fidelity he receives daily testimonies and who when he sees him brings with his Person all the Governments and Charges which have been conferred upon him As for those related to him seeing they absolutely depend upon him and that their Power is as his own dependant upon his Majesties good favour they are equally obliged to be faithful For this reason it is that the greatest Princes have not only not been backward to bestow the chief Governments upon them but have looked upon it as a thing very necessary for their service Touching the distribution of Governments I add That a King is obliged what he may to displace those persons who have enjoyed their Offices any long time unless he be very well assured of their fidelity they are so used to hold them when long continued that the fear of losing them doth oftentimes engage them in some Faction which gives them hopes of a longer continuance Besides when not received by his Majesty but his Predecessors they are the sooner ingaged in a Faction because they think not themselves beholden to him for them Withal in processe of time they get so absolute a Power that somtimes it exceeds their Masters it being usual that long command is accompanyed with pride and insolence Hence it is that in the most politique States their Governments were never but temporary Rome lost her Liberty by continuing her Magistrates too long in their Power and Caesar could never have mastered his own Country but by acquiring too great a Power over the souldiers by his long command The Cardinals Riches not to be envied NExt of all these factious spirits would have the Cardinal 's possessing of his Majesties favours to pass for a great crime although his free humor acquits him to every one from the guilt of covetousness and concludes him to be so naturally generous that he values not all the goods of the world but only in order to the well disposing of them The place which he holds under his Majesty in the State necessitateth him to great expences and without them sure it is that both he and all those who are in the same employment would fall into dis-esteem and that inevitably unless they be accompanied with some splendour and extraordinary magnificence else how should they cause his Majesty to be obeyed Those charges once defrayed the rest he doth employ in good uses to the poor oâ— some actions becoming his virtue and bounty Ought his moderate estate to be envied who hath done so great services for France We have in our times beheld a
their rage but a wise Prince will easily be inclined to quit his Arms when those three grand causes do cease which are the usual occasions of War The Philosophers say the effect is no longer necessary when the cause ceaseth to act which ought not only to be understood of the efficient but also of the final cause it being reasonable to abstain from such actions when the end which first stirred us up doth no longer ingage us besides he is compelled as it were to make peace abroad when any intestine War calls him to look home The discreet Physitian gives the same counsel by his example when he is much more solicitous of those evils ingendred within the body then those which only appear upon the skin Civil Wars concern the preservation of a State forraign Wars are only usefull for glory or power Now as that which is necessary is still to be preferred before that which is profitable he ought so much the sooner to recal such forces to remedy that disorder which threatens him within it being almost impossible to give order at the same time both for one and the other in fine â—e ought to make peace after the obtaining those advantages which he could expect either from fortune or his own conduct The successe of War is not alwaies the same and it is difficult to make good fortune to last alwaies Victories do not alwaies depend upon Prudence Fortune hath her share in them It is not to be avoided but that after a long Calm the Vessel should meet with a Storm maugre the Prudence or the Pilot so likewise it is impossible that after divers advantages obtained in War some misfortune should not happen Hannibal was alike couragious both in Affrick and Italy yet after his return to Carthage he was no longer successefull in his Arms. This is one of the reasons which hath induced the Sages to advise great Captains to withdraw upon their advantage lest they lose the glory which they had formerly obtained What it is that makes Cazal considerable to the Spaniards THis advice were fit for the Spaniard to follow that he might stop himself in the enjoyment of those great successes which fortune hath bestowed upon them under Ferdinand Charles the Fifth and Philip the Second but their Ambition will hardly give them leave so to do They made it apparent in this particular where they shewed themselves totally averse from Peace unto which his Majesty was so easily inclined they testifying by their actions that their chief design was to hinder the Duke of Mantua's peaceable enjoyment of his States They perswaded themselves that the Court being divided by those Tares which they had sowed and which they manured with such care in the minds of the Queen-mother and Monsieur France neither would nor could long sustain the War in Italy and withall as they could not imagine but the Queen-mother would in fine attain her wil in the Cardinals destruction they concluded that that once effected Cazal would easily be reduced to their obedience which his discreet conduct kept safe from them Montferrat of which Cazal is the strongest place is a Country of small extent yet of great importance to the design which they have a long time had upon Italy Untill this present they have been forced to sit still in the out-bounds Naples and Millan and true it is this is one of the principal objects which hinders the conquest of the rest could they but once joyn their German with their Italian power they would soon be Masters of the whole therefore have they indeavoured it for so many years but without Cazal all their attempts are vain that place alone being a Bul-wark to block up the passage of any Troops which passe from Germany to Millan This is indeed that which makes Cazal so considerable the not having whereof is the more important in regard their power is bounded in at the Fort of Fuentes which being so they resolved to give their Embassador in Savoy full power to conclude any thing in his Master's behalf an artifice full of injustice but which ceased not to be very proper for their design for that he not being party to the Treaty it will still be free for him to break it by refusing to subscribe those Propositions which concerned his interest However as Princes never want pretences for the most unjust designs they would not own this Artifice and the Cloak with which they covered it was that fighting under the Emperours Colours there was no need of any one to treat in their behalfs but after all their indeavours to prevent the execution of the Treaty then concluded they made it apparent that this reason of theirs was only a pretence and that their true design was to hinder the peace that they might make new attempts upon Cazal Politique Observation THat Ambition which is sometimes favoured with good successe hath much much ado to relinquish its enterprises though unjust It is an errour to think Fortune is blind because she distributeth her favours inconsiderately and without forecast for that God himself whose eyes are clearer then the Sun is the Author of whatever befalls man-kind Well may she be painted without eyes when as she doth usually blind those whom she doth at any time oblige with the least extraordinary successe A Prince accustomed to conquer proposeth no law in prosecution of his Will though that right be inherent in God alone Little doth he consider the condition which his birth hath given him and the passion of growing great at his neighbours expence doth so transport him that he thinks he hath right enough if he have but power to conquer them he flatters himself in the belief that those Monarchies which are this day held with most justice are grounded upon no other Titles then the swords of those that first founded them The desire of Dominion which transporteth him rendreth him careless of dying the earth with blood if he may but subjugate more people to himself and of making the world groan under the violence of his arms if he may but get a new addition to his authority It makes him forget that he is a man and consequently that he is subject to the Laws of Death and equally liable with the meanest Cottager to render an account of his actions that the usurpation of anothers right shutteth the gates of heaven against him and that ambition it self is a punishment to those whom it possesseth augmenteth their inquietudes with the encrease of their powers Who knoweth not that it is not the greatness of Kingdoms which maketh Kings greatly happy that the desire of conquest is accompanyed with more pain and hazard then pleasure that those Princes who will subjugate all men are hated by all men and are oftentimes reduced to a non-plus just when they think to extend the bounds of their Empire to the utmost That it is no more just to usurp the power of a Soveraign Prince then to commit murder
Roche-Guyon and the Comtes de St Pol de Coussii de Brenni de Harcourt and de grand Pre. This is so usual that it will be needless to add any more The Spaniards intention to break the Peace of Querasque followed by that of Mire-Fleur ALthough all these places were restored yet the Spaniards whose Counsels are engraven in brass for the perpetuating of them could not resolve to withdraw their Forces from Italy or to send the Emperours into Germany they stayed them whiles they could in Milan and thereabouts pretending they should want part of them in their Garrisons and that they expected leave from the Legate of Ferare to transport the rest into Naples Those whom the Duke de Feria had promised to disband in July were on foot in September and this very delay caused the restitution of places to be retarded Besides the King was certainly informed that the very morning after the expediting the Investiture they had found means to wrest an act from the Emperour which they caused to be published in the Imperial Chancery by which it was nullified in case the Treaty of Ratisbon were not punctually executed although concluded in express terms that it should be given without any limitation Was not this testimony enough of their intentions to break the Treaty if they could but find any favourable opportunity seeing particularly that this Declaration was a firebrand for that it gave them the liberty of finding fault with some of the Duxe of Mantua's actions which themselves would interpret and judge to be contrary to the Treaty Neither was this the only Index of their minds the Comte de Merode who acted not but by order from Feria committed all sorts of violence in the Grisons as if he would force the King by a just resentment to make a breach moreover the Comte de la Roch letters having been taken by some thieves from his Courrier who were more careful of his money then papers left no cause of doubt to them who saw them of their intentions to foment the discontents of the Queen-mother and Monsieur to such an height as should be irreconcilable that they might be revenged on France for those advantages obtained against them They likewise raised new Troops in Milan as if they would not have any ignorant of their designs and lastly they were extreamly urgent to force the Duke of Mantua to disband an inconsiderable number of French from Casal and Mantua whom he had desired to be left there for the guard of those places and which were hardly able to secure them from a surprize whereby he might be so disabled that they might with ease over-run his Country which being so and that no one can doubt of their Designe of re commencing the War the following year what reason had his Majesty to leave Italy without full assurance of Peace and Liberty by other means then that of a Treaty Should he not have so done he had thrown away his charges in vain and the lives of so many French to no purpose This was it which obliged the King to require new assurances in the behalf of his Allies and to inform the Duke of Savoy that he himself was in no greater assurance them others considering how distrustful the Spaniards were of him and how much discontented with his late proceedings On the other side the Cardinal represented to his Majesty that Prudence obliged him not to abandon Italy in this danger and that it was needful for him to use his power with the Duke of Savoy to obtain some one of his places which might afford a free passage for his Armies into Italy if occasion should draw them thither a third time His Majesty whose judgement is equally prudent as just apprehended the importance of this advice so that soon after he sent Orders to the Sieur de Servient who was yet with the Duke of Savoy to desire him to put Pignerol Suze Avigliane or Savillan into his Majesties hands for some time that he might keep the Spaniards in aw and prevent them from making new attempts This Proposition indeed was somewhat strange but did not exasperate him as it happened for the Prudence which the Sieur de Servient used in that affair obtained his demands to his Majesties glory and the liberty of the Italian Princes he evinced unto the Duke of Savoy by so many demonstrations the designs which the Spaniards had to recommence the war the just reason he in particular had to fear their growing powerful in Italy which if once effected all he could hope for was the favour of Cyclops when he found himself obliged for the surety and defence of his estates The Sieur de Servient perceived that distrust which is natural to Princes made him loath to part with a place of importance and to intrust it in the hands of a stranger but when he recollected to his memory that franknesse wherewith his Majesty had so lately restored unto him the greatest part of his Dominions and the open profession which he made of establishing his glory by the defence of his Allies he at last brought him to resolve upon the delivery of Pignerol untill such time as the Spaniard should make apparent that they intended to leave Italy in peace This Treaty was concluded and signed at Mireâ—leur upon the 19 of October and presently put in execution It cannot be apprehended how unpleasant this news was to the Governour of Millan and with what resentment he complained in his Letters to the Duke of Savoy and his Highnesse was not wanting to return him an answer full of courage how he had not done any thing but what was lawfull for any Prince and that he was obliged to entrust this place in the hands of his Christian Majesty sooner then any other since his bounty had restored him to those States of which the War raised by others had despoiled him Politique Observation THat Prince cannot be thought imprudent who in making Peace foresees those dangers of War which threaten him and who for the preservation of his State in an happy tranquility deposits some Town in the hands of a Monarch whose power can secure him from all misfortunes He who assures himself of the protection of a potent King secures in it his Crown and peace to his Subjects strikes a terrour into his enemies and makes them afraid of falling on him These advantages are far greater then those which he can possibly receive from any place by him deposited whence it is great prudence to prevent the storm and imitate the wise Pilot who fearing a total shipwrack throws part of his goods into the Sea â—e cannot but be commended who accommodateth his counsels to the necessity of times and he ought to think himself happy if by the losse of one Town he can secure the rest It is advantage enough for a Prince saith Augustus in Suetonius to put himself into such a condition that no one can offend him One City indeed may
those Edicts which did contribute thereunto when brought unto them but it was not so with the Messieurs of the Court of Aydes of Paris Mensieur le Comte having informed them that he was going to their Chamber from the King to do as much they fell into such disorder that they all departed thinking by this to disengage themselves from their duty of confirming them so that Monsieur de Compte comming thither found no body there This their inconsideratenesse could not be without mis-prision of the royal Authority and was looked upon as an example the more dangerous in regard Magistrates are like the Primum mobile which draw all the inferior Orbs after it so their motion might be capable of making the people mutiny and refuse succours which they owed the King and which his Majesty might lawfully demand from them to help discharge the necessities of the State as we have formerly said Justice and Prudence did both require that they should be made exemplary they were suspended from the exercise of their Offices and a Commission issued out to some of the Messieurs Masters of Requests and Counsellours of the grand Councel to do justice in their rooms and to determine those affairs which were depending before them This continued for some moneths to teach them against another time how they run into such mis-prisions of his Majesties will which made them unworthy to sit upon the Flower de Luces seeing they had been so little affectionate in contributing to the means necessary to preserve them in their beauty Politique Observation THere is no offence which Kings are more obliged to punish then those which are accompanied with dis-respect for as he who is much respected doth easily retain his Subjects in their obedience so being once fallen into disesteem his commands are little regarded The wisest Polititians have alwaies thought respect to be the greatest support of Authority The lustre of the Sun is that which causeth people to regard it with the more reverence and the authority of a Soveraign is that which doth most of all oblige his subjects to pay him respect and obedience which if violated by disrespect remaineth inconsiderable His Ordinances are laughed at his Will not regarded and attempts are often made against him I think for my part that scorn is more dangerous then hatred for peradventure a King who is hated may yet be feared and fear is of it self sufficient to keep subjects in obedience but he who is once fallen into dis-esteem is neither hated nor feared so that his affairs will soon fall into extream disorder Hatred is a frequent cause of Insurrections but dis-respect is more effectually so because it not only causeth the fear of offending to cease but adds confidence to it Now of all disrespects none is more dangerous then when Magistrates are guilty of it by withdrawing themselves from their Princes Will and Command No one will easily attempt against him whom he sees honoured by his Magistrate and on the contrary men will readily provoke him who is not regarded by them Magistrates are the more obliged to continue their respects unto Authority because their example is sufficient to hold the people in submission They ought rather to comply obediently with their Soveraigns then by denying him to show an example of Rebellion to his Subjects their resistance tends only to raise an irreparable disorder in affairs and obligeth the use of constraint for the ratifying of such Edicts which presently make the people believe them to be unjust In fine they are no less bound to render respect and obedience unto him then justice to his Subiects They flatter themselves with a dangerous vanity if they believe themselves to have been instituted to bound in his power seeing it was only to supply his presence and perform his will All their power vanisheth at his presence as that of the Stars when the Sun appeareth neither ought they to take notice of his Commands further then he gives them liberty Now that liberty which he gives them is by their humble Remonstrances to represent their grievances not absolutely to deny and that with disrespect the execution of his commands especially seeing the custome of confirming of Edicts was not introduced by necessity or for any dependance which Kings have upon Soveraign Courts but that they might be executed with more submission and to discharge them from those commands which the importunity of Courtiers might wrest from their Majesties without regard of Justice or the good of the State The Treaty of Alliance between the King and Duke of Bavaria IT behoved the King so much the more to secure himself against the Emperors Forces in regard he did at this time seem to be discontented concerning the Succours given to the German Princes and the designe of retaking Moyâ—nvic with other lands alienated from the Bishoprick of Metz This induced the Cardinal whose eyes are alwaies open to the interests of State to represent unto the King that it were necessary to make sure of those who might any ways assist him in his enterprises against France and that there being no other persons from whom he could receive a greater support in his desire then the Duke of Bavier and the Elector of Trâ—ves who have the principal Passes by which he must come unto us it would be very advantagious to contract an Alliance with them that they might hinder his Forces or at least that they might not joyn theirs with his The King apprehended this Counsel as an effect of his innate Prudence and this great Ministers foresight having already laid the ground-work of these Alliances his Majesty issued out Orders for the prosecution of them There was concluded by the Treaty that there should be a sincere good and constant Friendship between them and an firm and strict league offensive and defensive for eight yeers in consideration whereof the King bound himself to furnish him with nine thousand Foot two thousand Horse Cannons and Ammunitions of War fit and necessary for the defence of him and his Dominions leaving it to the Electors choice to demand of his Majesty instead of the nine thousand Foot and the rest such monies as might defray the charges The Elector of Bavier did likewise engage himself to furnish his Majesty with three thousand Foot and one thousand Horse and Ammunitions of war necessary for the defence of his Dominions in case of an Invasion with liberty for his Majesty to demand instead of the Souldiers so much money sufficient to pay them Besides they interchangeably promised not to bâ—aâ— Arms one against the other directly or indirectly Thus was France assured on that quarter and the taking of Moyenvic might be attempted without fear or hâ—zard the Emperour not being able to hinder it by reason of the King of Swede's diversion without the Duke of Bavier's assistance Politique Observation DEfensive Alliances cannot but be very useful to all Princes how great soever Few can subsist by themselves and if
any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies it cannot be without danger and somtimes loss to their Countries whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful no one will think of invading them Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body yet it standeth in need of those others and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs hath so established them that they have all occasion to make use of one another This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Alliances but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms that he begins to be terrible On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors because contracting an Alliance with such they not only augment their own Power but weaken that of their enemy and make him incapable of further mischief It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy to take a care that he hath not two for their power being united will be more terrible Thus the Comte de Chaâ—olois son to Philip Duke de Burgogne was very sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third and the less able to hurt him His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen In order hereunto the Sieurs de Moleres de Razilly and de Chaalar were sent to the King of Morocco that an Alliance might be contracted with him and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Barbary He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs that they were well received The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral At â—heir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides and two Companies of Souldiers The King gave them present audience and with as much honour as they could wish so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions whose liberty was presently granted the King of Morocco not taking any thing for their ransom to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty It is true indeed he accepted a Present of Stuffs worth an hundred thousand Livres which the King sent to him â—et his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Master would send unto him to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspondency with him The next thing under consideration was the articles of alliance for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries which was presently accorded the substance of it was thus that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass should not in future be made slaves nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods according to their usual custome that for the better continuing their correspondence Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States but on condition not to exercise their Functions unless only to the French The Treaty was signed and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls at Morocco Male and Saphy In fine The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country Politique Observation IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable the gains being greater and more just That of the Land how advantagious soever seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent and somtimes more and that without giving the least cause of complaint Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable and great States vastly rich and abounding with all sorts of commodities There is another reason which rendreth it the more important and that is Princes being bound to make themselves powerful as well by Sea as by Land which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness for it renders them the more redoubted It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea unless a provision of Ships be made to secure them otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element is the more feared by his Neighbours in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land in case they should presume to offend him Cosmo de Medicis first Duke of Tuscany and the ablest Politician of his time said That a Soveraign can never gain an high repute unless he joyn both those Powers together which are to a State as the Arms to the Body This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable were they but deprived of it they would soon grow weak and poor but maintaining that Power as they do in a good equipage by a long tract of time they want nothing but are capable of undertaking great expeditions Hath not this enabled the Hollanders though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men to sustain the whole power of Spain What makes Gâ—noa so rich but this power by Sea And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories and we know that our late King Henry le grand whose Prudence was no less advantagious to this Kingdom then his Courage was extreamly desirous to settle it in France after he allayed those storms of Civil War to which end he gave order unto the President Janin when he was treating with the Hollanders to learn of them what was necessary in that particular The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Monsieur out of the Kingdom his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instruction of their Processe and to chastise those who were found guilty was not willing to let it fall into their cognizance He well knew that Kings ought not to expose their authority to be dis-respected as his would have been if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders should neglect to prosecute them as was much to be feared they would Those
reasons which gave the cause of that suspicion were their apparent discontent because Pollette was not restored with such conditions as they desired and because their authority came short of being parallel with his Majesty's and besides the correspondencies which several of Monsieur's and the Queen-Mothers Officers had amongst them It was likewise considered that divers affairs of concernment came to be divulged from their manner of proceedings it being impossible to keep a secret among so great a multitude Whereupon his Majesty resolved to establish a Chamber of Justice composed of persons equally considerable for their ability and integrity who should have full power to judge seeing it was likewise requisite to commissionate some Judges extraordinary for the chastizing of divers Clippers and Counterfeiters of money of which there were store in the Nation the toleration of which did much endamage Trade so that both Commissions were given to the same Judges The King to carry on the businesse with the more sweetnesse was pleased out of his Prudence and usual Goodnesse to elect most part of the Judges out of the Parliament and to appoint their meeting in the Palace the common Seat of Justice But the Parliament little considering this grace raised new difficulties against the confirmation of the Letters of Establishment which obliged his Majesty to remove the Chamber unto the Arsenal and to compose it of two Counsellors of State six Masters of Requests and six Counsellors of the grand Counsel all chosen for their extraordinary merit who began to sit the tenth day of August Politique Observation THe King is the Head of Justice and may commit the administration of it to whom he will The Sea distributeth her waters as she pleaseth by subterranean passages unto all Fountains neither bath any thing right to controul her distribution the Sun that inexhaustible source of all worldly light communicateth splendor unto the Stars as God hath ordained neither can any of them complain of receiving lesse then others So a King whom God hath endued with Soveraign Authority to distribute Justice to his people may commit the charge of it to such as he thinks fit and that with such power and extent as he judgeth proper for the good of his State usually he intrusts this power with Parliaments but they ought to remember that he who hath given them this Authority may likewise take it from them may bound it or give it to others as he pleaseth The Authority of a Senate which is in Common-wealths or Free Cities cannot be altered by any Princes because it partakes of Authority with them and is established to confine their Prudence But it is not so with Parliaments Monarchies where the Magâ—strates have no other glory but that of being Ministers to execute Justice in their Master's behalf they are like Clouds raised by the Sun from the Earth which are by him refined to represent his Image not that he deprives himself of the power of raising others to whom he may impart the same favours Thus is their power a Twig sprung from the Royal Authority without depriving its Root of the power to produce others of the same quality Judgement given against several Persons THis Chamber of Justice being thus established they began to act with as much zeal as integrity to the punishment of the Coyners and those who had brought the State into trouble Divers of either sort were exemplarily punished and amongst the factious Senelles and du Val were for ever condemned to the Gallies the Duke Rouannez the Marquis de la Viâ—ville and the Marquis de Fargis were beheaded in Effigie the rest were remitted till the next year Now as he who condemneth the Body confiscateth the Goods so those of the condemned did undoubtedly belong to the King whereupon that it might be accordingly adjudged his Majesty being at Troyes established a Chamber of Domain composed of Counsellors of State and Masters of Request to attend the Court who declared the goods of the Comte and Comtess de Moret the Dukes d' Elboeuf de Bellegarde and de Rouannez the Marquis de Boissy de la Viâ—ville and de Sourdeac and of the President le Coigneux to be confiscate and forfeited to the Crown In fine they who had any Governments or Offices were deprived of them the Government of Picardy was taken away from Monsieur d' Elboeuf and bestowed on the Duke de Cheâ—reuse that of Burgogne was taken from the Duke de Bellegarde and Monsieur â—e Prince appointed in his place the King's Lievtenance which the Marquis de la Vieville had in Champagne was granted to the Sieur de Senneterre as the charge of President was taken from Coigneux and conferred on the Sieur de Lamognon and so of divers others Now that which did more particularly oblige his Majesty to drive things to this height of finishing the Process of these factious persons and of confiscating their Goods and Offices was a discovery of their designs to attempt the surprizal of divers places in the Kingdom They had gained the Marquis de Valençay who promised them Calais La Louviere was employed to work upon the Marquis Moncavrel and to perswade him to do the like with Ardres The Captain du Val was hanged for having attempted to surprize the Citadel of Verdune Threescore thousand Crowns were given in Monsieur's name to the Duke of Bouillon that he would raise a party in Sedan one of the Ports of the Kingdom and that he would let in Forreigners that way when thereunto desired There were likewise divers Gentlemen seized upon raising of Forces in several parts of the Kingdom and it was not unknown how they had induced the Queen-Mother and Monsieur to send persons of Quality into Spain England and Holland and to all Neighbour Princes to procure what Souldiers they could for him What reason was there longer to let these attempts against the State go unpunished Such a patience had been unjust That difficulty which the Parliament of Paris made to confirm his Majesty's Ordinance which commanded to execute after six moneths the confiscation of such as were guilty of high Treason who had been condemned by Out-lawry in regard of an ancient Ordinance might have seemed just enough in regard of those who are guilty of mean crimes but surely not in the behalf of Traytors such as these were who had made Divisions in his Majesties Family who had attempted against his Authority who had endeavoured to surprize divers places who had raised Souldiers in divers parts of the Kingdom who had published a thousand aspersions to eclipse his Majesty's glory What reason I say could there be that such men as these should longer continue unpunished by confiscating their Offices and Goods seeing their absence would not admit the punishment of their persons And hereupon it was that his Majesty commanded his Ordinance to be proclaimed and the Parliament accordingly obeyed it Politique Observation AMongst the divers Powers of Soveraigns that of making Laws is
that it might somtimes be recalled from those on whom it had been bestowed seeing it was conferred on him but for a certain time and the same Historian mentioneth some Lords of those times who were deprived of the Ducal Dignity yet commonly it was given for life As for the Dignity of Peer that is not so ancient but very eminent for that the Peers take place before all other Honours of the Kingdom as may be seen in the example of Philip the first Duke of Burgogne who went before Lewis Duke of Anjou his elder Brother at the Creation of Charls the sixth their Nephew by reason he was a Peer which his brother was not The most common opinion attributeth the first Institution to Charâ—emâ—gne but without other proof then this that History maketh no mention of it before his time and it is believed that they were created to be Judges of State Affairs which were decided by the Parliament in the King's presence That great Prince establishing this Order in the Kingdom to secure it from those misfortunes whereunto the late Merouingiens had exposed it by refusing to take any other care then that of their pleasuâ—es Tâ—ere are some ancient Titles found which make appear That the Comter de Champagne had seven Lords in their Comte who were Peers and did astist them in great Ceremonies and the Decision of chief Affairs In Germany there are some who are chief Ministers of their Princes Justice but although they partake of the Name yet are they but Images and those very imperfect in regard of the greatnesse of those of France who are thought to have been instituted to assist the King to serve him and receive his Oath at his Consecration and by their Office are impowered to advise him in the Government of the State A Synod of the pretended Reformed Religion at Charenton THose of the pretended reformed Religion had obtained permission by the Kings Breviate about the beginning of this year to make a National Assembly of their Ministers of France for the maintaining of their Order and Belief The Cardinal was of opinion that his Majesty should require them to meet at Charenton because being within his view they would have the lesse Freedom to renew such Cabal as they had formerly made in their Assemblies of Guyenne and Languedoc This Order was followed and the Sieur de Galland Councellor to his Majesty was sent to be President in the King's behalf his Loyalty was not to be suspected and they were obliged to accept of him in regard of divers authentique testimonies which made appear that this Order was conformable to that of Councels assembled in the Primitive times which they professed to honour The King especially commanded him to be careful that no Proposition were made which did not concern their Faith or Discipline to silence them in his Majesty's name in case they should discourse of any other affairs and to establish such rules as the Cardinal had proposed necessary to keep that Sect in submission To this end he used his utmost Prudence and Loyalty he perswaded them to enact that there should not any more National Assemblies be made but in the presence of a Commissary from the King who might by testifying their obedience be a means of continuing them in quiet besides he induced them to resolve upon the absolute excluding of all stranger Ministers this being intended of all that were not natural French and to inhibit their Ministers from leaving the Kingdom without his Majesty's licence by this means to prevent all intelligences associations and correspondencies with the enemies of the State according to the Laws of the Kingdom and his Majesty's particular prohibitions in fine he used so much prudence that they required their Ministers not to intermeddle in any affairs Politique or Military and condemned a Book of Berraut Minister of Montauban as erroneous because he maintained that Ministers had a particular Call from God to bear Arms. I shall not relate those other Ordinances there made for the subsistence of their Sect it not being the Designe of my History It sufficeth me to have observed those fore-going which were necessary for the peace of the Kingdom and were so many effects of the Cardinal's prudence who by this means disabled them from making Cabals prejudicial to the King's service broke their correspondency with strangers and left them no arms but the Kings goodness for their defence Politique Observation REligion is the strictest band to assemble people in any designe to conspire unanimously to the Publike good neither is there any thing which doth more disunite them then the diversity of Belief it is a flaming torch which sets the fire of Division among States and aqua fortis which separateth the most moderate minds hence it was that the Kings of Aegypt did heretofore entertain divisions among their subjects that they might render their own Powers over them more absolute by preventing them from uniting themselves in the same designs of revolt and this they did by engaging them in several different Worships Some of them adored a Crocodile others an Eagle this a Dog that some other thing as himself fancied thus they were never able to agree together how to shake off the yoke of their Tyrannie But besides that this maxime is impious and directly repugnant to the Laws of Jesus Christ it is thought to be very dangerous for the most part in the judgement of the wisest Politicians because the diversity of Belief being reduced to two or three parties is most able to carry a people into a revolt agaist their Prince France for these last sixty years hath had but too much trial of it and if our Kings had not been necessitated to permit this diversity as the wise Pilots who in a Storm let their Sails go they well knowing their resistance might endanger their Shipwrack they might have had secured the Estate from many misfortunes could they have prevented it in the beginning Now what better advice can be taken then to deprive Heretiques of the means to Revolt which are their holding Intelligences with Strangers their being headed by Leaders who are Turbulent and Factious their being able to make Assemblies at their pleasures and there to deliberate what they think fit without informing their Prince of any thing He who depriveth them of these Liberties striketh a great stroak in setling the Publike Peace and after despoiling them of their Arms which never ought to be allowed them he cutteth off their power of being ever able to recover it Besides it is necessary to repress their insolency the inseparable companion of Heresie They have a certain insatiable fiercenesse which makes them alwaies discontented and the only way to tame them is absolutely to refuse them all things which are not absolutely necessary for the exercise of their Religion That resistance which they meet in the soul of a generous and vigorous Prince hindreth them whereas if they find him weak and â—asie to be
entring into his Territories and to take revenge for some injuries which he pretended to have received from him This proceeding of his Majesty was accompanied with so much clemency that the Duke could not but acknowledge at that very instant that his Majesty had just reason to be discontented with him and that his Majesties readiness to forgive him then when it was in his power to carve his own satisfaction would be a strong obligation upon him and lastly protested that if he wanted power to defend himself from his Majesties forces hereafter he should not desire it Upon these respects his Majesty condiscended to pardon him and treat with him His Majesty could not but be jealous of his fair promises for that chastisements though just do usually exasperate those on whom they are inflicted whereupon he demanded Marsal to be delivered up unto him for an assurance of his world The Duke agreed thereunto and in fine the Treaty of Peace was concluded and signed in the moneth of January at Viâ— by which the Duke did then ingage to relinquish all Intelligences Leagues Associations and practices whatever which he had or might have with any Prince in prejudice of his Majesty his States and Country under his obedience or protection or in prejudice of the Treaty of Alliance and confederacy contracted between his Majesty the King of Swede and Duke of Baviers for the preservation of the liberty of Germany the Catholick League the defence and protection of the Princes in friendship and alliance with the Crown of France Moreover he ingaged himself not to make alliance with any Prince whatsoever contrary to his Majesties knowledge and approbation to expel the Kings Enemies out of his States as also all his Majesties Subjects who were then there contrary to his Majesties allowance and in fine not to give them any passage or protection nor to permit any Levies of Men against his Majesties service The King on the other side to testifie his true and sincere affection promised to protect his person and defend his States with and against all men and after the execution of this Treaty faithfully to surrender Marsal into his hands Marsal was put into the King's power upon the thirteenth of January Monsieur the Kings Brother being then at Nancy departed and thus every one verily beleeved the Duke would sit down in Peace and that this Treaty would compel him to keep himself within bounds either in regard his Majesties clemency was such that it alone was sufficient to captivate the most stubborn Rebels or in regard the fear of losing Marsal would oblige him to be as good as his word But there are not any chains strong enough to bind up a spirit over-mastered by ambition and hatred the only insinuaters of disloyalty into the minds of men and the sequel of his Actions made it apparent to the whole World that he only ingaged in this Treaty to divert that storm which threatned him in case of non compliance as also that to observe the performance of those Articles was the least part of his resolution as we shall hereafter declare Politique Observation ALthough it do much concern little Princes not to pull upon themselves the forces of their neighbours who exceed them in power yet they are hardly to be perswaded thereunto unlesse compelled by meer force Though they want power yet they have a good mind and want no ambition to instigate them on the contrary as Passion increaseth by opposition so it should seem their desires of extending their Authorities addeth new provocations from those wants of abilities which their sence represents unto them The most inconsiderate do exceed those limits which their debility hath prescribed and commit themselves to the hazard of Fortune which feedeth and blindeth them with vain hopes whereas they who are truly wise make a great vertue of this necessity knowing that the most eminent Philosophers have placed their greatest felicity in being contented with their conditions and in cutting their cloaks by their cloth Admit their minds to be of what temper soever yet after they have once rashly run into any designs against a Prince more potent then themselves who forceth them to stoop under his Arms and to be at Peace it cannot be doubted but they are obliged to act with all reality and sincerity to alledge his power with whom they treat as a pretext to cover their dissimulation is frivolous indeed the power of an unjust Uâ—urper may give a Prince leave to dissemble yet the case is far otherwise in consideration of the power of a victorious Prince who after being compelled by injuries and provoked by indignities to take up his Arms may lawfully according to the custom of War give the Law to the vanquished and compel them to Treaties very disadvantagious to them A private person indeed who is forced to promise any thing by contract is not obliged to the performance thereof but otherwise it is when there is a necessity of obeying a lawful Prince or of complâ—ance for fear of just Laws Thus a petty Prince oppresâ—'d by a Tyâ—anical force to promise any thing is not obliged to act with integrity or to perform any part of his agreement but if he find himself go by the worst in a just war and in conclusion is forced to a Treaty contrary to his Inclinations and desires it is far otherwise for there he is obliged to proceed with reality and is fully bound to perform his agreement If it were not thus all Faith would be banished from Treaties of War for that usually one party finding himself the weaker is compelled by fear or necessity to submit unto such conditions which else he would refuse A Prince is a lively Image of the Divinity and his chiefest happiness consisteth in imitation thereof Whereupon God being Truth it self he is the more obliged to study Truth in his Treaties Antiquity having esteemed them sacred and not to be violated He ought not to run into any promises which are not first discussed with mature deliberation but having once passed them he is bound to perform them with Truth and Sincerity Admit it be to his disadvantage he ought to complain of himself only seeing he first gave the occasion of War and it is unreasonable to term that violence which is a meer and just chastisement of injuries The Saguntines are blamed by Plutarch for having falsified their Treaties with Hannibal unto whom they gave their Faith to be obedient and to pay him three hundred Talents of Silver which they undertook to do that he might be induced to raise the Siege from before their City but resolved upon his withdrawing from their Country to make use of the first advantage against him whereas he provoked by their Trechery return'd to besiege them a second time and forc'd them to surrender upon condition that the men were to march out with a single Coat and no Arms the women with their wearing habits and in this equipage to go live
better to prevent a mortal sickness when it threatneth a State then to apply remedies just when the height of the disease threatneth a total ruine To conclude it is to no purpose to perswade them that the peoples charge in maintaining an Army out of the Kingdom is less then the inconveniences of an Intestine War The fruitfulness of a Country will afford the Inhabitants a sufficient livelyhood neither can want fall very heavie upon them notwithstanding any Taxes though great imposed upon them in case they have freedom of commerce and work But it is not so when an enemy is once entred among them for even then they are not exempted from contributing to the means of their preservation though they daylie find the enemy at their gates their Cities lost and plundered their Farms burnt their Grounds untilled and they who are never so little worth taken and forced to a ransom besides a thousand other cruelties and oppressions There need no other allegation to prove this Truth besides the People themselves who think it well enough if they may be free from Alarums and the noise of Guns and Trumpets whereas they despair if they once see the enemy at their Gates who encompasseth them with confusion maketh them fly from their own houses and who on all hands maketh them undergo a hard necessity and even depriveth them of the use of their very High-ways These reasons are so apparent that one must either be prepossessed with Passion or surprized by some sinister advice to imagine the contrary and they are so much the more considerable for France in regard the Emperour Charls the fifth discoursing with Francis the first concerning the Natures of their Subjects said That both French and Spaniard were naturally so inclin'd to murmur that they would easily be led on to rebel against their Prince if not diverted by some Forraign imployments To be brief one of the chief causes which preserveth Spain in peace is their continual employing of all able to bear Arms in Forraign attempts whereas France hath ever been engaged in Civil combustions and wars because this Crown hath no Dominions lying aloof from it unto which it might send abroad its people Which being so the best course that can be taken is to vent them in the service of our Allies so to do is to follow the example of Scipio who finding the youth of Athens could not be kept quiet in Idleness rigg'd out two Gallies and lead them to shew proofs of their courage against the Persians and of the Romans too who to divert Hannibal from coming any more into Italy resolved to invade him in Affrick The Duke of Lorrain consenteth to Monsieur's marriage with the Princess Marguerite THe Duke of Lorrain had other intention in the Treaty of Peace made with the King but to avoid the punishment due to his boldness neither did he long keep himself dis-ingaged from new Intreagues and although his Majesty thinking the best of his submissions and protestations had sent unto the King of Swede then falling upon his State to divert that storm yet could he not forbear running into fresh contrivances against the good of France In conclusion it is found that at what time he pass'd his word unto the King at Vic he at the same time brake it by his conventions at Nancy with Montecuculi who was then come thither to wait upon him and that he might not omit any manner of disloyalty he shortly after executed the pretended marriage between the Princess Marguerite his Sister and Monsieur le Duc d' Orleans whom he had drawn thereunto by a thousand tricks and deviceâ— He knew that most of the children of France have occasioned such bloody wars as have terribly afflicted the State the Courage wherewith they are born not permitting them to expect the time of their commanding neither was he ignorant of Monsieur 's discontent conceived against the management of the present affairs although admir'd with astonishment by all strangers who found France daylie increasing in glory but at their cost and charges Hereupon he used his utmost skill to conclude that marriage The Princess de Falsbourg his eldest Sister was the chief Agent in it who as she had deserts enough to render her self amiable so wanted she not any art whereby to captivate the Sieur de Puy-Laurens by her attractions whom she perswaded she would marry in case he could effect the match between Monsieur and her Sister the Princess Marguerite whereby besides the honour of marrying with her he should likewise become Brother in Law to his Master He was earnestly desirous of this Alliance in regard it was very honourable and the King being childless it was taken for granted that her Sister would one day be Queen of France which could not but be a great protection to their Family who have a long while been conversant in the Customs of France The Spaniards were not behind-hand to advance this Treaty as well knowing the power of France was not to be over-mastered but by arming one party against t'other which this match would infallibly bring to pass by reason Monsieur would then be irreconcileable to the King and consequently the easilier disposed to enter into France in the head of an Army which would undoubtedly divide the Nobility and so divert his Majesty within the Kingdom that he might not possibly think of assisting the German Princes The Cardinal who suffereth not the King to be ignorant of any thing having discovered this practise forthwith acquainted his Majesty therewith who was not backward in complaining unto the Duke of Lâ—rrain But the Duke well prepared how to make his excuses endeavoured to vindicate himself from that aspersion by solemn protestation confirm'd with deep Oaths how that he never would attempt any such thing upon which his assurances there was not any thing more provided in the Articles of the Treaty as to that affair but his Majesty verily believed him to have relinquished all those Designs Notwithstanding all this no sooner was the King departed from Mâ—ts but he concluded the match not so much as asking his Majesty's consent and quite contrary to the positive inhibition thereof This prohibition indeed did not a little trouble him and raise suspicions in his head for that he knew no stranger had ever yet attempted to marry his relations with any Prince of the Blood of France without feeling the Force of our Kings Powers So that he proceeded herein with the moâ—e circumspection and left the whole management thereof unto Monsieur de Vaudemont his Father and the Princess de Falsbourg his Sister who had not either of them much to lose The Princes of the Blood may not by the Laws of France marry without the Kings approbation THe Fundamental Laws of France do not permit Princes of the Blood to marry without the King'â— consent If it be demanded where that Law is to be found I must remit the Inquisitive Reader to a certain Book amongst the
Marshal de Marillac IT was near about this time that the Marshal de Marillac was condemned having been imprisoned at Saint Menehoust in the year 1630. as hath formerly been declared The Cardinal knew that the punishing of great persons ought not to be precipitated left that which is indeed the effect of Justice be thought the hand of Revenge whereupon he was of opinion to delay the prosecution of his Indictment for some certain time and only to follow the usual course though the further way about for the more ample information and instruction of his Judges Besides he was not ignorant that as the highest stars are slowest in their motions so Kings whom God hath raised above the orninary pitch of men ought to be lesse active in the works of Justice then other men I insert this criminal in the Catalogue of great men not in regard of his birth or the services he hath done the State but in consideration of the imployment wherewith his Majesty was pleas'd to honour him which was more to avoid the Queen-Mothers importunities then for any reward of his deserts which could hardly have invited his Majesty to raise him unto so eminent a degree Indeed the whole Court was astouish'd to see the King advance him to that dignity openly saying that the extortions he had used in his imploiments were his most remarkable actions they accused his courage nor could they dissemble their opinions that such honours were not used to be conlerr'd on persons of his temper The late King Hâ—nry le Grand did ever slight him nor did he ever appear at Court but under the Queen-Mothers Regency who had given him a Wife of one of the Daughters of a branch of the House of Medicia before the Crown of Florence had been setlet on that family and who besides the honour of his name had nothing which could intitle him to any great actions Running at the Ring war then much in fashion where his diligence got him more credit then any fight he had ever seen The first command he had was under Monsieur de Angoulesm were he was Commissary of the Victuals which he discharged so untowardly that the King had then punished him upon divers complaints made against him but that the Cardinal interposed in his behalf The building of the Cittadel of Verdun was the next thing intrusted to his care but he presently fell to make such exactions upon poor mens labours that some particulars thereof already proved besides what is yet in dispute are prodigious The Garrison being once established he robb'd the Souldiers as much as the Builders and being Lievtenant of the Country he went on to that height that he exacted from the Villages whatever was necessary to be spent in his house divers Towns payed him yearly compositions raised by compact that they might prevent the quartering of his Souldiers others agreed to provide necessaries for his house which however for the most part were delivered but once in kind and then altered into sums of ready mony If any Town made the least resistance or grumbling the inhabitants were sure to be ruin'd and plundered by his Souldiers who knew they should not be called to account for it but rather that they should be countenanced for it by him who set them on work This trade did he drive and that so publickly over all the extent of his power as if the King himself had approved thereof neither was there want of any proof to make evident at his Tryal In the year 1627. he was imployed at Rochel where the credit he got was so little to his advantage that the Commander de Valance who calleth every thing by its right name talking one day unto the King of a man without courage openly said that he was no more a coward then Marillac About that very time was it that he indeavoured by his Letters and the designs of those of his Cabal to sow the Seeds of discontent between the Queen-Mother and the Cardinal which have proved so unhappy to the whole Kingdom and he continued to foment that fire with such care and addresse that the sparks of it are not yet quite extinguished During the Kings abode in Italy the Cardinal to please the Queen-Mother procured the command of the Army in Campagne to be conferred upon him where he robb'd the Souldiers of their very bread with such boldnesse that he sometimes exacted a third frequently a quarter but never miss'd a fifth and when he was commanded with his Forces into Italy he delayed the time with excuses either that he might crosse the Kings designs which they of his Cabal much desired or because he would not divide that command with another on t'other side the Mountains which himself injoyed alone in Campagne insomuch that his Majesties affairs had fallen into extream disorder had it not been for the Prudent Conduct of the Cardinal and Generals who commanded the Army in Italy Succeeding Ages will hardly believe that such excesses were put up so long together especially if they compare it with preceding times where the Marshal de Gie descended from one of the best houses of the Kingdom and a person intrusted with great imployments under three several Kings where the Admiral Chabot one of the most valiant of those times and one who governed the State with Anne de Montmorency where the Marshal de Biez the Chancellour Poiet Jean de Montaign Grand Maistre de France Peter des Essartâ— Semblance were severally punished for the same and yet much lesse crime of purloining the Treasure But these things were all connived at inconsideration of the Queen-Mothers whom the Cardinal would not provoke and therefore kept those Passages from the Kings ears But at last his seditious inâ—reagâ—es together with his Brothers and their Faction at Court for to destroy the Cardinal and to exasperate the Queen-Mother to that height which they did as appeared in the Battel at Dupes did so provoke the King both in regard of his base ingratitude towards the Cardinal by whose only means it was that he injoyed all his Honours and Benefits from his Majesty and also because they indeavoured to compel his Majesty to destroy the Cardinal by whose prudent conduct the State had received such signal advantages as are not to be equalized since the memory of man that he was at last forced to leave him in the hands of Justice to receive the punishment of the law for the oppressions he had committed upon the people Politique Observation THe Oppression of the poor is a crime which reacheth high as heaven and crieth for revenge unto God The Poor have this advantage over the Rich in exchange of the goods of fortune that God owneth them for so many particular Members of his Body and will not suffer them who injure them to be unpunished in regard he taketh it as acted against himself He giveth great men power enough to defend themselves which having denied unto the poor himself becometh
Lacaoniâ— as is to be seen in his Institutions A sentence indeed it is deserving to be set up where-ever Kings make their usual residence whereby they may be out in mind of the advantages which happen to a State by the due observation of the Law All things saith he which pertain to the well government of a State we ordered by the Constitutions of Kings whereupon who so would walk wisely shall never fail if he propose them for the Rule of his Actions A King is called the living Law of his Country implying the lise he infuseth into the Laws and that his commands do chiefly rend to inforce the observation of them Whatever severity he useth in this particular is commendable because it is a means to secure his State from those disorders which are repugnant to the publike good and though he should be severe he cannot possibly be though violent because it is only in conformity to the Laws unto which violence is absolutely contrary It were to be wished that a Prince would be careful to reward the services done either to his Person or State but on the other side he never ought to let the Laws fall into dis-esteem especially those which keep the people in obedience and which serve to secure them from oppression Indeed to what purpose do the Laws command and injoyn punishments to be inflicted on such who infringe them unless Justice putteth them in execution Were not this to put Arrows into a Quiver from whence they can never be drawn It were to make the Magistrate an immoveable Statue a Chimera which only serveth to fright people in Ballads or to still little children but vanish at a time of need without effecting that for which they were established in the world The Duke of Lorrain recommenceth the War THe Duke of Lorrain having only made his peace with the King at Vic with a resolution to recommence the War upon the first fair opportunity did verily believe he had now fallen upon a fit conjuncture of time considering how affairs then stood and how Monsieus was inclined whereupon he began to raise men and to fortifie some of his Towns The King was fully inform'd of his Designs by divers intercepted letter the undubitable witnesses of his ill-will and which convinc'd his Majesty beyond all his fair words which be sent unto the King to keep him off from securing the Frontiers of the Kingdom Some there were written by his Father others by the Princess of Falsbourg which did not only assure Monsieur of Forces in Lorrain but withal did seriously invite him to stick close to his Interests and to put himself into a posture to gather the Crown of France which they positively said would shortly fall of it self into his hands Othersome from the Sieur de Puy-Lourens unto the Princess of Falsbourg in which he assured her that certain designs of great importance then contrived were infallible Besides that the Cardinal's penetrating sight which pierceth into the secrets of Princes Cabinets had discovered all those devices from the correspondence they held in the Kingdom his Majesty had just reason to transport his Forces into Lorrain to toâ—â— out that Duke and to over-run his Countries But the Cardinal who never adviseth the making of a War unless when it is impossible longer to continue peace was opinion That his Majesty should do well first to send the Sieur de Guroâ— unto him to complain of his unjust proceedings to endeavour to disswade him and to make a more full discovery of his intentions and the order he designed to prosecute This advice pleased his Majesty wondrous well and the Sieur de Guroâ— was dispatched towards the Duke who salute him from the King hiâ— Master and theâ— represented to him that he could not sufficiently admire that having made a league with his Majesty but four or five moneths since wherein he positively engaged to break off all correspondence and intelligence between himself and Monsieur the Kings Brother as also the enemies of France he should so quickly contrary to the Agreement sollicite Monsieur to come unto Nancy and invade the Kingdom of France and not only so but likewise negociate both the Emperor and the King of Spain to assist him with Forces for that end and purpose knowing that his own would only serve to augment the glory of France This Discourse grounded upon undeniable Truths touch'd the Duke so to the quick that he was at a non-plus neither could he alledge any thing in justification of himself but by adding new impostures which did the more evidently declare his wicked intentions and peradventure more to the life then a confession of his disloyalty But that was not the only time they discoursed together nor were those the only reasons wherewith the Sieur de Guron endeavoured to divert him no he laid before him his Majesties clemency particularly know unto him in the Treaty of Vic where his Majesty found him at a loss in great distress without hopes of relief from the House of Austria and in a condition unable to defend himself or his State yet would not his Majesty prosecute the advantages he then had Then that he might somwhat terrifie him he represented to him sundry reasons to perswade him to believe that the King would easily destroy any Forces which should invade the Kingdom which once effected he for his part would be exposed to an ineâ—â—â—able mine for that his Majesty was then bound by all reasons what ever to revenge the injuries offered unto his Crown and State That the might well believe his Majesty having done his business both with the Spaniards in Italy and the English at Râ—… his few Forces would easily be scattered upon the first view of his Majesty's â—â—dry These reasons were so just and weighty that a wiser Prince and less pâ—ssio◠〈◊〉 against France would easily have been perswaded to relinquish the War But such was his blindness and so great his vain hopes that he could not be drawn to any thing Not that he did then openly declare himself but putting off his answer from day to day delayed the time so long until Monsieur came to enter into the Kingdom with his Sword in his hand and not so only but continued to make warlike preparations from whence it was easie to be seen that he was little inclined to peace and quietness The next thing hereupon which his Majesty did was to command the Mareschal d' Effiat to advance with his Army into Lorrain where be intended to be in his own person well knowing that the presence of a Prince doth not a little encourage the Souldiery of France His Majesty likewise ordained that the new raised Forces should march towards the Frontiers and there expect until he had dispatched an Affair of great concernment which then called him away The securing of Calais was a thing extreamly necessary the Governour of which place had been gained by Monsieur's Cabal and engaged to serve him and his
Majesties Forces should have free passage through his Country In consideration whereof the Cardinal undertook in his Majesty's behalf to surrender the City and Castle of Bar unto the Duke as also the City and Castle of Saint Mihel Pont-a-Mousson and generally what-ever his Majesty had taken from him to with-draw his Forces from Lorrain and to protect the Person and Estates of the said Duke against all persons without exception The Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to confirm these conditions which could not be well misliked they being advantagious for the glory of France and leaving his Majesty at full liberty to go and chastise them who abusing Monsieurs name had set the Kingdom in an uproar And thus was the Treaty of Liverdun signed upon the 26. day of June This Treaty being thus concluded the King went to Pont-a-Mousson where the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet him and to give caution for performance of his Brothers promises in order whereunto Stenay was put into the possession of the Sieur de Lambertie Jametts of the Sieur de Plessis who entred with their several Regiments into them and the King surrendred what places he had lately taken in Lorrain From thence the King went to Sechâ—pre whither the Duke came to wait upon him testifying himself to be sorrowful for having given his Majesty any cause of discontent and beseeching him to forget what was pass'd The King receiv'd his Highness with all demonstrations of kindness assuring him he should no more remember what was pass'd and hoping his good conduct for the future would never give him occasion to think of it hereafter The Duke was not backward to make many protestations though he little intended to perform any part of them In conclusion his Majesty returned into France and so to Paris chusing rather to follow the instigations of his goodness then of distrust which he had however cause to return Politique Observation IT is ever more commendable in a Prince to exceed rather in credulity then jealousie especially if it be not to his disadvantage whereas on the other side Distrust is praise-worthy in Treaties with a person not to be credited and where an easie Belief may breed inconveniences It is equally bad to believe no man and to believe every man and as it is prudence not to trust a man whom there is cause to suspect so it is a signe of courage not to fear where there is no cause of distrust It somtimes hapneth that confidence breaketh the courage of an enemy reduceth him to his devoir and forceth him to relinquish his Designs For as distrust doth extreamly much dis-oblige the truest friends so confidence hath such charms that it is able to captivate the most mortal enemies Mens passions are not unconquerable somtimes clemency and bounty may effect more then force and violence A soyl though bad of it self and apt to produce nothing but Thistles and Brambles yet when cultivated and manured with industry may bring forth good grain and spirits though naturally deceitful and false yet may be reformed by reason and generous dealing The Venetians did heretofore shew a notable example hereof when having taken a certain Prince of Mantua prisoner who extreamly much slighted them and had sworn their ruine they not only restored him to Liberty but withal made him General of theâ—r Armies and he finding himself overcome by so great a confidence layed out the utmost of his care and courage to serve them And th'Emperour Augustus by his confidence in Lucius Cinna accused for having designed to murther him so absolutely wrought upon him that he had not afterwards any person more faithful or affectionate to his service Monsieur goeth into Burgogne WE have before declared how the King being just upon his March into Lorrain Monsieur pass'd by with his Forces The sight of his Majesty's Forces hindred him from making any great stay as also from carrying the Duke of Lorrain's Troops along with him which he intended and was a thing very necessary in order to his designs because the business in Languedoc was not yet so forward as was expected From Lorrain he went into Bassigny and quartered at Andelot on the 13 of June where they who abused his favour and made use of his Name published the most seditious Libel that was ever yet heard it was fraught with infinite protestations of doing his Majesty service their usual pretexts who imbroyl the State As if to trouble the whole Kingdom to besiege Towns and Cities to oppress his Subjects to seize on the money belonging to the Exchequer to engage the Nobility in a Revolt were to do his Majesty service and all this expresly against his Majesty's command and inhibition Were not these Protestations a specious veyl wherewith Monsieurs followers endeavoured to hide the impatiency of their spirits when they saw those predictions which foretold the King's death above two years before come to nothing upon which they built all the hopes of their advancements That indeed was the true cause which induced them to spread those libellous calumnies against the Cardinal with such absurd exaggerations that they made them incredible so true it is that slanders of excess and contrary to any probable appearance make but small impressions upon them who are masters but of never so little reason Indeed who could well believe him to be a disturber of the Publike peace an enemy to the King and Royal Family as they published in their Manifest who in fifteen days time procured by his prudent conduct so many glories for France and his Majesty in Lorrain What probability was there to perswade the world that he would make himself Master of the State as they endeavoured to convince unto Monsieur who had used such great industry to cause his return into France when he first left the Kingdom and who never stirred towards Piedmont until his return was certainly concluded And in the end he forced them to dis-own that imputation by his perswading the King to shew him so much clemency and such extraordinary magnificence to oblige him to a second return What reason could they then have to take up Arms upon his accompt They had not any the least just ground for it which is evident to all the world neither were all their slanders able to sully his glory in any particular what-ever But rather on the contrary as Musk and Civet acquire a pleasant and delightful smell amidst the dunghil and Ordure by the same Anti-peristasis that fire is hottest in the coldest of Winter so all their slanders proclaimed against him serv'd only to increase the sweet odour of his Reputation which his Services and Qualities more then humane had acquired unto him That I may say somthing touching his own particular resentment it is most certain his soul was more affected with compassion for France then concern'd for his own Interests amidst all those Thunders which did not much trouble him All the vain attempts of those storms did but redouble his
This his design succeeded according to his own wish yet not without much detriment to his glory it being most certain that the readinesse he met in many to imbrace his Proposals was another tye to ingage him in that Revolt His Majesty and the Cardinal had particular notice of all these Passages it being impossible that such contrivances should long be kept secret The Laws of Justice obliged his Majesty not to delay the punishment due to the Authors of them but the Cardinal considering that Soveraigns ought not to be severe in such affairs untill a trial of fair means perswade his Majesty to indeavour by the mediation of some ingenious person to set him right again in his former duty and not only for that reason but because he thought it an act becoming a generous Prince to preserve a man of his quality from a shipwrack which had not fallen upon him but in regard of an inconsiderate heat and fury He gave the Arch-Bishop of Arles and the Sieur d'Emery instructions and orders to go to him to tell him from his Majesty what causes he had given of suspition that he should have a care of himself that if he regarded his duty he would find it not to be lawful for a private person to order and govern the State as he should think fit such power being only Regal That if the good of the Province were in question War and Rebellion were but two ill remedies to redress the grievances and disorders thereof That if he designed to raise his Fortunes Revolt was but an ill Foundation and would be his infallible ruine seeing his Majesty had hitherto oretopt all his neighbors and would doubtless do the like by him when-ever he should begin to stir That in conclusion his Birth did lay an obligation upon him of being loyal seeing his Ancestors had inviolably adhered unto their Kings Interests And that he could not but injure himself if he should eclipse the glory they had left him by actions contrary to theirs These Reasons were too weighty and just not to remove him from his designs had he never so little considered of them but discontent and passion had taken such deep root in his soul that he had not the power to reflect on them rather he stoutly disowned that he had any project in hand against the service and obedience which he owed unto his Majesty yet at the same time he persisted to make sure of all such as might be useful to him in his designe Oh what blindness and strange resistance was this But who will not then bless himself at the Cardinal's goodness which cannot without great reluctancy perswade his Majesty to any rigorous proceedings how just soever who would not accept of this resistance but induced his Majesty to give new Orders and Instructions in that particular unto the Sieur de Sondeuil thinking perchance that he would sooner hear him then any other because he had ever admitted him into the first place of his confidence The King caused him fortwith to set forwards as soon as he had received the Cardinal's directions what to say unto Monsieur de Montmorency to disswade him from his designs and to keep him off from that Revolt in which if he ingaged be would even force his Majesty to destroy him When he arrived to him he used all his Rhetorique his utmost care affection and address though to no purpose his Resolution being fixed and himself then engaged to and with divers other persons Politique Observation IT is dangerous to be wilfully obstinate in any Design and to be deaf to their counsels who by their wisdom may force the ill consequences and successes thereof Those great men who suffer themselves so 'to abound in their own sense are commonly the causers of great evils they beget disorders and having fallen into any adversity do ruine not only themselves but their friends and partakers Though Alexander wanted neither courage nor success yet was he blame-worthy for so obstinately refusing the advices of the sage Egyptians who counselled him not to go into Babylon for that they found by their Art he would there die For despising their opinions he went thither and was there poysoned by Thessalus his Physician Somtimes it is prudence to change resolutions especially such as are unjust or rebellious It is only proper to Mountains not to run backward but it is a wise mans duty to break the course of his conduct if evil and to steer a contrary way which may be more propitious to change from bad actions to good and better though never so often cannot be accounted Inconstancy neither will any wise man be so wedded to an ill design as to persist in it A prudent man receiveth counsel with joy and maketh use thereof as occasion requireth knowing it is not lightness to forsake an error once found so to be He had much rather confess his indiscretion then persist in it and he knoweth that somtimes to be vanquished is to be victorious In fine Stubborness is then especially inexcusable when it ingageth a man to fall off from that obedience which is due to his Soveraign No one what-ever may take up Arms against Prince upon what pretence soever God hath placed the Sword in the hands of Kings nor may any of their subjects draw it unless by their Princes authority Grandees are so much the more to be blamed for raising of troubles by how much it is honourable for them to be makers of peace They who raise seditions and think to hide themselves under a pretence of the publike good do but deceive themselves for there is not any man so simple who will believe insurrections to have been really made upon that account and every one knows that the first contrivers were set on work either by ambition or interests But admit the State were in disorder it is then no more tolerable for the Grandees of the Kingdom to give the Law unto their Soveraign then for the members of mans body to rule and direct the Head and Heart those chiefer parts Marcellus who heretofore lived in Heathenish darkness said Good Princes are to be begged from the Gods with vows and prayers but be they what they will they ought to be loved honoured feared This was the opinion of an Heathen But if any Nation have less excuses for rebellion then others it is doubtless the Christian whom God hath both in the Old and New Testament sundry times commanded to be obedient unto Kings to be respectful unto Superior Powers nay patiently to suffer their very disorders and Tyrannies The Duke de Montmorency re-doubleth his Intreagues upon Monsieur's arrival in Languedoc MOnsieur being once entred into Languedoc the Duke of Montmorency having pre-assured him that the Nobility would generally rise and divers strong places open their gates unto him upon his first appearance in the field he began to re-inforce his endeavours to effect both one and t'other until then he fed the King with fair
words having sent seven Couriers to the Court one after another and all to assure his Majesty of his Fidelity But it was no more time to dissemble whereupon he summoned all his Friends engaged with him to reduce their promises into action which was follow'd by several open meetings contrary to his Majesty's Laws and Service Monsieur by several Placards published in his own Name and declared himself to be his Majesty's Lievtenant General against the present Government The Cities of Alby Bagnols Beziers and Lunel the Castles of Beaucaire and Alâ—ts with divers other places of less consequence revolted There were seen four or five thousand Neapolitans in the Road near Narbone sent by the Spaniard There were many false Publications made inveighing against the disorders of the State only pretended so to be whereby to raise the people There was a practice had with many of the Prelats Barons and Deputies of the States who were engaged so far that by a Result of the States they concluded to offer unto Monsieur that Province with all its Dependencies to assist him to re-establish the State in better order and to afford him means to destroy such as opposed of whom they made the Cardinal to be Head and promised the Duke of Montmorency to league themselves with him and never to forsake or fall off from his Interests and particularly commanded that nothing should be registred of that which had been promised unto the Sieur d' Emery concerning the Edict for Fsleus but that all such Acts should be void and burn'd Moreover the Duke of Montmorency sent several Commissions unto divers Gentlemen and others in his own name to proceed to divide the Kings money in the Diocesses At the same time he writ letters unto the Commonalty to invite them to approve of the said Commissions and unanimously to embrace the States resolutions He endeavoured to withdraw the Marquis de Fossez Governour of Montpellier from his Majesties service proffering to make him Mareschal of France immediately and divers other rewards in future as was evidenced unto his Majesty by his own letters He caused the Arch-bishop of Narbone President of the States and the Sieur d'Emery to be arrested because they had ever opposed his Designs He not only raised all the Souldiers he could both in that and the adjacent Provinces but also he sent one of his Domestique servants into Spain with the Sieur de Fargâ— to negotiate there for a supply of men and monies To conclude he left no stone unturn'd which he conceived might any way contribute to advance his Designs and had Monsieur stay'd but one three weeks longer before he came thither questionless his attempts and successes would have been more prejudicial to the State as was conceived by all men who had any judgement in affairs of that nature The Parliament of Tholose which hath ever been notoriously true and faithful unto the King upon all occasions taking notice of these his undue proceedings issued out several Inhibitions to hinder his further progressions First they ordained that the Substitutes of the Atturney General in all Marshalsies and Courts of Judicature should make diligent enquiries to discover his Designs and Actions They condemned the Result of the States as rebellious They prohibited any monies to be levied paid or collected in the Duke of Montmorency's name They made a Decree against all the Officers of the States who had any way procured the said Result enjoying them to be taken and imprisoned that they might be brought to tryal and condigne punishment and particularly the Bishop of Alby having delivered the said place unto Monsieur they seized upon all his Goods and Revenues inhibiting his Tenants or Debitors to disseize them under penalty of being accountable for it in their own names and persons By which their generous example they left a pattern to all other Parliaments that they ought not to regard any man what-ever when his Majesties service and the publique Peace is in question Politique Observation SEing Parliaments have only receiv'd the power of Justice from Kings that they might preserve the obedience due unto them and the people in their Dues and Rights it cannot then be doubted but they are obliged to oppose all kinds of Revolts those known destroyers of Royal Authority If they be deficient on such occasions they are defective in the chiefest of their Duties The Princes Power is with them intrusted for preservation of the Publique Peace To what purpose then should they let it lie dormant when the Peoples quiet and repose is attempted to be disturbed In such conjunctures it is not enough that they barely keep themselves within the limits of their duties which example may peradventure be sufficient to contain the vulgar sort in good order but they are withal obliged to lay out their utmost endeavours and Authority intrusted with them for the preservation of their Soveraigns power which by Civil dissentions cannot but be very much endangered if not totally destroyed Doth not every one know that Parliaments are living Laws and that they have rigours and punishments in their hands wherewith to crush any Rebellions in their Cradles If they should be backward in restraining such disorders were they not equally culpable with Souldiers who refuse to fight when occasion requireth Neither can they be guilty of this defect without ingratitude that in the highest degree for that all their Honor and Power is but derivative from that of their Soveraigns The Sun is originally clothed with that splendour which makes him shine in the eyes of all mankinde whereas the Stars twinkle not but by a light borrowed from his so have Kings an absolute primitive power inherent in themselves for which they are only beholding unto God But otherwise it is with Magistrates who upon stricter enquiry into themselves will find that they have not any Authority or Honour but what is dependent upon their Soveraigns which if so do not the Laws of gratitude as also those of submission enjoyn them to oppose any thing which may intrench upon their Majesties and Glories And is it not likewise true that by upholding their Princes Power they preserve their own seeing in their first Institution they were subordinate to them and depending on their good Will and Pleasure and that themselves cannot be continued in that Respect due to their Qualities but by the preservation and subsistence of the Original Fountain from whence theirs first flowed Their Princes are like their souls from whom they receive life and being If the obedience due to a King be violated the Authority of a Magistrate cannot then long subsist Rivers cease to run when their Springs are stopped The Body ceaseth to have life or motion when deprived of the Soul when-ever therefore Parliaments endeavour to preserve their Princes Authority they labour to sustain themselves and their own Powers and they destroy themselves when-ever they forsake them The King granteth a Commission to Monsieur le Prince to Command
divers Provinces in his absence AS in times of Revolts there ought alwaies especial eye to be had upon the Insurrections which a Rebellious party may make especially in the absence of heir Soveraign His Majesty before his removal from Paris thought good to commit the Government of that place and the adjacent Provinces unto the management of some Princes of the Blood Accordingly he dispatched his letters unto Monsieur le Prince de Conde to impower him to command in Nivernois Berry Bourbon Tourain Poictou Aunis Zainctonge Haut and Basse Marcke Limosin and Auvergne to preserve them in peace and quiet which he intrusted with him especially in confidence that his loyalty and zeal for his service as also his Prudence and good Conduct would effectually cause him to be very sollicitous and diligent in preventing any troubles what ever The Letters were accompanied with an extraordinary and unlimitted power which did a little surprize some people of small understanding who think a King never ought to intrust so great a power with any Prince of the Blood But indeed it was an effect and that a very remarkable one of the Cardinal's Prudence who knew there is not any cause to fear the power of a Grandee where there is any assurance of his being discreet The Laws of Gratitude and Submission do both oblige them to oppose any thing which incroacheth upon their Kings glory and it cannot be denied but that they preserve their own in particular by preserving their Kings Authority Whilst the Duke of Montmorency was disposing all things in order for the war Monsieur marched into Albigieis and the Bishop delivered Alby into his hands He rested there some time to refresh his Army and from thence he went leaving five hundred horse behind him unto Carcassenne where he held some intelligence but having been inform'd of the Sieur Mangot Villarceaux his great care to preserve the Inhabitants in their duties he passed on Beziers and gave order for a new Fortification From thence he designed to march to Narbone and make sure of that place by the help of some Intelligence which he there had which would have been a Port at command to have received any assistance from Spain as likewise to retire unto in case of necessity But he was presently discomfited to hear that those of his party had been over pow'red by the Arch Bishop and some other of his Majesty's servants who under pretence of assisting him got into the place and so mastered it Now the King being informed of all these proceedings The Result of the States she Revolt of Cities and of the inclinations of some Lords thought his presence would be necessary about those parts The Cardinal was of the same opinion and assured his Majesty that if he would undertake the trouble of the journey all those storms would pass away in fix weeks time as it fell out accordingly Hereupon the King concluded upon the expedition and before he left Paris caused the Parliament to publish a Declaration in common form against all those who followed Monsieur or favoured his designs proclaiming them to be Rebels guilty of high Treason and Disturbers of the Publike Peace commanding all Officers to proceed against them according to the Rigour of the Law yet with so particular a testimony of affection unto Monsieur that his Majesty would not have him declared guilty but it s the Declaration published That he would totally forgive him if he acknowledged his error within six weeks after publication thereof His Majesty likewise made a Declaration sent unto the Parliament of Tholose to proclaim the Duke of Montmorency guity of high Treason degraded from all honours and dignities the Dutchy of Montmorency extinct and re-united in the Crown and all his goods confiscate enjoyning the Parliament of Tholose to make his Process and requiring all Prelats Barons Consuls and Deputies of any Cities who had assisted subscribed or assented unto the Result of the States to appear before the Parliament at Tholose or the next Presidial to their dwelling houses within fifteen days after publication thereof to dis-own their Actions and Consents and in case of non-obedience to be deemed as Rebels and Traytors degraded from all honour and dignity prohibiting the imposing of any Taxes by vertue of any order from the said States Moreover his Majesty expresly commanded the Mareschals de la Force and de Schomberg to be careful that Monsieurs levies might not draw into a Body together but that they should fall upon them upon their first appearance These things thus setled he departed from Paris the eleventh of August The very news of his march out of Paris so encouraged his Majesties servants and disheartned the Rebels that all their contrivances did forthwith begin to fall The first thing which befel them but which was a great good Fortune for France was a division between their Leaders which gave the two Mareschals a great advantage upon them The Sieur de Puy-Laurens had been accustomed to command all who came neer Monsieur and could not now well endure that the Duke of Montmorency should issue out Orders for the carrying on of the War whereupon there grew a great jealousie between them Moreover the Duke d' Elboeuf being of another quality then the Duke of Montmorency pretended to be Monsieurs Lievtenant General which however the Duke would not admit off in regard he was Governour of the Province where all the Tragedy was to be acted Hereupon it being hard to make any accommodation between them it was thought requisite to part them and to assigne every one what he should command who being thus divided by and amongst themselves were easily overcome by his Majesties Forces Politique Observation THere is not any thing which giveth more advantage against Revolts and in general all enemies then the division of their Commanders and Forces if unexpectedly they fall into this disorder fortune is to be thanked and if it be possible to contribute in the least thereunto it ought the more industriously to be attempted in regard the effect cannot but be advantagious All great Captains have been chiefly solicitous of this one thing Coriolanus warring against the Romans destroyed the possessions of all their principal men but saved those of the people that so he might provoke the one against the other Hannibal on the contrary he preserved those of Fabius but burnt all the rest The Thebans advised Mardonius to send great Presents to the most eminent of the Grecians that the rest might be jealous of it And Cleomenius the Athenian assaulting the Fraezenians cast certain darts into the City with Letters fastened to them which served to raise a sedition amongst them in the heat whereof he fell upon them and became Master of the City To prevent this disorder the wisest Politicians have ever thought it proper that there should not be several Heads of an Army of equal power unlesse every one so commanded in particular that there should be only one
at one time to be obeyed We see if it he otherwise jealousie takes place among them and every one in particular is carefull that no one obtain any advantage which may procure him greater honour then himself insomuch that they make a difficulty to support and assist one another so many men so many minds This approveth one Counsel he another and in this diversity of opinions the thing commonly is left undone Was it not to prevent this inconvenience that the Romans having two Consuls would not that both together should have the marks of Soveraign authority but that each should take his turn Did they not also Ordain that they should not both together command the Armies but each in his day And yet notwithstanding that care some divisions happened amongst them A well governed Army ought to be like the Body of Man whose Members are joyned and united to the Head by invisible Nerves and Arteries which enable him to move them according as he listeth And thus to prevent divisions it were expedient there were but one Head to command the motion of all the Forces according as he shall think fit Agesilaus King of the Lacedemonians though one of the greatest men of Antiquity yet that he might countermine Lysander and discredit his Authority abrogated his sentences and acted quite contrary to his advises And usually it happens where there are two Commanders of an Army the one thwarts the others designs then hatred envy and obstinacy â—riâ—g all things into disorder which obstruct the carrying on of every small inconsiderable enterprize For this cause was it that Lycurgus one of the wisest Legislators among the Ancients ordained in his Laws that the Kings of Sparta in times of Peace should act joyntly with their Magistrates but in War should have Soveraign authority and that all thing should depend upon their Wills Another Commission to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons AS in times of revolt and the Soveraign's absence the insurrections which Rebels may make ought to be mistrusted his Majesty before his departure from the adjacent Provinces of Paris gave the like power to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons in Paris and the Isle of France as also over the Army in Picardy with instructions to repair thither as occasions should require By this means the Provinces thereabout remained in great quiet But that I may say somewhat concerning that Army left by his Majesty in Picardy and in that particular evince the Cardinal 's usual prudence I shal observe the advantages which might there by have been made in the present conjucture of affairs It cannot be doubted but that it was the securing of those Provinces and the awing of such factious spirits at were inclinable to foment the troubles for in case the least insurrection had been that Army had soon fallen in upon them and buried them in their own ruines Moreover it was neer about that time when the leading men of the Low-countries weary of the Spanish Tyranny insupportable to the common people layed the design of shaking off that yoke and setting their Country at liberty The had recourse unto the King to implore his protection and made divers overtures unto him to enter upon the Comtez d' Artois and Flanders which belonged to him by a just Title But his Majesty who never approveth of Revolts in other Princes Subjects more then in his own made a scruple of absolute ingaging with them or of passing his word to assist them in that design though the Spaniards being less religious in the observation of Treaties and who preserve the greatnesse of their State only by fomenting divisions among their neighbours were at that very time ingag'd to support Monsieur in his revolt and to furnish him with Forces for the over-running of Languedoc His Majesty did not totally refuse them but kept himself in a condition of sending them forces in case the Spaniard invaded France as they had promised Thus did this Army serve to keep off the Spaniards in the Bay of Languedoc from landing they mistrusting to be repayed in the Low-countries and doubting if they entred France the French would do the like to assist those Lords who were sufficiently disposed for revolt It is likewise true that it served to beget such jealousie in the Spaniards that they were forced to retain many of their Troops in the Low countries Hainaut and Artois which would have done them more service at Mastrich against the Dutch whom by this means his Majesty did equally succour as if he had sent the Marshal d'Estree with the Army in the Country of Treves according to their own desires and proposals Politique Observation THough Armies for the most part are raised to fight yet sometimes they are designed for other ends wise Princes having oftentimes obtain'd great advantages by them without striking a blow The meer jealousie which their motion may strike into an enemy obligeth him to stand upon his guard who otherwise had design'd to assault some place and in case he have assaulted it to recall some part of his Forces to prevent any attempts This effect is not of mean consequence because it divideth an enemies force and consequently rendreth him more easie to be conquered Whilest the Waters of a great River are all shut up in their own Channel their torrent is more impetuous their force the greater and who so then indeavoureth to waft over them runneth no small hazard whereas if dispersed into several Rivulets their course is more slow their depth lesse so that they are both safely and easily to be Forded Thus an enemies Army may sometimes be so strong that he is to be feared and then nothing better then to divide him and force him to separate himself by some motions which may fill him with suspicions How oft have Princes been compell'd to stay at home in their own defence by their apprehensions of an Army appearing on their own Frontiers just when they have been upon the point of invading their Neighbours Besides what Armies soever a Prince placeth on his Frontiers in times of War they alwaies give him this advantage of keeping his own Country in security either as to Forreigners who commonly make use of any pretensions about the Borders of a Country to colour their attempts or as to the discontented persons of a Kingdom who possibly may stir in their Prince's absence To preserve Peace without making war is an effect advantagious enough and indeed a cause sufficient always to keep an Army on Foot A thing in my sense of the more use in regard War ought not to be made but in order to Peace and withal it being more useful for to preserve Peace by a shew of War then by War it self that common Usher of Fire and Sword For this reason it is that a Prince ought not then to raise his Army when a Forreiner is upon the point of invading his Kingdom or when factious spirits are just ready to revolt No He ought to
beg Monsieur de Montmorency's Freedom his re establishment in his Goods and Offices and the like for the Duke de Bellegarde with all other his Adherents or the Queen-Mothers To demand a place of Security for Monsieur That the Queer-Mother should be recall'd That the places deposited by Monsieur de Lorrain should be restored That a million of Livres should be granted to Monsieur to pay off what he had borrowed from the Spaniards and the Duke of Lorrain and that the Arrest issued out against the Lady du Fargis should be repealed All this had been acted before the Sieur d' Aiguibonne's Arrival so that his coming to Monsieur was not a little welcom all his Retinue beholding him as their Deliverer and the Wisest among them were unable to admire the Excess of his Majesty's Bounty Politique Observation AMongst the divers marks of Good-Will Compassion the Mother thereof is the most assured it being certain that none is sollicitous to set a person indifferent to him or against whom he hath some cause of anger reduced to extremity Indifferency is too stupid to excite any sentiments of grief at others sufferings and the heat of blood and choler cause joy rather then sadness A man from the top of some Hill beholdeth with delight his enemies Vessel beaten by a Tempest with his Masts already broken and Sayls torn ready to be swallowed up by the fury of the Winds and Waves but otherwise is he affected if the Ship contain any person who is dear unto him at such a sight he would be wholly transported with grief his eyes would be lifted up to Heaven and he would presently addresse himself to send him assistance In the same manner is a great Prince touch'd with compassion for those who relate to him or are esteemed by him when he sees them reduced to any deplorable condition The Arms which they have carried against him cannot prevent such sentiments it being most certain that true generousnesse never delights to behold a very enemy reduced to the utmost extremity of misfortune A well-grounded courage will rejoyce to obtain a victory against his enemy but then he useth all means he can to comfort him in his affliction and beareth some part of his sadnesse with him Thus a noble Roman Captain having defeated the Macedonians began to shed tears when he saw their King brought Prisoner before him and rising from his seat went to receive him with all honour as a grand person fallen by accident into such misfortune and when he cast himself at his feet would not suffer it but raised him with a sence of compassion for that estate wherein he then beheld him In the same manner the Samnite having overthrown two Roman Consular Armies at the Furcae Caudinae and brought them into slavery would not enter into the City of Capua but by night as if they would compassionately hide the confusions which they saw them suffer under the obscurity of darknesse In conclusion pittying their distresse they restored to the Consuls their dgnities their fasces their Ushers with the rest of their Train and thus entring into Capua both Magistrates and people came to comfort them In the same manner the ruine which befalleth persons of eminent quality deserves the more pity from the greatnesse of their fall and in regard their confusion is exposed not onely to a family or City but many times to all Europe A Treaty of Peace with Monsieur MOnsieur received these testimonies of the King's Clemency whilest he was yet at Castelnaudary and though his present extremity caused him to receive them with a great deal of satisfaction yet his affection for the D. of Montmorency kept him off from concluding any thing untill he had indeavoured to obtain some assurances of his life and liberty He seemed unto the Sieur de Aiguebonne to be exceeding sensible of his Majesties goodnesse beseeching him to assure his Majesty that he was very sorry for having offended him that he was firmly resolved to render him all manner of obedience for the future and never to thwart his pleasure In brief he desired him to beseech his Majesty in his behalf as himself most humbly did to grant according to his usual clemency those graces he had already requested by Chaudebonne particulary in the behalf of the D. of Montmorency That he respectfully accepted his Majesties offers but that adding that one favour to the person who he loved and one who had not ingaged but for his sake he should be infinitely much more obliged and that he would then go any whither where his Majesty should think fit The Sieur de Aiguebonne returned with this answer of Monsieurs to the King being yet at Pont-Saint Esprit but there had been a return made thereunto by Chaudebonne who had set forward the day before by whom his Majesty writ to Monsieur that he could not grant him any other thing that what had already been proposed to the Sieur de Aiguebonne and conjur'd him to accept of them without making other pretensions his demands being neither agreeable to his Majesties dignity the good of the State nor his own proper interest Now Chaudebonne returning with this Letter to Monsieur his Highnesse was not a little troubled to see the difficulty of delivering the D. de Montmorency from the danger wherein he was but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens not forgetfull of those jealousies which had been between them was solicitous to extinguish those thoughts and pressed Monsieur to withdraw himself from the Precipice by laying before him the obsolute necessities as his affairs then stood either of ruine or accommodation neither did he much care as every one observed to let the Dâ—de Montmorency to be cast away provided himself might be safe from shipwrack Monsieur however could not be so soon induced to that resolution though he was somewhat staggered but sent Chaudebonne a second time to make new instances upon his first Propositionâ— and then retired into Beziers with part of his Forces which however quartered thereabouts but neither the Governour nor Inhabitants would permit them to enter This was the cause that he made no long stay there but departed on the twentieth of September before four in the morning by torch-light having received an Aâ—arm that the Kings Army commanded by the Marshals de Vitry and de la Force were making their approaches to besiege him Mean while the King removed from Pont-Saint Esprit and came to Nismes where Chaudebonne who but three days before had returned towards Monsieur came again to meet his Majesty and re-inforce the former Propositions and more especially to procure that the favour which his Majesty granted unto Monsieur might be extended unto all of his party But his Majesty persisted in admitting of no other conditions whereupon Chaudebonne gave some hopes that Monsieur might be perswaded to submit in case any one went to treat with him from his Majesty for that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens was labouring to perswade him thereunto
By this his Highnesse was reduced to such extremity that he knew not well where to make any sure retreat his forces being many of them disbanded and those of Beziers it self now in his Majesties obedience and who after his departure from them had made fresh protestations of fidelity to him refused to receive him and in conclusion had not admitted him at all but by order from his Majesty who commanded them to receive him but with his Train onely and to render him all the honour due to his quality The King approved of the overture and seeing Monsieur was at Beziers sent unto him the Sieur de Bullion Superintendent of the Treasury and the Marquesse de Fossez Governour of Montpellier but without any other conditions then those proposed by the Sieur de Aiguebonne At their first arrival Monsieur declared that he could not resolve to abandon the D of Montmorency who had not ingaged himself in that War but for his sake no more than the rest of his adherents that for any thing else he was unalterably fixt to render all obedience and service to his Majesty They replied that indeed such sentiments could not but be commendable neither could they proceed from any thing beside the goodnesse of his nature and beseeched his Highnesse to consider that if he had any interest in their concerns the King had incomparably much more reason not to capitulate at all with him or to grant by way of compulsion any grace to such Rebellious Subjects who had deferved the most rigorous chastizements of his Justice They represented to him that capitulations ought not to be made but between Soveraigns and that Princes though of his quality had no other way to obtain grace but by submission and acknowledgement of their faults that he might reasonably expect any favour from his Majesties goodnesse seeing his Majesty had of his own meer motion and that before any overtures made by him unto him to obtain his favour sent to invite him that after all this to mistrust his Clemency would be injurious that for their parts they could not ensure him of any favour for the D. de Montmorency or any other his Domesticks having no order but the former but that they might safely tell him that in case it should stand with his Majesties service to extend his favour towards all those whom his Highnesse desired his own innate Clemency would invite him thereunto that in fine his Majesty was doubtlesse obliged to inflict some exemplary punishment upon the chief Authors of that Revolt as a thing necessary to secure the tranquility of the State to maintain his Majesties authority to deter others and to chastize this Rebellion which of it self compelled his Majesty to execute some justice unlesse he would render himself culpable against his own estate These reasons were urged with such addresse moderation and prudence that Monsieur was from that time almost absolutely resolved to submit himself unto his Majesties Will yet some time he desired to consider of it which was in effect that he might the better confer with the Sieur de Puy-Laurens who finding no other way left then that of accommodation whereby to secure himself from the danger he was in induced Monsieur to resolve to treat he alledged to him that he ought to make the lesse difficulty of it in regard he might afterwards take his own advantage and put himself in a condition to obtain more advantagious terms and in fine he acquainted the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez with Monsieurs resolution they took his word and the Articles of accommodation were concluded by which Monsieur acknowledging his fault beseeched his Majesty First That he would forget and forgive him He promised his Majesty to relapse no more that he would relinquish all intelligences with Forreigners and with the Queen-Mother during her abode out of the Kingdom contrary to his Majesties Will. That he would dwell in such place as his Majesty would prescribe and live like a true Brother and Subject Moreover Monsieur obliged himself not to take any part in their Interest who were ingaged with him nor complain if at any time the King should bring them to condigne punishment To receive such persons as his Majesty should nominate into the Offices which should at any time become vacant in his family and to remove such as should be disagreeable to his Majesty Briefly It was agreed that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens having been the chief Agent of those evil Councels which had ingaged Monsieur in the War should be obliged sincerely to inform his Majesty of what ever had been negotiated for the time past by which the State might receive any prejudice and that under penalty of being reputed Criminal and to have incurred his Majesties displeasure These were the chief Articles whereunto Monsieur consented an assured testimony they were of his natural inclination to live quietly and submissely They were signed by him for his Majesties greater assurance and thereupon the Sieurs de Bullion and Fossex promised him in his Majesty behalf that his Majesty should receive him into his favor establish him in al his goods and pensions give him liberty to live peaceably in such of his houses as should be thought fit and that a pardon should be granted to Monsieur de Elboeuf and all others then residing neer his person without ingaging any thing for the rest His Majesty received these Articles by the Marquesse de Fossez and accordingly ratified them and thus was this desired agreement concluded which every one considered as one of the most certain foundations of France its happinesse Nothing was discoursed of but Peace the King permitted the strangers six days time to march out of France by Roussillon who scattering themselves abroad from one Coast to another received the same entertainment from the Country people as they had before offered unto them Monsieur retired to his house of Champigzy near Tours seemed to be satisfied in his very soul and withall writ several Letters to the Cardinal full of affectionate expressions disowning those aspersions published against him under his name assuring him that he had never consented to them in a though and that in his greatest Passion he had ever much esteem for him not only in regard of his loyalty towards the King but also for his eminent vertues and the great services he had done the State And thus every one saw an agreeable calm succeed that storm wherewith France had been so much agitated Politique Observation AS Kings are obliged to chastize some of the chief Authors of a revolt as shall hereafter be declared so ought they readily to pardon the rest Caesar was more esteemed for his easie condiscension to be reconciled to his enemies that Hannibal for his harsh courage It was his usual saying that nothing was lesse proper for those who aspired unto great things than willfully to persist in enmities which oftentimes cause those forces which were design'd for
of every thing which seemed necessary for the establishing a secure Peace in France every one supposed that the wings of those who favoured Monsieur's Revolt had been so clipp'd that it would be a long time ere they could flie into such disorders All good Frenchmen were touched with such joy as they who having been long weather-beaten by a Tempest at Sea do at length safely arrive unto their wished Haven But those joys were short lived the Sea being quickly covered with Fleets scouring up and down which threatned France with a furious storm The Sieur de Puy-Laurens and some others who carried any sway in Monsieur's Councels had only perswaded him to reconcile himself unto the King with design to ingage him in some new Revolt as occasion should present and in hopes to make a more advantagious use of it towards the obtaining of their pretensions then they had done in Languedoc they were not long without a pretence to palliate their intentions Monsieur de Montmorency's death should be the ground of his leaving the Kingdom They suggested to him that his intreaties having been so ineffectual and unconsidered in the saving his life who was a person of such neer concernment to him he could not think himself over secure of his own freedom in case there should be any suspicion upon him that however it was a strange affront put upon him in the sight of all Europe seeing he had not credit enough to save a Gentleman who had adventured his life and fortunes for his interests At the same time they gave out that his life had been promised unto Monsieur upon his accommodation whereas on the contrary the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez did never give him any such assurance that having failed in a particular so much concerning his honour his Highnesse could not make any longer abode in France Now although all of that Cabal did jointly conclude to carry him out of the Kingdome yet they could not agree upon the place whither to carry him The Sieur de Puy-Laurens who was passionately in love with the Princesse de Phalsbourg proposed Lorrain the place where his heart was and advised him to retire thither it being a thing due to the Princesse Marguerite and there being no such powerfull invitations to carry him into any other place The rest found but little safety in Lorrain by reason of the Dukes weaknesse unable to secure their retreat or stay there but were of opinion that Monsieur should retire into Cazal where they assured themselves the Marshal de Toiras would receive his Highnesse and where he might live secure from all fear The little assurance of safety which Monsieur foresaw in Lorrain did somewhat touch him but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens insinuating to him how easily he might retire from Nancy to Bruxelles in case his Majesty should seem to incline towards any expedition against Lorrain in consideration of him and how that he would alwaies be received there his birth rendring him considerable swayed his former resolutions and made him incline to that side so powerfull was his credit with him although the rest represented to him that he would find lesse security by casting himself into the hands of the Spaniards then in any other place whatever that they might perchance entertain him with honour but that it was to be feared he would not long continue Master of his own liberty or that he might have the freedom to get off when he should most desire it The resolution of departing being concluded Monsieur went into Lorrain in November and for the more specious pretext of their relapse they presumed to write unto the King persisting to abuse his name and pen how that the preservation of Monsieur to Montmorency's life and the procuring of his liberty having induc'd him to submit to whatever his Majesty was pleas'd to impose the taking off of his head being a person so dear to him was so publique an affront and slight that he could no longer indure it and withall that it was impossible he should longer continue in France without giving cause to suspect he had made his own accommodation with other intentions then of obtaining that favour of which he was still fed with great hopes Besides that he could expect little satisfaction for his own person seeing his requests and intreaties had been so little considerable in the executing of him whose life was equally dear to him with his own and whose death he could not digest without great dishonor This was the substance of the Letter whereunto there need no other answer but that the Duke of Montmorency having been condemned by one of the most famous Parliaments of the Kingdom for a Crime which could not be let passe without punishment unlesse to the very great detriment of the State especially after himself had sent seven Couriers to assure his Majesty of his fidelity after he had conspired with Forraigners to destroy the Kingdom after he had almost totally raised one of the chiefest Provinces after he had been taken in the head of an Army with his sword died with blood in his hand actually fighting against his Majesties service after he had somented divisions in his Majesties family and committed several other enormities as hath been declared there was little reason to expect his pardon and as to the other part that it was improbable his Highnesse should consent to the Treaty made at Beziers only in order to obtain Monsieur de Montmorency's pardon when as he was absolutely forced by necessity to submit thereunto having not forces enough to defend himself Such was the reply which the King sent unto him wherein he testified to the whole World how he never offered any just cause to those of his royal blood to separate themselves from him or to be deficient in paying those respects unto which nature and his Majesties affection did not a little oblige them Politique Observation VVHatever refusal a Prince receiveth from his King yet he rendreth himself inexcusable if his Passion transport him beyond his duty He ought to recollect unto his memory how that no one in a well-govern'd State can impose the Law on his Soveraign but that every one ought to submit his own private to his Princes Will. There are in a State as in the Soul superiour and inferiour powers and as the law of Nature hath ordained the weaker faculties give way unto the stronger and more able so the Grandees of a Kingdom are obliged to stoop under the Laws of their Supream Prince and to comply with his Will without any the least contradiction What but Death can be expected from that body whose particular Members refuse to execute those Offices which are injoyned them by the Head And what can be looked for from a State where the Nobles flie out and deny obedience to the Soveraigns Decrees This were repugnant to the Order of Justice nothing but misfortunes could attend it It matters not whether they alwaies
meet with their particular satisfaction seeing a King is obliged to intend the publick good not the requests of his Grandees The Sun which presideth in the Heavens doth not alwaies shine and smile on the earth as we would have him but as he is obliged in order to the universal good so he withdraweth himself at certain hours and who so should be discontented herewith would it not appear unreasonable Are not Kings sometimes necessitated in consideration of their State to with-hold their favours and to deny their pardon for certain crimes which otherwise they would not scruple to grant And were it not too too little submission upon such occasions for a Subject to fall off and to flie out into extremities Reasons of State are often so visibly apparent that there need nothing but a privation of passion to behold and force a confession that it were imprudence not to prosecute them but admit there were no such evincing arguments yet no man can justly complain against his Soveraign in regard reasons of State are for the most part kept secret Antiquity did observe a custome very mysterious which was this they placed a Sphynx over the Portals of their Temples to teach the people they ought not to enter they but with submissions such as should as it were lock up their bold curiosities from inquiring into the mysteries which they adored it being more proper humbly to reverence divine things then to pry into them with a needlesse Inquisition I could wish the like Statues were placed at the Gates of our Kings Pallaces to teach men of all conditions to receive their Commands and Laws with obedience cheerfulnesse and submission without examining the reasons of them which ought by them though unknown to be esteemed for good and just especially seeing at last their Will ought to be a Law to all their Subjects and that it is a kind of Rebellion as it were to contradict it For my part I think it likewise a great prudence not to inquire into the motives reasons or inducements of their Wills because Ministers might thereby be obliged to discover Truths not proper to be known as happened at Florence in the time of Cosime de Medicis who being extreamly pressed by a Florentine to tell him the reason why he had refused him an Office whose Predecessor had been hang'd for ill discharging it at last told him after many importunities that he did it because he feared he would likewise be hanged as the former letting him see by this answer how he knew him to be like enough for his wickednesse to dance in the same rope So a Prince expressing any discontent for punishing of any Grandee who had ingaged him in a Rebellion and earnestly pressing to know the reason of such rigor might be answered that it was done for fear he might draw him a second time into the same snares It is alwaies safer for Princes to dissemble their discontents and cheerfully to submit unto their Soveraigns Will then to expresse any dislikes which only serve to bring them into distrust to raise suspicions and spies upon their actions and to hinder their receiving of any more favours whereas by their seeming to be well satisfied they preserve themselves in their Soveraigns good opinion and in a condition to reap abundance of advantages And Guichardine in his advices saith that he had oftentimes obtained his ends by dissembling his discontents with those who else would never have served his turn and that he had receiv'd such friendships and favours from them as he could not have expected had he discovered any dislike Certain Bishops of Languedoc deposed from their Charges THe Duke of Montmorency had acquired so great credit in Languedoc that he not only drew off divers men of quality from his Majesties service but several Bishops also and perswaded seven or eight to subscribe unto the Declaration of the States some recanted what they had done and became conformable to what his Majesty had ordained in his Declaration but othersome stood out in their Rebellion amongst whom were those of Alby and Vsses who had delivered their Cities into Monsieur's hands of Nismes who would have done the like of Alets and Saint-Pont well-willers to the Rebellion either by raising of forces or provisions to be sent to places already revolted The Arch-Bishop of Narbone President of the States had not been defective in indeavouring to divert them from their designs representing to them how contrary it was to their profession which tended to procure Peace and to shew examples of obedience unto others And why Gentlemen quoth he one day in a full Assembly speaking unto them and why would you add fuel to the fire already kindled in this Province or assist those who indeavour to subvert the State or why will you dispence with the service you ow both the King and people to assist those who contrive wickednesse Will you be the men who shall make this place a Theater of bloody Tragedies Why do you not consider that the designs in which you have been ingaged tend only to serve some discontented persons of the Court to come and extinguish the fire-brands of their Ambition in the blood of our Diocesans and to fight out their quarrels upon our very Altars Have ye not heard how that Forrainers are at the Gates of the Kingdome and ready to invade us Think you they will not fall to divide the spoil in case they obtain any little successe And shall this Province become a Conquest where Rebels and strangers shall have so much as their Swords will intitle them unto Have ye forgot the disasters which the Church suffered in these parts during the Civil Wars Would ye be willing to see your Altars prophaned your Goods destroyed your Church Ornaments plundered the Portions of the poor rifled and the Priests of the whole Country flying from their Cures into places of Safety And admit these Heavenly considerations should not affect you how can you countenance the revolt of this Province where his Majesty hath destroyed Heresie restored Peace Liberty and Glory to the Church of which she had so many years been deprived Can you forget how his Majesty came personally into those very places wherein you now countenance Rebellion with his Sword in his hand for our defence what dangers he attempted how often he grapled with our enemies and to what hazards he exposed himself that be might re-establish us in our Functions and the free injoyment of our Goods Can you think on these things and not remain firm in the obedience you ow unto him Behold an opportunity of obtaining great glory is now presented by God in us It is in this occasion God hath injoyn'd us to shew forth that loyalty and submission by him so often recommended unto his Apostles whose successors we have the honor to be This is it unto which I cannot sufficiently invite you yet you may herein gain honour and happinesse and more then that too if
desired not to live but to serve his Majesty that he dayly begg'd of God that his services might be the boundaries of his life and that his health would soon be recruited since he found his Majesty in so good condition After this they retired two hours in private together to consider of divers affairs which his Majesty would not conclude without him after which his Majesty returned to Paris Politique Observation EXtraordinary honours are justly due to great Ministers of State as the only lustre of their fair attempts The joy of their return from a long voyage hath often invited the people to go forth and meet them and to render them all imaginable respects Thus Pompey returning after he had been some time detained at Naples by a dangerous sicknesse the greatest part of the Romans marched out of the City the ways the Port and the streets were so full that there was hardly any Passage Some were offering sacrifice for his health others feasting and making merry in sign of joy some march'd before him with Torches and others strewd the way with flowers Thus likewise Scipio returning from Germany where he atchieved glorious exploits every one long'd to see him return triumphing to Rome that they might render him the glory which he deserved yet because the Triumph was not a custom to be granted to such who were neither Pro-consuls nor Magistrates the Senate could not resolve to grant him that honour neither did he desire it but on the other side it is observed in History that there never was so great a concourse of people in Rome as at his return either to see him or to testifie their acknowledgements they had of his services by their going out to receive him I will passe a little further and add that justice and prudence do oblige Kings to joyn with their people on such occasions and so render extraordinary honours unto their Ministers either for the more ample acknowledgement of the services they have receiv'd from them or for the more countenancing of them in the execution of their commands or to incourage others to be affectionate to their service Acknowledgement is a Virtue requisite both in Prince and people and seeing the service done to a State is of no lesse advantage to a Prince then to his Subjects he is no lesse obliged to testifie his gratitude if these proofs of his good will confer a great honour on those who have served him himself receives no mean advantage thereby because the Nobility who are extream sensible of honour will not then sticke at any thing which may tend to his service and the Agents of his Will have more credit and authority to execute his Commands It there any thing more glorious said the great Chancellor of Thiery King of the Goths then to deserve praise and approbation who by reason of their Soveraignty are not to be suspected of Flattery Surely no the honour which they confer upon any one proceeding from the favourable Judgements which they give of his actions and their authority permitting not them to be guilty of adulation Which if true as doubtlesse it is there is not any thing then which doth more incourage Nobility then the glory wherewith Princes honour their servants nor is there any thing which doth more impower a Minister then the carresses which his Prince bestoweth upon him they confer no lesse credit upon their Ministers then their stamps do on their monies Tiberius one of the wisest Roman Emperours did well understand the importance of this maxime in the honours which he bestowed on the Consuls those chief Ministers of his Will when he went to receive them at the Gate of his Palace at such time as they came to sup with him and waited on them back again when they took their leaves Ferdinand King of Spain the man who layed the foundation of that great power which this Monarchy hath since obtained was not to seek in it when as Gonzalve one of his greatest Captains returning to Burgos after having rendred him such important services as are well known to every one he went out to receive him with such honour as cannot be exprest Neither was the manner of his entertaining Cardinal Xinimes lesse remarkable for he seldom spake to him but bare headed and sometimes received him upon his knee He well knew that the honour wherewith he acknowledged his services did animate others to follow his example and gave that grand Minister so powerfull an authority to execute his commands that there was not a person of what condition soever durst oppose him A dispatch sent to the Hollanders to hinder the Treaty IT being of great concernment to prevent the conclusion of any Treaty between the Spaniard and Hollander his Majesty bent his chief care to take order accordingly Indeed it was at that time a matter of so great concernment that the Fortunes of most Princes of Europe seemed to depend thereupon and so much the more circumspection ought his Majesty to use in regard of the Procedures of the Spaniard who had contrary to form permitted the States of the Provinces obeying the Low Countries to negotiate the particulars of the Treaty with the Hollanders and the advantagious proffers by him made to obtain it gave great cause to look about lest they might be induced to assent thereunto Neither was it unknown how that he designed the League once concluded to assist the Duke of Orleans with an Army as also the Duke of Lorrain to invade France and to send the residue of his Forces unto the Emperour the better to curb the Swede and to prosecute those advantages he had lately obtained against them The Cardinal who pierceth into the depth of their pretensions was industrious to fortifie his Majesty in the resolution of preventing the conclusion of that Treaty in order to which he likewise made him certain Proposals well-becomming the acutenesse of his more then humane spirit He committed the management of that negotiation unto the Sieur of Charnace who was newly returned from Germany where he had given such sundry proofs of his prudence amongst divers Princes that his well-acquitting himself of that imployment could not be any ways suspected I shall not say any thing concerning his instructions onely this the Orders contained in them were so many incomparable effects of the Cardinal to whom nothing was impossible but I shall passe on to the addresse which he used in the execution of it so happy I say it was that he obtained all that could be desired After having pass'd the usual Complements in his Majesties behalf to the Prince of Orange the Governours and Deputies of the States of Holland he told them that his Majesty was very solicitous of such a League which may conclude their differences in an happy peace but not finding any likelihood thereof in that now proposed unto them he was pleased out of his affection and good will to their interests to send him unto them to communicate such
an enemy to his own interest The Marquess de St. Chaumont sent by the King into the Country of the Elector of Treves to force his Enemies from the rest of his Towns and to establish him IF his Majesty shewed any thing of Prudence in preventing the conclusion of any Treaty between the Spaniard and the Hollanders he discovered no lesse courage in his indeavour to re-establish the Elector of Treves in the rest of those places which his enemies had usurped from him Fumay and Reveign scituated on two Pennisula's upon the River Meuse had ever acknowledged him for their Soveraign Lord but the Spaniard whom conveniency seemeth to intitle unto any places which they may master had clapp'd a garrison into them designing to fortifie them to secure the Commerce of that River and withall to make some enterprise upon the Frontier of Champagne The King could not put up such an injury offered unto the Elector since he had taken him into his protection but ordered the Marquess de St. Chaumont to march toward Meziers with those forces which he commanded in Champagne to dislodge them The Sieur de Chastelliers Barlort and the Comte de la Suze were made Marshals de Camp who comming to the Army marched directly away toward those two places His courage made him wish that he might find some opposition whereby he might obtain the more glory to his Masters Arms but making his approaches he understood that the Spanish Garison notwithstanding all their Rodomontades had marched out the night before without sound of Trumpet so that instead of fighting all he had to do was to receive testimonies of the inhabitants joy who acknowledging his Majesty for their Protector did willingly receive the Regiment of Champagne into Fumay and that of Normandy into Reveign The Marquess de St. Chaumont finding himself obliged to remunerate their good will by all the favours which he could do them in quartering of the Army setled so good an Order amongst the Souldiers that they never took any thing without paying for it but behaved themselves with great moderation and courtesie The Enemy did not then oblige him to be more active at that time and indeed the season of the year was such in regard of the Snows and Frost that he could not march without difficulty so that his Majesty sent him Order to return and to leave his Forces in Garrison upon the Frontier He returned to spend some time at the Fort whereupon the 10th of February he and the Comte Brissac were created Ministers of State to serve his Majesty in his Counsel the Spaniards who never sleep but when they have nothing to do took the occasion of his absence to return into the Country of the Elector of Treves and to do what they pleased but the King and the invitation of the Spring permitting his return he carried the Army back again and without much ado forced them to quit the Field The next thing he resolved was to assault Freidembourg upon which they had seized whose Garrison offered a thousand violences to Travellers and the adjacent places The Comte de la Suze commanded it to be invested and comming in person before it in the moneth of June he summoned Machinister who commanded it for the Comte d'Embden and upon refusal of a surrender they provided to assault it The Town was won with little resistance and the Castle forced within two daies after there being not above three or four men slain on both parts Thus the Country of Treves was totally reduced unto his Majesty's Possession neverthelesse his Majesty having only secured it for the Arch-Bishop the true Lord thereof caused him to be restored in his Metropolitan City about the beginning of October by the Sieur de Bussilamet The Arch-Bishop indeed finding himself unable to make it good against the Spaniards he desired him to stay with him and command his forces and the Sieur de Bussy having presented the Keys unto him he presently returned them saying I beseech you keep them for his Majesty his Eminence likewise published a Declaration about the end of this year commanding his Subjects to acknowledge the King for their Lord to assist him in his interest to receive his Souldiers into their Cities jointly to defend them and to give unto them the best entertainment the places could afford The principal Obligations of him who taketh a Prince into Protection DOubtlesse it is honourable for a great Prince to undertake the Protection of another unable to subsist by his own force but though it is honourable yet it is not without care if this protection be to his advantage yet is he obliged to recover whatever is taken from him and in fine fairly to restore it To leave him a prey to his enemies were a sign of weaknesse or want of courage or an absolute breach of promise in the first assumption He that for fear of the charge the successe of the War or any other consideration shall neglect it doth not only deprive himself of that honour which the quality of a Protector ascribes unto him but doth likewise cloath himself with shame Moreover what expences soever he is at on such occasions yet he is obliged by Justice to restore all places into the hands of their natural Prince he being only as it were a Depositary and as the Laws of Deposition do not permit the appropriating of any thing to ones self the restoring of them will be as honourable as the detaining of them will be unjust Ptolomy King of Egypt dying committed his son heir to his Crowns then a child unto the protection of the Common-Wealth of Rome who professing a particular observation of their promises were not deficient in resigning the Kingdom into his power upon his first being capable of Government Thus Archadius seeing his son Theodosius very young and unable to secure himself from the power of the Persians so played his Game with Indigertes their King that he undertook his protection and by this means he tied up his Arms by delivering his son into his hands Indigertes receiv'd the Tutillage as an honour and discharg'd it with such fidelity that he preserved Theodosius life and Empire That I may let you see these latter ages want not the like examples Philip of Austria King of Castile leaving his son Charles but of twelve years age requested Lewis the Twelfth by his Will to be his Guardian and to take the Kingdom into his protection The King accepted thereof and in prosecution of his charge was so punctually correspondent to the Trust Philip had reposed in it that he preserved his States against France it self nor would usurp the least whatever provocations Maximilian gave him In fine notwithstanding all restitutions or expences which a King is obliged unto yet ought he never to refuse the protection of a Prince bordering upon his Countries because besides the glory whereof he deprives himself he inforceth the other to throw himself into the protection of some
that one of the greatest points of policy is to proportionate ment to business His Majesty according to the usual Piety of the Kings his Predecessors gave him order to perform that obedience to the Pope and making use of his usual Prudence commanded him to indeavour an accommodation between his Holiness and the Venetians and withall to take occasion from the troubles of Italy to unite his Holiness to the interest of France The Duke de Crecquy accepted this Embassie with joy having ever been of the humour to spend his mony upon his honour and pleasure The Magnificence wherewith it was proper he should appear at Rome obliged him to stay at Court till the beginning of May the better to set forth his equipage which ended he went by water that he might regain his lost time by the help of the Winds Being come to Rome he was receiv'd with all honours due to the Extraordinary Embassadour of the Christian King and eldest son of the Church but the garb in which he appeared was such that since the stately Triumphs of the Emperours nothing hath been seen like unto it I will not trouble my self to make a particular description thereof seeing other Histories relate it intending only to observe that which passed of most consideration in the management of affairs All I shall say is he had above five hundred persons to attend him Gold and Silver did so abound upon his Liveries his Officers and among his whole equipage as if he had been Master of the Indies His first reception and audience was very stately but that I may come to the effect of his Embassie he first kissed his Holiness's feet in his Majesty's name and pass'd some Complements of Civility next them the Sieur de Bâ—issieu Lievtenant General of Grenoble who accompanied him in quality of his Majesty's Orator made the accustomed Oration of obedience in which the most critical could discern no lesse discretion then eloquence He represented unto the Pope that his Majesty had not so long deferr'd to testifie his joy for his promotion to the Papacy but that he might likewise send with it the Spoils his Arms had obtained upon the enemies of the Church together with the proofs of his obedience Next of all he observed to him the great benefits protection and assistance which the Holy See had from time to received from the Kings of France in consideration whereof the had obtained the honour of Most Christian and eldest Son of the Church Thence he descended to a more particular description of the signal advantages his Holinesse had receiv'd from his Majesties Victories and assured his Holinesse that the defence of his interest would ever be the most acceptable imployment for his Forces and in conclusion that he might satisfie the chief end of his Embassie he told him that his Majesty had no lesse joy at his Holinesse's promotion then his Holiness had heretofore had at his birth that imitating the Piety of the Kings his Predecessors he prostrated himself at his feet and most humbly kissed them with Protestations of honour and obedience due unto him and that he acknowledged him for Christs only Vicar the Successor of St. Peter and the Arbitrator of the Kingdom of Heaven in all things which concern Salvation with caution however that this submission was done out of Christian civility not duty to prevent any mistakes which might induced a belief that this Crown had some temporal dependance upon the Holy See One of his Holinesse's Secretaries answered him with Complements and terms of honour that his Holiness did receive with great joy those testimonies of respect and obedience which his Majesty rendred unto him nor did the Pope himself omit any thing which might expresse his content but the Duke who chiefly designed to induce the Pope to befriend his Masters interests as occasion should require did no longer dwell upon Complements in his succeeding Audiences He offered unto his Holinesse the Arms of France to serve him on any occasions particularly his own indeavours to compose the difference he had with the Venetians well knowing that nothing doth more effectually oblige a Prince to the interest of another then to let him see that he will meet with advantages by uniting himself with him The difference between them was concerning the Confines of Gorre and certain Islands of the Country besides some ran-contre there had been between the Romans and Venetians in Ferara which was suspected would be get an absolute breach The Pope whose power is never more conspicuous then in Peace was fearfull of it so that he willingly accepted of his interposition and that with much acknowledgement of his Majesties affection for his interest in prosecution whereof the Duke parting from Rome went to Venice to treat with such as the Senate should appoint concerning this affair The Sieur de la Thuylerie his Majesty's Ambassadour Resident with that Common-Wealth so ordered affairs that both parties did forbear their Arms by which there was hopes of an accommodation But before he departed from Rome and after he had obliged his Holiness by assuring him of his Majesties readinesse to assist him by mediating in this affair he was not defective in obtaining all possible advantages for the interest of France He gave his Holinesse a great insight into the affairs of Germany and discovered to him that their War was not for Religion but meer State the only dispute being for the preserving of the German Princes in the enjoyment of their estates and those indubitable rights which belong unto them that his Majesty was extreamly displeased to hear of some violences which were offered to certain Ecclesiastical persons though they were not so bad as were represented to him which however was absolutely contrary to the express words of the Treaty which is Majesty had made and by the fault of the Catholick Princes themselves who would not become Neuters and that in fine those damages which the Church had received would easily be repaired by such means as he represented unto his Holinesse with which he remained very well satisfied He further confirmed him in the knowledge which he had a long time had of the House of Austria's designs upon Italy which tend to the direct ruine of the Holy See and assured his Holinesse that his Majesties Arms would protect him and never forsake him In fine designing to ingage him in a defensive League with France for protection of the Ecclesiastical estate against the Venetians or for security of the Princes of Italy His Holiness who hath ever more feared then loved the Spaniards could not be induced thereunto alledging for his excuse that he resolv'd to contine a common Father between the two Crowns He was not backward to represent unto him that a father doth not at all act against his relation if he support himself by one of his children against the violence of another but the Popes humour which is naturally fearfull would afford nothing but assurances that his
maximes of Government the Fundamental Laws of Monarchy the Statutes and Customes and generally whatever concerns the duty of Magistrates the Office of Judges and art of Lawyers To this Doctrine I may adde Experience a thing so necessary in a Lord-Keeper and Chancellor that without it the very greatest lights wherewith their natural parts or study can furnish them are as little usefull as the instrument in the hand of a workman skill'd in the Theory but not the Practick Integrity ought to accompany him being the Mother of Loyalty and the Father of that zeal which all publick persons are obliged to evidence in the Administration of their Charges The Integrity of a person of small ability will indeed so far carry him that the publick good will be the end at which he aims but he cannot contribute so much unto it as willingly he would whereas he who is destitute thereof doth most frequently look after his own interest It was not the want of capacity but fidelity which so often exposed the Athenians and those other Common-Wealths of Greece to the fury of Forraign and Civil Wars Never was that illustrious corner of the World so replenished with Phylosophers Orators and great Statesmen as when it first began to decay but that unbridled Passion which leadeth great men to prefer their own interests before that of the States which they govern hurrieth them into that misfortune which betides the body of man where the Stomach which ought to concoct nutriment for the individual parts digesteth it onely for it self Eloquence will be of no small use to them in many occasions where they are obliged to pronounce judgements and declare their Masters Wills it elevateth a man so much above others saith the Roman Orator as speech raiseth him above his fellow creatures If it be befitting and usefull to any it is particularly to Statesmen for there is not any thing which acquires more authority to a man appearing in publick then good elocution For my part I think Eloquence so much the more proper for them in regard it perswades the people to approve what Wisedom directeth what Prudence resolveth and what Justice requireth without it the wisest Counsels have oftentimes been ineffectual I will not dis-approve the advancing of rich persons to such dignities because riches if lawfully acquired do give much credit to vertue serve to excite it and execute their just and generous designs I think them very necessary for a man who is to serve the publick experience teaching us that without them vertue is often weak and languishing Though vertue alone merit before God it is unactive unfruitfull and inglorious among men To be short where the Goods of the body co-habit with those of the mind and fortune in eminent persons it adds no small authority unto them seeing the beauty and Majesty of the body hath certain attractions to captivate the courage to inforce respect and reverence and to perswade men to what ever they please infomuch that the ancients have thought them worthy of Crowns and Empires His Majesties choice of Learned and Religious Prelates at the Cardinal's request THe Church ought necessarily to be governed by Bishops whose Doctrine and Piety may serve for a guide to the people to instruct them in the ways of Heaven The State receiveth no small advantage by them Hereupon the Cardinal did very wel resolve to perswade his Majesty not to bestow any Bishoprick but upon persons well-deserving who might be capable of serving God and the State especially not to grant them unto children or persons of a licentious life or such as lay under any ignominy as had formerly been practiced so that in a few yeas the face of the Clergy of France was much altered being replenished with persons of ability and virtue This was put in execution in all vacant places after the Cardinal's promotion to the Ministery I shall forbear to speak of it till the History of this year because it furnisheth us with many examples The Cardinal propos'd unto his Majesty to be admitted into the Bishopricks of Languedoc whose Pastors had been deposed Le Sieur Cohon for Nismes the Sieur Grillet for Vssez the Sieur Vilazel for St. Brieu His Majesty whose Piety is no lesse illustrious then his Ju-Justice which rendreth him venerable to all his people being well satisfied of their merit concluded them fit for that honour The were persons who for above ten years past had appeared in the most eminent Pulpits of Paris to the great admiration of their auditory and whereas the Doctrine of Preachers ought to be animated by a good life their conduct had testified for them that they had no lesse vertue and eloquence then zeal for his Majesties service to preserve the people in the obedience they ow him as Gods Lievtenant on earth That the right of presenting to Bishopricks is one of the most ancient Priviledges of the Crown and what Bishops ought to be chosen for the good of the State AMong the Rights of this Crown that of the presenting to Bishopricks is one of the most signal as most ancient The Primitive Bishops of the French Church who have been the most shining lights of our Faith have acknowledged it from the beginning of this Monarchy in the fifth Councel of Orleans where they ordained that none should consecrate any Bishop without his Majesty's consent the practice whereof is so frequent in History that nothing but ignorance can question it Gregory of Tours reporteth that Bishop Quintianus being dead Gallus was substituted in his place and created Bishop of Overgne by his Majesty's means and that after Gallus his decease there was some design to elect one Cato but that the Arch-Deacon Cantinus having prevented the King and first acquainted him with the news of Gallus his death was constituted Bishop in his place He likewise reporteth that Nonnichius was established in the Bishoprick of Nantes in the room of Felix by the Kings Order as also Vitus in that of Vieâ—na that Childebert made St. German Bishop of Paris Clodomir Omatius Bishop of Tours Clotair St. Medard Bishop of Vermandoiâ— and Euphronius Bishop of Tours History is pregnant with the like examples so that to cite them were but vain those already alledged being sufficient to confirm it which who can question seeing our Kings have with their Crown received power to dispose of all things which concern the good of their Kingdom and tranquility of their people and that the election of Bishops is not an act meerly Ecclesiastical but as much reflecting on the good of the State as the Salvation of Souls Bishops have a great influence over the peoples sprits to draw them by the links of Piety and Religion unto what they please as experience hath evidenced in the time of Lewis the Debonnair who was almost Deposed by a Faction they raise against him and as was afterward seen in Languedoc where five or six of them fomented a Civil War The Empire of Souls iâ—
as often as occasion required discovered unto him so that finding himself at leisure about the beginning of the Spring and without a necessity of being over early in the field he resolved to perform the Ceremony of the Knights of the Holy Ghost and to fill up all the vacant places It is impossible in such affairs to content all men because there are never so many places vacant as men who think their services worthy of that honour All that can be done is to prefer those who are most considerable either for their birth their services or the particular inclination of the Prince who in such things ought to have his own liberty His Majesty took this course but that he might totally follow the Orders of the Primitive constitution he gave a Commission to the Cardinal de Lyon great Almner of France and Commander of the Order to inform him of their Religion Life and Works who were proposed and to send him his informations seal'd up The next thing his Majesty did was to assemble the Chapter of the Order at Fountainbleau where the Ceremony was performed and where all the Knights met and told them by the mouth of the Sieur de Bullion Lord Keeper of that Order that he should be very glad before the Creation of the Knights to have their opinions about the Rebellion and Felony of the Duke d' Elboeuf and the Marquess de la Vieville who being fled out of the Kingdom and having born Arms contrary to his Majesties service and consequently broken the Statutes of the Order had rendred themselves unworthy of Knight-hood and deserved to be degraded the Sieur de Bullion adding that his advice was to follow the example of Charles Duke de Bourgogne towards Charles Duke de Brabant his cousin viz. to erase their Arms and that in their Escutcheon should be inserted their judgement and degradation All the Knights were of the same opinion with the Lord Keeper excepting only the Marquesse de Trajanel So that the judgement of their degradation was pronounced and executed before the new Creation In prosecution of this judgement his Majesty caused the Role of those whom he would have of this Order to be read aloud and nominated eight Knights to assist at the tryal of the proofs of their Nobility Life and Manners and the proposing the difference which was between those who were Dukes and Peers and those who were only Dukes concerning their order and place in the Ceremony it was ordered that all the Dukes in general should march according to the Order of their Creation because the Peers hold no place in Assemblies It was likewise decreed that if any of those who were name to be Knights did not appear at the time of the promotion to receive their Order it should not be sent unto them The 14 of May was the day assigned for the Ceremony and his Majesty being there punctually followed the Statutes of that Order and conferred it upon Monsieur the Cardinal of Richelieu The Cardinal de la Valette The Arch-Bishop of Paris The Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux The Arch-Bishop of Narbone The Duc de Longueville The Comte d' Harcourt The Comte d' Alets The Duc de la Trimouille The Duc de Vantadour The Duc d' Alvin The Duc de Brissac The Duc de Candale The Duc de la Valette The Comte de Tonnerre The Mareschal d' Estree The Sieurs de Vaubecourt de Seneterre The Vicomte de Pompadour The Marquis de Nesse The Marquis de Gordes The Comte de Lannoy The Marquis de Varennes The Maresâ—hal de Breze The Comte de Brassac The Comte de Noailles The Sieur de Popanne The Marquis de Fossez The Marquis de Bourbonne The Vicomte de Pollignac The Vicomte d' Arpajon The Marquis d' Aluye The Comte de Saulx The Comte d' Orval The Sieur de St. Simon premiers Escuyer The Baron de Pont-Chasteau The Sieur de Pont-Courlay The Sieur de la Messeray The Marquis de Mortemart The Sieur de Villequier The Comte de Teurnon The Sieur de la Mailleraye The Comte de Tianges The Marquis d' Ambres The Comte de Parabere The Sieurs de Montcaurel De Liancourt De St. Simon l'aisne I will not trouble my self to describe the particulars of the Ceremony it is beyond my design only for conclusion I will say his Majesty by this conferring of Honour shewed that he did as well acknowledge as know the services of his Nobility Politique Observation THe reward of Services and the punishment of Crimes are equally great supporters to a State whereupon Socrates being demanded what Estate could be esteemed the best governed answered that where honest men are rewarded and knaves punished Xenophon likewise thought that a man being naturally more couragious the fearfull should be excited sooner to great actions by praise riches or honours after a Victory For this reason it was that Plato in the Fifth of his Republicks would that all men who behaved themselves couragiously in the War should be gratified in all reasonable things nay they were permitted to marry divers women the better to replenish the Common-Wealth with valiant men This licentiousnesse I must confesse is contrary to the Laws of Christianity and Experience hath told us that it is seldom seen brave men beget children like themselves but in the main the gratifying of valiant men in all reasonable things is conformable to the rules of all politick States Thus Homer to give a testimony of Agamemnon's conduct doth usually bring him in at all feasts in the Greek Army honoured with an whole Chine of Beef being the greatest rarity among them Upon the same example Plato grounded his Decrees for the honouring of those at publick Feasts who had given proofs of their valour by serving them with the greatest dainties and the best Wines and by singing of songs in their praise to invite others to imitate them To speak the truth if the flame dies for want of Wood generosity languisheth if unrewarded All goeth to rack in that State where men of courage are no better treated then uselesse cowards It should seem the greatest courages are as it were benum'd where the splendour of honour the reward of handsom actions doth not incourage them All that can be further observed is that recompences be proportioned to the qualities of the persons Souldiers are more usually pleas'd with riches then honour and are more proper to be acknowledged with reward accordingly The Nobility on the other side are better satisfied with honour Let them have it This course did the Common-Wealth of Venice take after that memorable battle of Tar they exalted the Marquis of Mantua from that government to be general of the Army and as to those Souldiers who had behav'd themselves couragiously they increas'd their pay They gave divers recompences to the Sons of such as were slain Dowries to their daughters and good Pensions to such as were maim'd The Romans did much more esteem the rewards
to a Forraigner were to treat them more favourably then the Princes of the royal family and withall to indanger a loss of their Soveraignty Ambition hath no bounds and a Prince who hath obtained the priviledge of some Soveraignties may be easily wrought upon at least his Successors to pretend to them without and depending upon others so that who so is peccant in this excesse of Liberality what doth he but raise a power against his own and sow the seeds of division in his Kingdom Besides States be not so much for Kings as Kings for their States they are no lesse oblig'd to preserve them in all their dependances then the State is obliged to preserve it self in the obedience they ow them from whence it is that to alienate such rights or any notable part of their Demesne is one of the causes of their deposing in those Kingdomes where it is permitted by the Fundamental Laws as is observed by all those who have written on that Subject and indeed he seemeth to be unworthy of a Crown who neglecteth to preserve it in its intire lustre How the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet the King at Chasteauthierry where his Majesty stayed to demand Nancy in Deposite IT had been not only commendable but advantagious to Monsieur de Lorrain to have been more concern'd at the seizure at Bar and to have waited upon his Majesty to do him homage and satisfie the just discontents conceived against him by his submissions but fortune contriving to destroy him had cast her Mantle before his eyes so that the continued immoveable in his first designs Whereupon his Majesty about August found himself obliged to go to Chasteauthierry from thence to meet the Army which he had recall'd from the Country of Treves and to carry them before Nancy the better to hinder the Duke of Lorrain's Levies and in case he persisted in his late Procedures to reduce him to such a passe that he might be no more in a condition of giving any jealousie to France or interrupting the forces of its Allies Whiles his Majesty was at Chasteauthierry the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet him and after some complements and excuses beseeched his leave to make some Propositions unto him He told him that he did much condemn his brothers actions and that he had never had any hand in them both in regard of the respect he owed his Majesty as also because be foresaw the issue could not but be disadvantagious that if his Majesty should continue in the resolution to drive this affair to the utmost he concluded his Brothers ruine inevitable and that for his own particular fortune he should seek no other refuge but that of his royal bounty beseech'd him to receive him into his protection and to permit him to retire into France His Majesty received him very favourably and told him that he should alwaies know how to distinguish betwixt his and his Brothers actions that he was sufficiently inform'd that he had no hand in his Brothers deport and that he should willingly afford him all the proofs of as hearty a good will as the interest of his affairs would permit that he assured him of his protection and that amidst his Brothers disgrace he should be sure to find all the advantage which could be justly desired from his protection The Cardinal de Lorrain would have made hereupon certain Proposals to his Majesty for the accommodation of affairs which his Majesty remitted to Monsieur the Cardinal The same day the Cardinal de Lorrain went to visit Monsieur le Cardinal assured him of Monsieurs marriage proposed to him to break it to put his sister the Princesse Marguerite into his Majesties hands and to cause the homage of the Dutchy of Bar to be payed unto his Majesty in the Dutchesse of Lorrain's name The Cardinal answered him that the King could not give ear to any proposition seeing the breach of that match was not in the power of Monsieur de Lorrain that besides his so little fidelity in observing the three Treaties lately made with him his Majesty had particular information of his evil conduct and could no longer trust him without some more potent means to oblige him to keep his word that his faltrings had three several times constrained his Majesty to raise great Armies to the great and trouble expence of his Subjects which made his Majesty resolve to put a final end to the War that there might be no more trouble in it that the Duke his Brother might not have the boldnesse to intermeddle in any factions of his State as he had formerly done even to the ingaging of Monsieur in a match which did equally offend the dignity of the Crown and Person of his Majesty being managed without his consent against the Laws of the Kingdom and to the countenancing of his invading France and that the only means which could induce his Majesty to trust the Duke his Brother was to Deposit Nancy in his hands that this was the best course he could take seeing it would preserve his Country and that Nancy it self should be assuredly restored unto him if he carried himself for the future as did become him that in case he intended fairly he need not fear any thing but if on the contrary he was resolv'd to persist in attempts against his Majesty it would be to no purpose to treat that his Majesty was positively resolved to admit of no other conditions and that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to make the lesse difficulty to consent thereunto in regard he was despoiled of all his Estates excepting Nancy it self the losse of which would be unavoidable unlesse he gave his Majesty satisfaction that this place indeed was strong but that the Duke being unable to keep the field and without Revenue his Majesty would the more easily force him to surrender it in regard he might manage the War against him at his own charges that to ground his hopes upon the alteration of times was a counsel very pernicious seeing his Majesty was young absolute in his Kingdom and that his cause being just there was reason to hope that God would continue to prosper his Armies with the like happy successe as he had hitherto done Hereupon the Cardinal of Lorrain represented to him that this condition was so hard that he could not advise his brother to accept of it but at the last extremity seeing the chance of War could not reduce him to a worse pass then to see his Captal City taken from him and forced to depend upon anothers Will That he doubted not of his Majesties intention to perform the trust of a Deposit but that the state of affairs being subject to change his enemies might by their ill Offices make his Majesty believe that he had broken the Treaty and consequently give him occasion to detain Nancy that he beseeched the Cardinal to consider what a shame it would be for his brother to deliver up one of the
best places in the World in the sight of all Europe without resistance and not being forced thereunto that he confess'd his Majesties Power was great and that it would be difficult for him to withstand it and that finding himself between two great Princes he ought to be the more cautious of his deportment in regard if he should satisfie the King by delivering Nancy he should contract the Emperour's displeasure from whom he holdeth his Dutchy which doubtlesse he would declare to be forfeited by Proclamation of the Empire with a resolution to seiz upon it as soon as ever the affairs of Germany would permit him That indeed he might reasonably expect his Majesties protection but that then it might so fall out that his Majesty might be so far ingaged in other Wars as not to be in a condition of assisting him by which means his ruine would then be inevitable and moreover that he thought it impossible to perswade his brother to Deposit Nancy unlesse at the last extremity of his affairs Whereunto the Cardinal answered that he found it not strange that he should alledge his holding of the Empire and the power of the House of Austria but besides that the King did not consider such pretensions he thought that if the Duke of Lorrain did well weigh it he would find no great reason to build upon it because he well knew that those whose interests he alledged being the chief Authors of his evil conduct had not been very solicitous to assist him That he confess'd indeed Monsieur de Lorrain was under the Pâ—otection of two Crowns but that the Laws of the very protection obliged him to deserve it from the King by his respects and good deportment and to conclude by the desires which his Predecessors had testified that his preservation intirely depended thereupon That instead thereof he had provok'd his Majesty broken his faith by infringing of Treaties taken part with Spain run into all acts of Hostility and to compleat all the rest of his breaches of promise which might offend his Majesty had ravish'd a son of France and ingag'd Monsieur to marry his sister whereupon his Majesty had but too much reason to invade his Countries and that if he did more fear the power of the Emperour then that of France then at his Gates he might chuse what party he pleased to defend himself by force but that in case he would prudently avoid his ruine which was inevitable he could not take a better course then by depositing of Nancy which would secure his States without any loss to him As for matter of his holding of the Empire the King was far enough from admitting it seeing he himself claimeth the Soveraignty of Lorrain and that the Homage was due unto him that the Empire had heretofore usurp'd it from this Crown but that length of possession could not prejudice a Soveraigns right because great Princes who acknowledge no other Tribunal upon earth where they may claim their own are alwaies permitted to demand their rights from Usurpers and to enter them by force so that no time can cause a prescription against them that the affairs of France had not heretofore been in a condition to dispute these pretences but that now God having opened his Majesty a way to establish his Monarchy in its primitive greatnesse Posterity would have a just cause to reproach him with negligence if he should not imploy his forces in the recovery of the most ancient rights of his Crown that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to have had those fears alledged by him in his mind at such time as he was running on to provoke his Majesty against him but that now having done the injury his Majesty could not dissemble his resentment wherefore he was absolutely resolved to be reveng'd unless he receiv'd such satisfaction that all Europe might know to be reasonable that his Pâ—edecessors had ever well-esteem'd the friendship of France and that he himself might have rested secure in this protection because his Majesty well knew how to defend him against any man But in fine that the King could not admit of any other condition then the Deposite of Nancy seeing though he already had the best places of Lorrain in his hands they could not oblige the Duke to keep his promise and that his Majesty had reason to suspect he would not be much more solicitous for keeping it in future after so many changes of his resolution that his Majesty chiefly desired this assurance that he might no more hazard the receiving a new injury or be necessitated to his great expence to raise a new Army a thing peradventure which might then fall out when the State of his affairs would hardly permit him to attend it whereas the present conjuncture was such that his Majesty could not wish it more favourable there being no likelyhood of any thing to divert him that the Duke of Lorrain might be thereby the more readily induc'd to this resolution his Majesty desired to inform him of the present state of his affairs that that of France was such that it was not only at Peace but without fear of civil War all ill Subjects conspiring to be obedient the Treasure being full of money to sustain the charge and on the other side the Treaty of the Low Countries being broken without the least hopes of being brought on again and the Spaniards being in so much want of assistance from their Allies that the Duke of Lorrain could not pretend to expect any from them As to Germany that the Emperours forces had enough to do to defend themselves from the prosperous successe of the Swede who was not likely to be stopp'd As to matter of Italy that the Cardinal Infanta's forces were not yet ready to march and that admitting they were yet that they might meet with great obstructions in the Valtoline the Swedes being advanced thither to hinder their march and that thus Nancy might be besieg'd and taken without hopes of any assistance to releeve it unlesse Monsieur de Lorrain had rather Deposite it in his Majesties hands The Cardinal de Lorrain found it an hard task to answer these reasons and being retired all the course he took was to beseech his Majesty to give him time to confer with the Duke his brother and in the mean time not to make any further progresse The King not only refus'd it but assur'd that he would march before Nancy with the greatest speed that might be resolv'd never to depart until he had reduc'd it to its obedience That there ought to be other assurances taken then bare words from an incens'd Prince who hath oftentimes broke his word IT is necessary to take other kind of security then bare words from a Prince who hath often failed of his word especially who is known to be incens'd passionately desirous of revenging the punishments he hath receiv'd His apparent submissions in matters of accommodation are effects rather of his weakness then
good wil and as Passion rather treadeth under foot the Laws of honor and justice it will afterwards make no difficulty to break its promises if it find any overture to evade them and re-assume its lost advantage Asdrubal may serve for an example who finding himself so block'd up in Spain by Claudius Nero that he must unavoidably die with famine in his Trenches or fall under his Arms in a disadvantagious battel sent him very fair Proposals of Peace and in the interim found away to escape his hand Nero indeed angry for being thus surprized for which he had been blam'd at Rome made him afterwards suffer in the Marquisate of Ancona for his Treachery but besides that this was not without indangering his whole Army yet had it been a shame to suffer himself to be deluded by his enemy under shew of accommodation Pope Julius the Second that he might amuse Lewis the Twelfth sent his Nuncio's to Treat a Peace and conclude it that he might gain time to make a League offensive with the Venetians and King of Aragon aginst him but let us look back again into the examples of Antiquity Mark Anthony held Fraates besieged in Priaspe with full assurance of taking it in few days Fraates sent his Embassadours to him that it was thought a Peace might easily have been concluded between them Mark Anthony gave them present Audience and withall sent other Embassadour to Fraates to conclude it but Fraates continuing his Treachery made great complaints unto them of Mark Anthony and in conclusions added that as often as he should withdraw his Army from the place wherein he was incamp'd he would be content to make a Peace with him Mark Anthony hereupon presently withdrew his Forces without breaking down his Treches or carrying away his Engines of War he had not march'd far from his Camp before the Medes sallied out of Priaspe mastered it and destroyed all his Engines which he had inconsiderately left there though peradventure not without hopes that he might be there soon enough to defend them in case the Medes used any Treachery Besides part of Mark Anthony's Forces were cut off when he led them back again to the Camp so that he was forc'd to relinquish that design with shame and losse and by his example taught all Princes not to be over-credulous of an Enemies promises How the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet his Majesty at St. Dezier and made divers Propositions which Monsieur the Cardinal refused THe Cardinal de Lorrain took his leave of the King upon the 20. of August to meet his brother and the same day his Majesty who seldom loseth any time in such enterprizes advanc'd towards Nancy but being neer St. Dezier the Cardinal returned to him and offered in the Duke of Lorrain's name to deliver the Princesse Marguerite his Sister into his hands in order to the dissolution of that marriage and to surrender La Mothe unto him one of the strongest places of his State The King carried him to St. Dezier and had two hours conference with him at which Monsieur le Cardinal Duc the Sieur de Brassac Bullion and Bouthilier were present to examine the Propositions but they were thought improper because they did not deprive the Duke of Lorrain of the power to re-assume his former designs so that his Majesty return'd him no other answer but this that he was resolv'd to have Nancy as a place without which he had no assurance for the performance of any Treaty however his Majesty knowing that the Cardinals negotiations were very frank and affectionate to procure an accommodation he testified unto him that his inter position was not only acceptable but that he had ever a regard to his particular interest notwithstanding the injuries he had receiv'd from his Brother and withall offered him all sorts of honour and imployments suitable to his quality if he thought good to reside in France After this he returned to the Duke his brother to acquaint him with the Kings resolution and having told him what extraordinary testimonies of favour and good will he had receiv'd from his Majesty the Duke at last resolved to surrender his Estates into the Kings hands hoping by this means to evade the effects of his Majesties just displeasure yet took assurance from the Cardinal his brother to restore them unto him He discoursed of it with the Cardinal who having assured him that he would therein do whatever could be desired he beseeched him to return to the King to tell him that seeing he was so unfortunate that his Majesty could not beleeve his promises he had resolv'd to put his estates into his Brother the Cardinals hands and that he hop'd his Majesty considering his deportment whould the more readily consent thereunto because then there was no cause of fear and that he could not receive a greater satisfaction from him then to see him reduc'd to the quality of a private person by devesting himself from that of a Soveraign The Cardinal de Lorrain return'd to his Majesty at Pont au Mousson upon the 28. of the same moneth and proposed this to him renewing his promised of delivering the Princesse Marguerite into his hands and so to indeavour the dissolution of that marriage The King desir'd him to treat with Monsieur the Cardinal relying upon this grand Minister whom he knew to employ most of his time in examination of what might be granted and in prevention of such inconveniences as might probably arise from their Propositions The Cardinal de Lorrain went to meet him and made the same Proposition unto him and withall told him that to give him the greater assurance of his fidelity and of his positive intention to keep his word he beseeched him to give him Made de Combalet his Neece in marriage and to procure the Kings consent unto it professing that he desired it with a great deal of affection as a most certian gage of his good will and a powerfull means to preserve him in his Majesties favour and protested totally to imbrace his counsels and to have no other will then his whereby he might absolutely root out all subject of division between France and Lorrain Monsieur the Cardinal replied unto him that as for matter of the surrender of the States of Lorrain he beleeved the King would not divert his brother from it seeing his particular actions gave sufficient ground to beleeve his behaviour toward France would be such as would give his Majesty all kind of satisfaction but that this was not to cure the disease because M. de Lorrain might repent of his surrender and return into his states either by open force or under-hand dealing and that then the whole businesse were to be begun again wherefore it were necessary to find out another expedient and that the Deposite of Nancy was the only secure way which could be taken This was sufficient to let him know that it was mistrusted lest there were some collusion between them but
the King to treat entred into conference with the Cardinal of Lorrain and concluded a Treaty upon these following conditions 1. That the Duke of Lorrain should renounce all new Alliances it prejudice to that of France 2. Thatt he should oblige himself to serve the King with and against all 3. That he should not make any Levies of War during the present troubles of Germany without his Majesties consent 4. The he should disband as soon as his Majesty should receive notice from the Chancellour Oxenstern that he would not attempt any thing but withdraw the Swedish forces from his Countries 5. That he should deliver the City of Nancy both old and new in Deposit to his Majesties hands within three days until such time as his good behaviour or the pacification of the trubles of Germany should take away all cause of suspicion of the like enterprizes as he had heretofore made against his Majesty and his Allies and also untill such time as the pretended marriage between Monsieur and the Princess Marguerite were declared null by Law and that the differences between the King and the said Duke were decided each of them in the mean while enjoying their rights without prejudice of this Treaty yet however that in case the War of Germany should last four years the conditions of this Treaty being first accomplished his Majesty should restore Nancy into the hands of the said Duke or his Successors 6. That the Princess Marguerite should be delivered into the Kings hands within fifteen days or at least that the said Cardinal and Duke of Lorrain should use their utmost endeavour to recover her from whence she was and to deliver her into his Majesties hands and should so order the business that her retreat should not hinder the dissolution of the marriage 7. That the Dutchy of Bar should continue sequestred untill such time as his Majesty should be satisfied for the homage thereof 8. That the Revenue of Lorrain and the States thereupon depending should be receiv'd by the said Duke with all sort of liberty 9. That he whom his Majesty should place in Nancy during the Deposit should have the absolute command of the Arms without other obligation then that of receiving the word from the Cardinal of Lorrain in case he would make his abode there 10. That Order should be taken that the Garison might not offer any distast to the Inhabitants This was the conclusion made in the Camp before Nancy the 6. of September Whereupon the Cardinal went to the Duke to procure his ratification He brought in and the Cardinal accompanied by Janin his Secretary of State coming to give his Majesty assurance thereof there were three days time alotted for execution of the Treaty and for his Majesties entring into Nancy But the day being come the Cardinal de Lorrain fell off to delays and excuses pretending that his brother had sent order to the contrary by a certain Gentleman named Giton so that the whole businesse was to be begun again However the Cardinal sensible of his own power and not ignorant of the advantages he had upon the Duke of Lorrain would not totally break off the Treaty but sent the Marquesse de Chanvalon to Nancy to the Cardinal of Lorrain with charge to tell him as from himself that the King found himself by divers reasons forced to carry his affairs to the height yet had however some unwillingnesse to put that resolution in execution because of the franknesse and affection he had testified to contribute his endeavours for a reasonable accommodation The Cardinal testified that his good will was no whit diminished that he would once again see what he could work upon his Brother to induce him to adhere to the Treaty in order whereunto he sent a Gentleman to him with such effectual expressions perswading him to settle his affairs then in a declining condition that he at last hearkned to his advice and sent the Sieur de Contrisson to his Majesty to desire a safe conduct to confer with Monsieur the Cardinal at St. Nicholas His Majesty granted it but the morning following thinking it more fit that the Cardinal should go as far as Charmes to treat with him for fear lest he might have propos'd this conference at St. Nicholas that he might the better get away into Flanders where once being there was no lâ—kâ—lyhood of his depositing Nancy it was signified unto him that Charmes would be a place much more proper for the Treaty which he accepting of the Cardinal and he came thither upon the 18. Monsieur le Cardinal came first thither about five in the evening accompanied by the Cardinal de la Valette the Popes Nuntio a great many Lords and Gentlemen and a good party of Horse and Foot The Duke came not untill about eleven at night so that finding the Cardinal in bed and not willing to permit his people to wake him according as he had commanded they met not untill the morning following That day they had two long debates without any conclusion so that every one thought there would be no agreement but in fine the Duke perswaded by the Cardinal's eloquence and addresse submitted just as his eminence was bidding him adieu at his Lodging and pass'd his word to conclude the Treaty which his brother had made by his Order without including any other condition but this that he might make his abode at Nancy with all honours due to his quality as also the Cardinal his Brother and that the Treaty being within three moneths particularly that which ingag'd him to deliver the Princess Marguerite into the Kings hands his Majesty should restore him the City of Nancy without more ado then demolishing the Fortifications if his Majesty should so think fit Monsieur le Cardinal did the more willingly consent unto these two Articles in regard he pretended only to put things into a way of reason not to extend the bounds of France which was of it self large enough to obtain as much glory as his Majesty could desire so that both of them having signed it there wanted nothing but the execution of them Monsieur le Cardinall was not ignorant how important it was not to abandon Monsieur de Lorrain or to leave him to his own honesty which possibly might have been shaken by the natural inconstancy of his humour So that he earnestly laboured to perswade him to meet his Majesty in person in order to the performance of his promises He represented to him that it would be the more glorious for him in regard it would testifie unto all Princes that he had not Deposited Nancy upon compulsion as also of great advantage in regard it would be an ample demonstration of his real intentions of submitting his unto his Majesties Will Who would thereupon be the more indulgent of him and surrender Nancy unto him as soon as ever he should be assured he might be confident of his good deportment Such were the charms of his words that
receiving any injury they made Bonfires before their doors the morning following the Queen came thither to partake of the Kings joy for having mastred one of the strongest places of Europe in so little time and without losse of blood The King went to receive her at the Port of St. John where the Regiment of Picardy was imbattelled and shortly after her arrival the Duke de Lorrain accompanied by the Cardinal his brother and the Princess de Falsbourg went to do their devoirs to her with more civility then joy And thus was Nancy the Metropolitan City of Lorrain whom the force of her Bastions and the largenesse of three great Motes seemed to render impregnable taken as soon as besieg'd It might have held out at least two years but his Majesty assisted by the sage advices of the Cardinal as he himself hath testified took it in fourteen days The address of this grand Minister forced the Duke to keep his word and to Deposit Nancy for some time fearing lest he might have lost it for ever Hardly had fame published this siege but she was oblig'd to make known the taking of it confirming the custom of Poets and Painters who represent victory with wings to signifie that the actions of fortunate Princes are as swift as the wings of birds Conquests have been atchieved beyond hope and the dispatch wherewith the King hath obtained some rendreth those example of History now credible which before were thought miraculous Nor was the Order which his Majesty took to keep this place the least considerable thing in this expedition He committed the Government of it to the Sieur de Brassac a Gentleman of quality newly return'd from an Embassie from Rome whose sweetness and modesty was as capable of perswading the Inhabitants not to mislike the change of their Master as his fidelity and vigilance of assuring his Majesty of his well keeping it He assign'd him between seven and eight thousand men to guard it chosen out of the best Regiments of his Army with express command to keep them in such order that the inhabitants might receive no discontent from them He commanded the Magazeens to be stored with Ammunitions of all sorts he converted the fortifications which served for a Communication between the new and the old Town into a Cittadel where the Garison might be secure in case the inhabitants should mutiny for the preventing of which he disarm'd them His Majesties presence being of no longer use in that place he return'd towards Paris not with that State and Pride wherewith the ancient Emperours caused themselves to be ador'd by the people at least honoured with costly triumphs after the obtaining of their victories but with much modesty though it was his glory never to have undertaken any expedition so without acquiring new Palms What Orders ought to be taken in a place newly conquered THe affection of the people being the strongest chain wherewith a Soveraign can bind his Subjects to his Empire it cannot be doubted but that the testimonies of his bounty and clemency ought to be the chiefest Orders established in a City newly conquered seeing they do most of all serve to excite that Passion If they be not affectionate to him his Victory will be like a Plant without a root and as a small wind doth easily blow down a Tree not well fastned so the least occasions of revolt transport them to shake off the yoak of their obedience Interest is the most potent charm to captivate their spirits and if a Prince can but once win them into his government by making them taste any sweetness or advantage more then in that of their former Prince there is then nothing to be fear'd The French in the time of one Vespâ—rs lost Sicily and in a small time the Kingdom of Naples and the Dutchy of Milan and all because their government was so rigorous that the Princes had no incouragement to be loyal to them or to defend them The conduct of the Romans being full of sweetness and moderation begot them the affections of the Sagentines and Italians after they had conquered them who had preserved them in their Soveraignty whereas the harsh usage of Hannibal caused him to lose them almost as soon as he had vanquished them I will adde some few particular Orders fit to be established in a City or among a people newly conquered to hold them in allegiance It will not a litle conduce thereunto to render them exact justice in their affairs and to procure them plenty of all kinds of provision to countenance Piety to caresse the Nobility and to gain the learned Religious men ought not to be neglected they ought rather to be courted and honoured by bestowing Alms on them and preserving them in the just injoyment of their priviledges for they have the conscience of the people in their hands and the credit which they have acquired by their good life procureth them so much authority that whatever they do or say is thought well done well said and fit to be followed But especially it being not in the power of the best and wisest Princes to work by all the testimonies of their goodnesse upon the afflictions of a people naturally brutish unreasonable and insensible of benefits there ought to be no small care taken in leaving a strong garison among them that may aw them and curb them in case of insurrections not but that their Commanders ought to be charged to keep them in such order and moderation that the Inhabitants be not oppress'd by them Besides they ought to be disarm'd of all those things which may tend to insurrections by Arms I mean souldiers warlike Engines such men as are capable of making parties and the command of all Towers and strong places Thus did Caesar upon the surrender of any City he commanded their Horses and Arms to be delivered and that all men of any valour or credit among the Inhabitants should be given him in hostage knowing that this was the true way to secure them from any insurrection it being not enough to disarm them unlesse they be depriv'd of men of credit and counsel such as are able under hand to procure others and all such Souldiers as are likely to be active The Carthaginians made it appear by experience when the Romans had totally disarmed them they finding a way to forge every day in their City an hundred Targets and three hundred Swords besides Darts and Engines for throwing of Stones and to make ropes of their Wives hair for want of Hemp. To conclude men of spirit and War are more to be feared then Weapons and there ought to be more care taken to secure such men in a City then all the Musquets Pikes and Pistols The indeavours of Feria and Aldringuer to secure Nancy rendred vain by Monsieur the Cardinal's Prudence AT the same time that the King disposed his Armies to hinder the unjust enterprizes of Monsieur de Lorrain the house of Austria provided Aldringuer
Archers and to hinder any Religious person from entring in pretending it might disturb the publique Peace for which by his charge he was oblig'd to provide The Arch-Bishop was very sensibly displeas'd to see his designs so forcibly countermin'd and not resolved so to relinquish them he went in person to the Religious to carry them to his Palace a resolution which was the cause of all the misfortune that happened what had pass'd till then being look'd upon by most people only as a gallantry of spirit The Duke having never learn'd patience enough to suffer the Arch-Bishop to incroach upon his power by any Ecclesiastical priviledge went to meet him in person with his guards and some other Gentlemen at the entrance of the Cathedral Cloister and the Arch-Bishop coming thither he went up to him spoke some angry words struck off his Hat and Cap and as some witnesses depos'd in the information taken by authority of Parliament put the end of the stick which he had in his hand to his breast This Procedure made a great noise in the City and the Arch-Bishop losing no time the very next morning being the eleventh of November assembled those of his Clergy and by common consent Excommunicated the Duke and his Assistants interdicted the Cities and Suburbs of Bourdeaux and Cadillac The Parliament seeing this great trouble did what they could to make an accommodation but it was to little purpose all they could obtain was that the Parliament might hear masse in the Palace Chappel He likewise sent to the King informations of what had pass'd whereupon his Majesty sent order to the Arch-Bishop to take away the interdiction and to the Duke to go to his house of Plassac which is out of the Diocess of Bourdeaux to expect the Popes resolution to whom the decision of that controversie properly belong'd seeing they had appeal'd to his Holiness which hung in suspence about five or six moneths nor was it ended untill the yeer following till when I forbear to say any more of it That much respect hath been alwaies given to Prelates and Bishops THe Function of Prelates and Priests is so eminent and holy that all people nay Emperors themselves have been oblig'd to respect them Plutarch alledging the cause saith it is because they pray to the Gods not only for themselves and friends but for all mankind The Romans in the times of Paganism did so much honour them that the Priests of Jupiter going in the City had a Lictor and a cella curulis and condemned Cneux Cornelius Praetor of Rome for having injuriously disputed with Aemilius Lepidus the High Priest Alexander Severus had so great a respect to them in such causes where religion was interessed that he was not offended when their judgements were contrary to his and how respectfully did Alexander treat the High Priest of the Jews when in his fury going to Jerusalem with a design to ruine it he met him comming in his Pontisicalibus he was not only appeas'd but as the History saith worshipped God in his person with a great deal of reverence All Pagans in general have next to their Kings ascrib'd the chief place to their Priests and held it a great crime to offend them If the light of nature hath induc'd them so to respect them Christianity obligeth us to honour them much more seeing Bishops are receiv'd for Fathers and Pastors of the Church for the Successors of Religion and the Pastors of Jesus Christ they ought to be respected as the Law of well-living as certain rules of good works as Angels who have intelligence of the mysteries of our faith and who are more purified by the flames of the Holy Ghost they ought to be respected as persons of an eminent dignity who ought to have their minds rais'd in the contemplation of heavenly things to live in a noble scorn of al earthly things as so māy bright stars whose lustre is never sullied by the Clouds of Vice as heavenly men who have familiar converse with God as living books of the true Doctrine as the true Organs of Christianity and the Idea by which the people ought to frame their lives Constantine the great said he did not consider them as common men but as so many Thrones where the Divinity inhabited for which reason he could not indure that any should speak of them slightly and threatned those with death who offended him as is to be seen in History and chiefly commanded all governours of Provinces especially to honour them I shall likewise add a particular care in punishing those who injure them History is full of examples which the brevity of these maximes give me not leave to insert I shall only add that Prelates to render themselves worthy of this extraordinary honour are oblig'd to contain themselves within the limits of their condition because as the shadow cannot be without the body so it is unreasonable to pretend to glory without meriting it by virtue An Edict to abate superfluous expences THough the Forraign Wars undertaken by his Majesty of late years consum'd great sums of money and forc'd the King to levy great Taxes which did not a little diminish private mens Revenues yet such was the fruitfulnesse of France that they found means to satisfie their natural inclination of going richly cloath'd His Majesty dislik'd the ill deportment of many who notwithstanding the great necessities of the State did not cease to make superfluous expences in Stuffs Embroideries gold and silver Laces Bone-laces and other like vanities not to be permitted but in a full and long Peace It was the more needfull to redress these disorders because for the satisfying of such excessive curiosities there was a great deal of silver transported out of France which thereby was much impoverished whereby his Majesty was disabled at a time of need to raise monies for the supplying of his occasions or to exact those contributions which the glory and interest of his state did really require These reasons oblig'd him to make an Edict in the moneth of December by which the wearing of any Stuffs Embroideries gold and silver lace or any bone-lace of above nine Livres the Ell was prohibited upon pain of confiscation and six hundred Livres to be levied on them on them who should wear it and a thousand Crowns upon the Merchants who should sell it His Majesty knowing how powerfull the example of a Soveraign is amongst his people taught the French by his habit how to follow this rule and was so carefull in it that this Edict was better observed then any of the like quality had a long time been That Edicts inhibiting superfluous Expences are profitable both to Soveraign and People EDicts which forbid vain Expences are no lesse profitable to Soveraigns than the people especially in times of War Private mens plenty is the Princes treasure which he may make use of in time of necessity and as it cannot be preserv'd without frugality which prohibiteth the use of
unnecessary things so there is no way better to lay the foundations of it then to establish it by law It is impossible he should make War without laying extraordinary contributions on the people at least for the maintenance of an Army in that honour so long as is needfull How should the people assist him at a time of need if superfluous expences should exhaust their Wealth They may indeed be so press'd that any thing may be extracted from them but that must be by force whereby not only their ill will but a thousand imprecations folow their monies It may be objected that great men who are the most subject to these expences do not pay any tax or aid to their Soveraign But I reply that being imploi'd in the War where a great masse of money is consum'd they contribute more then the people to the publick charge and by consequence ought to live in the more order and frugality Nobility impoverished cannot serve when occasion requires but is forc'd to keep at home whereas they who perserve their wealth by the means of a well regulated expence may put himself in a equipage to appear in an Army in a quality becomming their honour Excessive expences are usually made in such commodities as come from forraign Countries nor can a Soveraign permit the use of them without enriching him from whom they are brought to the impoverishment of his own which State if it be an enemy or powerfull enough to render it self suspected it were not only to deprive his own of the means to resist him but to give new force to that Forraigner to attempt upon him In fine the necessities of man are satisfied with so little that it were very unreasonable to make vast expences upon commodities of no use and from which there is not that satisfaction to be receiv'd as in convenience Content your selves with that which is enough saith St. Austine the rest serveth only to make the life more burthensom instead of refreshing it from care and superfluous expences which are made for the obtaining of an apparent honour have very troublesom consequences A Difference between the Bishops and Religious decided by a Judgement from the Councel ALthough the Cardinal had made up by his admirabl dexterity in the foregoing yeer some differences which were mov'd between the Bishops and Religious by perswading the latter to condiscend to some Articles to which no man else could have brought them yet so it was that some troublesom spirits publish'd books some for one part and some for another The main ground of the quarrel was concerning a word which was found in some manuscripts of a Canon of the second Counsel of Orange and not in others They who were for the Religious raised this consequence from it That Confirmation was not absolutely necessary after Baptism Those on the other side unable to salve the matter maintained the contrary All that the Laws of History permit me to say is that the consequence rais'd by those for the Religious was very dangerous because it might be inferr'd that the Bishops in England might be easily pass'd by seeing all the exercises of Christianity might be practic'd there by the Catholicks excepting confirmation only The heat of this dispute did sometimes transport them beyond the bounds of Doctrine and to fall foul upon some Subjects which could not but give some advantage to Hereticks and trouble the Consciences of many tenderly affected and disturb the publick quiet The course at first taken was to prohibit the Printing of Books of this nature without leave obtain'd from the grand Chancellery but the Doctors of Divinity of Paris not satisfied therewith ordered in one of their Assemblies that the books of Pere Sirmond made to maintain that word should be re-examined so that this was the occasion of publishing without priviledge certian books repugnant to that Christian peace and charity which ought especially to be between Ecclesiasticks The King took notice thereof and not to leave it unremedied commanded Monsieur le Garde des Seaux to take care in it who order'd that the books printed and published under the name of Pere Sirmond and Petrus Aurelius the two chief of the parties should be examin'd by nine Doctors of Divinity prohibited them upon penalty of corporal punishment to determine any thing in their Assemblies concerning these books and all Book-sellers to sell them without permission under the Great Seal Some Prelates more zealous then wise in matter of the Kings priviledge complain'd of this Arrest pretending it was not the custom for Kings to intermeddle with the Doctrine of the Church but they were not long unanswer'd for Monsieur le Garde des Seaux was too well acquainted with the King his Masters power and too wel vers'd in the reading of good books to be ignorant how Kings and Emperors have alwaies taken cognisance of affairs of this nature and determin'd them in order to the good of their State and the continuation of the publick quiet The Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical Affairs THe Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical affairs Though God hath chiefly put the Scepter into the hands of Kings and Emperors to exercise a temporal power over their people yet custom obligeth them to know that they have no small authority in Ecclesiastical affairs There need no more ancient example then that of Constantine the first Christian Emperour Doth not every one know that he call'd himself Bishop of such things as pass'd out of the Church that writing to the Bishops he told them he took part of their ministry to be the more carefull of the Church And in fine he undertook the management thereof with so much zeal and Prudence that his actions acquir'd him the Title of Founder of Law and Religion as is to be seen in an ancient inscription It was with no little trouble and care that he quieted the Church in the time of Arius that he assembled divers Counsels upon his Doctrine and that he prohibited the reading of his books To shew that his procedure was without usurpation every one may see in History that the Popes themselves and particular Clergies likewise have from time to time made their addresses to Emperors to be by them countenanc'd in affairs which hapned unto them The Clergy and Monks of Constantinople beseech'd Theodosius and Valentinian to be solicitous of the Church and to suppress Heresies Whereupon those two Emperors commanded St. Cyril to examine the Doctrine of Nestorius The Bishops of the Counsel of Constantinople beseech'd Theodosius to confirm their Decree and Pope Bonisace acknowledg'd so great a power to the Emperor Honorius in Ecclesiastical affairs that he intreated him to make a Decree to prohibit all kind of under-hand dealing in the Election of the Popes I could easily prove this custom by the examples of suceeding Emperors but I had rather shew that our Kings have usually done the like For Clouis the first of those that imbrac'd Christianity made divers Ordinances for the ministery of the Church as he himself hath written in a Letter to the Bishops of France to be seen at this present intire and undefac'd for above eleven ages He assembled the Bishops of Orleans in a Cousel where it was prohibited to admit any of his Subjects to be Clerks without his Majesties permission and at their intreaty he confirm'd their Canons I will go a little further and say that Ecclesiastical persons being born Subjects of a Soveraign Prince their Kings have reciev'd power from God with their Crowns to determine their personal causes where the good of the State may be interessed a thing not to be doubted of that the power of judging is inseparably annex'd unto that of the Soveraignty and that he who is a Princes Subject is of necessity to submit to his Justice and that Ecclesiastiques cannot deny themselves to be Subjects seeing as hath been already said the greatest Poper themselves have not made any difficulty to put themselves in this rank as Gelasius in a Letter which he writ to the Emperor Anastasius Pelagius the first in profession of his Faith which he sent to Childebert one of our first Kings and St Gregory to the Emperor Maurice What reason can they pretend to resist it seeing Jesus Christ himself and St. Paul have acknowledg'd themselves to be subject to their power Did not Jesus Christ tell Pilate by way of acknowledging his Authority that he could have no power over him but what he receiv'd from heaven whereupon St. Austine and St. Bernard expounding those words say that Pilates sentence though very unjust was not usurp'd because he had a lawfull authority So likewise St. Paul thinking himself happy to walk in the steps of his Masters humility did not appeal from Festus his Tribunal to that of St. Peter but to that of Caesar acknowledging his power and authority of judging in that affair then in question Nor are the Disciples greater then their Masters The End of the Second Part.
the welfare of his own State as Duels in which there every day perished many of the Nobility and which hath been alwaies known for one of the greatest Incendiaries of France It was no hard matter to perswade him to stop the further course of it by the terrours of those punishments included â—n an Edict against all such as should bee found guilty of the breach of it The Edict contained that all such as should for the future fall into that crime either challenging or challenged should be ever after deprived of all their Charges Pension or other gifts notwithstanding any letter of favour or grace which they might procure or obtain either by surmise or otherwaies and that in case they should afterwards attempt any thing against those who should be placed in their Offices they should presently be degraded out of the Nobility declared not to be Gentlemen but Yeomen and punished with death And besides that a third part of their Goods should be confiscated That the person who carrieth a Challenge should under the Penalties abovesaid be banished three whole years That all such as should assault or fight with one another upon any occasion should be proceâ—ded against and punished as if the design to fight had been premeditated That all such as should fight out of the Kingdome should be punished in their Goods during their absence and in their persons after their returns in the same manner as if it had been committed in France And lastly that such as should take with them either a Second or Third should be punished with out more a do with death As also all such who should the second time carry any one a challenge for Duel These were the chief punishments included in the Edict and upon the publication of it his Majesty took a solemn oath not to she any favour to those who should break it and commanded his officers that if it should happen that his Majesty might by importunity be drawn to grant any pardons for it they should take no notice of it and enjoyned the Marschals of France to have a great care in ending any difference which might arise between the nobility giving them authority that in case any should refuse to give that satisfaction which should by them be injoyned they should presently besides those punishments of imprisonment and such others as might be inflicted on them be forth with degraded of their nobility It was however much to be doubted lest those who should be challenged and did nâ—t fight would be esteemed as cowards but to prevent that disorder his Majesty did also by the same Edict declare that such refusal to accept of any Challenge should be esteemed as a mark of courage generous and prudent conduct and deserving to be imployed in Military commands and hee did likewise promise by oath before God that he would reward such as should forbear to accept of any such challenges Politique Observation PRinces may not permit Duels without partaking in the Crimes of them for who so hath the Authority in his hands and maketh not use of it to punish those offences which are committed against the Laws is no lesse guilty then they who are the absolute Authors of such misdemeanors The people do not only violate the Law in the persons of their Kings but the Kings themselves in not punishing the offenders are guilty of the same crime How unjust is it to leave Duels unpunished seeing they are condemned by the Judgment of God when he said his Blood shall be spilt that spilleth the Blood of his Neighbour And under the new Law who so shall take the Sword in hand shall perish by the Sword I may safely say there is not any Crime so enormous as this for the man who commiteth it taketh that Authority which God hath reserved to himself according to that saying of Saint Paul to the Romans Vengeance is mine and I will repay it And it is not only an attempt upon Gods prerogative but also one of the greatest miseries that a Common-wealth can be afflicted with For as a great losse of Blood extinguisheth the vigor of our bodies maketh our faces become pale and rendreth nature weak and languishing So likewise is it with Duels which draw out the most couragious Blood of the nobility in which consisteth the Chief strength of the State which mightily impair the force of it exstinguishing the lively colours of its beauty and bringing it into a languishing condition And if the State be injured in it those particular persons who perish in such combats are much more exposed to many unhappinesses for with the life of their bodies they likewise lose that of their Souls by the losse of which the utmost they can hope for is to become objects of Gods Just vengeance who is seldome wanting to punish even those who escape with the victorie with some notable chastisement unlesse they pacifie him by a true repentance For can it be otherwise then very displeasing to him to behold his workmanship so destroyed which cost him so much and to see such Souls ruined by the enemy which have heretofore invited him to shew such effects of his power and such miracles of his love and all for their sakes The cause of this misfortune is no other then a false and damnable tenent which finds wayes to perswade men that it is glorious to be revenged and that to suffer an injurie unpunished by their Swords is a great losse to their Honour But can there be any reason to think an Action honourable which is so contrary to God's Laws It cannot be denied but that the nobility do draw there Chief glory from their courages but there is a great difference between this vertue of generosity and the Passion of Revenge This same vertue is no fury and transportation of the mind to things against both humane and divine Laws But it is a vigorous resolution commendable in a generous Soul which maketh him despise dangers especially when his Prince commandeth him to fight against the enemies of the State Valour hath it's limitation as all other vertues and who so goeth beyond those bounds falleth into the extremity of vice whence it hapened that Agesilaus said according as Plutarch reporteth it That valour ought not to be regarded if not accompanied with Justice Now that which is shewed upon private authority is it not quite contrarie to it Reason obligeth a man to overcome himself at private and particular quarrels just as he would his enemies In Common-wealths well governed Revenge is an Act savouring of a Brute Socrates once answered a certain man who beat him If I were an Asse I should run upon thee too but being a man I must endure it with patience Is there any reason or sense to fix honour upon an Action prohibited by God and forbidden by nature Honour would be but ill grounded if it had any dependance upon an unruly passion it cannot be linked to any thing but vertue and none
the intended siege of Rochel The Major part of them foresaw that in case Rochelle were taken they must then of necessity live in an exact obedience That it would carry with it an absolute ruine to all the Hugonot party and that there would be no more means left them to rise up against the Kings authority in future when they had a mind to procure any thing by force neither were they a little startled at the assurance of the design his Majesty had resolutely taken of carrying the place The Grandees have alwayes thought the encrease of the Royal Power a diminution to their own private authorities and they of France were not ignorant that in case the Hugonot party were destroyed they had then no game left to play but that of submission This induced some of the most factious to cast out such discourses as could only be deemed the Symptoms of a Revolt though as yet there had not been any apparence of a formal contrived design The King had learn't from some of the old Court that that which hindred the taking od Rochel when as Charles the ninth besieged it was only the little inclination which many of the Grandees then at the siege had that it should be taken as the Marshal de Montlue testified on the place by divers letters So that he resolved to prevent this inconveniency neither was it lesse needful to prevent the growing of this cabal least they should by joyning themselves with the Hugonots and strangers force his Majesty to draw off his Armies and to attend their motions The wise and discreet resolution which his Majestie took to give an assured remedie hereunto was to clap up in the Bastille several sedicious turbulent persons who began to speak aloud such things as neither the Laws of obedience or respect could allow of but with order that they should be well treated and want nothing it being his Majesties desire only to prevent them from doing any hurt The Marquis de Rouillat de Bounivet de Montpinson d' Oy were first of all secured and shortly after Fancan and La Milletiere with other inferiours to keep them Company which made them perceive who had the good Fortune not to be interressed in any of these Broyles that the King was no more to be dallyed with and that it would become them to live within their limits and that they could not avoyd lodging in the same place if they gave any cause of suspition by their behaviour Thus every one for love or fear was quiet and the King had the freedome to continue his preparations for the siege of Rochelle Politique Observation A King is no lesse obliged to search after those who are able to trouble the repose of his State then those who are able to serve him It is needful for him to have certain marks both for one and t'other that he may judg of either Now amongst them who are able to ingage in a Faction he ought to make little account of such who have great stirring Spirits but little Prudence for they of his Temper are usually wicked ambitious Lovers of Novelties insurrections and all sorts of intreagues Grobus would needs have us esteem Alcibiades for a person of this condition when he represented him to be as exquisite in his vices as his virtues and T. Livy puts Hannibal amongst the same number when after a recital of his vertues he addeth that his vices were full as eminent On the other side he ought to be vigilant over those who are ready to undergo any meannesses upon hopes of getting any advantage or greatnesse as Caesar did according to Dions report who condescended to bestow imbraces beneath the quality of his person on mean and base men if he found them any ways conducing to the advancing of his Power In this last age Mâ—nsâ—eur ae Guise hath done the same thing in the eyes of all men but was slain at Blois in his attempt of making himself Master of the French Crown Withall he ought no lesse distrust those persons of quality who are grown poor or who have been laid by from imployments and affairs For Tacitus on the life of Ottho saith there is not any one thing which persons of Courage and Quality do suffer with more regret then that of poverty do we not read that poverty was it which gave so much boldnesse to Sylla in his attempts That Cneus Piso was ingaged in all his undertakings by his being reduced to extream necessity and of doing those things which were unworthy of his Birth Then hee ought to be no lesse watchfull of those who comporting themselves to the present times change their Fashions when they please who of Lyons turn to be Lambs and from Lambs become Lyons again and this with much facility all to make advantage of whatsoever comes uppermost to swim with the stream and to join their Interests with those onely from whom they have expectations of gain and advantage He had need be jealous of those who under pretence of their own private Affairs passe from one Country to another without any apparent reasons for it of such as onely converse with turbulent minds of such as seem to be discontented at affairs of such as are in debt or have received some distasts in their private interests I could produce examples to fortifie the reasonablenesse of all these several propositions and how that all these sorts of persons ought to be suspected if the brevity of these Maxims would give way to it But making profession of being short I shall onely for conclusion say that both Prudence and Justice oblige to make sure of such persons especially on the least occasion given to suspect that they are disposed to ingage themselves in any Intreague The least delay which shall be given them will onely fix them so much the more whereas the dispatch in securing of them rather sooner then later is a kind of Pitty for that it warranteth them from a more severe chastisement by preventing them from falling into greater Crimes Ambition Covetousnesse Revenge and Poverty meeting in a turbulent Factious Soul never let him be at rest or free from some embroyl or other if he be not curb'd in either by force or necessity And when it shall so happen that he may be of himself perswaded to keep within his duties yet it will be lesse inconvenient to make sure of him by a just rigour then to leave him in a licentiousnesse of ill-doing by too imprudent a compassion Differences between the Duke of Espernon and the Parliament of Bourdeaux reconciled by the discreet fore-sight of the Cardinal THere was about the same time ground enough to suspect lest the bitternesse which had about a year since disunited the Duke of Espernon Governour of Guyenne and the Parliament of Bourdeaux might prejudice his Majesties service in this juncture where it was needfull that all his Arms and Justice might concenter to stifle rebellion in its birth and to keep