Majesties government and intending the subversion of the fundamental Lawes and setled governement of that Realme and the distraction of his Majesties liege people there did upon the 30. day of September in the ninth yeare of his now Majesties Reigne in the Citie of Dublin the chiefe Citie of that Kingdome where his Majesties privie Counsell and Courts of Iustice doe ordinarily reside and whither the Nobility and Gentry of that Realme doe usually resort for Iustice in a publikâ— Speech before divers of the Nâ—bility and Gentry and before the Major Aldermen and Recorder and many Citizens of Dublin and other his Majesties Liege people declare and publish that Ireland was a conquered Nation and that the King might doe with them what he pleased and speaking of the Charters of the former Kings of England made to that Citie he further said that their Charters were nothing worth and did binde the King no further then hee pleased 4. That Richard Earle of Corke having sued out processe in course of Law for recovery of his possessions from which he was put by colour of an order made by the said Earle of Strafford and the Counsell Table of the said Realme of Ireland The said Earle of Strafford upon a paper petition without legall proceeding did the 20 day of February in the 11. yeare of his nâ—w Majesties Reigne threaten the said Earle of Corke beeing then a Peere of the said Realme to imprison him unlesse he would surcease his suit and said That he would have neither Law nor Lawyers dispute or question any of his orders And the 20. dâ—y of March in the said 11. year of the said Earle of Strafford speaking of an order of the said Counsell Table of that Realme in the time of King James which concerned a Lease which the said Earle of Corke claimed in certaine rectories or tithes which the said Earle of Cork alleaged to be of no force said That he would make the said Earle and all Ireland know so long as hee had the government there any Act of State there made or to bee made should bee as binding to the Subjects of that Kingdome as an Act of Parliament And did question the said Earle of Corke in the Castle Chamber upon pretence of the breach of the said order of Counsell Table and did sundry other times and upon sundry other occasions by his words and speeches arrogate to himselfe a power above the fundementall Lawes and established Government of that Kingdome and scorned the said Lawes and established government 5 That according to such his Declarations and Speeches the said Earls of S r ffoâ—d did use and exercise a power above â—nd against and to the subversion of the said fundame tall Laws and established government of the said Realme of Ireland exâ—ending such his power to the goods free holds inheritances liberties and lives of his Majesties Subjects in the said Realme viz. The said Earle of Sirâ—fford the twelfth day of December Anno Domini 1635. in the time of full peace did in the said Realme of Ireland give and procure to bee given against the Lord Mount Norris then and yet a Peere of Ireland and then Vice-Treasurer and receiver generall of the Realme of Ireland and one of the principall Secretaries of State and Keeper of the privy Signet of the said Kingdome a sentence of death by a Councell of warre called together by the said Earle of Strafford without any warrant or authority of Law or offence deserving any such punishment And hee the said Earle did also at Dublin within the said Realm of Ireland in the Month of March in the fourteenth yeare of his Majesties Reigne without any legall or due proceedings or tryall give or cause to bee given a sentence of death against one other of his Majesties Subjects whose name is yet unknowne and caused him to be put to death in execution of the said sentence 6 That the said Earle of Strafford without any legall proceedings and upon a paper Petition of Richard Ralstone did cause the said Lord Mount-Norris to be disseized and put out of possession of his free-hold and inheritance of his Mannor and Tymore in the Countrey of Armagh in the Kingdome of Ireland the said Lord Mount-Norris having beene two yeares before in quiet possession thereof 7 That the said Earle of Strafford in the Termâ— of holy Trinity in the thirteenth yeare of his now Majesties Reigne did cause a case commonly called the case of Tenures upon defective Titles to be made and drawne up without any juâ—y or tryall or other legall processe and without the consent of parties and did then procure the ludges of the said Realme of Ireland to deliver their opinions and resolutions to that case and by colour of such opinion did without any legal proceeding cause Thâ—mas Lord Dillon a Peeâ—e of the said Realme of Ireland to be put out of possession of divers Lands and Tenements being his free-hold in the Countrey of Mago and Rosecomen in the said Kingdome and divers other of his Majesties Subjects to be also put out of possession disseized of their free hold by colour of the same resolution without legall proceedings whereby many hundreds of his Majesties subjects were undone and their families utterly ruinated 8 That the said Earle of Strafford upon a Petition of Sir Iohn Gifford Knight the first day of February in the said thirteenth yeare of his Majesties reigne without any regall Processe made a Decree or Order against Adam Viscount Lofts of Elie a Peere of the said Realme of Ireland and L Chancellor of Ireland did cause the said Viscount to bee imprisoned and kept close prisoner on pretence of disobedience to the said Decree or order And the said Earle without any authority and contrary to his Commission required and commanded the said Lord Viscount to yeeld unto him the great Seale of the Realme of Ireland which was then in his custody by his Majesties command and imprisoned the said Chancellour for not obeying such his command And without any legall proceedings did in the same thirteenth yeare imprison George Earle of Kildare a Peere of Ireland against Law thereby to enforce him to submit his Title to the Mannor and Lordship of Castle Leigh in the Queens County being of great yearely value to the said Earle of Straffords will and pleasure and kept him a yeare prisoner for the said cause two moneths whereof hee kept him close prisosoner and refused to enlarge him notwithstanding his Majesties Letters for his enlargement to the said Earle of Strafford directed And upon a Petition exhibited in October 1635. by Thomas Hibbots against dame Mary Hibbots widdow to him the said Earle of Strafford the said Earle of Strafford recommended the said Petition to the Counsell Table of Ireland where the most part of the Counsell gave their vote and opinion for the said Ladie but the said Earle finding fault herewith caused an order to be entred against the said Lady and threatned her
abilities of nature and what he hath got by acquisition depth of judgement quicknesse of apprehension unparaleld moderation in great Councels and great affaires such as you my Lords that had the happinesse to attend Him at the Councell of the Peeres at York to your great joy and comfort can witnesse and after ages will remember to His eternall honour and same For His just and pious Government I dare boldly say that if any under Him as our Instrument have had the distributing of justice to His people have not done as they ought the fault is their own and they have done contrary to the Royall Nature and expresse Command of our Gratious Soveraign from whom I have often learned this golden Rule and Maxim he serves me best that serves me with honesty and integrity Behold Him in another part of Himself in His dearest comfort our Gracious Queen the mirror of Vertue from whom since Her happy arrivall here now above three lustres of yeetes never any Subject record other then gratious and benigne Influence and I dare a vow as She is neerest and dearest to our Soveraign so there is none whose affections and endeavours His Majesty onely excepted hath or doth or can cooperate more to the happy successe of this Parliament and the never to be equalled joy and comfort of a right understanding between the King and His people Behold Him in His best image our excellent young Prince and the rest of the Royall and lively Progeny in whom we cannot but promise to our selves to have our happinesse perpetuated From the Throne turn your eyes upon the two supporters of it on the one side the Stemne of honour the Nobility and Clergy on the other side the Gentry and Commons Where was there or is there in any part of the world a nobility so numerous so magnanimous and yet with such a temper that they neither ecclipse the throne nor overtop the people but keep in a distance fit for the greatnesse of the Throne Where was there a Common-wealth so free and the ballance so equally held as here And certainly so long as the beam is so held it cannot be otherwise in right Anglis if you turn the line never so little it groweth quickly accute or obdure and so in States the least deviation makes a great change But His Majesties great wisedome and goodnesse and the assistance of the Honourable Assembly I do not doubt will be a means to make us stear between the Teophick of moderation that there be no declension from the poole of severity I am by His Maiesties Command to relate to you some proceedings since the last Assembly here You may remember the Summer preceding this last His Majesty went with an Army into the North ingaged in honour so to do by reason of the câ—urses that were taken by divers of the Subjects in Scotland in the prejudice of Monarchy and rendring lesse glorious this Kingdom I know not under what pretence but all that time they came very neer England with an Army so neer that it was believed they would have then entred and invaded the Kingdome They did professe the contrary neither did they want remonstrations and declarations to infuse this opinion into the hearts of His Majesties people before it would by the effects What their intentions from the beginning were His Maiestie by His goodnesse and wisedome settled a Peace and made a pacification at Barwick upon which both Armies were disbanded which pacification and every Article of it His Maiesty for His part hath been so far from violating that whensoever any question shall be made of it shall plainly and clearly appear it was His care to see it in all things performed On the contrary those Subiects of His not contented with that grace which His Maiesty then gave them in those Articles of pacification they have strained them beyond the bounds and limits of the intention and meaning but they over and above attempted and acted divers things so prejudiciall to Monarchy and contrary and repugnant to the Law and settled constitution and usage of that Kingdome that His Maiesty could not in honour continue at it This being made known unto His Maiesty and to His Privy Councell by those who best knew the State and affairs of that Kingdom and that were most trusted and imployed by His Maiesty His Maiesty by the unaminous consent of His Privy Councell resolved to raise an army to reduce them to their modest and iust condition of true obedience and subiection to defend this Kingdome from all damage and danger that by their means how specious soever they shaddow their pretences they might fall upon it His Maiesty then foresaw and foretold that the raising of an Army at this time was but to stand upon their own defence as they professed and they had an intention to enter this Kingdome and to seize upon some place of importance and eminency and His Maiesty in particular named Newcastle Had His Maiesty then had means and money aswell as he had certain knowledge of their intentions I do beleeve that these calamities that have fallen upon that Town and the Counties adioyning had been prevented Perhaps the misinterpretation of His Maiesties intentions and the misunderstanding of His actions and I am a fraid the two benigne interpretation of the attempts actions and professions of the Subiects in Scotland added sâ—me impediment to that which the most of us I hope have lived to repent of His Maiesty howsoever wâ—nt in Person to the North to see His Army ordered and to take care for the safety and defence of this Kingdom asmuch as he possible could He had not long been there but that which he foresaw and foretold fell out for the Scots passed with their Army the Rivers Tweed and Tine and seized upon Newcastle which of what importance it is you all know And that they force contribution of the Counties of Noâ—thumberland and the Bishoprick of Durbâ—m besides many other spoiles and distructions that were committed His Maiesty well considering of what weight and importance this was and then having neither time nor place to call this assembly of Parliament He did resolve as had been frequently used to summon a great Councell of all the Peeres that by their advice and assistance there might be some interruption given to the calamity that was likely to spread over the whole Kingdome And commanded Writs to issue accordingly That was not done to prevent but to prepare for a Parliament It was not to clash or entor fire with this assembly by acting or ordering any thing which belongeth to this high and supream jurisdiction but onely to give their assistance for the present to render things more fit for this great assembly That His Maiesties intention was so it is cleer for before ever any petition was delivered or ever any speech of petition for a Parliament His Maiesty had resolved to call one The Lords understood It so will plainly appear by the
seemes to be this particular case yet seeing that I am pressed by both Houses to give way to his because I will avoid the inconveniencie of giving so great discontent to my people as I conceive this Mercy may produce therefore I doe remit this particular Cause to both the Houses But I desire them to take into their consideration the inconveniencies as I conceive may upon this occasion fall upon my Subjects and other Protestants abroad especially since it may seeme to other States to be a severity which surprise having thus represented I think my selfe discharged from all ill consequence that may ensue upon the execution of this person FINIS To the Right Honourable the Commons House of Parliament The humble Petition of many of his Majesties Subjects in and about the Citie of London and severall Counties of the Kingdome THat wheras the government of Archbishops and Lord-Bishops Deanes and Archdeacons c. with their Courts and ministrations in them hath proved prejudiciall and very dangerous both to the Church and Common-wealth they themselves having formerly held that they have their jurisdiction or authority of humane Authority till of these later times being further perused about the unlawfulnesse that they have claymed their calling immediatly from the Lord JESVS CHRIST which is against the Lawes of this Kingdome and Derogatory to his Majestie and his State Royall And whereas the said government is found by wofull experience to be a maine cause and occasion of many foule evils pressures and grievance of a very high nature unto his Majesties Subjects in their owne Consciences liberties and â—st tes as in a Shedule of particulars hereunto annexed may in part appeare We therefore most humbly pray and beseech this Honourable Assembly the premisses considered that the said government with all its dependâ—nces roots and branches may be abolished and all lawes in their behalfe made voyd and the government according to Gods word may be rightly placed among us and we your humble Supplyants as in duty we are bound will daily pray for his Majesties long and happy raigne over us and for the prosperous successe of this High and Honourable Court of Parliament c. A Particular of the manifold Evils Pressures and Grievances caused practized and occasioned by the Prelates and their Dependants I. FIrst the subjecting and enclining all Ministers under them and their Authority and so by degrees exempting of them from the Temporall power whence followes II. The faint-heartednesse of Ministers to preach the truth of God lest they should displease the Prelates as namely the Doctrine of Predestination of Free-grace of Perseverance of Originall sinne remaining after Baptisme of the Sabbath the Doctrine against universall Grace Election for Faith fore-seene Free-will against Antichrist non-Residents humane Inventions of Gods worship all which are generally with-held from the peoples knowledge because not relishing to the Bishops III. The encouragement of Ministers to despise the temporall Magistracie the Nobles and Gentry of the Land to abuse the Subjects live contentiously with their neighbours knowing that they being the Bishops creatures they shall be supported IV. The restraint of many godly and able men from the Ministry and thrusting out of many Congregations their faithfull diligent and powerfull Ministers who lived peaceably with them and did them good onely because they cannot in Conscience submit unto and maintaine the Bishops needlesse devices nay sometimes for no other cause but for their zeale in Preaching or great Auditories V. The suppressing of that godly Designe set on foot by certaine Sects and sugred with many great gifts by sundry well-affected persons for the buying of Impropriations and placing of able Ministers in them maintaining of Lectures and founding of Free Schooles which the Prelates could not endure lest it should darken their glories and draw the Ministers from their dependance upon them VI. The great encrease of idle lewd and dissolute ignorant and erroneous men in the Ministry which swarme like the Locusts of Egypt over the whole Kingdome and will they but weare a Canonicall Coat a Surplisse a Hood bow at the name of JESVS and be zealous of Superstitious Ceremonies they may live as they list confront whom they please preach and vent what errours they will and neglect preaching at their pleasures without controule VII The discouragement of many from bringing up their Children in learning the many Schismes errors and strange opinions which are in the Church great Corruptions which are in the Universities the grosse and lamentable ignorance almost every where among the people the want of preaching Ministers in very many places both of England Wales the loathing of the Ministry and the generall defection to all manner of prophanenesse VIII The swarming of lascivious idle and unprofitable Books and Pamphlets Play-books and Ballads as namely Ovids fits of Love the Parliament of Women came out at the dissolving of the last Parliament Barnes Poems Parkers Ballads in disgrace of Religion to the encrease of all vice and withdrawing of people from reading studying and hearing the word of God and other good Books IX The hindring of godly Books to be Printed the blotting out or perverting those which they suffer all or most of that which strikes either at Poperie or Arminianisme the adding of what or where pleaseth them and the restraints of reprinting Books formerly lycensed without relycensing X. The publishing and venting of Popish Arminian and other dangerous Books and Tenets as namely that the Church of Rome is a true Church and in the worst times never erred in Fundamentals that the Subjects have no propriety in their Estates but that the King may take from them what hee pleaseth that all is the Kings and that he is bound by no Law and many other from the former whereof hath sprang XI The growth of Popery and encrease of Papists Priests and Jesuits in sundry places but especially about London since the Reformation the frequent venting of Crucifixes and Pop sh Pictures both engraven and printed and the placing of such in Bibles XII The multitude of Monopolies and Pattents drawing with them innumerable Perjuries the large encrease of Customes and Impositions upon Commodities the Ship-monies and many other great burthens upon the Common-wealth under which all groane XIII Moreover the Offices and Jurisdictions of Arch-bishopâ— Lord-Bishops Deanes Arch-Deacons being the same way of Church Government which is in the Romish Church and which was in England in the time of Poperie little change thereof being made except onely the head from whence it was derived the same Arguments supporting the Pope which doe uphold the Prelates and overthrowing the Prelates which doe pull downe the Pope and other reformed Churches having upon their rejection of the Pope cast the Prelates out also as Members of the Beast Hence it is that the Prelates here in England by themselves or their Diciples plead and maintaine that the Pope is not Antichrist and that the Church of Rome is a
My Lord Keeper did first let us know that his Majesty had commanded the Lords Commissioners of the great Councell to give an account of their Treaties at Yorke and Rippon to both Houses and of his Majesties gracious intentions in a businesse so much importing the honour and safety of the Kingdome that there might be made a faithfull relation with all candor and clearnesse which was the summe of his Majesties instructions His Lordship declaring that my Lords of the upper House for the saving of time had thought fit to give this account to a Committee of both Houses which hath occasioned the meeting at this Conference and election being made of the Earle of Bristoll by the Lords Commissioners he began his Narration directed to the Lords of the upper House and to the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the house of Commons and thus the Earle of Bristoll began That the Lords Commissioners intended not to looke further back into the businesse then the Acts of their own imployments They did intend to give no account of the pacification interrupted nor war renewed no account how the Armies in England Ireland and by Sea were designed nor of any occasion They purposed not to lay fault upon any man nor to enquire into the cause why the Scots as they pretended from necessity were drawne to enter this Kingdome nor why the Kings Army when service was to be done was out of the way But that those through whose hands these have passed might hereafter give their own account His Lordship told us that his Majesty was pleased to call his great Councell at Yorke to whom he made two propositions The first was how his Army which seemed to be in distresse for want of pay should be relieved and maintained To this to shew their duties to the King the Lords resolved to ingage themselves and to that purpose to send chosen Deputies to London to negotiate a supply The second proposition was that after the Scots had passed Northumberland taken Newcastle and possessed the Bishopricke of Duresme they sent a Petition to his Majesty which containeth in generall termes a desire to have their grievances taken into consideration Which Petition and Answer thereunto was read unto us A. N. A. and presented for our clearer understanding Upon receipt of his Majesties Answer the Scotish Lords sent his Majesty a second Petition directed in a Letter to the Earle of Lanrick K. Q. in which they made their particular demands and declared that according to his Majesties command they would advance no further and this Petition was also read and delivered unto us of which his Lordship desired that great Assembly to take especiall notice for that much of the future discourse would depend upon it The businesse thus stated at the great Councell the second proposition was what Answer should be made to that Petionary Letter and in what manner it should be carried In which his Majesty required their Councell Whereupon the Lords replyed that it was impossible for them to give any well grounded advice unlesse the true state of his affaires and the Condition of his Army were laid before them Whereupon his Majesty commanded the Earle of Traquaire N. L. to make the Narration of the Scotish businesse and their late Acts of Parliament and the Lord Lievtenant generall to give an account in what condition the Army stood and what was answered by my Lord Lievtenant was read in his owne words Besides this declaration the Earle of Bristoll delivered upon a further enquiry how the state of the businesse then stood That the Scots Army had passed Northumberland without resistance that they had disputed the passage of the River of Tyne at Newburne where our horse retyred in disorder that his Majesties foot Army consisting of twelve or fourteene thousand men in Newcastle likewise retired to Yorke whereby the Towne of Newcastle a place of great consideration was without one stroke strucken fallen into the Scots hands and the Bishopricke of Duresme drawn under Contribution That in this state the Gentry of the Bishopricke repayred to Master Treasurer who carryed them to his Majesty from whom they were referred to my Lord Lievtenant of the Army who gave them this answer positively That they could looke for no help nor protection from the King and therefore they might use the best meanes they could to preserve their lives and estates Whereby those distressed Provinces the ancient Bulwarks of this Kingdome full of brave and valiant men being now fallen into the power of an Army which of necessity must live were forced to consent to a contribution by Treaty and a very heavy one though such without which the Scotish Army could not subsist The agreement was 350. l. a day for the Bishopricke of Duresme 300. l. a day for Northumberland 200. a day for the Towne of Newcastle in all 850. l. a day which should it continue would amount unto 300000. l. for one yeare These Gentlemen much lamented their estates that the Scots should be irritated as they call it by being proclaimed Traytors His Lordship made a little digression and asked leave to speake truth in such language as the Scots had presented their state unto them That having proclamation made against them being threatned with a great Army of thirty or forty thousand men another of ten thousand out of Ireland and by Parliament declared Traytors and Rebels and having heard of another Army providing of eight or ten thousand by shipping to hinder their Trade at least their Commerce with England that they were drawne together by necessity as they pretended of defence further alledging that it was a common discourse of which they had seene papers that they should bee reduced into a Province which would be but one Summers worke and therefore they having drawne their power together as any Nation would doe and being assembled and their Country being poore taking advantage of the time and that all those Armies that should oppose them were out of the way and those unfortunate Provinces left like a list of Cloath they were forced to enter in England that thus they had lamented and thus the state stood before the Lords when it was examined in the great Councell Thus their Lordships found that the Scots had increased their confines neere fourescore miles in England and had passed the Rivers of Tweed and Tyne and that the River of Tees the boundary of Yorkeshire Duresme being possessed was not to be defended being foordable in many places by forty horse a front that if the Scots should passe that River there was no possibility to hinder them from comming to Yorke or to any part of England without hazarding a Battell which my Lord Lievtenant had declared unto them he would not advise for though the Kings Army consisted of seventeene or eighteene thousand good bodies of men yet being untrained and unused to Armes he would be loath to hazzard such an Adventure upon them but if they
whole matter of my Lord of Stafford Mr. St. Johns Argvment The KINGS Majesties First Speech in Parliament the third of November 1640. My Lords THe knowledge I had of the desires of my Scottish Subjects was the cause of my calling the last Assembly of Parliament wherein had I beene beleeved I sincerely thinke that things had not fallen out as now we see But it is no wonder that men are so slow to beleeve that so great a sedition should be raised on so little ground But now my Lords and Gentlemen the honour and safety of this Kingdome lying so neerely at the stake I am resolved to put my self freely and cleerly on the love and affections of my English Subjects as these of my Lords that did wait on me at York very well remember I there declared Therefore my Lords I shall not mention mine own interest or that support I might justly expect from you till the common safety be secured though I must tell you I am not ashamed to say those charges I have been at have been meerly for the securing and good of this Kingdome though the successe hath not been answerable to my desires Therefore I shall only desire you to consider the best way both for the safety and security of this Kingdome wherein their are two parts chiefly considerable First the chastifing out of the Rebells And secondly that other in satisfying your just grievances wherein I shall promise you to concurre so heartily and cleerely with you that all the World may see my intâ—ntions have ever beene and shall be to make this a glorious and flourishing Kingdome There are only two things that I shall mention to you First the one is to tell you that the Loane of money which I lately had from the City of London wherein the Lords that waited on me at Yorke assisted me will only maintain my Armie for two moneâ—hs from the beginning of that time it was granted Now my Lords and Gentlemen I leave it to your considerations what dishonour and mischiefe it might be in case for want of money my Armie be disbanded before the Rebells be put out of this Kingdome Secondly the securing the calamities the Northern people endure at this time and so long as the treaty is on foot And in this I may say not only they but all this Kingdome will suffer the harme therefore I leave this also to your consideration for the ordering of these great affairs whereof you are to treat at this time I am so confident of your love to me and that your care is for the honour and safety of the Kingdome that I shâ—ll freely and willingly leave to you where to begin only this that you may the better know the state of all the Affairs I have commanded my Lord Keeper to give you a short and free accompt of these things that have happened in this interim wiâ—h this Protestation thaâ— if this accompt be not satisfactory as it ought to be I shall whensoever you desire give you a full and perfect accompt of every particular One thing more I desire of you as one of the greatest means to make this a happy Parliament That you on your parts as I on Mine lay aside all suspition one of another as I promised my Lords at Yorke It shall not be my fault if this be not a happie and good Parliament The Kings speech in Parliament the fift of November 1640. My Lords I do expect that you will hastily make relation to the House of Commons of those great affairs for which I have called you hither at this time and for the trust I have reposed in them and how freely I put my selfe on their love and affections at that time and that you may know the better how to do so I shall explaine my selfe concerning one thing I spake the last day I told you the Rebells must be put out of this Kingdome it 's true I must needs call them so so long as they have an Armie that do invade us and although I am under treaty with them and I under my great Seale do call them Subjects and so they are too but the state of my Affairs in short is this It 's true I did expect when I did will my Lords and great ones at Yorke to have given a gracious answer to all your grievances for I was in good hope by their wisedomes and assistances to have made an end of that businesse but I must tell you that my Subjects of Scotland did so delay them that it was not possible to end there Therefore I can no wayes blame my Lords that were at Rippon that the treaty was not ended but must thanke them for their pains and industry and certainly had they as much power as affections I should by that time have brought these distempers to a happy period so that now the treaty is transported from Rippon to London where I shall conclude nothing without your knowledge and I doubt not but by your approbation for I do not desire to have this great work done in a corner for I shall lay open all the steps of this mis-understanding and causes of the great differences between Me and my Subjects of Scotland And I doubt not but by your assistance to make them know their duty and also by your assistance to make them return whether they will or no. The Kings Speech to both the Houses Ianuary 25. 1640. My Lords THe Knights Citizens Burgesses The principall cause of my comming here at this time is by reason of the slow proceedings in Parliament touching which is a great deale of inconvenience Therefore I think it very necessary to lay before you the state of my affairs as now they stand therby to hasten not interrupt your proceedings First I must remember you that there are two Armies in the Kingdome in a manner maintained by you the very naming of which doth more cleerly shew the inconvenience thereof then a better tongue then mine can expresse Therfore in the first place I shall recommend unto you the quick dispatch of that businesse assuring you that it cannot rest upon me In the next place I must recommend unto you the State of my Navie and Forts the condition of both which is so well known unto you that I need not tell you the particulars only thus much they are the Walls and defence of this Kingdome which if out of order all men may easily judge what incouragement it will be to Our enemies and what disheartning to our friends Last of all and not of the least to be considered I must lay before you the distractions that are at this present occasioned through the cause of Parliament for there are some men that more maliciously than ignorantly will put no difference betweene Reformation and alteration of government Hence it commech that divine Service is irreverently interrupted and Petitions in an ill way given in neither disputed nor denied But I will enter into no more particulars
Ratcliffe was not the man alone but others joyned with him in that Assembly and I am sure my Lord of Strafford moved it for the breach of Parliament I shall addresse myselfe to the body of his answere Now give me leave my Lords that I may open the nature of this great offence My Lords it is a charge of Treason which is a Treason not ended or expired by one single Act but a trade enured by this Lord of Strafford ever since the Kings favor hath been bestowed upon him My Lords it hath two parts to deprive us that which was good And secondly to bring in a Tyrannicall government it takes away the Lawes of the Land and it hath an arbitrary government bounded by no law but what my Lord of Strafford pleaseth It is the law my Lords which we reverence and cheerefully render to our gracious Soveraigne The Law as it is the ground of our libertie so it is the distribution of Iustice My Lords in all this my Lord of Strafford hath endeavoured to make them uncapable of any benefit it is true my Lords that Treason against the person of a Prince is high Treason and the highest Treason that can be to man but it falls short of this Treason against the State When blessed King Iames was taken to heaven he commended the lawes to his sonne our gracious Soveraigne But my Lords if such a design as this should take effect that the law of Iustice shouldbe taken from the Throne we are without hope of ever seeing happy dayes power is not so easily laid downe unlesse it be by so good and just a Prince as we have My Lord of Straffords accusation is conveyed into twenty eight Articles and I shall but touch the heads that wee shall insist upon and I thinke the best way to this is to consider what he did before he went into Ireland what then and what since He hath encroached jurisdiction where none was taking upon him a power to repell the lawes and to make new lawes and in domineering over the lives and goods and what ever else was the subjects My Lords this he hath not done onely upon the meaner sort but upon the Peeres and auncient Nobilitie and what may your Lordships expect but the same measure at his hands here as they have found there when he committed any to prison if a Habeas Corpus were granted the Officers must not obey and if any Fine were put upon the Officer for refusing them there was a command that he should bee discharged so that he did not onely take power to himselfe but the Scepter of Iustice out of the Kings hand When he was a member of the house of Commons it was his owne motion all Ministers of state should serve the King according to the lawes which he hath broken himselfe He doth as much as say that Fines shall not be payed by Officers if in this they fulfill his commands but those that release a prisoner upon a Habeas Corpus shall finde his displeasure My Lords if this had been a single Act we should not have accused him of high Treason but this hath beene his common course and this we present to your Lordships consideration The next thing is that in the North the people attending for Iustice you shall see what a dishonour he flung upon the sacred Majestie of the King that did advance him some of the Iustices saith he are all for Law but they shall finde that the Kings little fingers is heavier then the Loynes of the Law My Lords what a sad speech was this and what sad Accidents happened upon it you all know and he said in a solemne speech That Ireland was a conquered Nation and that the King might do with them what he would their Charters were nothing worth they did binde the King no longer then he pleased Surely you may see what hee would do if he had power but we hope never such counsell shall have acceptation in so gracious an Eare as our Soveraignes and he doth not stay in words but proceeds to Actions when a Peere of the Kingdome was expelled the Kingdome for suing at Law for recovering of his Right he saith he would have Ireland know that neither Law nor Lawyers should question any thing that he ordered My Lords he goes higher for when there was an occasion to speake of an Act of State he said it should bee as binding as an Act of Parliament My Lords he cannot goe higher then this hee tells them in Parliament they were a Conquered Nation and they must expect the usage of a Conquered Nation The Lord Mountnorris for a few words that fell from his mouth spoken privately at his Table had a Counsell of warre called against him and was judged to death My Lords it is no marvaile that he saie That the Kings little finger should be so heavie when his little too was so heavie to tread downe a Peere under his foote My Lords he makes Lawes of himselfe and hee makes a difference in matters of Iustice betweene the poore and the rich but when he hath executed his power upon the poore he will fall upon the rich My Lords he hath made that which was worth but five shillings to the value of twenty and my Lords by this he doth in effect take away what ere this commoditie is worth he saith he doth it for the Kings gaine but we shall make it appeare that the Crowne hath lost and he hath gained And for the Commodity of Flax my Lords it is but a Womans Commodity but yet it is the staple Commodity of Ireland Now my Lords this Commondity he hath gotten wholly into his owne hands for he made such a Proclamation that it should be used in such wayes as the Women could not doe it and if it were not used in such ways that it should bee seised upon no he doth not onely put impositions upon the Subject but take away the goods too and thus he hath levyed warre against the Kings Subjects and this is his course that if a Decree were made by him and not obeyed there issued a warrant to Souldiers that they should make Garrison and that they should goe to the houses of those that were pretended to be disobedient My Lords they have killed their sheep and their Oxen and bound their horses and took them Captives till they have rendered obedience which is expressely contrary to Law for it saith If any man set horse or foot upon the Kings Subject in a Military way it is high Treason My Lords it doth not onely oppresse them in their estates but provoke and incite his Majesty to lay downe his mercy and goodnesse and to fall into an offensive war against his Subjects and to say they are Rebels and Traytors He tels his Counsell that the Parliament having forsaken the King and the King having tryed the Parliament hee might use other wayes to procure money to supply his necessities My Lords the same day
This it was Master Speaker His advising the King to employ the Army of Ireland to reduce England This I was assured would be proved before I gave my consent to his accusation I was confirmed in the same beliefe during the prosecution and fortified in it most of all since Sir Henry Vaines preparatory examinations by the assurances which that worthy member Mr. Pymme gave me that his Testimony would be made convincing by some notes of what passed at the Junto concurrent with it which I ever understanding to be of some other Counsellour you see now prove but a Copie of the same Secretaries notes discover'd and produc't in the manner you have heard and those Such disioynted fragments of the venemous part of discourses no results no conclusions of Counsels which are the onely things that Secretaries should register there being no use at all of the other but to accuse and to bring men into danger But Sir this is not that which overthrowes the evidence with mee concerning the Army of Ireland nor yet that all the rest of the Iunto upon their oathes remember nothing of it But this Sir which I shall tell you is that which works with mee under favour to an utter overthrow of his evidence as unto that of the Army of Ireland Before whil'st I was a prosecutor and under tye of Secrecie I might not discover any weakenesse of the cause which now as a Judge I must Master Secretary was examined thrice upon Oath at the preparatory Committee The first time he was questioned to all the Interrogatories and to that part of the seventh which concernes the Army of Ireland he said positively in these words I cannot charge him with that But for the rest he desires time to recollect himselfe which was granted him Some dayes after he was examined a second time and then deposes these words concerning the Kings being absolved from rules of government and so forth very clearely But being prest to that part concerning the Irish Army againe can say nothing to that Here wee thought wee had done with him till divers weeks after my Lord of Northumberland and all others of the Junto denying to have heard any thing concerning those words of reducing England by the Irish Army it was thought fit to examine the Secretary once more and then he deposes these words to have beene said by the Earle of Strafford to his Majestie You have an Army in Ireland which you may imploy here to reduce or some word to that sence this Kingdome Mr. Speaker these are the circumstances which I confesse with my Conscience thrust quite out of dores that grand Article of our charge concerning his desperate advice to the King of employing the Irish Army here Let not this I beseech you be driven to an aspersion upon Master Secretary as if he should have sworn otherwise then he knew or beleeved hee is too worthy to doe that onely let thus much be inferr'd from it that hee who twice upon Oath with time of recollection could not remember any thing of such a businesse might well a third time misremember somewhat and in this businesse the difference of one Letter here for there or that for this quite alters the case the latter also being the more probable since it is confest of all hands that the debate then was concerning a warre with Scotland and you may remember that at the Bar he once said to employ there And thus Mr. Speaker I have faithfully given you an account what it is that hath blunted the edge of the Hatchet or Bill with me towards my Lord of Strafford This was that whereupon I accused him with a free heart prosecuted him with earnestnesse and had it to my understanding beene proved should have condemned him with innocence Whereas now I cannot satisfie my conscience to doe it I professe I can have no notion of any bodies intent to subvert the Lawes treasonably or by force and this designe of force not appearing all his other wicked practises cannot amount so high with me I can finde a more easie and more naturall spring from whence to derive all his other Crimes then from an intent to bring in Tyrannie and to make his owne posterity as well as us Slaves as from revenge from Pride from Avarice from Passion and insolence of Nature But had this of the Irish Army been proved it would have diffused a complexion of Treason over all it would have beene a With indeed to bind all those other scattered and lesser branches as it were into a Faggot of Treason I doe not say but the rest may represent him a man as worthy to dye and perhaps worthier then many a Traytor I doe not say but they may justly direct us to Enact that they shall be Treason for the future But God keepe mee from giving judgement of death on any Man and of ruine to his innocent Posterity upon a Law made â posteriori Let the mark be set on the dore where the Plague is and then let him that will enter dye I know Master Speaker there is in Parliament a double power of life and death by Bill a judiciall power and a Legislative the measure of the one is what 's Legally just of the other what is prudentially and politickly fit for the good and preservation of the whole But those two under favour are not to be confounded in Judgement Wee must not peece up want of Legality with matter of convenience nor the defailance of prudentiall fitnesse with a pretence of legall Justice To condemne my Lord of Strafford judicially as for Treason my conscience is not assured that the matter will bear it And to doe it by the Legislative power my reason consultively cannot agree to that since I am perswaded neither the Lords nor the King will passe the Bill and consequently that our passing it will be a cause of great divisions and combustions in the State And therefore my humble advice is that laying aside this Bill of Attainder we may think of another saving only life such as may secure the State from my Lord of Strafford without endangering it as much by division concerning his punishment as he hath endangered it by his practices If this may not be hearkned unto let me conclude in saying that unto you all which I have throughly inculcated to mine owne conscience upon this occasion Let every man lay his hand upon his heart and sadly consider what we are going to doe with a breath either justice or murther justice on the one side or murther heightned and aggravated to its supreamest extent For as the Casuists say that he who lyes with his sister commits incest but he that marries his sister sinnes higher by applying Gods Ordinance to his crime So doubtlesse he that commits murther with the sword of Justice heightens that crime to the utmost The danger being so great and the case so doubtfull that I see the best Lawyers in diametrall opposition concerning it
try the fitnesse of the block and take it up again before he would lay it down for good and all and so he did and before he layd it dow again he told the Executioner that he would give him warning when to strike by stretching forth his hands and then laid down his neck on the block stretching out his hands the Executioner struck off his head at one blow then took the head up in his hands and shewed it to all the people and said God save the King SIXTEENE QVERIES Propounded by the Parliament of Ireland to the Judges of the same Kingdome THat the Judges may set forth and declare whether the Inhabitants of this kingdome be a free people or whether they be to be governed onely by the antient common lawes of England II. Whether the Judges of the Land doe take the Oath of Judges and if so whether under pretext of any Acts of State Proclamation Writ Letter or direction under the great or privie Seale or privie Signet or Letter oâ—other commandement from the Lord Lieutenant Lord Deputie Justice Justices or other chiefe Governor or Governors of this Kingdome they may hinder stay or delay the suite of any subject or his judgement or execution thereupon if so in what cases and whether if they doe hinder stay or delay such suite judgement or execution what punishment they incurre by the Law for their deviation and transgression therein III. Whether the Kings Majesties privie Counsell either together or with the chiefe Governor or Governors of this Kingdome without him or them be a place of Judicature by the common Lawes where in case between party and party for Debts Trespasses Accounts Covenants possessions and title of Land or any of them and with them may be heard and determined and of what civill Causes they have jurisdiction and by what Law and of what force is their order or Decree in such cases or any of them IV. The like of the chiefe Governors alone V. Whether Grant of Monopolies be warrantable by the Law and of what and in what Cases and how and where and by whom are the Transgessors against such Grantees punishable and whether by Fine and mutilation of Members imprisonment losse and forfeiture of goods or otherwise and which of them VI. In what Cases the Lord Deputie or other chiefe Governors of this Kingdome and Counsell may punish by Fine imprisonment Mutilation of Members Pillory or otherwise they may sentence any to such the same or the like punishment for infrigeing the commands of any Proclamation or Monopolie and what punishment doe they incurre that doevote for the same VII Of what force is an Act of state or Proclamation in this Kingdome to bind the liberty goods possessions or inheritance of the natives thereof whether they or any of them can alter the common Law or the infringers of them lose their Goods Chattels or Leases or forfeit the same by infringing any such Act of State or Proclamation or both and what punishment doe the sworne Judges of the Law that are privie Counsellors incurre that vote for such Act and execution of it VIII Whether the subjects of this Kingdome be subiect to the Marshall Law and whether any man in time of peace no enemy being in the fields with displayed colours can be sentenced to Death if so by whom and in what cases if not what punishment doe they incurre that in time of peace execute Marshall Law IX Whether voluntary Oathes taken freely before Arbitrators or others for affirmance or disaffirmance of any thing or for the true performance of any thing be punishable in the Castle-Chamber or in any other Court and why and wherefore X. Why and by what Law and upon what Rule of policie is it that none is admitted to reducement in the Castle-chamber untill he confesse the offence for which he is censured when as Revera he might be innocent therof though subordined proofes or circumstances might induce him to be censured XI Whether the Judges of the Kings Bench and by what law doe or can deny the copies of Indictments of Fellony or Tyeason to the parties accused of Treason contrary to the statute of 42. Edw. 3. XII Whether the statute of Baltinglase take from the Subiâ—cts out-lawed for Treason though erroniously the benefit of his Writ of Error and how and by what meanes that blinâ— clause not warranted by the body of that Act came to be interted and by what Law is it countenanced to the diminution of the liberty of the subject XIII What power have the Barons and the Court of Exchequer to raise the respite of homage Arbitrarily to what value they please and to what value they may raise it and by what law they may distinguish betweene respite of homage upon the diversities of the true value of the Fees when as all Escuage is the same for great and small Fees and they apportionable by Parliament XIIII Whether it 's censurable in the subjects of this Kingdome to repaire into England to appeale to his Majesty for Redresse of Jnjuries or for other their accusers if so why and in what condition of persons and by what law XV. Whether Deanes and other Dignitanies of Cathedrall Churches be properly de mero jure donative by this King or not elective or collative if so why and by what law and whether the confirmation of a Deane de facto of the Bishops Grantee be good and valid in the law or no if not by what law XVI Whether the issuing of Quo Warranto's against Burroughes that antiently and recently sent Burgesses to the Parliament to shew cause why they sent Burgesses to the Parliament be legall CAPTAINE AVDLEY MERVINS SPEECH To the House of Commons in Ireland Mr. Speaker IT was equall care and policy in our Predecessours First to lay a foundation and then by a continued industry to build and perfect so glorious a fabrique as the house of Commons lawfull summoned by the Kings writ represents it selfe unto us at this day In which so elaborate and exquisite a structure being finished and crowned with those fruitfull and peace-speaking events may challenge by right the title of a Jubile To so great a modell with neate and provident husbandry they intend no lesse then sutable furniture which allowed pride disdaine to cloath it with any other but with what by his Majesties favour they had procured out of his owne store I meane those great and large priviledges which by severall acts of royall favor have bin dispensed annexed nay hypostatically united to the same Priviledges are the soule by which we move the Sinnes and Nerves by which we are compacted they are them by which we breath Priviledges for their birth allyed to the Kings Prerogative for their antiquity sacred for their strength so re-intrenched by common law fortified by statutes insconsed by precedents of all times that no man ever attempted their violation with impunity so that now and then it may be truly said The Kings
à me alienum puto was indeed the saying of the Comedian but it might well have becom'd the mouth of the greatest Philosopher We allow to sense all the works and operations of sense and shall we restrain reason must onely man be hindered from his proper actions They are most fit to do reasonable things that are most reasonable For Science commonly is accompanied with conscience So is not ignorance they seldome or never meet And why should we take that capacity from them which God and nature have so liberally bestowed My Lords the politike body of the Common-wealth is analogicall to the body naturall every member in that contributes something to the contribution of the whole the superfluity or defect which hinders the performance of that duty your Lordships know what the Philosopher calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Natures sin And truely my Lords to be part of the other body and do nothing beneficiall thereunto cannot fall under a milder term The common-wealth subsists by laws and their execution and they that have neither head in the making nor hand in the executing of them conferre not any thing to the being or well being thereof And can such be called members unlesse most unprofitable ones onely fruges consumere nati Me thinks it springs from nature it self or the very depths of Justice that none should be tied by other Laws than himself makes for what more naturall or just than to be bound onely by his own consent to be ruled by anothers will is meerly tyrannicall Nature there suffers violence and man degenerates into beast The most flourishing Estates were ever governed by Laws of an universall constitution witnesse this our Kingdom witnesse Senatus populusque Romanus the most glorious Common-wealth that ever was and those many others in Greece and elsewhere of eternall memory Some things my Lords are so evident in themselves that they are difficult in their proofs Amongst them I reckon this inconveniency I have spoken of I will therefore use but a word or two more in this way The long experience that all Christendom hath had hereof for these 1300 yeers is certainly argumentum ad bominem Nay my Lords I will go further for the same reason runs thorow all Religions never was there any Nation that employed not their religious men in the greatest affairs But to come to the businesse that lies now before your Lordships Bishops have voted here ever since Parliaments began and long before were imployed in the publike The good they have done your Lordships all well know and at this day enjoy for this I hope ye will not put them out nor for the evill they may do which yet your Lordships do not know and I am confident never shal suffer A position ought not to be destroyed by a supposition à posse ad esse non valet consequentia My Lords I have done with proving of this positively I shall now by your good favours do it negatively in answering some inconveniences that may seem to arise Object 1 For the Text No man that warres intangles himself with the affairs of this life which is the full sense of the word both in Greek and Latine it makes not at all against them except to intermeddle and intangle be tearms equivalent Besides my Lords though this was directed to a Church-man yet it is of a generall nature and reaches to all Clergy and Laity as the most learned and best expositors unanimously do agree To end this Argumentum symbolicum non est argumentativum Object 2 It may be said that it is inconsistent with a spirituall vocation truely my Lords Grace and Nature are in some respects incompossible but in some others most harmoniously agree it perfects nature and raises it to a heighth above the common altitude and makes it most fit for those great works of God himself to make Laws to do Iustice There is then no inconsistency between themselves it must arise out of Scripture I am confident it doth not formally out of any place there nor did I ever meet with any learned Writer of these or other times that so expounded any Text. Object 3 But though in strict tearms this be not inconsistent yet it may peradventure hinder the duty of their other calling My Lords there is not any that sits here more for preaching than I am I know it is the ordinary means to salvation yet I likewise know there is not that full necessity of it as was in the primitive times God defend that 1600 yeers acquaintance should make the Gospel of Christ no better known unto us Neither my Lords doth their office meerly and wholly consist in preaching but partly in that partly in praying and administring the blessed Sacraments in a godly and exemplary life in wholsome admonitions in exhortations to vertue dehortations from vice and partly in easing the burdened conscience These my Lords compleat the office of a Church-man Nor are they altogether tied to time or place though I confesse they are most properly exercised within their own verge except upon good occasion nor then the omission of some can be tearmed the breach of them all I must adde one more an essentiall one the very form of Episcopacy that distinguisheth it from the inferiour Ministry the orderly and good government of the Church and how many of these I am sure not the last my Lords is interrupted by their sitting here once in 3 yeers and then peradventure but a very short time and can there be a greater occasion than the common good of the Church and State I will tell your Lordships what the great and good Emperour Constantine did in his expedition against the Persians he had his Bishops with him whom he consulted with about his military affairs as Eusebius has it in his life lib. 4. c. 56. Object 4 Reward and punishment are the great negotiators in all worldly businesses these may be said to make the Bishops swim against the stream of their consciences and may not the same be said of the Laity Have these no operations but onely upon them Has the King neither frown honour nor offices but onely for Bishops Is there is nothing that answers their translations Indeed my Lords I must needs say that in charity it is a supposition not to be supposed no nor in reason that they will go against the light of their understanding The holinesse of their calling their knowledge their freedoms from passions and affections to which youth is very obnoxious their vicinity to the gates of death which though not shut to any yet alwayes stand wide open to old age these my Lords will surely make them steer aright But of matter of fact there is no disputation some of them have done ill Crimine ab uno disce omnes is a poeticall not a logicall argument Some of the Judges have done so some of the Magistrates and Officers and shall there be therefore neither Iudge Magistrate nor Officer more A personall
of many a 14th in the silver and a 25th part in all the gold they after shall receive so shall the Nobilitie Gentry and all other landed men in all their former setled Rents Annuities Pensions and sums of money the like will fall upon the labourers and workemen in their statute wages And as their receipts are lessened hereby so are their issues increased either by improving all prices or disfurnishing the Market which must necessarily follow for in the 5th of Edw. 6th 3º Mary 4 to Eliz. as appeareth by their Proclamations That a Rumour only of alteration caused such effects punishing the author of such reports with Imprisonment and Pillory It cannot be doubted but the proiecting of such a change must be of far greater consequence and danger to the State and would be wished that the Actors and authors of such disturbances in the Common-wealth at all times hereafter might undergo a punishment proportionable It cannot be held I presume an advise of best iudgement that layeth the losse upon our selves and the gain upon our enemies for who are like to be in this the greatest thrivers is not visible that the strangers who support or money for bullion our own Gold-smiths who are their Brokers and the Hedgminters of the Netherlands who tearmed them well will have a fresh and full trade by this abasements And we do not the Spanish King our greatest enemy a greater favour than by his who being Lord of these commodities by his West-Indies we shall so advance them to our impoverishment for it is not in the power of any State to raise of the price of their own but the value that their neighbours set upon them experience hath taught us that the enfoebling of Coyn is but a shift for a while as drinke to one in a dropsie to make him swell the more but the state was never thorowly cured as we saw in Henry the Eighths time and the late Queens untill the Coyn was made rich again I cannot but then conclude my honorable Lords that if the proportion of Gold and Silver to each other be wrought to that purity by the advice of the Artists that neither may be too rich for the other that the Mintage may be reduced to some proportion of neighbour parts and that the issue of native commodities may be brought to over-ballance the entrance of the forraigne we need not seek any shift but shall again see our trade to flourish the Mint as the pulse of the Common-wealth again to bear and our Materialls by Industry to be Mynes of Gold and Silver which we all wish and work for supported unto us and the honor of Justice and Profit of his Maiesty Certain general Rules collected concerning Money and Bullion out of the late Consultation at Court GOld and silver hath a two fold estimation in the extrinsique as they are moneys and Princes measures given to his people and this is a Prerogative of Kings in the Intrinsique they are commodities valewing each other according to the plenty or scarcity and so all other commodities by them and that is the sole power of Trade The measure in a Kingdome ought to be constant It is the Justice and honor of the King for if they be altered all men at that time are deceived in the precedent contracts either for lands or moneys and the King most of all for no man knoweth either what he hath or what he oweth This made the Lord Treasurer Burleigh in Anno 1573. when some Projectors had set on foot a matter of that nature to tell them that they were worthy to suffer death for attempting to put so great a dishonor upon the Queen and detriment and discontent on the people for to alter this publike measure is to leave all the Markets of the Kingdome unfurnished and what will be the mischiefe the Proclamation of 5. and 6. 3o. Mary and 4th of Eliz. will manifest when but a rumor produced that effect so farre that besides the faith of the Princes to the contrary delivered in their Edicts they were inforced to cause the Magistrates in every Shire respectively to constrain the people to furnish the Market to prevent a mutiny To thinke then this measure at this time short is to raise all prices or to turn the measure or money now current into disuse and Bullion for who will depart with any when it is by seven more in the hundred in the masse then the now moneys and yet of no more value in the Market Hence the necessitie of it will follow that there will not of a long time be Minted of the new to drive the exchange of the Kingdome and so all trade at one instance at a stand and in meane time the Markets unfurnished and thus far as money is a measure Now as it is a commoditie it is respected and valued by the intrinsique qualitie and first the one mettall to the other All commodities are priced by plenty or scarcity by dearenesse or cheapnesse the one to the other If then we desire our silver to buy gold as it hath lately been we must let it it be the cheaper and lesse in proportion valued and so contrary for one equivalent proportion in both will bring in neither we see the profit there of the unusuall quantitie of gold brought lately to the Mint by reason of the price we rate it at above all other Countries and gold may be bought too dear to furnish then this way the Mint with both is impossible And at this time it was apparantly proved both by the best Artists and marchants most acquainted with the Exchange in both the examples of the Mint-masters in the Rix-dolor and Royall of Eight that silver here is of equall valew and gold above with forreine parts in the intrinsique but that the fallacie presented to the Lords by the Mint-masters is only in the nomination of extrinsique qualitie But if we desire both it is not the raysing the valew that doth it but the balancing the Trade for we buy more then we sell of all other commodities be the money never so high priced we must part with it to make the disproportion even if we sell more then the contrary will follow And this is plain in Spanish necessities for should that King advance to a double his Royall of Eight yet needing it by reason of the barrennesse of his Country more of forreign wares then can countervaile by exchange with his wares he must then part with his money and gain the more by enhaunsing his coyn but he payeth a higher price for the commodities he buyeth if this work of raysing be his own But if we shall make improvement of gold and silver being the Staple-commodities of this Kingdome we then advancing the the price of his abase to him our own commodities To shape this kingdome to the fashion of the Netherlands were to frame a Royall Monarchie by a society of Marchants their Country is a continuall Faire and so
God had endowed the Church of England with which God himself hath given by his Law unto the universall Church and in that which the Kings of England by their Charter have bequeathed to the particular Church of England and this we doubt not was the cause that moved Hen. 8. so effectually and powerfully to bend himselfe against the Popes Supremacy usurped at that time over the Church of England for saith the King we will with hazard of life and losse of our Crown uphold and defend in our Realms whatsoever we shall know to be the will of God The Church of God then in England not being free according to the great Charter but in bondage and servitude to the See of Rome contrary to the Law of God the King judged it to stand highly with honour and his Oath to reform redresse and amend the abuses of the same See If then it might please our gracious Soveraign Lord King Charles that now is in Imitation of that his noble Progenitor to vouchsafe an abolishment of all Lordly Primacy executed by Archepiscopall and Episcopall authority over the Ministers of Christ his Highnesse in so doing could no more rightly be charged with the violation of the great Charter then might King Henry the eight with the banishment of the Popish Supremacy or then our late Soveraign Lady Q. Elizabeth could be justly burdened with the breach of her Oath by the Establishment of the Gospell Now if the Kings of England by reason of their Oath were so straitly tied to the words of the great Charter that they might not in any sort have disanulled any supposed Rights or Liberties of the Church used and confirmed by the said Charter unto the Church that then was supposed to be the Church of God in England then be like King Henry 8. might be attainted to have gone against the great Charter and against his Oath when by the overthrow of Abbeys and Monasteries he took away the Rights and Liberties of the Abbots Priers for by expresse words of the great Charter Abbots and Priers had as large and ample a Patent for their Rights and Liberties as our Archbishops and Bishops can at this day challenge for their Primacy If then the Rights and Liberties of the one as being against the Law of God be duely and lawfully taken away notwithstanding any matter clause or sentence contained in the great Charter the other having but little reason by colour of the great Charter to stand upon their pantofles and to contend for their painted sheaves for this is a Rule and Maxime in Gods laws that In omni Juramento semper excipitur authoritas majoris Unlesse then they be able to justifie by the holy scriptures that such Rights and Liberties as they pretend for their spirituall Primacy over the Ministers of Christ be in Deed and Truth inferred unto them by the holy law of God I suppose the Kings Highnesse as successor to Hen. 8. and as most just inheritour of the Crown of England by the words of the great Charter and by his Oath is bound utterly to abolish all Lordly Primacy as hitherto upheld and defended partly by ignorance and partly by an unreasonable and evill Custome My Lord DIGBIES Speech in Parliament 1640. Master Speaker THis happie meeting is to bemoane and redresse the unhappie State of this Common-wealth Let me have I beseech you your leave to give you in a word a short view of our griefes then see whence they flow Our Lawes our liberties our lives and which is the life of all our Religion all which have been by the endeavours of so many Ages secured and made so much our owne can scarce be called ours Our Lawes the only finews and ligeaments of our estates which should run in an even streame are now made to disdaine their bancks and to overflow and drown their fields which they should gently redresse our liberties the very spirit and essence of our weale which should differ us from slaves and speake us English-men are held away by them that even whiles they take them from us cannot but confesse they are our proper dues Are not our lives in danger when an enemy disguised like a friend provoked is as it were suffered because indirectly and in vaine resisted to come almost into our bosomes to rifle some of their goods others of their loyalty which perhaps they could not neither would have touched might we with united force have resisted And lastly which is the soule of all our grievances our Religion which should have beene our Cordiall in all our distempers like a forced Virgin laments ever that her pure innocencie is taken from her and sure all these effects must have their causes That we have just and wise Lawes we may thanke those good Kings that made them the settled exposition of just circumscribed Lawes to binde and defend the Subject That they are so well framed and usefud and to containe enough to make a good King and people be perfect be safe and happie What do we owe to these grave Councellors who sate here before us and that they out-live the malice of some unbounded spirits we are beholding to them that Reprieved them from ruine with their lives and fortunes we call them ours because we are freely born to them as to the Ayre we breath in we claime them and should possesse them under the Protection of our gracious King who is their great Patron and disposes them not inconsiderately but by the advice of those learned expositors of the Lawes the Judges and those whom he trusts to be his great and faithfull Councellors If those pervert the ground and meaning of the Law and contract â—he power of it or make it speake lowder or softer as they themselves are tuned for it the blame should deservedly fall on those mistrusted ministers who are the base betrayers of his Majesties honor and his Peoples right to vindicate which necessitie hath here assembled you Mr. Speaker Is not this offence and m lice as great who should undermine my Tenour and surruptiously deprive me of my evidence by which I held my Inheritance as he who by violence should wrest it from me The Scots we have heard branded as Traytors because they have contrary to the law of Nations and their loyaltie invaded our Kingdome in Arms what other title have they merited who have invaded our Lawes and liberties the precious evidence by which we should freely enjoy our selves and our estates The first we may resist and drive forth by united force and it will be called pietie to the King and Countrie if force be lay'd against the other it will be stiled Rebellion What now remaines but that we should use the Law which because it hath beene inverted and turned against us contrary to its owne naturall and plaine disposition should now right us and it self against our Adversaries Surely the Law is not so weak and improvident to take care for others and never provide