and Nobles of the Royal Blood of England to all which by Law of Nature Equity and Reason he said that he bare reverent honour and respect and to discuss their several Pretentions Rights Interests and Titles to the Crown he said that his meaning was not to offend hurt or prejudicate none nor to determin any thing resolutly in favour or hinderance of any of their Pretences or Claims of what Side Family Faction Religion or other Party soever he or she were but rather plainly and indifferently without hatred or partial affection to or against any to lay down sincerely what he had heard or read or of himself conceived that might justly be alledged in favour or disfavour of every Titler And so much the rather he said that he would do this for that in very truth the Civilians speech had put him in a great indifferency concerning matter of Succession and had taken out of his Head many scrupulosities about nice Points of Nearness in Blood by the many Examples and Reasons that he had alledged of the Proceeding of Christian Commonwealths in this Affair preferring oftentimes him that was further off in Blood upon other Considerations of more weight and importance which Point seemed to him to have been so evidently proved as no man can deny it and much less condemn the same without the Inconveniences before alledged and mentioned of calling all in doubt that now is established in the World considering that not only foreign Countries but England also it self so often hath used the same putting back the next in Blood Wherefore he said that for as much as Commonwealths and the consent will and desire of each Realm was proved to have High and Soveraign Authority in this Affair and that as on the one side Nearness of Blood was to be respected so on the other there wanted not sundry considerations and circumstances of as great moment as this or rather greater for that oftentimes these considerations had been preferred before Nearness of Blood as hath been declared I do not know quoth he who of the Pretenders may next obtain the Garland whatsoever his Right by Propinquity be so he have someright as I think all have that do pretend and therefore I mean not to stand upon the justification or impugning of any one Title but rather to leave all to God and to them that must one day try and judge the same in England to whom I suppose this Speech of mine cannot be but grateful and commodious for the better understanding and discerning of those matters whereof of necessity ere it be long they must be Judges and Vmpires when God shall appoint and consequently for them to be ignorant or unacquainted with the same as men say that commonly most in England at this day cannot be but very inconvenient and dangerous In this manner he spake and after this he began his discourse setting down first of all the sundry Books and Treatises which he understood had been made or written hitherto of this Affair CHAP. I. Of the divers Books and Treatises that have been written heretofore about the Titles of such as pretend to the Crown of England aed what they do contain in favour or disfavour of sundry Pretenders ACcording to the Variety of mens Judgments and Affections of man in this behalf so said the Lawyer that divers had written diversly in sundry Books and Treatises that had come to light and went among men from hand to hand though all were not printed And First of all he said that not long after her Majesties coming to the Crown there appeared a certain Book written in the favour of the house of Suffolk and especially of the Children of the Earl of Hartford by the Lady Catharin Gray which Book offended highly the Queen and Nobles of England and was afterwards found to be written by one Hales sirnamed the Club foot who was Clerk of the Hamper and Sir Nicolas Bacon then Lord Keeper was presumed also to have had a principal part in the same for which he was like to have lost his Office if Sir Antony Brown that had been Chief Judge of the Common Pleas in Queen Maries time would have accepted thereof when her Majesty offered the same unto him and my Lord of Leicester earnestly exhorted him to take it but he refused it for that he was of a different Religion from the State and so Sir Nicolas Bacon remained with the same at the great instance of Sir William Cecill now Lord Treasurer who though he were to be privy also to the said Book yet was the matter so wisely laid upon Hales and Bacon and Sir William was kept free thereby to have the more Authority and Grace to procure the others pardon as he did The bent and butt of this Book was as I have said to prefer the Title of the Lady Catharine Gray Daughter of the Lady Frances Dutchess of Suffolk which Frances was Daughter to Mary the younger Daughter to King Henry VII before the Title of the Queen of Scots then living and of her Son which were descended of Lady Margaret eldest Daughter of the said King Henry And the reasons which this Book did alledge for the same were principally two The First that the Laws of England did not admit any stranger or alien to inherit in England to wit any such as were born out of the Allegiance of our Realm for so are the words of the Law and for that the Queen of Scots and her Son are known to be so born therefore they could not succeed and consequently that the house of Suffolk descended of the second Daughter must enter in their place The second Reason is for that there is given Authority to King Henry VIII by two several Acts of Parliament in the 28. and 36. Year of his Reign to dispose of the Succession by his last Will and Testament as he should think best among those of his Kindred that did pretend after his Children aâ—â— that the said King according to his Commission did ordain that if his own Children did dye without issue then the Off-spring of his younger Sister Mary that were born in England should be preferred before the Issue of the elder that was Margaret married into Scotland and this was the effect of this first Book Against this Book were written two other soon after the First by one Morgan a Divine if I remember well sometimes Fellow of Oriel Colledge in Oxford a man of good account for Learning among those that knew him and he was thought to have written the said Book by the advice and assistance of the foresaid Judge Brown which thing is made the more credible by the many Authorities of our Common Law which therein are alledged and the parts of this Book if I forget not were three or rather they were three Books of one Treatise the first whereof did take upon it to clear the said Queen of Scots for the Murther of the Lord
reason is for that we read that this Lord Edmond was a goodly wise discreet Prince notwithstanding that some Authors call him Crouchback and that he was highly in the favour both of his Father King Henry as also of his Brother King Edward and imployed by them in many great Wars and other affairs of State both in France and other where which argueth that there was no such great defect in him as should move his Father and the Realm to deprive him of his Succession Thirdly we read that King Henry procured by divers ways and means the advancement of this Lord Edmond as giving him the Earldoms of Leicester and Darby besides that of Lancaster as also procuring by all means possible and with exceeding great charges to have made him King of Naples and Sicilie by Pope Innocentius which had been no policy to have done if he had been put back from his Inheritance in England for that it had been to have Armed him against his Brother the King Fourthly we see that at the death of his Father King Henry the III. this Lord Edmond was principally left in charge with the Realm his elder Brother Prince Edward being scarsly returned from the War of Asia at what time he had good occasion to challenge his own right to the Crown if he had had any seeing he wanted no power thereunto having three goodly Sons at that time alive born of his Wife Queen Blanch Daugher of Navarre and County of Champain to whom she had born only one Daughter that was married to Philip le Bel King of France But we shall never read that either he or any of his Children made any such claim but that they lived in very good agreement and high grace with King Edward the first as his Children did also with King Edward the II. until he began to be mis-led in Government and then the two Sons of this Lord Edmond I mean both Thomas and Henry that Successively were Earls of Lancaster made War upon the said Edward the II. and were the principal Actors in his deposition and in setting up of his Son Edward the III. in his place aâ— what time it is evident that they might have put in also for themselves if their title had been such as this report maketh it A fifth reason is for that if this had been so that Edmond Earl of Lancaster had been the elder Brother then had the controversie between the two Houses of York and Lancaster been most clear and without all doubt at all for then had the House of York had no pretence of right in the World and then were it evident that the Heirs general of Blanch Dutchess of Lancaster Wife of John of Gaunt to wit the descendents of Lady Philip her Daughter that was married into Portugal these I say and none other were apparent and true Heirs to the Crown of England at this day and all the other of the House of York usurpers as well King Henry the VII as all his posterity and off-spring for that none of them have descended of the said Blanch as is manifest And therefore lastly the matter standeth no doubt as Polidor holding in the latter end of the life of King Henry the III. where having mentioned these two Sons Edward and Edmond he addeth these words There wanted not certain men long time after this that affirmed this Edmond to be the elder Son to King Henry the III. and to have been deprived of his Inheritance for that he was deformed in body but these things were feigned to the end that King Henry the IV. that came by his Mothers side of this Edmond might seem to have come to the Kingdom by right whereas indeed he got it by force Thus saith Polidor in this place but afterward in the beginning of the life of the said King Henry the IV. he saith that some would have had King Henry to have pretended this Title among other reasons but that the most part accounting it but a meer fable it was omitted Now then it being clear that of these two Sons of King Henry the III. Prince Edward was the Elder and Lawful Heir it remaineth only that we set down their several descents unto the times of King Edward the III. and his Children in whose days the dissention and controversie between these Royal Houses of York and Lancaster began to break forth And for the Issue of Edward that was King after his Father by the name of King Edward the first it is evident that albeit by two several Wives he had a dozen Children male and female yet only his fourth Son by his first Wife called also Edward who was King after him by the name of King Edward the II left Issue that remained which Edward the II being afterward for his evil Government deposed left Issue Edward the III. who was made King by election of the people in his place and after a long and prosperous Reign left divers Sons whereof after we shall speak and among them his III. Son named John of Gaunt married Lady Blanch Daughter and Heir of the House of Lancaster and of the forenamed Lord Edmond Crouchback by which Blanch John of Gaunt became Duke of Lancaster so as the lines of these two Brethren Edward and Edmond did meet and joyn again in the fourth descent as now shall appear by declaration of the Issue of the foresaid Lord Edmond Edmond then the second Son of King Henry the third being made County Palatine of Lancaster as also Earl of Leicester and of Darby by his Father King Henry as hath been said had issue three Sons to wit Thomas Henry and John among whom he divided his three States making Thomas his eldest Son County Palatine of â—ancaster Henry Earl of Leicester and John Earl of Darby But Thomas the eldest and John the youngest dying without Issue all three States fell again upon Henry the second Son which Henry had Issue one Son and three Daughters his Son was named Henry the second of that name Earl of Lancaster and made Duke of Lancaster by King Edward the third and he had one only Daughter and Heir named Blanch who was married unto John of Gaunt as before hath been said But Duke Henry's three Sisters named Joan Mary and Eleanor were all married to divers principal men of the Realm for that Joan was married to John Lord Maubery of whom are descended the Howards of the House of Norfolk at this day and Mary was married to Henry Lord Percy from whom cometh the House of the Earls of Northumberland and Eleanor was married to Richard Earl of Arundel thence is issued also by his Mothers side the Earl of Arundel â—hat now is so as of this ancient Line of Lancaster there want not noble Houses within the Realm at this day issued thence before the controversie fell out between York and this Family of which controversie how it rose and how it was continued I
Richard had still great jealousie of his Uncle the Duke of Lancaster and of his off-spring considering how doubtful the question was among the Wise and Learned of those days For more declaration whereof I think it not amiss to alledge the very words of the foresaid Chronicler with the examples by him recited thus then he writeth About this time saith he there did arise a great and doubtful question in the World whether Uncles or Nephews that is to say the younger Brother or else the Children of the elder should Succeed unto Realms and Kingdoms which controversie put all Christianity into great broils and troubles for first Charles the second King of Naplis begat of Mary his Wife Queen and Heir of Hungary divers Children but namely three Sons Marâ—el Robert and Philip Martel dying before his Father left a Son named Charles which in his Grand-mothers right was King also of Hungary but about the Kingdom of Naples the question was when King Charles was dead who should Succeed him either Charles his Nephew King of Hungary or Robert his second Son but Robert was preferred and Reigned in Naples and enjoyed the Earldom of Provence in France also for the space of 33. years with great renown of Valor and Wisdom And this is own example that Girard recounteth which example is reported by the famous Lawyer Bartholus in his Commentaries touching the Succession of the Kingdom of Cicilia and he saith that this Succession of the Uncle before the Nephew was averred also for rightful by the Learned of that time and confirmed for just by the judicial sentence of Pope Boniface and that for the reasons which afterward shall be shewed when we shall treat of this question more in particular Another example also reporteth Girard which ensued immediately after in the same place for that the foresaid King Robert having a Son named Charles which died before him he left a daughter and Heir named Joan Neece unto King Robert which Joan was married to Andrew the younger Son of the foresaid Charles King of Hungary but King Robert being dead there stept up one Lewis Prince of Tarranto a place of the same Kingdom of Naples who was Son to Philip before mentioned younger Brother to King Robert which Lewis pretending his right to be better then that of Joan for that he was a man and one degree nearer to King Charles his Grand-father then Joan was for that he was Nephew and she Neece once removed he prevailed in like manner and thus far Girard Historiographer of France And no doubt but if we consider examples that fell out even in this very age only concerning this controversie between the Uncle and Nephew we shall find store of them for in Spain not long before this time to wit in the year of Christ 1276. was that great and famous determination made by Don Alonso the wise eleventh King of that name and of all his Realm and Nobility in their Courts or Parliament of Segovia mentioned before by the Civilian wherein they disâ—inherited the Children of the Prince Don Alonso de la Cerda that died as our Prince Edward did before his Father and made Heir apparent Don Sancho Bravo younger Brother to the said Don Alonso and Uncle to his Children the two young Cerda's Which sentence standeth even unto this day and King Philip enjoyed the Crown of Spain thereby and the Dukes of Medina Celi and their race that are descendents of the said two Cerda's which were put back are Subjects by that sentence and not Soveraigns as all the World knoweth The like controversie fell out but very little after to wit in the time of King Edward the third in France though not about the Kingdom but about the Earldom of Artoys but yet it was decided by a solemn sentence of two Kings of France and of the whole Parliament of Paris in favour of the Aunt against her Nephew which albeit it cost great troubles yet was it defended and King Philip of Spain holdeth the County of Artoys by it at this day Polydor reporteth the story in this manner Robert Earl of Artoys a man famous for his Chivalry had two Children Philip a Son and Maude a daughter this Maude was married to Otho Earl of Burgundy and Philip dying before his Father left a Son named Robert the second whose Father Robert the first being dead the question was who should Suâ—â—eed either Maude the daughter or Robert the Nephew and the matter being remitted unto Philip le Bel King of France as chief Lord at that time of that State he adjudged it to Maude as to the next in bloud but when Robert repined at this sentence the matter was referred to the Parliament of Paris which confirmed the sentence of King Philip whereupon Robert making his way with Philip de Valoys that soon after came to be King of France he assisted the said Philip earnestly to bring him to the Crown against King Edward of England that opposed himself thereunto and by this hoped that King Philip would have revoked the same sentence but he being once established in the Crown answered that a sentence of such importance and so maturely given could not be revoked Whereupon the said Robert fled to the King of Englands part against France Thus far Polydor. The very like sentence recounteth the same Author to have been given in England at the same time and in the same controversie of the Uncle against the Nephew for the Succession to the Dukedom of Britany as before I have related wherein John Breno Earl of Monford was preferred before the daughter and Heir of his elder Brother Guy though he were but of the half bloud to the last Duke and she of the whole For that John the third Duke of Britany had two Brothers first Guy of the whole bloud by Father and Mother and then John Breno his younger Brother by the Fathers side only Guy dying left a daughter and Heir named Jane married to the Earl of Bloys Nephew to the King of France who after the death of Duke John pretended in the right of his Wife as daughter and Heir to Guy the elder Brother but King Edward the third with the State of England gave sentence for John Breno Earl of Monford her Uncle as for him that was next in consanguinity to the dead Duke and with their Arms the State of England did put him in possession who slew the Earl of Bloys as before hath been declared and thereby got possession of that Realm and held it ever after and so do his Heirs at this day And not long before this again the like resolution prevailed in Scotland between the House of Balliol and Bruse who were competitors to that Crown by this occasion that now I will declare William King of Scots had Issue two Sons Alexander that Succeeded in the Crown and David Earl of Huntington Alexander had Issue another Alexander and a daughter
both of the Blood Royal they are thought to have abâ—sed themselves much by their Marriages with the two Knights Daughters Sir Richard Rogers and Sir John Spenser though otherwise both of them very worshipful but not their Matches in respect of their Kindred with the Crown yet doth the Alliance of S. John Spenser seem to bring many more Friends with it than that of Sir Richard Rogers by reason of the other Daughters of Sir John well married also to Persons of importance as namely the one to Sir George Carey Governour of the Isle of Wight who bringeth in also the Lord Hunsdon his Father Captain of Barwick two of the most important pieces that England hath And for that the said Lord Hunsdon and the Lady Knowles deceased were Brother and Sister and both of them Children to the Lady Mary Bullen Elder Sister to Queen Anne hereof it cometh that this Alliance with Sir George Carey may draw after it also the said House of Knowles who are many and of much importance as also it may do the Husbands of the other Daughters of Sir John Spencer with their adherents and followers which are neither few nor feeble all which wanteth in the Marriage of the Lord Beacham Another difference also in the ability of these two Lords is that the House of Seymers in State and Title of Nobility is much younger than the House of Stanleys for that Edward Seymer late Earl of Hartford and after Duke of Somerset was the first beginner thereof who being cut off together with his Brother the Admiral so soon as they were could not so settle the said House especially in the Alliance with the residue of the Nobility as otherwise they would and might have done But now as it remaineth I do not remember any Alliance of that House of any great moment except it be the Children of Sir Henry Seymer of Hampshire and of Sir Edward Sâ—ymâ—r of Bery Pomery in Devonshire if he have any and of Sir John Smith of Essex whose Mother was Sister to the late Duke of Somerset or finally the Alliance that the late Marriage of the Earl of Hartford with the Lady Frances Howard may bring with it which cannot be much for so great a purpose as we talk of But the Earl of Darby on the other side is very strongly and honourably allied both by Father and Mother for by his Father not to speak of the Stanleys which are many and of good Power and one of them matched in the House of Northumberland his said Father the old Earl had three Sisters all well married and all have left Children and Heirs of the Houses wherein they were married for the elder was married first to the Lord Sturton and after to Sir John Arundel and of both Houses hath lâ—sâ— Hâ—irs-male The second Sister was married to the Lord Mosley by whom she hath left the Lord that now is who in like manner hath matched with the Heir of the Lord Montegle who is likewise a Stanley And finally the third Sister was married to Sir Nicholas Poynes of Glocâ—stershire and by him had a Son and Heir that yet liveth And this by his Fathers side but no less alliance hath this Earl also by the side of his Mother who being Daughter of George Clifford Earl of Cumberland by Lady Eleanor Niece of King Henry the VII the said Lord George had afterward by a second Wife that was Daughter of the Lord Dacres of the North both the Earl of Cumberland that now is and the Lady Wharton who hereby are Brother and Sister of the half Blood to the said Countess of Darby and the Dacrâ—s are their Uncles Besides all this the States and Possessions of the two foresaid Lords are far different for the purpose pretended for that the State of the Earl of Hartford is far inferior both for greatness situation wealth multitude of Subjects and the like for of that of the Stanleys doth depend the most part of the Shires of Lancaster and Chester and a good part of the North of Wales at least wise by way of observance and affection as also the Isle of Mâ—n is their own and Ireland and Scotland is not far off where friendship perhaps in such a case might be offered and finally in this point of ability great oddes is there seen between the Lords As for their Religion I cannot determine what difference there is or may be between them The Lord Beacham by education is presumed to be a Protestant albeit some hold that his Father and Father in Law be more inclined towards the Puritans The Earl of Darby's Religion is held to be more doubtful so as some do think him to be of all three Religions and others of none and these again are divided in judgments about the event hereof for that some do imagine that this opinion of him may do him good for that all sides hereby may perhaps conceive hope of him but others do perswade themselves that it will do him hurt for that no side indeed will esteem or trust him so as all these matters with their events and consequences do remain uncertain But now will I pass to speak of the House of Clarence the chief Persons whereof and most eminent at this day are the Earl of Huntington and his Brethren the Hastings for that the Pooles and Barringtons are of far meaner condition and authority albeit the other also I mean the House of Hastings doth not seem to be of any great alliance for that albeit the old Earl of Huntington this Earl's Father had two Brethren the one Sir Thomas Hastings that married one of the Lord Henry Pooles Daughters named Montagne that was put to death which Daughter was Sister to this Earl's Mother and the other named Sir Edward Hastings was made Lord of Lowghborow by Queen Mary to whom he was first Master of the Horse and afterwards Lord Chamberlain neither of them having left issue and this is all I remember by his Fathers side except it be his own Brethren as hath been said of which Sir George Hastings is the chiefest By his Mothers side he hath only the Pooles whose Power as it is not great so what it is is rather like to be against him than with him partly for their difference from him in Religion and partly for preferment of their own Title upon the reasons before alledged By his own Marriage with the Daughter of the late Duke of Northumberland and Sister to the late Earls of Leicester and Warwick he was like to have drawn a very great and strong alliance if the said two Earls had lived and especially Sir Philip Sidney who was born of the other Sister of the present Countess of Huntington and his own Sister was married to the Earl of Pembroke that now is and himself to the Daughter of Sir Francis Walsingham Chief Secretary of the State by all which means and by all the affection and
not of the House of Lancaster The King of Scots forrain born The controversie about forrain birth How strangers may inherit Reasons why the statute toucheth not one case The Crown not holden by allegiance 5. Reason King Henrys Testament against the King of Scots Answers to the King's Testament The King of Scots excluded by the statute of association Joyning of England and Scotland together Polyd. lib 17. in vit Edw. l. Inconveniences of bringing Strangers into England A Consideration of Importance Polyd. Hist Ang. l. 8. 9. Example of Spain Garibay l. 29. c. 42. An. Dom. 1207. Example out of Portugal Garibay l. 34. c. 38. An. Dom. 1383. Sâ—ow pa. 4. 54 59 90 76. Of â—he 〈◊〉 of Scotland Of the title of Lady Arabella An English Woman Against Arabella Not of the House of Lancaster The Testament of King Henry The countess of Darby nearer by a degree Illegitimâ—tion by â—â—sâ—ardy The Testimony of the L. William Howard Other reasons of 〈◊〉 against Arabâ—l◠〈…〉 Polyd. l. 12. Garibay l. 12. c. 42. â— The Issue of Charles Brandon Issue of Lady Frances Stow an 7. Edon 6. The Issue of the Lady Katharine The Issue of Lady Eleanor Allegations of the Houses of Darby and Hartford the one against the other Charles Brandon had a Wife alive First Bastardy against the Issue of Hartford Stow in vit Edward An. 1553. 2 Bastardy 3 Bastardy The fourth Bastardy common to both Families of Suffolk The Answer of tâ—ose of Hartford to the foresaid Bastardies Of the marriage between the Earl of Hartford and the Lady Katharine Gray How the second Son of the Earl of Hartford may be legitimate Allegations of the House of Darby Why the Earl of Huntingtonâ—â— House is 〈◊〉 to be of the House of Clarenâ—e Issue of tâ—â— House of Clâ—rence Issue of â—iâ— Geffrey Poole The interest and pretence of the Earl of Huntington Objections against the Earl â—f Huntingtâ—n Restitution may be in blâ—â—d without restitution of dignity The Pretence of the Pooles against Huntington Objections of Religion The House of Britany The course of Inheritance in the Crown of France First pretence of the Infanta to England Polyd. in vit Guil. Ruâ—â— Second pretence of the Infanta of Spain Pretence to Aquitain Polyd in vit Johan Garib in vit Alfons Pretences to England by Lady Blanch. Stow in vit Johannis Garib l. 12 c. 38. Pretence by Arthur Duke of Britany Belfor l 3. c. 71. Hist. Fran. Election of Lewis VIII to be King of England Poâ—yd l. 5. Hist. Angl. Hollings Stow in vit Johannis Belfor l. 2. c. 67. Girrard l. 5. Histor. Baudin an 891. chron France Pretence by Descent from Henry III. Admission by Composition Objections against the Infanta's pretence The Princes of Portugal are of the House of Lancaster The Issue of Lady Philippa Qu. of Portugal Issue of â—â—hn of Gaunt 〈…〉 â—ee the Arâ—â—◠〈◊〉 â—he 〈…〉 Book The point of difficulty Issue of Catharine Swinford The principal question Answer Dutchy of Lancaster The Crown An example of Edward the sixth and of the Prince of Spain 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 of Portugal The Dukedom of Lancaster The Legitiâ—â—â—ion â—f Câ—thâ—rin Swinfâ—rds Chilâ—â—â—â— noâ— lawfâ—l Stow in vit Riâ—har 2. Garibay hâ—st Portugal l. 35. cap. 4. Note this example â—tow in vit Henrici 2. John of Gauntes Marriage with Catherine Swinford helpeth not the Lâ—gitimaâ—ion The Question between Lady Philippa and John of Somerset The Question between the Nephews 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 Portugal The proper Interest of King Henry the 4th cannot descend to King Henry the 7th Who are the Princes of Portugal and how they pretend â—o England The Issue of King Emmanuel of Portugal Issue of K. John the 3. of Portugal K. Lewis Father of Don Antonio K. Henry Cardinal The pretence of the Qunen Mother of France to Portugal Five Pretenders of the Crown of Portugal The contention about the Succession of Portugal Attorneys sent to Portugal A Sentence of Illâ—â—â—imation against Don Antonio Writers of this Controversy The Causes why Don Antonio was pronounced Illegitimate Don Antonio his pretence to England Three principal pretenders of Portugal Pretences of the Duke of Parma For the Dutchess of Bragansa Representation excluded A Reply for â—he Duâ—e oâ— Paâ—ma King Philip 's pretence to Portugal Divers allegations for King Philip. Hieron Frakâ— Jo. Pâ—et Vipeâ— anus The case of pretence of the House of Portugal to England An objection with the answer Objections against the Pretenders of Portugal Answers Note this By what Title King Henry VII did enter About foreign power in England About Foreign Government The occasion of the next chapter about Foreign Government Reasons against foreign Government Polit. Arist. Demosthenis Philippicae in Aeschines Attempts to deliver Realms from strangers Quint. Curt. l. 5 6. de gest Alex. Vespere Sicilianae an 1265. Leand. in descript Siciliae Polyd. l. 8. Hollings in vit Camiti The rage of the French against the English The conclusion against Strangers Authority of Scripture against strangers Deut. 15. The answer in defence of foreign Government The effect of Governments to be considered and not the Governours An Example Little importeth the Subject of what Country his Governour is so he is good 1 Reg. 12. Not the Country but the good Government importeth Note these examples Who are properly Strangers Divers manners of being under Strangers To be undder strangers by Conquest How Conquerours do proceed towards â—he Conquered Polydor Virg. l. 8. Hist. Angliae Clemensy of the Romans Lib. 1. Macchab. â—ap 8. Strangers most favoured in wise Governments Gascoynes Britons Candians States oâ— Italy The condition of the Irish under the English Of the States of Flanders Girard du Haâ—lan l. 18. an 1381. Prosperity of Flanders under the House of Austria In Guiâ—ciard nella descrittione delli pasi bassi The Authority of the Flomings at home The Indulgence miâ—d â—o offenders 〈◊〉 â—landers The Spaniard punisheth less in Italy than nearer home Vâ—ceroyes do give account of their Government Much slaughter of Nobility in England Execution of Nobility by Henry the eight Under King Edward and Queen Mary States governed happily by foreign Princes Old afflictions of Naples and Millain Whether a great or little Prince be better Pedro Mexio en vit de Antonio Piâ—â— The felicity of the Roman Government The second way of being under a foreign Prince A foreign Prince without Forces not prejudicial Note this utility of a foreign King The manner of foreign Prince more commodious for the present A third way of being under foreign Government 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Gâ—veâ—â—ent Inconâ—â—â—enceâ— of tâ—â—s Government Strange Governoâ—â—â— desired in some Realm The Answer to objections against foreign Government Answer the Grecian Philosophers and Orators Demosthenes The troublsome state of the Grecian Cities Arist. l. 2. â—olit c. 1.2 â—â—â—wer to 〈◊〉 objection out of Deuteronomy Deut. 15. Secondary Lines Ambiguity of Prevailing Two Grounds of probability of speeding Three Religions in England The great Importance of Religion in this Action The next Change like to be difficult and why The consideration of the Protestant Party The Clergy The Council and Nobility Persons designed or favoured by the Protestant Party Foreign Friends of the Protestants Of the Party Puritan Persons affected by the Puritans External Friends Lutheranâ— The Puritan at home Those of the Roman Religion Tâ—e Râ—man Party grâ—at and wâ—y 1 Reg â—2 〈…〉 Friends and Allies abroad Considerations of 〈◊〉 Pretender in particular The King of Scotland Arabella The Lord Beacham and the Earl of Darby Alliance of the Earl of Darby Aâ—â—ance of the Seymers Alliance â—â— the Stanleys Aâ—lâ—ance of the old Countess of Darby The States of the Lord Beacham and the Earl of Darby 〈…〉 Lords The Earl of Huntington 〈◊〉 of the 〈…〉 â—untingâ—â—â— The Power of London Polydor. 24 Holingshed in vita Henrici VI. The Houses of Britain and Portugal Infanta of Spain Duke of Parma The Duke of Bragansa Power of foreign Pretenders The first Conjecture that there will be War and why Sup. c. 4. A consideration to be marked The second conjecture no main Battel probable The third Conjecture who is likest to prevail For the Infanta of Spain For the Earl of Hartfod's second Son Sup. c. 6. For the Children of the Countess of Darby Garibay l. a 5. c. 36 Polydor in rit Steph.
voce loquerentur Laws were invented to the end they should speak in one and the self-same sense to all men For which very reason in like manner these Laws have been called by Phylosophers a Rule or Square inflexible and by Aristotle in particular a mind without passion as hath been said but the Prophet David who was also a Prince and a King seemeth to call it by the name of Discipline for that as Discipline doth keep all the parts of a Man or of a particular House in order so Law well ministred keepeth all the parts of a Commonwealth in good order and to shew how severely God exacteth this at all Princes hands he saith these words And now learn ye Kings and be instructed you that judge the World Serve God in fear and rejoyce in him with trembling embrace ye Discipline lest he enter into wrath and so ye perish from the way of Righteousness Which words being uttered by a Prophet and a King do contain divers points of much consideration for this purpose As first that Kings and Princes are bound to learn Law and Discipline and secondly to observe the same with great humility and fear of God's wrath and thirdly that if they do not they shall perish from the way of Righteousness as though the greatest plague of all to a Prince were to lose the way of Righteousness Law and Reason in his Government and to give himself over to passion and his own will whereby they are sure to come to Shipwrack And thus much for the first help The second help that Commonwealths have given to their Kings and Princes especially in latter Ages hath been certain Counsels and Counsellors with whom to consult in matters of importance as we see the Parliaments of England and France the Courts in Spain and Dyets in Germany without which no matters of moment can be concluded And besides this commonly every King hath his Privy-Councel whom he is bound to hear and this was done to temper somewhat the absolute form of a Monarchy whose danger is by reason of his sole Authority to fall into Tyranny as Aristotle wisely noteth in his fourth Book of Politicks shewing the inconvenience or dangers of Government which is the cause that we have few or no simple Monarchies now in the world especially among Christians but all are mixt lightly with divers points of the other two forms of Government also and namely in England all three do enter more or less for in that there is one King or Queen it is a Monarchy in that it hath certain Counsels that must be heard it participateth of Aristocratia and in that the Commonalty have their Voices and Burgesses in Parliament it taketh part also of Democratia or popular Government All which limitations of the Princes absolute Authority as you see do come from the Common-wealth as having Authority above their Princes for their restraint to the good of the Realm as more at large shall be proved hereafter From like Authority and for like Considerations have come the limitations of other Kings and Kingly power in all times and Countries from the beginning both touching themselves and their Posterity and Successors as briefly in this place I shall declare And first of all if we will consider the two most renowned and allowed States of all the World I mean that of the Romans and Grecians we shall find that both of them began with Kings but yet with far different Laws and Restraints about their Authorities For in Rome the Kings that succeeded Romulus their first Founder had as great and absolute Authority as ours have now adays but yet their Children or next in Bloud succeeded them not of necessity but new Kings were chosen partly by the Senate and partly by the People as Titus Livius testifieth so as of three most excellent Kings that ensued immediately after Romulus viz. Numa Pompilius Tullius Hostilius and Tarquinus Priscus none of them were of the Bloud-Royal nor of Kin the one to the other no nor yet Romans born but chosen rather from among strangers for their Vertue and Valour and that by election of the Senate and consent of the People In Greece and namely among the Lacedemonians which was the most eminent Kingdom among others at that time the succession of Children after their Fathers was more certain but yet as Aristotle noteth their Authority and Power was so restrained by certain Officers of the people named Ephori which commonly were five in number as they were not only checked and chastned by them if occasion served but also deprived and sometimes put to death For which cause the said Phylosopher did justly mislike this eminent Jurisdiction of the Ephori over their Kings But yet we see hereby what Authority the Commonwealth had in this case and what their meaning was in making Laws and restraining their Kings Power to wit thereby the more to bind them to do Justice which Cicero in his Offices uttereth in these words Justitiae fruendae causa apud majores nostros in Asia in Europa bene moraâ—i reges olim sunt constituti c. at cum jus aequabile ab uno viro homines non consequerentur inventae sunt leges Good Kings were appointed in old time among our ancestors in Asia and Europe to the end thereby to obtain Justice but when men could not obtain equal Justice at one mans hands they invented Laws The same reason yieldeth the same Phylosopher in another place not only of the first Institution of Kingdoms but also of the change thereof again into other Governments when these were abused Omnes antiquae gentes regibus quondam paruerunt c. That is All old Nations did live under Kingdoms at the beginning which kind of Government first they gave unto the most just and wisest men which they could find and also after for love of them they gave the same to their Postesity or next in Kin as now also it remaineth where Kingly Government is in use But other Countries which liked not that form of Government and have shaken it off have done it not that they will not be under any but for that they will not be ever under one only Thus far Cicero and he speaketh this principally in defence of his own Commonwealth I mean the Roman which had cast off that kind of Government as before hath been said for the Offence they had taken against certain Kings of theirs and first of all against Romulus himself their first Founder for reigning at his pleasure without Law as Titus Livius testifieth for which cause the Senators at length slew him and cut him in small pieces And afterwards they were greatly grieved at the entring of Servius Tullius their sixth King for that he got the Crown by fraud and not by election of the Senate and special approbation of the People as he should have done But most of all they
were exasperated by the proceedings of their seventh King named Lucius Tarquinus surnamed the proud who for that as Livius saith he neglected the Laws of Government prescribed to him by the Commonwealth as namely in that he consulted not with the Senate in matters of great importance and for that he made War and Peace of his own head and for that he appointed to himself a Guard as though he had mistrusted the People and for that he did use Injustice to divers particular men and suffered his Children to be insolent he was Expelled with all his Posterity and the Government of Rome changed from a Kingdom unto the Regiment of Consuls after that the other had endured two hundred years And thus much for those Kingdoms of Italy and Greece And if likewise we will look upon other Kingdoms of Europe we shall see the very same to wit that every Kingdom and Country hath its Laws prescribed â—o their Kings by the Common-wealth both for their Government Authority and Succession in the same For if we behold the Roman Empire it self as it is at this day annexed to the German Electors though it be the first in dignity among Christian Princes yet shall we see it so restrained by particular Laws as the Emperor can do much less than other Kings in theirs for he can neither make War nor exact any contribution of Men or Money thereunto but by the free leave and consent of the German Dyet or Parliament and for his Children or next in Kin they have no Action Interest or Pretence at all to succeed in their Fathers Dignity but only by free Election if they shall be thought worthy Nay one of the chiefest points that the Emperor must swear at his entrance as Sleydan writeth is this That he shall never go about to make the Dignity of the Emperor peculiar or hereditary to his Family but leave it unto the seven Electors free in their power to chuse his Successor according to the Law made by Pope Gregory the fifth and the Emperor Charles the fourth in this behalf The Kingdoms of Polonia and Bohemia do go much after the same fashion both for their restraint of Power and Succession to their Kings For first touching their Authority they have great limitation neither can they do any thing of great moment without the consent of certain principal men called Palatines or Castellans neither may their Children or next of Bloud succed except they be chosen as in the Empire In Spain France and England the priviledges of Kings are far more eminent in both these points for that both their Authority is much more absolute and their next in Bloud do ordinarily succeed but yet in different manner For as touching Authority it seemeth that the Kings of Spain and France have greater than the King of England for that every Ordination of these two Kings is Law in it self without further approbation of the Commonwealth where no general Law can be made without consent of Parliament But in the other point of Succession it appeareth that the restraint is far greater in those other two Countries than in England for that in Spain the next in Bloud cannot succeed be he never so lawfully descended but by a new approbation of the Nobility and Bishops and States of the Realm as it is expresly set down in the two ancient Counsels of Tolledo the fourth and fifth In confirmation whereof we see at this day that the King of Spain's own Son cannot succeed nor be called Prince except he be first sworn by the said Nobility and States in token of their new consent and so we have seen it practiced in our days towards three or four of King Philip's Children which have succeeded the one after the other in the title of Princes of Spain and at every change a new Oath required at the Subjects hands for their admission to the said Dignity which is not used in the Kings Children of France or England In France the World knoweth how Women are not admitted to succeed in the Crown be they never so near in Bloud neither any of their Issue though it be Male. For which cause I doubt not but you remember how King Edward the third of England though he were Son and Heir unto a Daughter of France whose three Brethren were Kings and left her sole Heir to her Father King Philip the fourth surnamed the Fair yet was he put by the Crown as also was the King of Navar at the same time who was Son and Heir unto this Womans eldest Brothers Daughter named Lewis Huttin King of France which King of Navar thereby seemed to be before King Edward of England but yet were they both put by it and Philip de Vallois a Brothers Son of Philip the Fair was preferred to it by general Decree of the States of France and by Verdict of the whole Parliament of Paris gathered about the same Affair Neither did it avail that the two Kings aforesaid alledged That it was against Reason and Conscience and Custom of all Nations to exclude Women from the Succession of the Crown which appertained to them by propinquity of Bloud seeing both Nature and God hath made them capable of such Succession every where as appeareth by Example of all other Nations and in the Old Testament among the People of God it self where we see Women have been admitted unto Kingdoms by Succession But all this I say prevailed not with the French as it doth not also at this day for the admission of Dona Isabella Eugenia Clara Infanta of Spain unto the said Crown of France though by descent of Bloud there be no question of her next propinquity for that she is the eldest Child of the last Kings eldest Sister The like Exclusion is made against the Prince of Lorrain that now liveth though he be a Man and Nephew to the last King for that his Title is by a Woman to wit his Mother that was younger Sister unto the last King Henry of France And albeit the Law called Salica by the French-men by virtue whereof they pretend to Exclude the Succession of Women be no very ancient Law as the French themselves do confess and much less made by Pharamond their first King or in those ancient times as others without ground do afirm yet do we see that it is sufficient to bind all Princes and Subjects of that Realm to observe the same and to alter the course of natural descent and nearness of Bloud as we have seen and that the King of Navar and some other of his Race by vertue of this only Law do pretend at this day to be next in Succession to this goodly Crown though in nearness of Bloud they be farther off by many degrees from the last King Henry the third than either the foresaid Infanta of Spain or the Prince of Lorrain that now is who are Children of his
be loth to have you go away with my tale half told for that it is a matter of much moment as toâ—morrow you shall hear All were content with this resolution and so departed every man to his Lodging with purpose to return the next morning somewhat more early than their accustomed hour to the end the matter might be throughly debated CHAP. III. Of Kings lawfully chastised by their Common-wealths for their Misgovernment and of the good and prosperous Success that God hath commonly given to the same THe Company was no sooner come together the next morning but they were all at the Civilian Lawyer to perform his promise and to prosecute the matter he had propounded the night before To whom he answered You require of me if I be not deceived two points joyntly to be proved unto you The first That Common-wealths have chastized sometimes lawfully their lawful Princes though never so lawfully descended or otherwise lawfully put in possession of their Crown And secondly That this hath fallen out ever or for the most part commodious to the weal publick and that it may seem that God approved and prospered the same by the good Success and Successors that ensued thereof Which two points I am content quoth he to shew unto you by some examples for that the reasons hereof have in part been declared before and shall be more in particular hereafter but yet must I do this with the protestation before-mentioned that nothing be taken out of this my Speech against the Sacred Authority and due Respect and Obedience that all men do ow unto Princes both by God's Law and Nature as hath been proved but only this shall serve to shew that as nothing under God is more honourable amiable profitable or sovereign than a good Prince so nothing is more pestilent or bringeth so great Destruction and Desolation as an evil Prince And therefore as the whole Body is of more Authority than the only Head and may cure the Head if it be out of tune so may the weal publick cure or cut off their Heads if they infect the rest seeing that a Body Civil may have divers Heads by Succession and is not bound ever to one as a Body Natural is which Body Natural if it had the same ability that when it had an aking or sickly Head it could cut it off and take another I doubt not but it would so do and that all men would confess that it had authority sufficient and reason to do the same rather than all the other parts should perish or live in pain and continual torment But yet much more clearer is the matter that we have in hand for disburdening our selves of wicked Princes as now I shall begin to prove unto you And for proof of both the points joyntly which you require I might begin perhaps with some Examples out of the Scripture it self but that some man may chance to say that these things recounted there of the Jews were not so much to be reputed for Acts of the Commonwealth as for particular Ordinations of God himself which yet is not any thing against me but rather maketh much for our purpose for that the matter is more authorized hereby seeing that whatsoever God did ordain or put in ure in his Commonwealth that may also be practised by other Commonwealths now having his authority and approbation for the same Wherefore said he I do hasten to Examples that are more nearer home and more proper to the particular purpose whereof we treat yet can I not omit to note some two or three out of the Bible that do appertain to this purpose also and these are the Deprivation and putting to Death of two wicked Kings of Juda named Saul and Amon though both of them were lawfully placed in that Dignity and the bringing in of David and Josias in their rooms who were the two most excellent Princes that ever that Nation or any other I think have had to govern them And first King Saul though he were elected by God as you know to that Royal Throne yet was he slain by the Philistines by God's order as it was foretold him for his Disobedience and not fulfilling the Law and Limits prescribed unto him Amon was lawful King also and that by natural Descent and Succession for he was Son and Heir to King Manasses whom he succeeded and yet was he slain by his own People quia non ambulavit in via Domini for that he walked not in the way prescribed unto him by God And unto these two Kings so deprived God gave two Successors as I have named the like whereof are not to be found in the whole rank of Kings for a Thousand years together For of Josias it is written Fecit quod erat rectum in conspectu Domini non declinavit neque ad dextram neque ad sinistram He did that which was right in the sight of God neither did he decline to the right hand nor the left He reigned 31. years and Jeremias the Prophet that lived in his time loved this good King so extremely as he never ceased afterwards to lament his Death as the Scripture saith As for King David it shall not be needful to say any thing how excellent a King he was for as many learned men do note he was a most perfect pattern for all Kings that should follow in the World not as King Cyrus whom Xenophon did paint out more according to his own imagination of a perfect King that he wished than to the truth of the story but rather as one that passed far in Acts that which is written of him and this not only in matters of Religion Piety and Devotion but also of Chivalry Valour Wisdom and Policy neither is it true which Nicholas Matchivel the Florentine and some others of his new Unchristian School do affirm for defacing of Christian Virtue That Religion and Piety are oftentimes le ts to politick and wise Government and do break or weaken the high Spirits of magnanimous men to take in hand great Enterprizes for the Commonwealth This I say is extreme false for that as Divines are wont to say and it is most true Grace doth not destroy or corrupt but perfecteth Nature so as he which by nature is Valiant Wise Liberal or Politick shall be the more if also he be Pious and Religious Which we see evidently in King David who notwithstanding all his Piety yet omitted he nothing appertaining to the State and Government of a noble wise and politick Prince For first of all he began with Reformation of his own Court and Realm in matter of Life and Service to God wherein he used the Counsel and Direction of Gad and of Nathan the Prophet as also of Abiather and Hiram the Chief Priests and of Heman his wise Counsellor He reduced the whole Clergy into Twenty four Degrees appointing Four Thousand Singers
with divers sorts of musical Instruments under Asaph Heman and other principal men that should be Heads of the Choir He appointed all Officers needful both for his Court and also the Commonwealth with the Arms of the Crown which was a Lion in remembrance of the Lion that he slew with his own hands when he was a Child He ordained a Mint with a peculiar form of Money to be stamped took order for distributing Relief to the poor and other like Acts of a prudent and pious Prince After all this he turn'd himself to his old Exercise of War to which he was given from his childhood being wonderful valiant of his own person as appeareth by the Lion and Bear that he slew with his own hands and the courage wherewith he took upon him the combat with Goliah and as he had shewed himself a great Warrier and renowned Captain many years in the service of Saul against the Philistines and had gained many noble Victories so much more did he after he was King himself for that he conquered not only the Philistines but also the Amorites Idumeans and Moabites with the Kings and People of Damasco and all Syria even unto the River Euphrates and left all these Countries peaceable to his Successor and the Scripture recounteth in one only Chapter how that in three or four Battels wherein David himself was present within the space of two or three years almost a hundred thousand Horse and Foot were slain by him and that himself slew in his days eight hundred with his own hands and that he made by his Example Thirty seven such Captains as each one of them was able to lead and govern a whole Army and yet among all these Expences of Wars had he care to lay up so much Money and Treasure as was sufficient for the building an huge and wonderful Temple after him which he recommended to his Son Solomon And amidst all this Valour and Courage of so warlike a King and Captain had he so much Humility as to humble himself to Nathan the Prophet when he came to rebuke him for his Fault and so much Patience and Charity as to pardon Shimâ—i that reviled him and threw stones at him in the High-way as he went And among so many and continual businesses both Martial and Civil and great affairs of the Commonwealth he had time to write so many Psalms as we see and to sing praises seven times a day to Almighty God and to feel that Devotion at his death which we read of And finally he so lived and so died as never Prince I think before him nor perhaps after him so joyned together both Valour and Vertue Courage and Humility Wisdom and Piety Government and Devotion Nobility and Religion Wherefore though I have been somewhat longer than I would in this Example yet hath it not been from the purpose to note somewhat in particular what two worthy Kings were put up by God in place of two other by him deprived and deposed And now if we will leave the Hebrews and return to the Romans of whom we spake before we shall find divers things notable in that State also to the purpose we have in hand For before I told you how that Romulus their first King having by little and little declined into Tyranny he was slain and cut in pieces by the Senate which at that time contained a hundred in number and in his place was chosen Numa Pompilius the notablest King that ever they had who prescribed all their order of Religion and manner of Sacrifices imitating therein and in divers points the Rites and Ceremonies of the Jews as Tertullian and other Fathers do note He began also the building of their Capitol added the two Months of January and February to the Year and did other such notable things for that Common-wealth Again When Tarquinus the proud their seventh and last King was expelled by the same Senate for his evil Government and the whole Government changed as before hath been touched we see the success was prosperous for that not only no hurt came thereby to the Commonwealth but exceeding much good seeing their Government and increase of Empire was so prosperous under their Consuls for many years in such sort that whereas at the end of their Kings Government they had but fifteen miles Territory without their City it is known that when their Consuls Government ended and was changed by Julius Caesar their Territory reached more â—han fifteen thousand miles in compass for that they had not only Europe under their Dominion but the principal parts also of Asia and Africa So as this chastisement so justly laid upon their Kings was profitable and beneficial to their Commonwealth also Moreover When Julius Caesar upon particular Ambition had broken all Law both Humane and Divine and taken all Government into his own hands alone he was in revenge thereof slain as the World knoweth by Senators in the Senate-house and Octavianus Augustus preferred in his room who proved the most famous Emperor that ever was I might note here also how Nero sixth Emperor of Rome which succeeded lawfully his Unkle Claudius in the Empire and being afterward deposed and sentenced to Death by the Senate for his wicked Government which was the first judicial Sentence that ever the Senate gave against an Emperour albeit peace ensued not presently but that Galba Otho and Vitellius three Captains of the Empire made some little interludes of tragical killing one another yet within few months the whole Empire by that means fell upon Vespatian and his Son Titus two of the best Governours that ever those times saw The like might be noted of the noble rank of five excellent good Princes viz Nerva Trajan Adrian Antonius Pius and Marcus Aurelius that ensued in the Empire by the just Death of cruel Domitian which Execution the Senate is thought in secret to have procured not being able to perform it openly by Justice which was seen by that that when the act was done the Senate did presently by publick Decree allow of the same and disannulled all his barbarous Acts for their exceeding Cruelty and commanded his Arms and Memories to be pulled down every where and chose for his Successor one Coccenis Nerva an Italian a man of excellent Vertue by whom they enjoyed not only the most prosperous time of his Government but of all those four before-named that ensued him no less worthy than himself Not long after the succession of these excellent good Emperours there came to the Crown by lawful Descent of Bloud a Youth named Antonius Heliogabalus Son of the Emperour Antonius Carcalla and Nephew to the most famous and noble Emperour Septimus Severus that died in England Which Youth as he was greatly loved and honoured a great while for so worthy a Grand-father so afterwards for his own most beastly Life and foul Actions he was
deprived and put to death by the Souldiers of Rome at the request and common desire both of the People and Senate when he had reigned Six years and yet was but Twenty years of age when he was put down and his Death and Deprivation was approved by publick Act of the Senate who ordained also in his detestation That never Emperour after him should be called Antonius And so it was observed though no other Name had ever been more grateful before to the world for the remembrance of good Emperors that had been so called This man being chastized as is said there was preferred to the Empire in his room a goodly young man of his next Kindred named Alexander Severus Son to Mamonea which was Sister to Heliogabalus's Mother and being admitted by common consent both of the Senate People and Army he proved one of the rarest Princes for his Valour and Vertue that ever the Roman Empire had had so as the worthiness of Severus seemed to recompence fully the wickedness of Heliogabalus I might name divers other such Examples and among the rest that of Maxentius who being lawfully possessed of the Empire in Rome as it seemed for that he was Son to Maximinianus the Emperour that reigned with Dioclesian yet for his tyrannous Government that was intollerable it is supposed that the Senate not being able to match him in open strength sent privily into England and France to invite Constantine to come and do Justice upon him and so he did and he being drowned in the River of Tiber Constantine afterward surnamed the Great succeeded in the Empire and was the man that all men know and the first Emperour that publickly professed himself a Christian and planted our Faith over all the World And this of the Roman Empire And if ye will come lower down and nearer home we have yet another Example more remarkable than the rest which is The change of the Empire from the East to the West for the evil Government of Constantine the sixth who was Deposed first and his eyes put out by his own Mother Irene and the Empire Usurped by her But being not able to rule it in such order as was needful for so great a Monarchy though otherwise she was one of the rarest Women for Valour and Wisdom that ever the World had she was deprived thereof by the Sentence of Leo the third Pope of Rome and by consent of all the People and Senate of that City and Charles King of France and Germany afterward surnamed the Great was Crowned Emperour of the West and so hath that Succession remained unto this day and many worthy Men have succeeded therein and infinite Acts of Jurisdiction have been exercised by this Authority which were all Unjust and Tyrannical if this change of the Empire and Deposition of Irene and her Son for their evil Government had not been lawful It were too long to run over all other Kingdoms yet some I shall touch in such points as are most notorious The two famous changes that have been made of the Royal Line in France the first from the Race of Pharamond and Clodoveus to the Line of Pepin and the second from the Race of Pepin again to the Line of Hugo Capetus that endureth unto this day Whereon are they founded but upon the judicial Chastisement and Deposition of two evil Princes the first of Childrec the third lawful King of France who after he had reigned ten years was deposed by Zachary the Pope at the request of the whole Nobility and Clergy of France or rather his Deprivation was by them and confirmed by the Pope to whom they alledged this reason for their doing in that behalf as Girard putteth it down in his French Chronicles I mean the large and the Abreviation viz. That their Oath to Childeric was to honour serve obey maintain and defend him against all men as long as he was Just Religious Valiant Clement and would resist the Enemies of the Crown punish the wicked and conserve the good and defend the Christian Faith And for as much as these promises said they were conditional they ought not to hold or bind longer than they were reciprocally observed on both parts which seeing they were not of the part of Childeric they would not be any longer his Subjects and so desired Zachary to absolve them from their Oaths which he did and by this means Childeric was Deposed and put into a Monastry where he died and in his place Pepin was chosen and crowned King whose Posterity Reigned for many years after him and were such Noble Kings as all the World can testifie And so continued this Race of Pepin in the Royal Throne for almost two hundred years togeter until Hugo Capetus who was put into the same Authority of the Commonwealth and Charles of Lorrain last of the Race of Pepin for the evil satisfaction which the French Nation had of him was put by it and kept Prisoner during his Life in the Castle of Orleance And thus much all the French Histories affirm and to attribute to these changes the prosperity and greatness of their present Kingdom and Monarchy And thus much for France where many other Examples might be alledged as of King Lewis the third surnamed Fainant for that he was unprofitable and of Charles surname Le grot that succeeded him both of them deposed by the States of France And other the like of whom I shall have occasion to speak afterwards to another purpose But now if you please let us step over the Pyrenean Mountains and look into Spain where there will not fail us also divers Examples both before the oppression of that Realm by the Moors and also after For that before to wit in the year of Christ 630. we read of a lawful King named Flaveo Suintila put down and deprived both he and his Posterity in the fourth Council National of Toledo and one Sissinado confirmed in his place notwithstanding that Suintila was at the beginning of his Reign a very good King and much commended by St. Isodorus Archbishop of Sivil who yet in the said Counil was the first man that subscribed to his Deprivation After the entrance of the Moors also when Spain was reduced again to the Order and Government of Spanish Kings We read that about the year of Christ 1282. one Don Alonso the eleventh of that name King of Castile and Leone succeeded his Father Ferdinando sur-named the Sainct and himself obtained the sur-name of Sabio and Astrologo that is to say of Wise and of an Astrologer for his excellent Learning and peculiar Skill in that Art as may well appear by the Astronomy-Tables that at this day go under his name which are the most perfect and exact that ever were set forth by judgment of the Learned This Man for his evil Government and especially for Tirany used towards
two Nephews of his as the Spanish Chronicler Garavay writeth was deposed of his Kingdom by a publick Act of Parliament in the Town of Valliodolid after he had Reigned thirty years and his own son Don Sancho the fourth was Crowned in his place who for his valiant Acts was sur-named el bravo and it turned to great commodity of the Common-Wealth The same Common-Wealth of Spain some years after to wit about the year of Christ 1368. having to their King one Don Pedro sur-named the Cruel for his injurious proceeding with his Subjects though otherwise he were lawfully seased of the Crown as Son and Heir to King Don Alonso the twelfth and had Reigned among them eighteen years yet for his evil Government they resolved to depose him and so sent for a Bastard Brother of his named Henry that lived in France requesting him that he would come with some force of French-men to assist them in that Act and take the Crown upon himself which he did and by the help of the Spaniards and French Souldiers he drove the said Peter out of Spain and himself was Crowned And albeit Edward sur-named the black Prince of England by order of his Father King Edward the third restored once again the said Peter yet was it not durable for that Henry having the favour of the Spaniards returned again and deprived Peter the second time and slew him in Fight hand to hand which made shew of more particular favour of God in this behalf to Henry and so he remained King of Spain as doth also his progenie enjoy the same unto this day though by nature he was a Bastard as had been said and notwithstanding that King Peter left two Daughters which were led away into England and there Married to great Princes And this King Henry so put up in his place was called King Henry the second of this name and proved a most excellent King and for his great Nobility in conversation and prowess in Chivalry was called by excellency El cavallero the Knightly King and for his exceeding benignity and liberality was sur-named also El delas mercedes which is to say the King that gave many gifts or the liberal franck and bountiful King which was a great change from the other sur-named Cruel that King Peter had before and so you see that always I give you a good King in place of the bad deposed In Portugal also before I go out of Spain I will alledge you one example more which is of Don Sancho the second sur-named Capello fourth King of Portugal lawful Son and Heir unto Don Alonso sur-named el Gardo who was third King of Portugal This Don Sancho after he had Reigned 34. years was deprived for his defects in Government by the universal consent of all Portugal and this his first deprivation from all Kingly rule and Authority leaving him only the bare name of King was approved by a General Councel in Lions Pope Innocent the fourth being there present who at the Petition and Instance of the whole Realm of Portugal by their Embassadors the Arch-Bishop of Braga Bishop of Comibra and divers of the Nobility sent to Lyons for that purpose did Authorise the said State of Portugal to put in Supream Government one Don Alonso Brother to the said King Don Sancho who was at that time Earl of Bullen in Picardy by right of his Wife and so the Portugals did And further also a little after they deprived their said King and did drive him out of his Realm into Castilla where he liv'd all the rest of his Life in Banishment and Dyed in Toledo without ever returning and this decree of the Councel and Pope at Lyons for Authorising of this fact is yet extent in our Cannon Law in the sixt Book of Decretals now in Print And this King Don Alonso the third which in this sort was put up against his Brother was peaceably and prosperously King of Portugal all the days of his life and he was a notable King and among other great Exploits he was the first that set Portugal free from all Subjection Dependance and Homage to the Kingdom of Castile which unto his time it had acknowledged and he left for his Successor his Son and Heir Don Dionysio el Fabricador to wit the great Builder for that he Builded and Founded above forty and four great Towns in Portugal and was a most rare Prince and his off-spring ruleth in Portugal unto this day Infinite other Examples could I alledge if I would examine the Lives and Descents of these and other Kingdoms with their Princes and namely if I would speak of the Greek Emperors deprived for their evil Government not so much by popular Mutiny which often happened among them as by consent and grave deliberation of the whole State and weal-publick as Michael Calaphatos for that he had trodden the Cross of Christ under his Feet and was otherwise also a Wicked Man As also the Emperour Nicephorus Botoniates for his Dissolute Life and preferring Wicked Men to Authority and the like whereof I might name many but it would be too long What should I name here the deposition made of Princes in our days by other Common-Wealths as in Polonia of Henry the third that was last King of France and before that had been Sworn King of Polonia of which Crown of Polonia he was deprived by publick Act of Parliament for his departing thence without License and not returning at his day by the said State appointed and denounced by publick Letters of Peremptory Commandment which are yet extant What should I name the Deprivations of Hen. late King of Suetia who being lawful Successor and lawfully in possession after his Father Gustanus was yet put down by that Common-Wealth and deprived and his Brother made King in his place who if you remember was in Ireland in the beginning of this Queens Reign and whose Son Reigneth at this day and is King also of Polonia and this Fact was not only allowed of at home by all the States of that Countrey but also abroad as namely of Maximilian the Emperor and approved also by the King of Denmark and all the Princes of Germany near about that Realm who saw the reasonable cause which that Common-Wealth had to proceed as it did And a little before that the like was practised also in Denmark against Cisternus their lawful King if we respect his descent in Bloud for he was Son to King John that Reigned afore him and Crowned in his Fathers life but yet afterwards for his Intolerable cruelty he was deprived and driven into Banishment together with his Wife and three Children all which were Disinherited and his Unkle Frederick Prince of Alsatia was chosen King whose Progeny yet remaineth in the Crown and the other though he were married to the Sister of Charles the fifth and last Emperour of that Name and were
deduceth them from the very ground of nature and reason it self and sayeth That it were contrary to the Duty of a Good or Honest Man in such cases to perform his promise Our Divines also do alledge the example of Herod that had Sworn to the Daughter of Herodias to give her what she demanded who demanding the Head of St. John Baptist though Herod were sorry for the same yet saith the Text That for his Oaths sake he commanded it to be performed which yet no Man will deny but that it had been far better left unperformed and the Oath better broaken then fulfilled according to another rule of the Law which sayeth In malis promissis fidem non expedit observari it is not expedient to keep our promise in things evil promised And finally to this purpose to wit to determine how many ways an Oath may be lawfuly broken or not kept there is a whole title in the Canon-Law containing 36. Chapters wherein are set down many and divers most excellent and evident cases about the same determined by Gregory the first and other ancient Popes and Doctors and in the second part of the Decretal there is alledged this sentence out of Isidorus and Established for Law In malis promissis rescinde fidem in turpi voto muta decretum impia enim promissio qua scelere impletur that is In evil promises perform not your word in an unlawful Vow or Oath change your determination for it is an impious promise which cannot be fulfilled but with wickedness and the very same matter is handled in the Question following which is the fifth throughout 23 whole Chapters together So as nothing is more largely handled in our Law both Civil and Canon then this matter of promises and others how and when and why and in what case they hold or bind and when not All which to apply it now unto our matter of Kings that we have in hand We are to understand that two evident Cases are touched here as you see when a Subjects Oath or Promise of obedience may be left unperformed towards his Prince The first when the Prince observeth not at all his promise and Oath made to the Commonwealth at his admission or Coronation and the other when it should turn to the notable damage of the weal-publick for whose only good the Princes Office was ordained as often before hath been said and proved if the Subject should keep and perform his Oath and promise made unto his Prince And both these cases are touched in the deprivation of Childerike the last King of France of the first Line of Pharamond which was recounted in the former Chapter for that as Paulus Aemilius Balforest Girard and other French stories do testify the Bishop of Wirtsburg that in the name of all the Nobility and Commonwealth of France made his Speech to Zacharie the Pope for his Deposition and for the Election of Pepin in his place alledged these two Reasons saying Truth it is that the French have Sworn fidelity unto Childerick as to their true and natural King but yet with condition that he on his part should also perform the points that are incident to his Office which are to defend the Commonwealth protect the Church of Christ resist the Wicked advance the Good and the like and if he do this then the French are ready to continue their Obedience and Allegiance unto him But if he be apt for none of these things neither fit either for a Captain in War or for a Head in Peace and if nothing else may be expected whilst he is King but detriment to the State Ignominy to the Nation danger to Christian Religion and Destruction to the weal-publick Then it is lawful for you no doubt most Holy Father to deliver the French from this band of their Oath and to testifie that no promise can bind this Nation in particular to that which may be hurtful to all Christendom in general Thus far that Bishop and his Speech was allowed and Childerick Deposed and Pepin made King in his place as the World knoweth By this then you see said the Civilian Lawyer the ground whereon dependeth the righteous and lawful Deposition and Chastisement of Wicked Princes to wit their failing in their Oaths and Promises which they made at their first entrance that they would Rule and Govern justly according to Law Conscience Equity and Religion wherein when they fail or wilfully decline casting behind them all respect of obligation and duty to the end for which they were made Princes and advanced in dignity above the rest then is the Commonwealth not only free from all Oaths made by her of Obedience or Allegiance to such unworthy Princes but is bound moreover for saving the whole Body to Resist Chasten and Remove such evil Heads if she be able for that otherwise all would come to Destruction Ruine and publick Desolation And here now come in all those considerations which old Philosophers Law-makers and such others as have treated of Commonwealths are went to lay down of the difference and contrariety between a King and a Tyrant for that a King as both Plato and Aristotle do declare when once he declineth from his duty becometh a Tyrant that is to say Of the best and most Soveraign thing upon Earth the worst and most hurtful Creature under Heaven for that as the end and Office of a King is to make happy his Commonwealth so the end of a Tyrant is to destroy the same And finally the whole difference is reduced to the principal head that before I have mentioned to wit that a King ruleth according to Equity Oath Conscience Justice and Law prescribed unto him And the other is Enemy to all these conditions whereof if you will read many more particulars and signs to know a Tyrant by I will remit you to a special Book set forth of this matter by one Bartolus Father as you know of our Civil Law where the matter is handled largely as also how lawful and commendable it is to resist any Tyrant And finally he concludeth with Cicero in his Books de legibus where he sayeth ut populo Magistratus itâ— Mâ—gistratui presunt leges A good Prince or Magistrate maketh his accompt that as he is over the People so Laws are over him and a Tyrant the Contrary And greatly is commended the saying of Theodosius and Valentinian two worthy Emperours recorded in our Civil Law who said Digna vox est Majestate regnantis legibus se alligatum fateri It is a Speech worthy of the Majesty of him that Reigneth to confess that he is bound unto the Laws and the contrary saying of the Tyrant Cajus Caligua is justly detested by all Writers who said unto one as Suetonius reporteth Memento mihi omnia in omnes licere remember that all things are lawful unto me and against all Men without exception
Lord 1582. when Don Philip now King of Spain re-united again unto that Crown the Kingdom of Portugal which was the last piece that remained seperated and this was almost 900 years after Spain was first lost But now to our purpose the Chronicler of Spain named Ambrosio Morales doth record in his Chronicle a certain Law written in the Gothish Tongue and left since the time of this Don Pelayo the first King after the universal Destruction of Spain and the Title of the Law is this Como se an de levantar Rey in Espua y como el ha de jurar los fueros that is to say How men must make their King in Spain and how he must swear to the Priviledges and Liberties of that Nation And then he putteth the Law whereof the first saith thus Before all things it is Established for a Law Liberty and Priviledge of Spain that the King is to be placed by voices and consent perpetually and this to the intent that no evil King may enter without consent of the people seeing they are to give him that which with their Bloud and Labours they have gained from the Moors Thus far goeth this first Article which is the more to be marked for that divers and those most ancient Spanish Authors do say That from this Don Pelayo the Succession of Kings descended ever by propinquity of Bloud and yet we see that Election was joyned therewithall in express terms The second part of the Law containeth the manner of Ceremonies used in these old days at the admission of their Kings which is expressed in these words Let the King be chosen and admitted in the Metropolitan City of this Kingdom or at least wise in some Cathedral Church and the night before he is exalted let him watch all night in the Church and the next day let him hear Mass and let him offer at Mass a piece of Scarlet and some of his own Money and after let him Communicate and when they come to lift him up let him step upon a Buckler or Target and the chief and principal men there present hold the Target and so lifting him up let them and the people cry with a lowd voice Real Real Real Then let the King command some of his own Money to be cast among the people to the quantity of a hundred shillings And to the end he may give all people to understand that none now is above him let himself tie on his own Sword in the form of a cross and let no Knight or other Man bear a Sword that day but only the King This was the old fashion of making Kings in Spain which in effect and substance remaineth still though the manner thereof be somewhat altered for that the Spanish Kings are not Crowned but have another Ceremony for their admission equal to Coronatron which is performed by the Archbishop of Toledo Primate of all Spain as the other Coronations before-mentioned are by the Archbishop of Moguntia to the Emperour and by the Archbishop of Guesna to the King of Polonia and by the Archbishop of Prague to the King of Bohemia and the Archbishop of Braga to the King of Portugal and by the Archbishop of Canterbury to the King of England and by the Archbishop of Rhemes to the King of France of which Realm of France we may not omit to say somewhat in particular seeing it is so good a Kingdom and so near to England not only in Scituation but also in Laws Manners and Customs And as the Race of English Kings have come from them in divers manners since the Conquest so may it be also supposed that the principal Ceremonies and Circumstances of this Action of Coronation have been received in like manner from them First then touching the act of Coronation and Admission of the King of France even as before I have said of Spain so also in this Kingdom do I find two manners of that action the one more ancient which the French do say hath endured in substance from their first Christian King named Clodoveus unto this day which is about 1100 years for that Clodoveus was christened in the year of our Lord 490 in the City of Rhemes by St Remigius Bishop of that City and Anointed also and Crowned King by same Bishop which manner and order of Anointing and Coronation endured for about 600 years unto the time of Henry the first and King Philip the first his Son both Kings of France At what time which is about 500 years ago both the Chroniclers and Cosmographers of France do testifie that there was a peculiar Book in the Library of the Church of Bevais containing the particular Order of this Action which had endured from Clodoveus unto that time Which order for so much as toucheth the solemnity of Officers in the Coronation and other like Circumstances was far different at that time from that which is now for that in those days there were no Peers of France appointed to assist the same Coronation which now are the chief and the greatest part of that solemnity Yea Girard du Hailan Secretary of France in his third Book of the Affairs and State of that Kingdom saith That the Ceremonies of Crowning their old Kings was much after the fashion which I have noted a little before in this very Chapter out of the Law of Don Pelayo first King of Spain after the Moors for that they were lifted up and carried about upon a Target by the chief Subjects there present as the Spaniards were 〈…〉 But as touching the principal point of that action which is the substance of admitting the King unto his Royal Authority and Oath by him made of governing well and justly and of the reciprocal Oath of Obedience made to him again by his Subjects it was not much different from that which now is as shall appear by the Coronation of the aforesaid Philip the first who was Crowned in the life and presence of his Father King Henry after the fashion then used in the year of Christ 1059. and it was as Nâ—ngis and Tollet both Authors of great Authority among the French do recount it and Francis Belforest out of them both repeateth the same at large in manner following King Henry the first of this Name seeing himself very old and feeble made an assembly of all the States of France in the City of Paris in the year of Christ 1059. where bringing in his young Son and Heir Philip that was but nine years of age before them all he said as followeth Hitherto my dear Friends and Subjects I have been the Head of your Nobility and Men at Arms but now by mine Age and Indisposition of Body I must be separated from you and therefore I do desire you that if ever you have loved me you shew it now in giving your Consent and Approbation that this my Son may be admitted for your King and apparelled with the
also in that of Polidor it may be noted that King Henry the Fifth was not called King until after his Coronation but only Prince though his Father King Henry the Fourth had been dead now almost a month before and secondly that the Parliament consulted de Rege creando more majorum as Polidor his words are that is of making a new King according to the antient custom of their Ancestors which argueth that he was not yet King though his Father were dead not that the manner of our old English Ancestors was to account him so before his Admission Thirdly That this demonstration of good-will of the Nobility to acknowledge him for King before his Coronation and Oath solemnized well and justly to Govern the Realm was very extraordinary and of meer good-will And Last of all That this was never done to any Prince before King Henry the Fifth All which Points do demonstrate that it is the Coronation and Admission that maketh a Perfect and True King whatsoever the Title by Succession be otherwise and that except the Admission of the Common-wealth be joyned to Succession it is not sufficient to make a lawful King and of the two the second is of far more importance to wit the Consent and Admission of the Realm than nearness of Bloud by Succession alone This I might prove by many Examples in England it self where Admission hath prevailed against Right of Succession as in William Rufus that succeeded the Conquerour and in King Henry the First his Brother in King Stephen King John and others who by only Admission of the Realm were Kings against the Order of Succession as after more at large I shall shew you in a particular speech of this point I shall make unto you and very specially it may be seen in the two Examples before-mentioned of the Admission of the two Kings Henry and Edward both sirnamed the Fourth whose entrances to the Crown if a man do well consider he shall find that both of them founded the best part and the surest of their Titles upon the Election Consent and Good-Will of the People yea both of them at their dying-days having some remorse of Conscience as it seemed for that they had caused so many men to die for maintainance of their several Rights and Titles had no better way to appease their own minds but by thinking that they were placed in that Room by the Voice of the Realm and consequently might lawfully defend the same and punish such as went about to deprive them Moreover you shall find if you look into the Doings of Princes in all Ages that such Kings as were most Politick and had any least doubt or suspicion of Troubles about the Title after their Deaths have caused their sons to be Crowned in their own days trusting more to this than to their Title by Succession though they were never so lawfully and lineally descended And of this I could alledge you many Examples out of divers Countreys but especially in France since the last line of Capetus came unto that Crown for this did Hugh Capetus himself to procure to be done to Robert his eldest Son in his own days and the like did King Robert procure for his younger son Henry the First as Gerard holdeth and excluded his Elder only by Crowning Henry in his own days Henry also did intreat the States of France as before you have heard to admit and Crown Philip the First his Eldest Son whilst himself reigned and this man's Son Luys le Cros did the same also unto two Sons of his First to Philip and after his death to Luys the younger which is the seventh of that name for more assuring of his Son named Philip the Second intreated the Realm to Admit and Crown him also in his own days with that great solemnity which in the former Chapter hath been declared And for this very same cause of Security it is not to be doubted but that always the Prince of Spain is sworn and admitted by the Realm during his Father's Reign as before hath been said The same consideration also moved King David to Crown his son Solomon in his own days as afterwards more in particular shall be declared and finally our King Henry also the second of England considering the alteration that the Realm had made in admitting King Stephen before him against the Order of Lineal Succession by propinquity of Bloud and fearing the like might happen also after him caused his eldest son named likewise Henry to be Crowned in his life time so as England had two King Henrys living at one time with equal Authority and this was done in the 16 year of his Reign and in the year of our Lord 1170. But his Device had no good success for that King Henry the Younger made War soon after upon King Henry the Elder and had both the Kings of France and Scotland and many Nobles of England and Normandy to take his part for which cause it is thought that this thing hath never been put in practice again since that time in England but yet hereby it is evident what the opinion of the world was in those days of the force of Coronation and Admission of the Commonwealth and how little Propinquity of Bloud prevaileth without that And for more ample proof hereof and fuller conclusion of all the whole matter I had thought to have laid down also in this place some number of the most notorious Examples that I have read for I have read many wherein the Common-wealth upon just Occasions hath extended her Authority to alter the natural course of Succession by Birth but for that the thing requireth some little study and looking over some Notes that I have taken out of Stories for help of Memory I shall deferr it until our next Meeting at what time I shall by God's Grace make this point very clear and so end my whole Discourse for I see that I have been much longer than at the beginning I purposed and now I desire much to give place unto our Temporal Lawyer here present who I doubt not hath matter to say of more delectation and pleasure than this though you of your courtesies have done me so much favour as to hear me hitherto with patience and attention Whereunto the whole company answered that not with patience but with great pleasure delight and contentation they had heard him and so they would do the Temporal Lawyer also in his turn But yet they desired him that nothing of this discourse might be omitted but wholly finished for that it gave very great satisfaction to all and opened many important Points unto them which they had never thought of before and with this they parted for that night every man unto his Lodging and Habitation CHAP. VII How the next in Succession by Propinquity of Bloud hath often-times been put back by the Cemmonwealth and other further off admitted in their
places even in those Kingdoms where Succession prevaileth with many Examples of the Kingdoms of Israel and Spain AT the next Meeting the Civilian came in very pensive as though his head had been full of study where being asked the reason he answered that he had revolved many Stories since his departure about the point which he promised to treat of and that he had found such store and great variety of matter as he knew not well where to end For quoth he if I should begin with the Grecian Kings before-mentioned it were infinite that might be alledged and perhaps some man would say they were too too old and far-fetched Examples and cannot be Presidents to us in these ages and if I lay before you the Examples of Roman Kings and Emperours put in and out against the Law and Right of Succession the same men perhaps will answer that it was by force and injury of mutinous Souldiers whereunto that Common-wealth was greatly subject And if I should bring forth any Presidents and Examples of Holy Scriptures some others might chance to reply that this was by particular priviledge wherein God Almighty would deal and dispose of things against the ordinary course of mans saw as best liked himself whose will is more than saw and whose Actions are right it self for that he is Lord of all and to be limited by no Rule or Law of man but yet that this is not properly the Act of a Commonwealth as our Question demandeth Thus I say it may be that some man would reply and therefore having store enough of plain and evident matter which hath no exception for that it hath happened in settled Commonwealths and those nearer home where the Law of Succession is received and established to wit in Spain France and England but yet putting you in mind before I pass any further that it is a matter much to be marked how God dealt is this point with the people of Israel at the beginning after he had granted to them that they should have the same Government of Kings that other Nations round about them had whose Kings did ordinarily reign by Succession as ours do at this day and as all the Kings of the Jews did afterwards and yet this notwithstanding God at the beginning to wit at the very entrance of their first Kings would shew plainly that this Law of Succeeding of the one the other by Birth and propinquity of Bloud though for the most part it should prevail yet that it was not so precisely necessary but that upon just causes it might be altered For proof whereof we are to consider that albeit he made Saul a true and lawful King over the Jewes and consequently also gave him all Kingly Priviledges Benefits and Prerogatives belonging to that Degree and State whereof one Principal as you know is to have his children succeed after him in the Crown Yet after his death God suffered not any one of his generation to succeed him though he left behind him many children and among others Ishbosheth a Prince of 40 years of age whom Abner the General Captain of that Nation with eleven Tribes followed for a time as their Lawful Lord and Master by Succession until God checked them for it and induced them to reject him though Heir apparent by descent and to cleave to David newly elected King who was a stranger by Birth and no Kin at all to the King deceased And if you say here that this was for the sin of Saul whom God hath rejected I do confess it but yet this is nothing against our purpose for that we pretend not that a Prince that is next in Bloud can justly be put back except it be for his own defects or those of his Ancestors And moreover I would have you consider that by this it is evident that the fault of the Father may prejudicate the Sons Right to the Crown albeit the Son have no part in the fault as we may see in this example not only of Ishbosheth that was punished and deprived for the offence of Saul his Father notwithstanding he had been proclaimed King as hath been said but also of Jonathan's Saul's son who was so good a man and so much praised in Holy Scripture and yet he being slain in War and leaving a son named Mephibosheth he was put back also though by nearness of Bloud he had great Interest in the Succession as you see and much before David But David being placed in the Crown by Election free Consent and Admission of the People of Israel as the scripture plainly testifies though by motion and direction of God himself we must confess and no man I think will deny but that he had given unto him therewith all Kingly Priviledges Preheminâ—nces and Regalities even in the highest degree as was convenient to such a state and among others the Scripture expressly nameth that in particular it was assured him by God that his Seed should Reign after â—im yea and that for ever but yet we do not find this to be performed to any of 〈◊〉 persons as by Order of Succession it should seem to appertain 〈◊〉 nor to any of their off-spring or descents but only to Solomon which was his younger and tenth son and the fourth only by 〈◊〉 as before hath been touched True it is that the Scripture recounteth how Adonias David's elder son that was of rare beauty and a very Godly young Prince seeing his Father now very old and impotent and to lye on his Death bed and himself Heir apparent by antiquity of Bloud after the death of Absalom his elder brother that was slain before he had determined to have proclaimed himself Heir apparent in Jerusalem before his Father dyed and for that purpose had ordained a great Assembly and Banquet had called unto it both the High-Priest Abiathar and divers of the Clergy as also the General Captain of all the Army of Israel named Joab with others of the Nobility and with them all the rest of his Brethren that were sons to King David saving only Solomon together with many other Princes and great Men both Spiritual and Temporal of that Estate and had prepared for them a great Feast as I have said meaning that very day to proclaim himself Heir apparent to the Crown and to be Crowned as indeed by Succession of bloud it appertained unto him and this he attempted so much the rather by counsil of his Friends for that he saw the King his Father very old and impotent and ready to dye and had taken no order at all for his Successor and moreover Adonias had understood how that Barsabee Solomon's Mother had some hope to have her son reign after David upon a certain promise that David in his youth had made unto her thereof as also she had in the special favour and friendship which Nathan the Prophet and Zadok the Priest who could do much with
other most dear as before hath been declared neither do any of the four antient Bishops Historiographers of Spain to wit that of Toledo Beza Salamanca or Ture that lived all about those days and wrote the Story reprehend this fact of the Realm of Spain or put any doubt whether it were lawful or not for the causes before-recited True it is that after three years reign this King Vermudo being weary of Kingly life and feeling some scruple of Conscience that being Deacon he had forsaken the life Ecclesiastical and married though by dispensation of the Pope as Morales saith and entangled himself with the affairs of a Kingdom he resigned willingly the Government unto his said Cousin Don Alonso the Chaste and himself lived after a Private Life for divers Years But this Don Alonso who now the fourth time had been deprived of his Succession as you have seen deceived the expectation of the Spaniards that accounted him a Monk for he proved the most valiant and excellent King that ever that Nation had both for his vertue valour victories against the Moores building of Towns Castles Churches Monasteries and other such Works of Christianity as Morales recounteth and he reigned after his last Admission one and fifty years and had great friendship with King Charles the Great of France who lived in the same time with him And this man among other most noble Exploits so tamed the Moors of his Countrey as during his days he never paid that cruel and horrible Tribute which before and after was paid by the Christians to the Moors which was an hundred young Maids and fifty Sons of Gentlemen every Year to be brought up in the Religion of Mahomet among those Infidel Tyrants And finally this man after so much Affliction came to be one of the most renowned Princes of the World After this Don Alonso who left no Children for that he would never marry but lived all his Life in Chastity there succeeded to him by Election his Nephew named Don Ramiro son to the former said King Don Vermudo the Deacon that gave this Man the Crown as you have heard of whose Election Morales writeth these words Muerto el Rey Don Alonso el casto sue eligido por los perlados y grandes del reyno el Rey Don Ramiro primero deste nombre hyio del Rey Don Vermudo el diacono That is the King Don Alonso the chast being dead there was chosen King by the Prelats and Nobility of the Realm Don Ramiro the first of this Name son of King Vermudo the Deacon who resigned his Crown to Don Alonso and it is to be noted that albeit this Don Ramiro was next in Bloud to the Succession after the death of his Uncle Don Alonso without Children yet was he chosen by the States as here it is said in express words Moreover it is to be noted that albeit this Author Ambrosio Morales and other Spanish Writers do say that in the time of this King Ramiro the Law of Succession by propinquity in â—loud was so revived and strongly consumed that as the Kingdom of Spain was made as Majorasgo as he termeth it which is an Inheritance so entailed and tied only to the next in bloud as there is no possibility to alter the same and that from this time forward the King always caused his Eldest son to be named King or Prince and so ever to be sworn by the Realm and Nobility yet shall we find this Ordinance and Succession oftentimes to have been broken upon several considerations as this Author himself in that very chapter confesseth As for Example after some descents from this man which were Don Ordonio the first this man's son and Don Alonso the Third Don Garzia and Don Ordonio the Second all four Kings by Orderly Succession it happened that in the Year of Christ 924 Don Ordonio the Second dying left four Sons and one Daughter lawfully begotten and yet the State of Spain displaced them all and gave the Kingdom to their Uncle Don Fruela second brother to their Father Don Ordonio and Morales saith that there appeareth no other reason hereof but only for that these Sons of the King deceased were young and not so apt to Govern well the Realm as their Uncle was But after a Years Reign this King Fruela dyed also and left divers Children at mans Estate and then did the Spaniards as much against them as they had done for him before against the Children of his Elder Brother For they put them all by the Crown and chose for their King Don Alonso the Fourth which was eldest son to Don Ordonio the Second before-named that had been last King saving one and this man also I mean Don Alonso the Fourth leaving afterwards his Kingdom and betaking himself to a Religious habit offered to the Commonwealth of Spain his eldest Son lawfully begotten named Don Ordonio to be their King but they refused him and took his Brother I mean this Kings Brother and Uncle to the young Prince named Don Ramiro who reigned 19 Years and was a most excellent King and gained Madrid from the Moors though noted for Cruelty for imprisoning and pulling out the eyes afterwards of this King Don Alonso the Fourth and all his Children and Nephews for that he would have left his Habit and returned to be King again But this Fact my Author Morales excuseth saying that it was requisite for the peace and safety of the Realm so as here you see two most manifest alterations of Lineal Succession together by Order of the Commonwealth Furthermore after this Noble King Don Ramiro the Second succeeded as Heir apparent to the Crown his elder Son Don Ordinio the Third of this name in the Year of our Saviour 950. But this Succession endured no longer than unto his own death which was after seven years for then albeit he left a Son named El Enfante Don Vermudo yet he was not admitted but rather his Brother Don Sancho the First of this Name sirnamed El Gordo who was Uncle to the young Prince and the reason of this Alteration Morales giveth in these express words el succeder en el regno al hermano fue por la racon ordinaria de ser el enfante Don Vermudo nino y no bastante para el govierno y difenca de la terra Which is the cause why the Kings Brother and not his son succeeded in the Crown was for the ordinary reason so often before alledged for that the Infant or young Prince Vermudo was a little child and not sufficient for the Government and Defence of the Countrey Truth it is that after this Don Sancho had reigned and his Son and Heir named Don Ramiro the Third after him for the space of thirty years in all then was this youth Don Vermudo that is now put back called by the Realm to the Succession of the Crown and made King
by the name of King Vermudo the Second who left after him Don Alonso the Fifth and he again his son Don Vermudo the Third who marrying his sister Dona Sancha that was Heir unto Don Ferdinando the first Earl and then King of Castile who was second son to Don Sancho Mayor King of Navar as before hath been said he join'd by these means the Kingdoms of Leon and Castile together which were separate before and so ended the line of Don Pelayo first Christian King of Spain after the entrance of the Moors which had endured now three hundred years and the Bloud of Navar entred as you see and so continued therein until the entrance of those of Austria as before hath been said which was almost five hundred years together And thus much I thought good to note out of the Histories of Spain for this first descent of the Spanish Kings after the entrance of the Moors neither mean I to pass much further both for that it would be too long as also for that mine Author Morales who is the most diligent that hath written the Chronicles of that Nation endeth here his History with King Vermudo the Third and last of the Gothish Bloud Notwithstanding if I would go on further there would not want divers evident Examples also to the same purpose which Stephen Garabay another Chronicler of Spain doth touch in the continuation of this History whereof for Examples sake only I will name two or three among the rest And first about the year of Christ 1201. there was a Marriage made by King John of England for Dona Blancha his Neece that is to say the daughter of his Sister Dame Eleanor and of Don Alonso the Ninth of that name King and Queen of Spain which Blancha was to marry the Prince of France named â—uys Son and Heir to King Philip sirnamed Augustus which Luys was afterwards King of France by the name of Luys the VIII and was Father to Luys the IX sirnamed the Saint This Lady Blancha was Neece as I have said unto King John and to King Richard the First of England for that her Mother Lady Eleanor was their sister and daughter to King Henry the Second and King John made this Marriage thereby to make peace with the French and was content to give for her Dowry for that he could not tell how to recover them again all those Towns and Countreys which the said King Philip had taken from the English by this King 's evil Government in Normandy and Gascony and moreover promise was made that if the Prince Henry of Spain that was the only brother to the Lady Blanch should die without issue as after he did then this Lady should succeed in the Crown of Spain also But yet afterwards the State of Spain would not perform this but rather admitted her younger sister Dona Berenguela married to the Prince of Leon and excluded both Blanch and her son the King S. Luys of France against the evident Right of Succession and propinquity of Bloud and the only Reason they yielded hereof was not to admit Strangers to the Crown as Garabay testifieth This happened then and I do note by the way that this Dona Berenguela second Daughter of Queen Eleanor the English Woman was married as hath been said to the Prince of Leon and had by him Don Fernando the Third of that name King of Castilia sirnamed also the Saint So as the two Daughters of an English Queen had two Kings Saints for their sons at one time the elder of France and the younger of Spain After this again about threescore years the Prince of Spain named Don Alonso sirnamed de la cerda for that he was born with a great gristle-hair on his breast called Cerda in Spanish which Don Alonso was Nephew to the King Fernando the Saint and married with the Daughter of Saint Luys King of France named also Blancha as her Grand-mother was and had by her two Sons called Alonso and Hornando de la cerda as the Prince their Father was named which Father of theirs dying before the King the Grand-father left them commended to the Realm as lawful Heirs apparent to the Crown yet for that a certain Uncle of theirs named Don Sancho younger Brother to their Father which Don Sancho was sirnamed afterwards el bravo for his valour and was a great Warriour and more like to manage well the matters of War than they he was made Heir apparent of Spain and they put back in their Grand-fathers time and by his and the Realms consent their father as I have said being dead and this was done in a General Parliament holden at Segovia in the year 1276. And after this Don Sancho was made King in the year 1284 and the two Princes put into prison but afterwards at the suit of their Uncle King Philip the Third of France they were let out again and endued with certain Lands and so they remain unto this day and of these do come the Dukes of Medina Celi and all the rest of the House of Cerda which are of much Nobility in Spain at this time and King Philip that reigneth cometh of Don Sancho the younger Brother Not long after this again when Don Pedro sirnamed the Cruel King of Castile was driven out and his bastard brother Henry the Second set up in his place as before hath been mentioned the Duke of Lancaster John of Gant having married Dona Constantia the said King Peter's daughter and Heir pretended by Succession the said Crown of Castile as indeed it appertained unto him but yet the State of Spain denied it flatly and defended it by Arms and they prevailed against John of Gant as did also the race of Henry the Bastard against his lawful Brother and the race of Don Sancho the Uncle against his lawful Nephews as hath been shewed and that of Dona Berenguela against her elder Sister all which Races do reign unto this day and these three Changes of the True Line happened within two Ages and in the Third and principal descent of the Spanish Kings when this matter of Succession was most assuredly and perfectly established and yet who will deny but that the Kings of Spain who hold by the latter Titles at this day are true and lawful Kings Well one Example will I give you more out of the Kingdom of Portugal and so will I make an end with these Countreys This King Henry the Bastard last named King of Spain had a son that succeeded him in the Crown of Spain named John the First who married the Daughter and Heir named Dona Beatrix of King Fernando the First of Portugal but yet after the death of the said King Fernando the States of Portugal would never agree to admit him for their King for not subjecting themselves by that means to the Castilians and for that cause they rather took for their King a Bastard
Brother of the said late King Don Fernando whose name was Don Juan a youth of twenty years old who had been Master of a Military Order in Portugal named de Avis and so they excluded Dona Beatrix Queen of Castile that was their lawful Heir and chose this young man and married him afterwards to the Lady Philippe daughter of John of Gant Duke of Lancaster by his first Wife Blanch Dutchess and Heir of Lancaster in whose Right the Kings of Portugal and their Descendents do pretend unto this day a certain Interest to the House of Lancaster which I leave to our Temporal Lawyer to discuss But hereby we see what an ordinary matter it hath been in Spain and Portugal to alter the â—ine of next Succession upon any reasonable consideration which they imagined to be for their Weal-Publick and the like we shall find in France and England which even now I will begin to tâ—â—at of CHAP. VIII Divres other examples out of the States of France and England for proof that the Next in Bloud are sometimes put back from Succession and how God had approved the same with good success AS concerning the Estate of France I have noted before that albeit since the Entrance of their first King Pharamond with his Franks out of Germany which was about the year of Christ 419. they have never had any stranger come to wear the Crown which they attribute to the benefit of their Law Salique that forbiddeth Women to reign yet among themselves have they changed twice their whole Race and Linage of Kings once in the entrance of King Pepin that put out the Line of Pharamond about the Year 751. and again in the promotion of King Hugo Capetus that put out the Line of Pepin in the year 988. so as they have had three Descents and Races of Kings as well as the Spaniards the first of Pharamond the second of Pepin and the third of Capetus which endureth unto this present if it be not altered now by the exclusion that divers pretend to make of the King of Navar and other Princes of the Blood Royal of the House of Burbon Wherefore as I did before in the Spaniards so I will here let pass the first rank of all of the French Kings so that some men may say perhaps that the Commonwealth and Law of Succession was not so well settled in those days as it hath been afterwards in the time of Pepin Charles the Great and their descendents as also for that it were in very deed too tedious to examine and peruse all three Ranks of Kings in France as you will say when you shall see what store I have to alledge out of the second Rank only which began with the exclusion and deposition of their lawful King Childerick the Third and election of King Pepin as before you have heard at large declared in the third chapter of this discourse and it shall not be needful to repeat the same again in this place Pepin then sirnamed le Brefe or the Little for his small stature though he were a Giant in deeds being made King of France by meer Election in the year of Christ 751. after 22 Kings that had reigned of the first Line of Pharamond for the space of more than three hundred years and being so famous and worthy a King as all the World knoweth reigned 18 years and then left his States and Kingdoms by Succession unto his Eldest Son Charles sirnamed afterwards the Great for his famous and Heroical Acts. And albeit the the whole Kingdom of France appertained unto him alone by the Law of Succession as hath been said his Father being King and he his eldest son yet would the Realm of France shew her Authoriin his Admission which Gerard setteth down in these words Estant Pepin decide les Francois esleurent Rois Charles Carlomon ses fils a la charge qu'ils paertageroient entre eux egalement le Royaume Which is King Pipin being dead the Frenchmen chose for their Kings his two sons Charles and Carlomon with condition that they should part equally between them the Realm Wherein is to be noted not only the Election of the Commonwealth besides Succession but also the heavy Condition laid upon the Heir to part half of his Kingdom with his younger brother and the very same words hath Eginard an antient French Writer in the Life of this Charles the Great to wit that the French State in a publick Assembly did chuse two Princes to be their Kings with express condition to divide the Realm equally as Francis Belforest cites his words which two French Authors I mean Gerard and Belforest I shall use principally hereafter in the rest of my citations After three years that these two Brethren had reigned together King Carlomon the younger died and left many sones the elder whereof was named Adalgise but Belforest saith that the Lords Ecclesiastical and Temporal of France swore fidelity and obedience to Charles without any respect or regard at all of the Children of Carlomon who yet by Right of Succession should have been preferred and Paulus Aemilius a Latine Writer saith Proceres regni ad Carolum ultro venientes Regem eum totius Galliae salutarunt That is The Nobility of the Realm coming of their own accord unto Charles saluted him King of France whereby is shewen that this exclusion of the Children of Carlomon was not by force or tyranny but by free deliberation of the Realm After Charles the Great reigned by Succession his onely son Luyâ— the First sirnamed de Bonnaire of his Courtesy who entring to reign in the year 817. with great applause of all men for the exceeding grateful memory of his Father was yet afterward at the pursuit principally of his own three sons by his first Wife which were Lothair Pepin and Luys deposed first in a Council at Lions and then again at Compeigne and put into a Monastery though afterwards he came to reign again and his fourth Son by his second Wife which son was named Charles le Chauve for that he was bald succeeded him in the Sates of France though after many Battels against his eldest Brother Lothaire to whom by Succession the same appertained After Charles the Bald succeeded Luys the second sirnamed le Begue for his stuttering who was not eldest but third son unto his Father for the second died before his Father and the eldest was put by his Succession for his evil demeanur this Luys also was like to have been deprived by the States at his first entrance for the hatred conceived against his Father Charles the Bald but that he calling a Solemn Parliament at Compeigne as Gerard saith he made the People Clergy and Nobility many fair Promises to have their Good wills This Luys the Stuttering left two Bastard Sons by a Concubine who were called Luys and Carlomon
as also he left a little Infant newly born of his lawful Wife Adeltrude Daughter to King Alfred of England which infant was King of France afterwards by the name of Charles the Simple albeit not immediatly after the death of his Father for that the Nobles of France said that they had need of a Man to be King and not a Child as Gerard reporteth and therefore the whole State of France chose for their Kings the two foresaid Bastards Luys the third and Carlomon the First of that name jointly and they were Crowned most solemnly and divided the whole Realm between them in the year of Christ 881. and Queen Adelâ—rude with her child true Heir of France fled into England to her Father and there brought him up for divers years in which time she saw four or five Kings Reign in his place in France one after the other for briefly thus it passed Of these two Bastard Kings the Elder named Luys reigned but four years and died without issue the second that is Carlomon lived but one year after him and left a son called also Luys which succeeded in the Kingdom by the name of Luys the Fifth and sirnamed Faineant for his idle and slothful life For which as also for his vitious behaviour and in particular for taking out and marrying a Nun of the Aâ—bey of S. Baudour at Chels by Paris he was deprived and made a Monk in the Abbey of S. Denis where he died and in his place was chosen King of France and Crowned with great Solemnity Charles the Fourth Emperour of Rome sirnamed le Gros for that he was fat and corpulent he was Nephew to Charles the Bald before mentioned and therefore the French Stories say that he came to the Crown of France partly by Succession and partly by Election but for Succession we see that it was nothing worth for so so much as Charles the Simple the right Heir was alive in England whom it seemeth that the French men had quite forgotten seeing that now they had not only excluded him three times already as you have heard but afterwards also again when this Gross Charles was for his evil Government by them deposed and deprived not only of the Kingdom of France but also of his Empire which he had before he was King and was brought into such miserable penury as divers write that he perished for want At this time I say the States of France Would not yet admit Charles the Simple though hitherto his Simplicity did not appear but he seemed a goodly Prince but rather they chose for King one Odo Earl of Paris and Duke of Angiers and caused him to be Crowned But yet after a few years being weary of this man's Government and moved also somewhat with compassion towards the Youth that was in England they resolved to depose Odo and so they did whilst he was absent in Gascony and called Charles the Simple out of England to Paris and restored him to the Kingdom of France leaving only to Odo for Recompense the State of Aquitaine with Title of a Duke wherewith in â—ine he contented himself seeing that he could get no more But yet his Posterity by vertue of this Election pretended ever after a Title to the Crown of France and never left it off until at length by Hugo Capetus they got it for Hugh descended of this King and Duke Odo This King Charles then sirnamed the Simple an English Womans Son as you have heard being thus admitted to the Crown of France he took to Wife an English Woman named Elgina or Odin Daughter of King Edward the Elder by whom he had a Son named Lowys and himself being a Simple man as hath been said was allured to go to the Castle of Peronne in Picardy where he was made Prisoner and forced to resign his Kingdom unto Ralph King of Burgundy and soon after he dyed through Misery in the same Castle and his Queen Ogin fled into England with her little son Luys unto her Uncle King Adelstan as Queen Adeltrude had done before with her Son unto King Alfred and one of the Chief in this Action for putting down of the Simple was Counte Hugh sirnamed the Great Earle of Paris Father unto Hugo Capetus which after was King But this new King Ralph lived but three Years after and then the States of France considering the right Title of Luys the lawful child of King Charles the Simple which Luys was commonly called now in France by the name of d' Outremer that is beyond Sea for that he had been brought up in England the said States being also greatly and continually solicited hereunto by the Embassadours of King Adelstan of England and by William Duke of Normandy sirnamed Long Spear Great Grandfather to William the Conquerour who by the King of England was gained also to be of the young Princes part for these Considerations I say they resolved to call him into France out of England as his Father had been before him and to admit and Crown him King and so they did and he Reigned 27 Years and was a good Prince and dyed peaceably in his Bed in the Year of Christ 945. This King Luys d' Outremer left two Sons behind him the Eldest was called Lothaire the First who succeeded him in the Crown of France the Second was named Charles whom he made Duke of Loraine Lothaire dying left one onely Son named Luys as his Grandfather was who was King of France by the name of Luys the V. and dying without issue after two Years that he had Reigned the Crown was to have gone by Lineal Succession unto his Uncle Charles the Duke of Lorayne second Son to Luys d' Outremer as is evident but the States of France did put him by it for mislike they had of his Person and did chuse Hugo Capetus Earl of Paris and so ended the Second Line of Pepin and of Charles the Greâ—t and entred the Race of Hugo Capetus which endureth unto this day and the French Stories do say that this Sirname Capet was given to him when he was a boy for that he was wont to snatch away his Fellows Caps from their Heads whereof he was termed Snatch-Cap which some do interpret to be an Abodement that he should snatch also a Crown from the true Owners Head in time as afterwards we see it fell out though yet he had it by Election and Approbâ—tion of the Commonwealth as I have said And in this respect all the French Chroniclers who otherwise are most earnest Defenders of their Law of Succession do justify this Title of Hugo Capetus against Charles for which cause Francis Belforest doth alledge the saying of William Nangis an antient and diligent-Chronicler of the Abbey of S. Denys in France who defendeth King Capetus in these words We may not grant in any case that Hugh Capet may be esteemed an Invader or Vsurper
of the Crown of France seeing the Lords Prelates Princes and Governours of the Realm did call him to this Dignity and chase him for their King and Soveraign Lord Thus much Nangis Upon which words Belforest saith as followeth I have laid before you the Words and Censure of this Good Religious Man for that they seem to me to touch the Quick for in very Truth we can not by any other means defend the Title of Hugh Capet from Vsurpation and Felony than to justify his coming to the Crown by the consent and will of the Commonwealth and in this I may well excuse me from inconstancy and contradiction to my self that have so earnestly defended Succession before for he that will consider how and with what conditions I defended that shall easily see also that I am not here contrary to the same Thus much Belforest I think it not amiss also to put down here some part of the Oration or Speech which the Embassadour that was sent at that time from the State of France unto Charles of Loraine after their Election of Hugh Capet and Charles's exclusion did use unto him in their Names which Speech Gerard doth recount in these words Every man knoweth Lord Charles that the Succession of the Crown and Realm of France according to the ordinary Law and Rights of the same belongeth unto you and not unto Hugh Capet now our King but yet the very same Laws which do give unto you this Right of Succession do judge you also unworthy of the same for that you have not endeavoured hitherto to frame your Life and Manners according to the Prescript of those Laws nor according to the Vse and Custom of your Countrey of France but rather have allyed your self with the German Nation our old Enemies and have acquainted your self with their vile and base manners Wherefore seeing you have forsaken and abandoned the Antient Vertue Sweetness and Amity of the French We have also abandoned and left You and have Chosen Hugh Capâ—t for Our King and have put You back and this without any Scruple or Prejudice of our Consciences at all esteeming it far better and more just to live under Hugh Capet the present Possessor of the Crown with enjoying the antient Vse of our Laws Customs Priviledges and Liberties than under You the Inheritor by nearness of Bloud in Oppression strange Customs and Cruelty For even as those which are to make a Voyage in a Ship upon a dangerous Sea do not so much respect whether the Pilot is to Guide the Stern be Owner of the Ship or not but rather whether he be skilful valiant and like to bring them in safety to their Ways end or to drown them among the Waves even so our Principal Care is that we have a Good Prince to Lead and Guide us happily in this way of Civil and Politik Life which is the End why Princes were appointed for that this man is fitter to be our King This Message did the States of France send to Charles of Lorayne in defence of their Doings and with this he lost his Succession for ever and afterwards his Life also in Prison and the French men thought themselves Secure in Conscience as you see for doing the same which God hath also since seemed to confirm with the Succession and happy success of so many Noble and most Christian Kings as have issued out of this Line of Hugo Capetus unto this day And this spoken now of the Second Line of France I take to be sufficient for proof of our Purpose without going any further for that if we do but number these Kings already named that have Reigned in this second Race from King Pepin downwards unto Hugh Capet which are about 17 or 18 Kings in 238. Years we shall find that not some few but the most part of them did both enter and enjoy their Crowns and Dignities contrary to the Law of Lineal Descent and of next Succession by Bloud Whereof also there would not want divers Examples in the third and last Descent since Hugo Capetus's time if we would pass further to Examine the Stories thereof For not to go further down than to the very next Descent after Hugh which was King Robert his Son Gerard affirmeth in his Story that of his two Sons which he had named Robert and Henry Robert the Elder was put back and his younger Brother Henry made King of France and Reigned many Years by the name of Henry the First and this he saith happened partly for that Robert was but a Simple man in respect of Henry and partly also for that Henry was greatly favoured and assisted in this pretence by Duke Robert of Normandy Father to our William the Conquerour and in recompense hereof this King Henry afterwards assisted the said William Bastard son to Robert for the attaining of the Dukedom of Normandy after the death of the said Duke Robert his Father notwithstanding that Duke Robert had two lawful Brothers alive at that time whose names were Manger Archbishop of Rouan and William Earl of Argues in Normandy who pretended by Succession to be preferred But the States of Normandy at the request of Duke Robert when he went to the Holy Land in which Journey he dyed as also for avoiding of Dissension and Wars that otherwise might ensue were content to exclude the Uncles and admit the Bastard son who was also assisted by the Forces of the King of France as hath been said so as no Scruple it seemed there was in those days either to prefer King Henry to the Crown of France before his Elder Brother or Duke William the Bastard son to the Dutchy of Normandy before his lawful Uncles upon such slow Considerations as those States may be presumed to have had for their doings I read also that some years after to wit in the Year 1110. when Philip the First of France Son and Heir to this King Henry of whose solemn Coronation you have heard before in the seventh Chapter was deceased the People of France were so offended with his evil Life and Government as divers were of opinion to disinherit his Son Lowis the Sixth sirnamed le Gros for his sake and so was he like to have been indeed as may appear by the Chronicle of France if some of his Party had not caused him to be Crowned in hast and out of Order in Orleans for preventing the matter The like doth Philip Cominaeus in his Story of King Luys the Eleventh declare how that the State of France had once determined to have disinherited his Son Charles named after the VIII and to put him back from his Succession for their hatred to his Father if the said Father had not dyed while the other was very young as I noted before also that it happened in King Henry the Third of England who was once condemned by the Barons to be disinherited for the fault of King
Stow that he had all mens Good-will and was Crowned as his Brother had been at Kingston by Odo Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Reigned nine years with great good will and praise of all men He dyed at last without Issue and so his Elder Nephew Edwin was admitted to the Crown but yet after four years he was deposed again for his lewd and vitious Life and his younger brother Edgar admitted in his place in the year of Christ 959 This King Edgar that entred by deposition of his Brother was one of the rarest Princes that the World had in his time both for Peace and War Justice Piety and Valour Stow saith he kept a Navy of three thousand and six hundred Ships distributed in divers Parts for defence of the Realm Also that he built and restored 47 Monasteries at his own Charges and did other many such Acts he was Father to King Edward the Martyr and Grandfather to King Edward the Confessor though by two different Wives for by his first Wife named Egilfred he had Edwarâ— after martyrized and by his second Wife Alfred he had Etheldred Father to Edward the Confessor and to the end that Etheldred might Reign his Mother Alfred caused King Edward the son of Egilfred to be slain after King Edgar her Husband was dead After this so shameful Murther of King Edward many good men of the Realm were of opinion not to admit the Succession of Etheldred his half Brother both in respect of the Murther of King Edward his elder Brother committed for his sake as also for that he seemed a man not fit to Govern and of this opinion among others was the Holy man Dunston Archbishop of Canterbury as Polidor saith who at length in flat words denyed to consecrate him but seeing the most part of the Realm bent on Etheldred's side he foretold them that it would repent them after and that in this man's Life the Realm should be destroyed as indeed it was and he ran away to Normandy and left Sweno and his Danes in possession of the Realm though afterwards Sweno being dead he returned again and dyed in London This Etheldred had two Wives the first Ethelgina an English Woman by whom he had Prince Edmund sirnamed Ironside for his great strength and valour who succeeded his Father in the Crown of England for a year and at his death left two Sons which after shall be named and besides this Etheldred had by his first Wife other two Sons Edwin and Adelston and one Daughter named Edgina all which were either slain by the Danes or dyed without issue The second Wife of Etheldred was called Emma Sister to Richard Duke of Normandy who was Grandfather to William the Conquerour to wit Father to Duke Robert that was Father to William so as Emma was great Aunt to this William and she bare unto King Etheldred two Sons the First Edward who was afterwards named King Edward the Confessor Alerud who was slain traiterously by the Earl of Kent as presently we shall shew After the death also of King Etheldred Queen Emma was married to the Dane King Canutus the first of that name sirnamed the Great that was King of England after Etheldred and Edmond Ironside his Son and to him she bare a Son named Hardicaâ—utus who Reigned also in England before King Edward the Confessor Now then to come to our Purpose he that will consider the passing of the Crown of England from the death of Edmond Ironside elder Son of King Etheldred until the possession thereof gotten by William Duke of Normandy to wit for the space of 50 years shall easily see what authority the Commonwealth hath in such Affairs to alter titles of Succession according as publick necessity or utility stall require for thus briefly the matter passed King Etheldred seeing himself too weak for Sweno the King of Danes that was entred the Land fled with his Wife Emma and her two children Edward and Alerud unto her Brother Duke Richard of Normandy and there remained until the death of Sweno and he being dead Etheldred returned into England made a certain Agreement and Division of the Realm between him and Canutus the son of Sweno and so dyed leaving his eldest Son Edmond Ironside to succeed him who soon after dying also left the whole Realm to the said Canutus and that by plain Covenant as Canutus pretended that the Longest Liver should have all whereupon the said Canutus took the two Children of King Edmond Ironside named Edmond and Edward and sent them over into Sweedland which at that time was subject also unto him and caused them to be brought up honourably of which Two the Elder named Edmond dyed without issue but Edward was married and had divers Children as after shall be touched Etheldred and his Son Edmond being dead Canutus the Dane was admitted for King of England by the whole Parliament and Consent of the Realm and Crowned by Alerud Archbishop of Canterbury as Polidor saith and he proved an excellent King went to Rome and was allowed by that See also He did many Works of Charity shewed himself a good Christian and very loving and kind to Englishmen married Queen Emma an Englishwoman and Mother to King Edward the Confessor and had by her a Son named Hardicanutus and so dyed and was much mourned by the English after he had Reigned twenty Years though his entrance and Title was partly by Force and partly by Election as before you heard After this Canutus the First sirnamed the Great for that he was King jointly both of England Norway and Denmark was dead Polidor saith that all the States of the Realm met together at Oxford to consult whom they should make King and at last by the more part of Voices was chosen Herauld the first Son of Canutus by a Concubine by which Election we see injury was done to the Lineal Succession of three Parties first to the Sons of King Edmond Ironside that were in Sweedland then to the Princes of Edward and Alerud Sons to King Etheldred and Brothers to Ironside that were in Normandy and thirdly to Hardicanutus Son to Canutus by his Lawful Wife Emma to whom it was also assured at her Marriage that her Issue should succeed if she had any by Canutus After the death of this Harald who dyed in Oxford where he was elected within three years after his Election there came from Denmark Hardicanutus to claim the Crown that his Father and Brother had possessed before him of whose Coming Polidor saith libentissimis animis accipitur communique omnium consensu Rex dicitur He was received with great good-will of all and by common Consent made King and this was done by the States without any respect had of the Succession of those Princes in Normandy and Swedeland and who by birth were before him as hath been shewed and this is the second breach of Lineal Descent after Etheldred
But this Hardicanutus being dead also upon the sudden at a certain Banquet in Lambeth by London without issue within two years after his Coronation the States of the Realm had determined to chuse Aludred for their King who was younger Brother to Edward and for that cause sent for him out of Normandy as Polidor recounteth and had made him King without all doubt for that he was esteemed more Stirring and Valiant than his elder Brother Edward had not Earl Goodwin of Kent fearing the young man's stomach raised a strong Faction against him and thereupon also caused him to be traiterously murthered as he passed through Kent towards London nor had the State herein any respect to Antiquity of Bloud for that before Alfred were both his own elder Brother Prince Edward who after him was chosen King and before them both were Edmond and Edward the Children of their elder Brother Edmond Ironside as hath been said and this is the third Breach of Lineal Descent But this notwithstanding Alured being slain Prince Edward was made King tanta publica laetitta saith Polidor ut certatim pro ejus saelici Principatu cuncti vot a facerent That is He was made King with such universal joy and contentment of all men as every man contended who should pray and make most Vows to God for his happy Reign And according to this was the Success for he was a most Excellent Prince and almost miraculously he Reigned with great Peace and void of all War at home and abroad for the space of almost twenty years after so infinit Broils as had been before him and ensued after him and yet his Title by Succession cannot be justified as you see for that his eldest Brothers Son was then alive to wit Prince Edward sirnamed the Outlaw who in this Kings Reign came into England and brought his Wife and three lawful Children with him to wit Edgar Margaret and Christian but yet was not this good King Edward so scrupulous as to give over his Kingdom to any of them or to doubt of the Right of his own Title which he had by Election of the Commonwealth against the Order of Succession This King Edward being dead without issue Polidor saith that the States made a great Consultation whom they should make King and first of all it seemeth they excluded him that was only Next by Propinquity in Bloud which was Edgar Adelin Son to the said Prince Edward the Outlaw now departed and Nephew to King Edmond Ironside and the reason of this exclusion is alledged by Polidor in these words is puer id aetatis nondum regno gubernando maturus erat That is he being a Child of so small-years was not ripe enough to Govern the Kingdom And then he saith that Harald Son of Earl Goodwin by the Daughter of Canutus the First proclaimed himself King and moreover he addeth Non displicuit omnino id factum populo qui plurimum sâ—ei in Haraldi virtute habebat itaque more majorum sacratus est which is This fact of Harald displeased not at all the People of England for that they had great hope in the vertue of this Harald and so was he Anointed and Crowned according to the Fashion of the antient Kings of England By which words we may see that Harald had also the approbation of the Realm to be King notwithstanding that little Edgar was present as hath been said so as this was the fourth Breach of Succession at this time But in the mean space William Duke of Normandy pretended that he was chosen before by King Edward the Confessor and that the Realm had given their consent thereunto and that King Edward left the same testified in his last Will and Testament and albeit none of our English Authors do avow the same clearly yet do many other foreign Writers hold it and it seemeth very probable that some such thing had past both for that Duke William had many in England that did favour his Pretence at his entrance as also as Gerard in his French Story saith that at his first Coming to London he punished divers by name for that they had broken their Oaths and Promises in that behalf And moreover it appeareth that by alledging this Title of Election he moved divers Princes abroad to favour him in that Action as in a just Quarrel which is not like they should have done if he had pretended only a Conquest or his Title of Consanguinity which could be of no importance in the World for that effect seeing it was no other but that his Grandfather and King Edward's Mother were Brother and Sister which could give him no pretence at all to the Succession of the Crown by Bloud and yet wee see that divers Princes did assist him and among others the French Chronicler Gerard so often named before writeth that Alexander the second Pope of Rome whose Holiness was so much esteemed in those days as one Constantinus Afer wrot a Book of his Miracles being informed by Duke William of the Justness of his pretence did send him his Benediction and a precious Ring of Gold with an Hallowed Banner by which he got the Victory thus writeth Gerard in his French Chronicles and Antoninus Archbishop of Florence sirnamed Sainct writing of this matter in his Chronicles speaketh great good of William Conquerour and commendeth his Enterprize But howsoever this was the Victory we see he got and God prospered his Pretence and hath confirmed his Off-spring in the Crown of England more than 500. Years together So as now accounting from the the death of King Edmond Ironside unto this man we shall find as before I have said in less than 50 Years that 5. or 6. Kings were made in England one after another by only Authority and Approbation of the Commonwealth contrary to the ordinary Course of Lineal Succession by Propinquity of Blood And all this is before the Conquest but if we should pass any further down we should find more Examples than before For First the two Sons of the Conquerour himself that succeeded after him to wit William Rufus and Henry the I. were they not both younger Brothers to Robert Duke of Normandy to whom the most part of the Realm was inclined as Polydor saith to have given the Kingdom presently after the Conquerours death as due to him by Succession notwithstanding that William for particular displeasure against his elder Son had ordained the contrary in his Testament But that Robert being absent in the War of Hierusalem the Holy and Learned man Laufranke as he was accounted then Archbishop of Canterbury being deceived with vain hope of William Rufus's good nature perswaded them the contrary who was at that day of high Estimation and Authority in England and so might induce the Realm to do what he liked By like means got Henry his younger Brother the same Crown afterwards to wit by fair Promises to the
People and by help principally of Henry Newborow Earl of Warwick that dealt with the Nobility for him and Maurice Bishop of London with the Clergy for that Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury was in banishment Besides this also it did greatly help his cause that his elder Brother Robert to whom the Crown by right appertained was absent again this second time in the War of Jerusalem and so lost thereby his Kingdom as before Henry having no other Title in the World unto it but by Election and Admission of the People which yet he so defended afterwards against his said Brother Robert that came to claim it by the Sword and God did so prosper him therein as he toâ—k his said elder Brother Prisoner and so kept him for many Years until he dyed in Prison most pitifully But this King Henry dying left a Daughter behind him named Mawde or Mathilde which being married first to the Emperour Henry the V. he dyed without issue and then was she married again the second time to Geffry Plantagenet Earl of Anjow in France to whom she bare a Son named Henry his Grandfather caused to be declared for Heir Apparent to the Crown in his Days but yet after his decease for that Stephen Earl of Bollogne born of Adela Daughter to William the Conquerour was thought by the State of England to be more fit to Govern and to defend the Land for that he was at Mans age then was Prince Henry a Child of Maude his Mother he was admitted and Henry put back and this chiefly at the perswasion of Henry Bishop of Winchester Brother to the said Stephen as also by the Solicitation of the Abbot of Glassenbury and others who thought belike they might do the same with good Conscience for the good of the Realm though the event proved not so well for that it drew all England into Factions and Divisions for avoiding and ending whereof the States some Years after in a Parliament at Walâ—ingford made an agreement that Stephen should be Lawful King during his Life only and that Henry and his Off-spring should succeed him and that Prince William King Stephen's Son should be deprived of his Succession to the Crown and made only Earl of Norfolk thus did the State dispose of the Crown at that time which was in the Year of Christ 1153. To this Henry succeeded by Order his Eldest son then living named Richard and sirnamed Cordelyon for his Valor but after him again the Succession was broken For that John King Henry's youngest Son to wit younger Brother to Richard whom his Father the King had left so unprovided as in jest he was called by the French Jean sens terre as if you would say S r John Lacke Land This man I say was after the death of his Brother Admitted and Crowned by the States of England and Arthur Duke of Britain Son and Heir to Geffery that was elder brother to John was against the ordinary course of Succession excluded And albeit this Arthur did seek to remedy the matter by War yet it seemed that God did more defend this Election of the Commonwealth than the right Title of Arthur by Succession for that Arthur was overcome and taken by King John though he had the King of France on his side and he dyed pitifully in prison or rather as most Authors do hold he was put to death by King John his Uncles own hands in the Castle of Roan thereby to make his Title of Succession more clear which yet could not be for that as well Stow in his Chronicle as also Matthew of Westminster and others before him do write that Geffrey besides this Son left two Daughters also by the Lady Constance his Wife Countess and Heir of Britaine which by the Law of England should have succeeded before John but of this small account seemed to be made at that day Some years after when the Barons and States of England misliked utterly the Government and proceeding of this King John they rejected him again and chose Luys the Prince of France to be their King and did swear Fealty to him in London as before hath been said and they deprived also the young Prince Henry his Son that was at that time but eight years old but upon the death of his Father King John that shortly after insued they recalled again that sentence and admitted this Henry to the Crown by the name of King Henry the III. and disanulled the Oath and Allegiance made unto Luys Prince of France and so King Henry Reigned for the space of 53. years afterwards the longest Reign as I think that any before or after him hath had in England Moreover you may know that from this King Henry the third do take their first beginning the two branches of York and Lancaster which after fell to so great contention about the Crown Into which if we would enter we should see plainly as before hath been noted that the best of all their titles after the deposition of King Richard the second depended on this authority of the Commonwealth for that as the People were affected and the greater part prevailed so were their titles either allowed confirmed altered or disanulled by Parliaments and yet may not we well affirm but that either part when they were in possession and confirmed therein by these Parliaments were lawful Kings and that God concurred with them as with true Princes for Government of their People For if we should deny this point as before hath been noted great inconveniencis would follow and we should shake the States of most Princes in the World at this day as by examples which alreay I have alledged in part may appear And with this also I mean to conclude and end this discourse in like manner affirming that as on the one side propinquity of Bloud is a great preheminence towards the attaining of any Crown so yet doth it not ever bind the Commonwealth to yield thereunto if weightier Reasons should urge them to the contrary neither is the Commonwealth bound always to shut her Eyes and to admit at hap-hazard or of necessity every one that is next by Succession of Bloud as Belloy falsly and fondly affirmeth but rather she is bound to consider well and maturely the Person that is to enter Whether he be like to perform his duty and charge committed unto him or no for that otherwise to admit him that is an enemy or unfit is but to destroy the Common-wealth and him together This is my opinion and this seemeth to me to be conform to all Reason Law Religion Piety Wisdom and Policy and to the use and custom of all well governed Common-wealths in the World Neither do I mean hereby to prejudice any Princes pretence or Succession to any Crown or Dignity in the World but rather do hold that he ought to enjoy his Preheminence but yet so that he be not prejudiciae thereby to the whole
by you before which divers Commonwealths had in putting back oftentimes Children and impotent People though otherwise next in Blood from Succession and preferring more able Men though further off by Descent for that they were more like to defend well their Realm and Subjects than others were But to proceed said he more distinctly and more perspicuously in this matter I would have you call to mind one Point among others which I alledged before out of Gerard the French Author to wit that the King of France in his Coronation is new apparelled three times in one day once as a Priest and then as a Judge and last as King armed Thereby to signify three things committed to his Charge First Religion then Justice then Manhood and Chivalry for the Defence of the Realm This Division seemeth to me very good and fit quoth he and to comprehend all that a Wel-Publick hath need of for her happy State and Felicity both in Soul and Body and for her end both Supernatural and Natural For by the First which is Religion her Subjects do attain unto their end Spiritual and Supernatural which is the Salvation of their Souls and by the Second and Third which are Justice and Defence they enjoy their Felicity Temporal which is to live in Peace among themselves and Safety from their Enemies for which Cause it seemeth that these are the three Points which most are to be regarded in every Prince that cometh to Government and much more in him that is not yet admitted thereunto but offereth himself to the Commonwealth for the same purpose And for that the latter two of these three Points which are Justice and Manhood hath been often had in consideration in the Examples of Changes before mentioned and the first Point which is Religion hath rarely or never at all been talked of for that in former times the Prince and the People were always of one and the same Religion and scarce ever any question or doubt fell in that behalf which yet in our days is the principal difference and chiefest difficulty of all other For these Causes I say shall I accommodate my self to the circumstance of the time wherein we live and to the present Case which is in question betwixt us about the Succession of England and leaving aside those other two Considerations of Justice and Chivalry in a King which are far less important than the other though yet so highly regarded by ancient Commonwealths as you have heard I shall treat principally of Religion in this place as of the first and highest and most necessary Point of all other to be considered in the Admission of any Prince for the profit of his Subjects for that without this he destroyeth all and with this albeit he should have defects in the other two Points of Justice and Manhood yet may it be holpen or his defect or negligence may be supplyed much by others as after I shall shew more in particular but if he want Fear of God or care of Religion or be perversly perswaded therein the damage of the Wel-Publick is inestimable First of all then for beter understanding of this Point we are to suppose that the first chiefest and highest end that God and Nature appointed to every Commonwealth was not so much the temporal felicity of the Body as the Supernatural and Everlasting of the Soul and this was not only revealed to the Jews by Holy Scriptur but also unto the Gentils and Heathens by the Instinct and Light of Nature it self For by this Light of Natural reason the Learned sort of them came to understand the immortality of the Soul and that her Felicity Perfection and full Contentment which they called her final End and Summum Bonum could not be in this Life nor in any thing Created under Heaven but must needs be in the Life to come and that by attaining to enjoy some infinit endless and immortal Object which could fully satisfy the appetit of our Soul and this could be no other than GOD the Maker of all himself And that consequently all other things of this transitory Life and of this humane Commonwealth subject to mans eyes are ordained to serve and be subordinate and directed to the other Higher End and that all mans actions in this World are first of all and in the highest degree to be employed to the recognising serving and honouring of this great Lord that governeth the whole as Author and End of all To this Light I say came the Heathens even by the Instinct and Direction of Nature whereof ensued that there was never yet Pagâ—n Philosopher that wrote of framing a good Commonwealth as Socrates Plato Plutarch Cicero and others neither Law-maker among them that left Ordinances for the same purpose as Deucalion Minos Zaleucus Lycurgus Solon Jon Numa or the like which besides the temporal end of directing things well for the body had not especial care also of matters appertaining to the mind to wit of nourishing honouring and rewarding of Vertue and for restraining and punishing of Vice and Wickedness whereby is evident that their end and butt was to make their Citizens Good and Vertuous which was an higher end than to have a bare consideration of temporal and bodily Benefits only as many Governours of our days though Christians in name seem to have who pretend no higher and in their Government than Bodily Wealth and a certain temporal King of Peace and Justice among their Subjects which divers beasts also do reach unto in their Congregations and Commonwealths as is to be seen among Emmets and Bees Cranes Lions and other such Creaturs that by Instinct of Nature are sociable and do live in company and consequently also do maintain so much Order and Policy in their Commonwealth as is needful for their preservation and continuance But Nature taught Man a far higher and more excellent End in his Commonwealth which was not only to provide for those bodily Benefits that are common also to creatures without Reason but much more for those of the Mind and above all for the serving of that High and Supreme God that is the Beginning and End of all the rest For whose Service also they learned by the same Instinct and Institution of Nature that the chiefest and supremest Honour that could be done unto him in this life by man was the Honour of Sacrifice and oblations which we see was begun and practised even in those first beginnings of the Law of nature before the Levitical Law and the particular Forms of this same Law were prescribed by Moses For so we read in Genesis of Noach that he made an Altar and offered Sacrifices to God upon the same of all the Beasts and Birds that he had in the Ark odor atusque est Dominus odorem suavitatis And God received the smell of these Sacrifices as a sweet smell Which is to say that God was highly pleased therewith
to handle the same again and more largely hereafter These Points toucheth Highington though divers other he leave untouched which are of much importance for the resolution as whether after the Line extinguished of King Henry the IV. which was the eldest son of John of Gaunt there should have entred the Line of Lady Philippa the eldest Daughter lawfully begotten of Blanch first Wife of John of Gaunt or else the race of John Earl of Somerset younger son by his third Wife which then was base-born but legitimated by Parliament for of Philip do come the Kings of Portugal and of John came King Henry the VII And again these Points had been to be disputed as well touching the Succession to the Dukedom of Lancaster alone as also to the Crown jointly all which Articles shall severally afterwards be handled in their places And thus much of this Book More than these four Books I have not seen written of this Affair though I have heard of one made in Flanders in the behalf of the Duke of Parma that is now who by his Mother descendeth of the same Line of Portugal that the King of Spain doth and as this Book pretendeth if we respect the ordinary course of English Laws in particular mens Inheritances he is to be preferred before the said King or any other of the House of Portugal for that his Mother descended of the younger Son and the King of the elder Daughter of the King of Portugal and albeit according to the Law of Portugal the King Was adjudged Next Heir to that Crown yet say they by our Laws of England he cannot be which after must be examined Thus saith that Book and he alledgeth many Reasons for the same as it hath been told me for as I said I never came to have a view of the whole Book but divers of his Arguments I have seen laid together which I shall afterwards in place convenient alledge unto you with the Answers Censures and Replies that the contrary Parties do make thereunto Divers other Papers Nots and Memories I have seen also said he as well touching the Succession of those whom I have named as of others for that Sir Richard Shelly who dyed some years ago in Venice by the name of Lord Prior of S. Johns of England had gathered divers Points touching these Affairs and many more than he had Mr. Francis Peto that dyed in Millain and was a very curious and well read man in Genealogies as may appear by sundry Papers that I have seen of his There want not also divers in England who have traveled much in this business and I have had the the perusing of some of their Labours though I dare not discover their names lest thereby I should hurt them which were not convenient But one great Trouble find I in them all that every man seeketh to draw the whole Water unto his own Mill and to make that Title always most clear whom he most favoureth and this with so great probability of Reason and Authority many times as it is hard to retain a mans consent from that which is said until he have read the Reasons of the other Party and this also is a great Proof of the wonderful ambiguity and doubtfulness which in this most important Affair is to be found And by the way also I had almost forgotten to tell you how that of late I have lighted upon a certain new Discourse and Treatise made in the behalf of the King of Spain's eldest Daughter whom he had by his Wife Isabel the eldest Sister of the last King of France which Isabel and her Daughter the Infanta of Spain called also Isabel are presumed to be the Lawful Heirs to the State of Britany and to all other States that by that means of Britany or otherwise by Women have come to France or have or may fall upon a Woman of the House of France as the States of England and other States thereunto annexed may for that they follow not the Law Salique of France And so this Treatise proveth that by divers ways and for sundry considerations this Princess of Spain is also of the Blood Royal of England and may among others be entituled to that Crown by a particular Title of her own besides the pretence which her Father the King or her Brother the Prince of Spain have for themselves by the House of Portugal all which Reasons and Considerations I shall alledge afterwards in their place and time or at least wise the chief and principal of them And to the end they may be understood the better as also the clearness and pretentions of all the rest that have interest in this Affair I shall first of all for a beginning and foundation to all the rest that shall or may be spoken hereafter set down by way of historical narration all the descents of our English Kings and Pretenders that be important to this our Purpose from the Conquest unto our time which being compared with the Tree it self of Genealogies that shall be added in the end of this Conference will make the matter more plain and pleasant to the Reader CHAP. II. Of the Succession of the Crown of England from the Conquest unto the time of King Edward the III. with the beginning of three principal Lineages of the English Bloud-Royal dispersed into the Houses of Britain Lancaster and York NO man is ignorant said the Lawyer how William the Conqueror came to the Crown of England which was indeed by dint of Sword though he pretended that he was chosen by the will and testament of King Edward the Confessor But howsoever this were his posterity hath endured untill this day and two and twenty Princes of his race have worn the English Crown after him for the space of more then five hundred years and how many more may yet do the same God only knoweth but if we follow probabillity we cannot want of them seeing his bloud is so dispersed over the World at this day as by this Declaration ensueing will appear This King William according to Polidor and other Chronicles of England had by his Wife Mathilda Daughter of Baldwin Earl of Flanders four Sons and five Daughters his eldest Son was Robert whom he left Duke of Normandy who was afterwards deprived of that Dukedom by his younger and fourth Brother Henry when he came to be King of England His second Son was Richard that dyed in his youth his third Son was William surnamed Rufus for that he was of red Hair and the fourth Son was Henry which two last Sons were both Kings of England one after the other as the World knoweth by the names of William the second and Henry the first The Conquerours Daughters were first Cecilie that was a Nun and the second Constantia that was Married to Alayn surnamed Fergant Duke of Britanie and the third was Adela or Alis Married to Stephen County Palatine of Bloys Champagne
and Chartres in France and the other two Polidor said dyed before they were Married and so their names were not Recorded These are the Children of King William the Conqueror among whom after his death there was much strife about the Succession For first his eldest Son Duke Robert who by order of Ancestrie by birth should have succeeded him in all his Estates was put back first from the Kingdom of England by his third Brother William Rufus upon a pretence of the Conquerors Will and Testament for particular affection that he had to this his said third Son William though as Stow Writeth almost all the Nobility of England were against William's entrance But in the end agreement was made between the two Brothers with the condition that if William should dye without Issue then that Robert should succeed him and to this accord both the Princes themselves and twelve principal Peers of each side were Sworn but yet after when William dyed without Issue this was not observed but Henry the fourth Son entred and deprived Robert not only of this his Succession to England but also of his Dukedom of Normandy that he had enjoyed peaceably before all the time of his Brother Rufus and moreover he took him Prisoner and so carried him into England and there kept him till his death which happened in the Castle of Cardif in the year 1134. And whereas this Duke Robert had a goodly Prince to this Son named William who was Duke of Normandy by his Father and Earl of Flanders in the right of his grand Mother that was the Conquerors Wife and Daughter of Baldwin Earl of Flanders as hath been said and was established in both these States by the help of Lewis the VI. surnamed Le Gros King of France and admitted to do homage to him for the said States his Uncle King Henry of England was so violent against him as first he drove him out of the state of Normandy and secondly he set up and maintained a Competitor or two against him in Flanders by whom finally he was slaine in the year of Christ 1128. before the Town of Alost by an Arrow after he had gotten the upper hand in the Field and so ended the race of the first Son of King William the Conquerour to wit oâ— Duke Robert which Robert lived after the Death of his said Son and Heir Duke William Six years in Prison in the Castle of Cardiff and pined away with sorrow and misery as both the French and English Histories do agree The second Son of the Conqueror named Richard dyed as before hath been said in his Fathers time and left no Issue at all as did neither the third Son William Rufus though he Reigned 13. years after his Father the Conqueror in which time he established the Succession of the Crown by consent of the States of England to his elder Brother Duke Roberts issue as hath been said though afterwards it was not observed This King Rufus came to the Crown principally by the help and favour of Lanfrancus Archbishop of Canterbury who greatly repented himself afterward of the error which in that point he had committed upon hopes of his good Government which proved extream evil But this King William Rufus being slayn afterward by the Arrow of a Cross-bow in Newforrest as is well known and this at such time as the foresaid Duke Robert his elder Brother to whom the Crown by Succession apperteined was absent in the War of the Holy Land where according as most Authors do Write he was chosen King of Hierusalem but refused it upon hope of the Kingdom of England But he returning home found that his fourth Brother Henry partly by fair promises and partly by force had invaded the Crown in the year 1110. and so he Reigned 35. years and had Issue divers Sons and Daughters but all were either drounded in the Seas coming out of Normandy or else dyed otherwise before their Father except only Mathildis who was first Married to Henry the Emperour fifth of that name and after his death without Issue to Geffrey Plantagenet Duke of Anjow Touraine and Maine in France by whom she had Henry which Reigned after King Stephen by the name of Henry the II. And thus much of the Sons of William the Conqueror Of his two Daughters that lived to be Married and had Issue the elder named Constance was Married to Alayn Fergant Duke of Britain who was Son to Hoel Earl of Nants and was made Duke of Britain by William the Conquerors means in manner Following Duke Robert of Normanyd Father to the Conqueror when he went on Pilgrimage unto the Holy Land in which Voyage he dyed left for Governour of Normandy under the protection of King Henry the first of France Duke Alayne the first of Britain which Allayn had Issue Conan the first who being a stirring Prince of about 24. years old when Duke William began to treat of passing over into England he shewed himself not to favour much that enterprise which Duke William fearing caused him to be Poysoned with a pair of perfumed Gloves as the French stories do report and caused to be set up in his place and made Duke one Hoel Earl of Nantes who to gratifie William sent his Son Alaine surnamed Fergaâ—t with 5000. Souldiers to pass over into England with him and so he did and William afterward in recompence thereof gave him his eldest Daughter Constantia in Marriage with the Earldom oâ— Richmond by whom he had Issue Conan the second surnamed le Gross who had Issue a Son and a Daughter The Son was called Hoel as his Grand-Father was and the Daughters name was Bertha Married to Eudo Earl of Porhet in Normandy and for that this Duke Conan liked better his Daughter and his Son in-law her Husband then he did Hoel his own Son he disavowed him on his Death Bead and made his said Daughter his Heir who had by the said Eudo a Son named Conan surnamed the younger which was the third Duke of that name and this man had one only Daughter and Heir named Lady Constance who was Married to the third Son of King Henry the second named Geffrey and elder Brother to King John that after came to Reign and by this Lord Geffrey she had Issue Arthur the second Duke of Britain whom King John his Uncle put back from the Crown of England and caused to be put to death as after shall be shewed and he dying without Issue his Mother Constance Dutchess and Heir of Britain Married again with a Prince of her own House whom after we shall name in the prosecution of this Line and by him she had Issue that hath endured until this day the last whereof hitherto is the Lady Isabella infant of Spain and that other of Savoy her Sister whom by this means we see to have descended from King William the Conqueror by his eldest Daughter Lady
Constance as also by divers other participations of the Bloud-Royal of England as afterwards will appear Now then to come to the second Daughter of King William the Conquerour or rather the third for that the first of all was a Nun as before hath been noted her name was Adela or Alice as hath been said and she was Married in France to Stephen Count Palatine of Champagne Charters and Bloys by whom she had a Son called also Stephen who by his Grand Mother was Earl also of Bullaine in Picardy and after the death of his Uncle King Henry of England was by the favour of the English Nobility and especially by the help of his own Brother the Lord Henry of Blâ—is that was Bishop of Winchester and Jointly Abbot of Glastenbury made King of England and this both in respect that Mathilda Daughter of King Henry the first was a Woman and her Son Henry Duke of Anjou a very child and one degree farther off from the Conqueror and from King Rufus then Stephen was as also for that this King Henry the first as hath been signified before was judged by many to have entred wrongfully unto the Crown and thereby to have made both himself and his posterity incapable of Succession by the violence which he used against both his elder Brother Robert and his Nephew Duke William that was Son and Heir to Robert who by nature and Law were both of them hold for Soverains to John by those that favoured them and their pretentions But yet howsoever this were we see that the Duke of Britainy that lived at that day should evidently have succeeded before Stephen for that he was descended of the elder Daughter of the Conqueror and Stephen of the younger though Stephen by the commodity he had of the nearness of his Port and Haven of Bullain into England as the French stories do say for Calis was of no importance at that time and by the friendship and familiarity he had goten in England during the Reign of his two Uncles King Rufus and King Herny and especially by the heâ—p of his Brother the Bishop and Abbot as hath been said he got the start of all the rest and the states of England admitted him This man although he had two Sons namely Eâ—stachius Duke of Normandy and William Earl of Norfolk yet left they no Issue And his Daughter Mary was Married to Matthew of Flanders of whom if any Issue remains it fell afterwards upon the House of Austria that succeeded in those States To King Stephen who left no Issue succeeded by composition after much War Henry Duke of Anjou Son and Heir to Mathilda before named Daughter of Henry the first which Henry named afterward the second took to his Wife Eleanor Daughter and Heir of William Duke of Aquitain and Earl of Poytiers which Eleanor had been Married before to the King of France Lewis the VII and bare him two Daughters but upon dislike conceaved by the one against the other they were Divorced under pretence of being within the fourth degree of Consanguinity and so by second Marriage Eleanor was Wife to this said Henry who afterwards was King of England by name of King Henry the II. that procured the death of Thomas Backet Archbishop of Canterbury and both before and after the greatest Enemy that ever Lewis the King of France had in the World and much the greater for his Marriage by which Henry was made far stronger for by this Woman he came to be Duke of all Aquitain that is of Gascony and Guiene and Earl of all the Country of Poytiers whereas before also by his Fathers inheritance he was Duke both of Anjou Touraine and Maine and his Mother Mathilda King Henries Daughter of England he came to be King of Enland and Duke of Normandy and his own industry he got also to be Lord of Ireland as also to bring Scotland under his homage so as he enlarged the Kingdom of England most of any other King before or after him This King Henry the II. as Stow recounteth had by Lady Eleanor five Sons and three Daughters His eldest Son was named William that dyed young his second was Henry whom he caused to be crowned in his own Life time whereby he received much trouble but in the end this Son dyed before his Father without issue His third Son was Richard sirnamed for his valour Cor de Leon who reigned after his Father by the name of Richard the I. and dyed without issue in the Year of Christ 1199. His fourth Son named Geffrey married Lady Constance Daughter and Heir of Britany as before hath been said and dying left a son by her named Arthur which was Duke of Britany after him and pretended also to be King of England but was put by it by his Uncle John that took him also Prisoner and kept him also in the Castle first of Fallaise in Normandy and then in Rouan until he caused him to be put to death or slew him with his own hands as French Stories write in the Year 1204 This Duke Arthur left behind him two Sisters as Stow writeth in his Chronicles but others write that it was but one and at least wise I find but one named by the French Stories which was Eleanor whom they say King John also caused to be murthered in England a little before her Brother the Duke was put to death in Normandy and this was the end of the Issue of Geffrey whose Wife Constance Dutchess of of Britany married again after this Murther of her Children unto one Guy Vicount of Touars and had by him two daughters whereof the eldest named Alice was Dutchess of Britany by whom the Race hath been continued unto our time The Fifth Son of King Henry the II. was named John who after the death of his Brother Richard by help of his Mother Eleanor and of Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury drawn thereunto by his said Mother got to be King and put back his Nephew Arthur whom King Richard before his departure to the War of the Holy Land had caused to be declared Heir apparent but John prevailed and made away both Nephew and Neece as before hath been said for which Fact he was detested of many in the World abroad and in France by Act of Parliament deprived of all the States he had in those parts Soon after also the Pope gave sentence of Deprivation against him and his own Barons took Arms to execute the sentence and finally they deposed both him and his young Son Henry being then but a Child of eight years old and this in the eighteenth year of his Reign and in the Year of Christ 1215. and Lewis the VIII of that name Prince at that time but afterwards King of France was chosen King of England and sworn in London and placed in the Tower though soon after by the sudden death of King John
that course was altered again and Henry his Son admitted for King And thus much of the Sons of King Henry II. But of his Daughters by the same Lady Eleanor Heir of Gascony Belforest in his Story of France hath these words following King Henry had four Daughters by Eleanor of Aquitain the eldest whereof was married to Alonso the IX of that name King of Castile of which Marriage issued Queen Blanch Mother to S. Lewis King of France The second of these two Daughters was espoused to Alexis Emperour of Constantinople The third was married to the Duke of Saxony and the fourth was given to the Earl of Tholosa Thus being the French Stories of these Daughters Of the marriage of the eldest Daughter of these four whose name was Eleanor also as her Mothers was with King Alonso the IX of Castile there succeeded many Children but only one son that lived whose name was Henry who was King of Castile after his Father by the name of Henry the I and â—ied quickly without Issue and besides this Henry two Daughters also were born of the same marriage of which the eldest and Heir named Blanch was married by intercession of her Uncle King John of England with the foresaid Prince Lewis of France with this express condition as both Polydor in his English Story and Garibay the Chronicler of Spain do affirm that she should have for her Dowry all the States that King John had lost in France which were almost all that he had there and this to the end he might not seem to have lost them by force but to have given them with the marriage of his Neece and so this marriage was made and her Husband Lewis was afterward chosen also King of England by the Barons and sworn in London as before hath been said And hereby also the Infanta of Spain before mentioned that is descended lineally from both these Princes I mean as well from Queen Blanch as from Lewis is proved to have her pretence fortified to the Interest of England as afterwards shall be declared more at large in due place The second Daughter of King Alonso the IX by Queen Eleanor was named Berenguela and was married to the Prince of Leon in Spain and had by him a Son named Fernando who afterwards when King Henry her Brother was dead was admitted by the Castilians for their King by the name of Fernando the IV. as before the Civilian hath noted and Blanch with her Son S. Lewis though she were the elder was put by the Crown against all right of Succession as Garibay the Spanish Chronicler noteth and confesseth Hereby then some do gather that as the first Interest which the Crown of England had to the States of Gascony Guyenne and Poyters came by a woman so also did it come to France by the right of this foresaid Blanch whereof the favourers of the Infanta of Spain do say that she being now first and next in bloud of that House ought to inherit all these and such like States as are inheritable by women or came by women as the former States of Gascony and Guyenne did to King Henry the II by Queen Eleanor his wife and Normandy by Mathilda his mother and both of them to France by this former interest of Blanch. And more they say that this Lady Blanch mother to King S. Lewis whose Heir at this day the Infanta of Spain is should by right have inherited the Kingdom of England also after the murther of Duke Arthur and his Sister Eleanor for that she was the next of â—in unto them at that time which could be capable to succeed them for that King John himself was uncapable of their succession whom he had murthered and his Son Henry was not then born nor in divers years after and if he had been yet could he receive no Interest thereunto by his Father who had none himself of all which points there will be more particular occasion to speak hereafter Now then I come to speak of King Henry the third who was Son to this King John and from whom all the three Houses before mentioned of Britany Lancaster and York do seem to issue as a triple branch out of one Tree albeit the Royal Line of Britany is more ancient and was divided before even from William the Conquerors time as hath been shewed yet do they knit again in this King Henry for that of King Henry the third his eldest Son named Prince Edward the first descended Edward the second and of him Edward the third from whom properly riseth the House of York And of his second Son Edmond surnamed Crookback County Palatine of Lancaster issued the Dukes of Lancaster until in the third descent when the Lady Blanch Heir of that House matched with John of Gaunt third Son of King Edward the third from which marriage rose afterward the formal division of these two Houses of Lancaster and York and also two distinct branches of Lancaster Besides these two Sons King Henry the third had a Daughter named Lady Beatrix whom he married to John the second of that name Duke of Britany who after was slain at Lions in France by the fall of an old Wall at the Coronation of Pope Clement the 5th of that name in the year of Christ 1298. and for that the Friends of the Infanta of Spain do seek to strengthen her Title by this her descent also of the Royal bloud of England from Henry the third as afterward shall be declared I will briefly in this place continue the Pedegree of the House of Britany from that I left before even to our days I shewed before in this Chapter that Geoffry the third Son to King Henry the second and Duke of Britany by his wife being dead and his two Children Arthur and Eleanor put to death by their Uncle King John in England as before hath been said it fell out that Constance Dutchess and Heir of Britany married again to Guy Viscount of Tours and had by him two Daughters whereof the eldest named Alice was Dutchess of Britany and married to Peter Brien Earl of Drusse and by him had John the first of that name Duke of Britany which John the first had issue John the second who married Lady Beatrix before-mentioned Daughter to King Henry the third and by her had the second Arthur Duke of Britany to whom succeeded his eldest Son by his first Wife named John the third who dying without Issue left the very same trouble and garboil in Britany about the succession between the two noble Houses of Blois and Monford the one maintained by France and the other by England as soon after upon the very like occasion happen'd in England between the Houses of Lancaster and York as after shall be shewed And not long after that again the like affliction also ensued in France though not for succession but upon other occasions between
the great and Royal Houses of Burgundy and Orleans whereby all three Commonwealths I mean England Britany and France were like to have come to destruction and utter desolation And for that it may serve much to our purpose hereafter to understand well this controversie of Britany I think it not amiss in few words to declare the same in this place Thus then it happened The foresaid Arthur the second of that name Duke of Britanie and Son of Lady Beatrix that was Daughter as hath been said to King Henry the III. of England had two Wives the first named Beatrix as his Mother was and by this he had two Sons John that succeeded him in the State by the name of Duke John the III. and Guye that dying before his elder Brother left a Daughter and Heir named Joan and surnamed the lame for that she halted who was married to the Earl of Bloys that was Nephew to Phillip of Valois King of France for that he was born of his Sister But besides the two Children the said Duke Arthur had by his second Wife named Joland Countess and Heir of the Earldom of Monford another Son called John Breno who in the right of his Mother was Earl of Monford And afterward when Duke John the III. came to die without Issue the question was who should succeed him in his Dukedom the Uncle or the Neece that is to say his third Brother John Breno by half bloud or else his Neece Joan the lame that was Daughter and Heir to his second Brother Guye of whole bloud that is by Father and Mother which Lady Joan was married to the Earl of Bloys as hath been said And first this matter was handled in the Parliament of Paris the King himself sitting in Judgment with all his Peers the 30 day of September 1341 and adjudged it to the Earl of Bloys both for that his Wife was Heir to the elder Brother as also for that Duke John by his Testiment and consent of the States had appointed her to be his Heir but yet King Edward the III. and States of England did Judge it otherwise and preferred John Monford not knowing that the very case was to fall out very soon after in England I mean they Judged the State to John Breno Earl of Monford younger Brother to Guy and they assisted him and his Son after him with all their Forces for the gaining and holding of that State And albeit at the beginning it seemed that matters went against Monford for that himself was taken prisoner in Nantes and carried captive to Paris where he died in prison yet his Son John by the assistance of the English Armies got the Dukedome afterward and slew the Earl of Bloys and was peaceably Duke of Britanie by the name of John the IV. and his posterity hath endured until this day as briefly here I will declare This Duke John the IV. of the House of Monford had Issue John the V. and he Francis the first who dying without Issue left the Dukedom to Peter his Brother and Peter having no Children neither he left it to his Uncle Arthur the III Brother to his Father John the V. and this Arthur was Earl of Richmond in England as some of his ancestors had been before him by gifts of the Kings of England This Arthur dying without Issue left the Dukedom unto his Nephew to wit his Brothers Son Francis the II. who was the last male Child of that race and was he that had once determined to have delivered Henry Earl of Richmond unto his enemy King Edward the IV. and after him to King Richard the III. but that Henry's good fortune reserved him to come to be King of England This Duke Francis had a Daughter and Heir named Anna married first to Charles the VIII King of France and after his death without Issue to his Successor Lewis the XII by whom she had a Daughter named Claudia that was Heir to Britanie though not to the Crown of France by reason of the Law Salique that holdeth against women in the Kingdom of France but not in Britany and to the end this Dukdome should not be disunited again from the said Crown of France this Daughter Claudia was married to Francis Duke of Angolome Heir apparent to the Crown of France by whom she had Issue Henry that was afterward King of France and was Father to the last King of that Country and to Isabel Mother of the Infanta of Spain and of her Sister the Dutchess of Savoy that now is by which also some do affirm that the said Princess or Infanta of Spain albeit she be barred from the Succession of France by their pretended Law Salique yet is her title manifest to the Dukdome of Britanie that came by a woman as we have shewed and thus much of the House of Britany and of the Princess of Spain how she is of the Bloud Royal of England from the time of William the Conqueror himself by his eldest Daughter as also by other Kings after him and now we shall return to prosecute the Issue of these two Sons of King Henry the III. to wit of Edward and Edmond which before we left I shewed you before how King Henry the III. had two Sons Edward the Prince that was King after his Father by the name of Edward the first and Edmond surnamed Crouchback by some Writers who was the first Earl and County Palatine of Lancaster and beginner of that House And albeit some Writers of our time have affirmed or at least wise much inclined to favour a certain old report that Edmond should be the Elder Brother to Edward and put back only for his deformity of his body whereof Polidor doth speak in the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the IV. and as well the Bishop of Ross as also George Lilly do seem to believe it yet evident it seemeth that it was but a fable as before I have noted and now again shall briefly prove it by these reasons following for that it importeth very much for deciding the controversie between the Houses of Lancaster and York The first reason then is for that all Ancient Historiographers of England and among them Mattheus Westmonasteriensis that lived at the same time do affirm the contrary and do make Edward to be elder then Edmond by six years and two days for that they appoint the Birth of Prince Edward to have been upon the 16. day of June in the year of Christ 1239 and the 24. of the Reign of his Father King Henry and the Birth of Lord Edmond to have followed upon the 18. day of the same month 6 years after to wit in the year of our Lord 1245 and they do name the Godfathers and Godmothers of them both together with the peculiar solemnities and feasts that were celebrated at their several Nativities so as it seemeth there can be no error in this matter The 2d
married to the King of Norway all which Issue and Line ended about the year 1290. David younger Brother to King William had Issue two daughters Margaret and Isabel Margaret was married to Alain Earl of Galloway and had Issue by him a daughter that married John Balliol Lord of Harcourt in Normandy who had Issue by her this John Balliol Founder of Balliol Colledge in Oxford that now pretended to the Crown as descended from the eldest daughter of David in the third descent Isabel the second daughter of David was married to Robert Bruse Earl of Cleveland in England who had Issue by her this Robert Bruse Earl of Carick the other competitor Now then the question between these two competitors was which of them should Succeed either John Balliol that was Nephew to the elder daughter or Robert Bruse that was Son to the younger daughter and so one degree more near to the Stock or Stem then the other And albeit King Edward the first of England whose power was dreadful at that day in Scotland having the matter referred to his arbitrement gave sentence for John Balliol and Robert Bruse obeyed for the time in respect partly of fear and partly of his Oath that he had made to stand to that Judgment yet was that sentence held to be unjust in Scotland and so was the Crown restor'd afterward to Robert Bruse his Son and his posterity doth hold it unto this day In England also it self they alledge the examples of K. Henry the first preferred before his Nephew William Son and Heir to his elder Brother Robert as also the example of K. John preferred before his Nephew Arthur Duke of Britany for that King Henry the second had four Sons Henry Richard Geffery and John Henry died before his Father without Issue Richard Reigned after him and died also without Issue Geffery also died before his Father but left a Son named Arthur Duke of Britany by right of his Mother But after the death of King Richard the question was who should Succeed to wit either Arthur the Nephew or John the Uncle but the matter in England was soon desided for that John the Uncle was preferred before the Nephew Arthur by reason he was more near to his Brother dead by a degree then was Arthur And albeit the King of France and some other Princes abroad opposed themselves for stomack against this Succession of King John yet say these favourers of the House of Lancaster that the English inclined still to acknowledge and admit his right before his Nephew and so they proclaimed this King John for King of England while he was yet in Normandy I mean Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury Eleanor the Queen this Mother Geffery Fitz-peter chief Judge of England who knew also what law meant therein and others the Nobles and Barons of the Realm without making any doubt or scruple of his title to the Succession And whereas those of the House of York do alledge that King Richard in his life time when he was to go to the holy Land caused his Nephew Arthur to be declared Heir apparent to the Crown and thereby did shew that his title was the better they of Lancaster do answer first that this declaration of King Richard was not made by act of Parliament of England for that King Richard was in Normandy when he made this declaration as plainly appeareth both by Polidor and Hollingshed Secondly that this declaration was made the sooner by King Richard at that time thereby to repress and keep down the ambitious humor of his Brother John whom he feared least in his absence if he had been declared for Heir apparent might invade the Crown as indeed without that he was like to have done as may appear by that which happened in his said Brothers absence Thirdly they shew that this declaration of King Richard was never admitted in England neither would Duke John suffer it to be admitted but rather caused the Bishop of Ely that was left Governour by King Richard with consent of the Nobility to renounce the said declaration of King Richard in favour of Arthur and to take a contrary Oath to admit the said John if King Richard his Brother should die without Issue and the like Oath did the said Bishop of Ely together with the Archbishop of Roan that was left in equal Authority with him exact and take of the Citizens of London when they gave them their Priviledges and Liberties of Commonalty as Hollingshed recordeth And lastly the said Hollinshed writeth how that King Richard being now come home again from the War of Jerusalem and void of that jealousie of his Brother which before I have mentioned he made his last Will and Testament and ordained in the same that his Brother John should be his successor and caused all the Nobles there present to swear Fealty unto him as to his next in bloud for which cause Thomas Walsingham in his story writeth these words Johannis filius junior Henrici 2. Anglorum regis Alienorae Ducissae Aquitaniae non modo jure propinquitatis sed etiam testamento fratris sui Richardi designatus est successo post mortem ipsius which is John younger Son of Henry the second King of England and of Eleanor Dutchess of Aquitain was declared successor of the Crown not only by Law and right of nearness of bloud but also by the Will and Testament of Richard his Brother Thus much this ancient Chronicler speaketh in the testifying of King John's Title By all which examples that fell out almost within one age in divers Nations over the World letting pass many others which the Civilian touched in his discourse before for that they are of more ancient times these favourers of the House of Lancaster do infer that the right of the Uncle before the Nephew was no new or strange matter in those days of King Edward the third and that if we will deny the same now we must call in question the succession and right of all the Kingdoms and States before-mentioned of Naples Sicily Spain Britany Flanders Scotland and England whose Kings and Princes do evidently hold their Crowns at this day by that very Title as hath been shewed Moreover they say that touching Law in this point albeit the most famous Civil Lawyers of the World be somewhat divided in the same matter some of them favouring the Uncle and some other the Nephew and that for different reasons as Baldus Oldratus Panormitanus and divers others alledged by Gulielmâ—â— Benedictus in his Repetitions in favour of the Nephew against the Uncle And on the other side for the Uncle before the Nephew Bartolus Alexander Decius Altiatus Cujatius and many other their followers are recounted in the same place by the same man yet in the end Baldus that is held for head of the contrary side for the Nephew after all reasons weighed to and fro he cometh to conclude
crime Secondly they say that the House of York did enter only by violence and by infinite bloudshed and by wilful murthering not only of divers of the Nobility both Spiritual and Temporal but also of both King Henry the sixth himself and of Prince Edward his Son and by a certain popular and mutinous election of a certain few Souldiers in Smithfield at London and this was the entrance of the House of York to the Crown whereas King Henry the fourth first King of the House of Lancaster entred without bloudshed as hath been shewed being called home by the requests and letters of the people and Noblity and his election and admission to the Crown was orderly and authorized by general consent of Parliament in the doing thereof Thirdly they alledge that King Henry the sixth put down by the House of York was a good and holy King and had Reigned peaceably 40. years and never committed any act worthy deposition whereas King Richard the second had many ways deserved the same as himself came to acknowledge and thereupon made a personal solemn and publick resignation of the said Crown unto his Cousen Henry of Lancaster the which justified much the said Henry's entrance Fourthly they alledge that the House of Lancaster had been in possession of the Crown upon the point of 60â— years before the House of York did raise trouble unto them for the same in which time their Title was confirmed by many Parliaments Oaths approbations and publick Acts of the Commonwealth and by the Nobles Peers and people thereof and by the States both Spiritual and Temporal and with the consent of all foreign Nations so that if there had been any fault in their first entrance yet was this sufficient to authorize the same as we see it was in the title of King William the Conqueror and of his two Sons King William Rufus and King Henry the first that entred before their elder Brether and of King John that entred before his Nephew and of his Son King Henry the third that entred after his Fathers deprivation and after the election of Prince Lewis of France as also of Edward the third that entred by deposition of his own Father of all which Titles yet might there have been doubt made at the beginning but by time and durance of possession and by confirmation of the Commonwealth they were made lawful and without controversie Fifthly they say that if we consider the four King Henrys that have been of the House of Lancaster to wit the 4 5 6 and 7 and do compare them with the other four that have been of the House of York to wit Edward the fourth Richard the third Henry the eighth and Edward the sixth and all their acts both at home and abroad what quietness or troubles have passed and what the Commonwealth of England hath gotten or lost under each of them we shall find that God hath seemed to prosper and allow much more of those of Lancaster then of those of York for that under those of Lancaster the Realm hath enjoyed much more peace and gaining far greater honour and enlarged more the dominions of the Crown then under those of York and that it had done also much more if the seditions rebellions and troubles raised and brought in by the Princes of the House of York had not hindered the same as say these men it was evidently seen in the time of King Henry the sixth when their contention against the Princes of the House of Lancaster was the principal cause why all the English States in France were lost and what garboils and troubles at home have ensued afterwards and how infinite murthers and men slaughters with change of Nobility have been caused hereby and increased afterward under the Government and rule of the Princes of York needeth not say these men to be declared One thing only they note in particular which I will not omit and let it be the sixth note and that is that the Princes of York have not only been rigorous and very bloudy unto their adversaires but also among themselves and to their kindred which these men take to be a just punishment of God upon them And for proof hereof they alledge first the Testimony of Polydor who albeit he were a great advocate of the House of York as before hath been noted for that he lived and wrote his story under King Henry the eighth yet in one place he breaketh forth into these words of the Princes of this House Cum non haberent jam inimicos in quos saevitiam explerent saturarent in semetipsos crudelitatem exercuerunt proprioque sanguine sâ—as pollure manus When these Princes now had brought to destruction all those of the House of Lancaster so as they had no more enemies upon whom to fill and satiate their cruelty then began they to exercise their fierceness upon themselves and to imbrew their hands with their own bloud Thus far Polydor. Secondly they do shew the same by the deeds of both sides for that the love union trust confidence faithfulness kindness and Loyalty of the Princes of Lancaster the one towards the other is singular and notorious as may appear by the acts and studious endeavours of the Lord Henry Bishop of Winchester and Cardinal and of the Lord Thomas Duke of Exceter and Marquis of Dorset Brothers of King Henry the fourth to whom and to his Children they were most faithful friendly and loyal as also by the noble proceedings of the Lords Thomas Duke of Clarence John Duke of Bedford and Humphry Duke of Glocester Sons of the forâ—said Henry the fourth and brothers of King Henry the fifth the first of which three gave his bloud in his service and the other two spent their whole lives in defence of the dignity of the English Crown the one as Regent of France the other as Protector of England by the worthy acts also and renowned faithfulness of the Dukes of Somerset Cousen-jeâ—â—ans to the said King Henry the fourth and to his Children and the proper Ancestors of King Henry the VII all which Dukes of Somerset of the House of Lancaster being five or six in number did not only as Polydor saith assist and help their Soveraign and the whole Realm Vigiliis curis periculis that is to say with watchfulness carâ—s and offering themselves to dangers but also four of them one after another to wit Edmond with his three Sons Henry Edmond and John whereof two successively after him were Dukes of Somerset and the Marquess of Dorset were all four I say as so many Maccabees slain in the defence of their Country and Family by the other faction of the House of York which thing say these men shewed evidently both a marvelous confidence that these men had in their quarrel as also a great blessing of God towards that Family that they had such love and union among themselves But now
of Mâ—ubray ceased and the title of the Dâ—kedâ—m of Norfolk was transferred afterward by King Richard the third unto the House of the Howardâ— Johâ— de lâ— Poole Duke of Suffolk that married the 〈◊〉 of King Edward the fourth and was his great asisstant though he left three Sons yet all were extinguished without Issue by help of the House of York for that Edmond the eldest Son Duke of Suffâ—â—k was beheaded by King Henry the eighth and his Brother Richard driven out of the Realm to his destruction as before hath been shewed and John their Brother Earl of Lincolne was slain at Stock-field in service of King Richard the third and so ended the Line of de la Pooles Richard â—ovel Earl of Salisbury a chief enemy to the House of Lancaster and exalter of York was taken at the battel of Wakefield and there beheaded leaving three Sons Richard John and George Richard was Earl both of Salisbury and Warwick surnamed the great Earl of Warwick and was he that placed King Edward the fourth in the Royal Seat by whom yet he was slain afterward at Barnet and the Lands of these two great Earldoms of Salisbury and Warwick were united to the Crown by his attâ—â—inder John his younger Brother was Marquess of Montague and after all assistance given to the said King Edward the fourth of the House of York was slain also by him at Barnet and his Lands in like manner confiscated to the Crown which yet were never restored again George Nevel their younger Brother was Archbishop of York and was taken and sent prisoner by the said King Edward unto Guyens who shortly pined away and died and this was the end of all the principal friends helpers and advancers of the House of York as these men do alledge Wherefore they do conclude that for all these reasons and many more that might be alledged the title of Lancaster must needs seem the beter title which they do confirm by the general consent of all the Realm at King Henry the seventh his coming in to recover the Crown from the House of York as from usurpersâ— for having had the victory against King Richard they Crowned him presently in the Field in the right of Lancaster before he married with the House of York which is a token that they esteemed his title of Lancaster sufficient of it self to bear away the Crown albeit for better ending of strife he took to Wife also the Lady Elizabeth Heir of the House of York as hath been said and this may be sufficient for the present in this controversy CHAP. V. Of five Principal Houses or Lineages that do or may pretend to the Crown of England which are the Houses of Scotland Suffolk Clarence Britany and Portugal and first of all of the House of Scotland which containeth the pretentions of the King of Scots and the Lady Arabella HAving declared in the former Chapter so much as appartaineth unto the general controversie between the two principal Hâ—â—ses and Royal families of Lancaster and York it remaineth now that I lay before you the particular challenges claims and pretentions which divers houses and families descended for the most part of these two have among themselves for their titles to the same All which families may be reduced to three or four general heads For that some do pretend by the House of Lancaster alone as those families principally that do descend of the Line Royal of Portugal some other do pretend by the House of York only as those that are descended of George Duke of Clarence second Brother to King Edward the fourth Some again will seem to pretend from both Houses joyned together as all those that descend from King Henry the seventh which are the Houses of Scotland and Suffolk albeit as before hath appeared others do deny that these families have any true part in the House of Lancaster which point shall afterward be discussed more at large And fourthly others do pretend before the two Houses of York and Lancaster were divided as the Infanta of Spain Dutchess of Savoy the Prince of Loraign and such others as have descended of the House of Britany and France of all which pretences and pretenders we shall speak in order and consider with indifferency what is said or alledged of every side to and fro beginning first with the House of Scotland as with that which in common opinion of vulgar men is taken to be first and nearest though others deny it for that they are descended of the first and eldest daughter of King Henry the seventh as before in the third chapter hath been declared First then two persons are known to be of this house at this day that may have action and claim to the Crown of England The first is Lord James the sixth of that name presently King of Scotland who descended of Margaret eldest daughter of King Henry the seventh that was married by her first marriage to James the fourth King of Scots and by him had Issue James the fifth and he again the Lady Mary Mother to this King now pretendant The second person that may pretend in this house is the Lady Arabella descended of the self same Queen Margaret by her second marriage unto Archibald Douglas Earl of Anguis by whom she had Margaret that was married to Matthew Steward Earl of Lenox and by him had Charles her second Son Earl of Lenox who by Elizabeth daughter of Sir William Candish Knight in England had Issue this Arabella now alive First then for the King of Scots those that do favour his cause whereof I confess that I have not found very many in England do alledge that he is the first and chiefest pretender of all others and next in succession for that he is the first person that is descended as you see of the eldest daughter of King Henry the seventh and that in this descent there cannot bastardy or other lawful impediment be avowed why he should not succeed according to the priority of his pretention and birth And moreover secondly they do alledge that it would be greatly for the honour and profit of England for that hereby the two Realms of England and Scotland should come to be joyned a point long sought for and much to be wished and finally such as are affected to his Religion do add that hereby true religion will come to be more settled also and establishes in England which they take to be a matter of no small consequence and consideration and this in effect is that which the favours of this Prince do alledge in his behalf But on the other side there want not many that do accompt this pretence of the King of Scots neither good nor just nor any way expedient for the State of England and they do answer largely to all the allegations before mentioned in his behalf And first of all as concerning his title by nearness of succession they make little
the other reasons of exclusion which men do lay against the House of Scotland whereof one is urged much by the House of Suffolk and grounded upon a certain Testament of King Henry the eighth as before hath been touched by which Testament the said House of Suffolk that is to say the Heirs of the Lady Frances and of the Lady Eleanor Neeces to King Henry the eighth by his second Sister Mary are appointed to succeed in the Crown of England before the Heirs of Margaret the first Sister married in Scotland if King Henry's own Children should come to die without Issue as now they are all like to do and this Testament had both the Kings hand or stamp unto it and divers Witnesses names besides and was enrolled in the Chancery and was authorized by two Acts of Parliament two wit in the 28. and 35. years of King Henry in which Parliaments authority was given to the said King to dispose and ordain of this point of succession as he and his learned Councel should think best for the weal publick This is the effect of this Argument which albeit the former Books of Mr. Morgan and the Bishop of Ross and some other of the Scottish favourers do seek to refut by divers means and ways as before in the first chapter of this discourse is set down and especially by the Testimony of the Lord Paget and Sir Edward Montague that said the stamp was put unto it after the King was past sense yet they of of the House of Suffolk are not satisfied without that answer for that they say that at least howsoever that matter of the late sealing be yet seeing the King willed it to be done drawn out and sealed it appeareth hereby that this was the last Will and judgment of King Henry and not revoaked by him which is sufficient say these men to answer the intent and meaning of the Realm and the authority committed to him by the foresaid two Acts of Parliament for the disposing of the succession which two Acts say these men containing the whole authority of the Commonwealth so seriously and diliberately given in so weighty an affair may not in reason be deluded or overthrown now by the saying of one or two men who for pleasing or contenting of the time wherein they speak might say or guess that the Kings memory was past when the stamp was put unto his Testament which if it were so yet if he commanded as hath been said the thing to be done while he had memory as it may appear he did both by the Witnesses that subscribed and by the enrollment thereof in the Chancery no man can deny but that this was the King's last Will which is enough for satisfying the Parliaments intention as these men do affirm A fourth argument is made against the King of Scots Succession by all the other competitors jointly and it seemeth to them to be an argument that hath no solution or reply for that it is grounded upon a plain fresh Statute made in the Parliament holden in the 27 year if I erre not of her Majesty that now is wherein it is enacted and decreed that whosoever shall be convinced to conspire attempt or procure the death of the Queen or to be privy or accessary to the same shall lose all right title pretence claim or action that the same parties or their Heirs have or may have to the Crown of England Upon which Statute seeing that afterward the Lady Mary late Queen of Scotland Mother of this King was condemned and executed by the authority of the said Parliament it seeemeth evident unto these men that this King who pretendeth all his right to the Crown of England by his said Mother can have none at all And these are the reasons proofs and arguments which divers men do alledge against the right of succession pretended by the King of Scots But now if we leave this point which concerneth the very right it self of his succession by bloud and will come to examine other reasons and considerations of State and those in particular which before I have mentioned that his favourers do alledge utility and common good that may be presumed will rise to the Realm of England by his admission to our Crown as also the other point also of establishment of Religion by them mentioned then I say these other men that are against his entrance do produce many other reasons and considerations also of great conveniencies as to them they seem against this point of admission and their reasons are these that follow First touching the publick good of the English Commonwealth by the uniting of both Realms of England and Scotland together these men do say that it is very doubtful and disputable whether the state of England shall receive good or harm thereby if the said union could be brought to pass First for that the state and condition of Scotland well considered it seemeth that it can bring no other commodity to England then increase of Subjects and those rather to participate the commodities and riches of England then to import any from Scotland And then secondly the aversion and natural alienation of that people from the English and their ancient inclination to joyn with the French and Irish against us maketh it very probable that that subjection of theirs to the Crown of England would not long endure as by experience we have seen since the time of King Edward the first when after the death of their King Alexander the third without Issue they chose King Edward to be their King delivered their Towns and Fortresses into his hands did swear him Fealty received his Deputy or Vice-Roy as Polydor at large declareth And yet all this served afterward to no other effect but only Slaughter Bloud-shed and infinite Losses and Charges of England Thirdly they say That if the King of Scots should come to possess the Crown of England he cannot chuse at least for many years but to stand in great jealousie of so many other Competitors of the English Bloud-Royal as he shall find in England against whom he must needs fortifie himself by those other Foreign Nations that may be presumed to be most sure unto him though most contrary by natural inclination and least tollerable in Government to English-men as are the Scots of whom he is born and Danes wiâ—h whom he is allied and French of whom he is descended and of the uncivil Part of Ireland with whom one great part of his Realm hath most Conjunction the Authority and sway of which four Nations in England and over English-men what trouble it may work every wise man may easily conjecture Besides that the Scotch-men themselves especially those of the Nobility do openly profess That they desire not this Conjunction and Subordination unto England which in no wise they can bear both for the aversion they have to all English Government over them as also for that their Liberties are
far greater as now they live than in that case it would be suffered their King coming hereby to be of greater Power to force them to the form of English Subjection as no doubt but in time he would And seeing the greatest utility that in this Case by reason and probability can be hoped for by this Union is That the Scotish Nation should come to be advanced in England and to be made of the Nobility both Temporal and Spiritual and of the Privy-Council and other like Dignities of Credit and Confidence for otherwise no union or amity can be hoped for and considering That the King both for his own safety as hath been said as also for gratitude and love to his allied Friends must needs plant them about him in chief places of Credit which are most opposite to English Natures and by little and little through occasion of Emulations and of Controversies that will fall out daily betwixt such diversity of Nations he must needs secretly begin to favour and fortifie his own as we read that William the Conquerour did his Normands and Canutus before him his Danes to the incredible Calamity of the English Nation though otherwise neither of them was of themselves either an evil King or an Enemy to the English-Bloud but driven hereunto for their own safety and for that it was impossible to stand Newter in such national Contentions If all this I say fell out so then as we know it did and our Ancestors felt it to their extreme Ruine what other effect can be hop'd for now by this violent union of Nations that are by nature so dis-united and opposite as are the English Scotch Irish Danish French and other on them depending which by this means must needs be planted together in England And if we read that the whole Realm of Spain did refuse to admit St. Lewis King of France to be their King in Spain to whom yet by Law of Succession it was evident and confessed by the Spaniards themselves as their Chronicler Garibay writeth that the Right most clearly did appertain by his Mother Lady Blanch eldest Daughter and Heir of King Alonso IX and that they did this only for that he was a French-man and might thereby bring the French to have chief Authority in Spain And if for this Cause they did agree together to give the Kingdom rather to Ferdinando III. that was Son of Lady Berenguela younger Sister to the said Lady Blanch and if this determination at that time was thought to be wise and provident tho' against all right of Lineal Succession and if we see that it had good success for that it endureth unto this day what shall we say in this case say these men where the King in question is not yet a St. Lewis nor his Title to England so clear as that other was to Spain and the aversion â—etwixt his Nation and ours much greater than was that betwixt the French and Spanish Thus they do reason Again we heard out of the discourse made by the Civilian before how the States of Portugal after the death of their King Don Ferdinando the second of that Name who left one only Daughter and Heir named Lady Beatrix married unto John I. King of Castile to whom the Succession without all Controversie did appertain they rather determined to chuse for their King a Bastard-brother of the said Don Ferdinando named John than to admit the true Inheritrix Beatrix with the Government of the Castilians by whom yet they being much the richer People the Portugals might hope to reap far greater utility than English-men can do by Scotland considering it is the poorer Countrey and Nation And this is that in effect which these men do answer in this behalf noting also by the way that the Romans themselves with all their Power could never bring Union or Peace between these two Nations of England and Scotland nor hold the Scots and North-Irish in Obedience of any Authority in England and so in the end they were enforced to cut them off and to make that famous Wall begun by Adrian and pursued by other Emperours to divide them from England and bar them from joyning as all the World knoweth and much less shall any one King in England now hold them all in Obedience let him be of what Nation he will And this for the utility that may be hoped for by this Union But now for the point alledged by the favourers of Scotland about establishment of true Religion in England by the entrance of this King of Scots these other men do hold that this is the worst and most dangerous point of all other considering what the state of Religion is in Scotland at this day and how different or rather opposite to that form which in England is maintained and when the Archbishops Bishops Deans Archdeacons and other such of Ecclesiastical and Honourable Dignities of England shall consider that no such Dignity or Promotion is left now standing in Scotland no nor any Cathedral or Collegiate Church is remained on foot with the Renâ—s and Dignities thereunto appertaining and when our Nobility shall remember how the Nobility of Scotland is subject at this day to a few ordinary and common Ministers without any Head who in their Synods and Assemblies have Authority to put to the Horn and drive out of the Realm any Noble-man whatsoever without remedy or redress except he will yield and humble himself to them and that the King himself standeth in aw of this exorbitant and popular power of his Ministers and is content to yield thereunto It is to be thought say these men that few English be they of what Religion or Opinion soever will shew themselves forward to receive such a King in respect of his Religion that hath no better Order in his own at home And thus much concerning the King of Scotland Now then it remaineth that we come to treat of the Lady Arabella second Branch of the House of Scotland touching whose Title though much of that which hath been said before for or against the King of Scotland may also be understood to appertain unto her for that she is of the same House yet I shall in this place repeat in few words the principal points that are alledged in her behalf or prejudice First of all then is alledged for her and by her â—avourers that she is descended of the foresaid Lady Margaret eldest Daughter of King Henry VII by her second Marriage with Archibald Douglas Earl of Anguis and that she is in the third degree only from her for that she is the Daughter of Charles Stuart who was Son of Margaret Countess of Lenox Daughter to the said Lady Margaret Queen of Scots so as this Lady Arabella is but Neece once removed unto the said Queen Margaret to wit in equal degree of descent with the King of Scots which King being excluded as the favourers of this Woman do
Succession or Right of Women which the Kingdom of France in it self doth not as is known and consequently a Woman may be Heir to the one without the other that is to say she may be Heir to some particular states of France inheritable by Women though not to the Crown it self and so do pretend to be the two Daughters of France that were Sisters to the late King Henry III. which Daughters were married the one to the King of Spain that now is who had Issue by her the Infanta of Spain yet unmarried and her younger Sister married to the Duke of Savoy and the other to wit the younger Daughter of the King of France was married to the Duke of Lorrain yet living by whom she had the Prince of Lorrain and other Children that live at this day This then being so clear as it is first that according to the common course of Succession in England and other Countries and according to the course of all Common Law the Infanâ—a of Spain should inherit the whole Kingdom of France and all other States thereunto belonging she being the Daughter and Heir of King Henry II. of France whose Issue-male of the direct line is wholly extinct but yet for that the French do pretend their Law Salique to exclude Women which we English have ever denied to be good until now hereby cometh it to pass that the King of Navarr pretendeth to enter and to be preferred before the said Infanta or her Sisters Children though Male by a Collateral Line But yet her favourers say I mean those of the Infanta that from the Dukedoms of Britany Aquitain and the like that came to the Crown of France by Women and are Inheritable by Women she cannot be in right debarred as neither from any Succession or Pretence to England if either by the Bloud-Royal of France Britany Aquitain or of England it self it may be proved that she hath any Interest thereunto as her favourers do affirm that she hath by these reasons following First for that she is of the ancient Bloud-Royal of England even from the Conquest by the elder Daughter of William the Conquerour married to Allain Fergant Duke of Britany as hath been shewed before in the second Chapter and other places of this Conference And of this they infer three Consequences First when the Sons of the Conquerour died without Issue or were made uncapable of the Crown as it was presumed at least-wise of King Henry I. last Son of the Conquerour that he lost his Right for the violence used to his elder Brother Robert and unto William the said Robert's Son and Heir they say these men ought the said Dutchess of Britany to have entred as eldest Sister Secondly they say That when Duke Robert that both by right of Birth and by express Agreement with William Rufus and with the Realm of England should have succeeded next after the said Rufus came to die in Prison the said Lady Constance should have succeeded him for that his Brother Henry being culpable of his Death could not in right be his Heir And thirdly they say That at least wise after the death of the said King Henry I. she and her Son I mean Lady Constance and Conan Duke of Britany should have entred before King Stephen who was born of Adela the younger Daughter of William the Conquerour Secondly they do alledge That the Infanta of Spain descendeth also lineally from Lady Eleanor eldest Daughter of King Henry II. married to King Alonso the ninth of that name King of Castile whose eldest Daughter and Heir named Blanch for that their only Son Henry died without Issue married with the Prince Lewis VIII of France who was Father by her to King St. Lewis of France and so hath continued the Line of France unto this day and joyned the same afterwards to the House of Britany as hath been declared So as the Infanta cometh to be Heir general of both those Houses that is as well of Britany as France as hath been shewed And now by this her descent from Queen Eleanor Daughter of King Henry II. her favourers do found divers Pretences and Titles not only to the States of Aquitain that came to her Father by a Woman but also to England in manner following First for Aquitain they say it came to King Henry II. by his Wife Eleanor Daughter of William Duke of Aquitain as before in the second Chapter at large hath been declared and for that the most part thereof was lost afterwards to the French in King John's time that was fourth Son to the aforesaid King Henry it was agreed between the said King John and the french-French-King Philip that all the States of Aquitain already lost to the French should be given in Dowry with the said Blanch to be married to Lewis VIII then Prince of France and so they were And moreover they do alledge That not long after this the same States with the residue that remained in King John's hands were all adjudged to be forfeited by the Parliament of Paris for the Death of Duke Arthur and consequently did fall also upon this Lady Blanch as next Heir capable of such Succession unto King John for that yet the said King John had no Son at all and for this cause and for that the said States are Inheritable by Women and came by Women as hath been often said these men affirm That at this day they do by Succession appertain unto the said Lady Infanta of Spain and not unto the Crown of France To the Succession of England also they make pretence by way of the said Lady Blanch married into France and that in divers manners First for that King John of England by the Murther of Duke Arthur of Britany his Nephew which divers Authors do affirm as Stow also witnesseth was done by King John's own hands he forfeited all his States though his right to them had been never so good and for that this Murther happened in the fifth year of his Reign and four years before his Son Henry was born none was so near to succeed at that time as was this Lady Blanch married into France for that she was Daughter and Heir unto King John's elder Sister Eleanor or the said Lady Eleanor her self Queen of Spain should have succeeded for that she yet lived and died not as appeareth by Stephen Garribay Chronicler of Spain until the year of Christ 1214. which was not until the fifteenth year of the Reign of King John and one year only before he died so as he having yet no Issue when this Murther was committed and losing by this forfeit all the right he had in the Kingdom of England it followeth that the same should have gone then to his said Sister and by her to this Lady Blanch her Heir and eldest Daughter married into France as hath been said which forfeit also of King John these men do confirm by his
Deprivation by the Pope that soon after ensued as also by another Deprivation made by the Barons of his Realm as after shall be touched Furthermore they say That when Arthur Duke of Britain whom to this effect they do hold to have been the only true Heir at that time to the Kingdom of England was in Prison in the Castle of Roan suspecting that he should be murthered by his said Unkle King John he nominated this Lady Blanch his Cousin-jerman to be his Heir perswading himself that he by the help of her Husband Prince Lewis of France and her Father the King of Spain should be better able to defend and recover his or her right to the Crown of England than Eleanor his own Sister should be who was also in the hands of his said Unkle for that he supposed that she should be made away by himself shortly after as indeed the French Chronicler affirmeth that she was And howsoever this matter of Duke Arthur's Testament was yet certain it is that when he and his Sister were put to death the next in Kin that could succeed them in their right to England was this Lady Blanch and her Mother Queen Eleanor that was Sister to Arthur's Father Geffrey Duke of Britany for that King John their Unkle was presumed by all men to be uncapable of their Inheritance by his putting of them to death and Child he had yet none And this is the second point that these men do deduce for the Lady Infanta of Spain by the title of Queen Eleanor and her Daughter Blanch to whom the Infanta is next Heir A third Interest also the same men do derive to the Infanta by the actual Deposition of King John by the Barons and States of this Realm in the 16 th year of his Reign and by the Election and actual Admission of Lewis Prince of France Husband of Lady Blanch whom they chose with one consent and admitted and swore him Fealty and Obedience in London for him and for his Heirs and Posterity in the year 1217. and gave him Possession of the said City and Tower of London and of many other chief places of the Realm and albeit afterwards the most part of the Realm changed their minds upon the sudden death of the said King John and chose and admitted his young Son Henry III. a Child of 9 years old yet do the favourers of the Infanta say That there remaineth to her as Heir unto the said Lewis until this day that Interest which by this Election Oath and Admission of the Realm remained unto this Prince Lewis which these men affirm to be the very like case as was that of Hugo Capetus in France who came to be King especially upon a certain Title that one of his Ancestors named Odo Earl of Paris had by being once elected King of France and admitted and sworn though afterwards he was deposed again and young Charles surnamed the Simple was admitted in his place as Henry III. was in England after the Election of Lewis But yet as the other ever continued his Right and Claim till it was restored to Hugo Capetus one of his Race so say these men may this Infanta continue and renew now the Demand of King Lewis her Ancestor for that Titles and Interests to Kingdoms once rightly gotten do never die but remain ever for the Posterity to effectuate when they can And thus much of this matter But after this again these men do shew how that the said Infanta of Spain doth descend also from Henry III. son of King John by the Dukes of Britany as before in the second Chapter hath been declared and in the Arbor and Genealogy following in the end of this Conference shall be seen for that King Henry besides his two Sons Edward and Edmond which were the beginners of the two Houses of York and Lancaster had also a Daughter named Beatrix married to John the second of that Name Duke of Britany and by him she had Arthur II. and so lineally from him have descended the Princes of that House until their Union with the Crown of France and from thence unto this Lady Infanta of Spain that now is who taketh her self for proper Heir of the said House of Britany and Heir general of France as hath been said By this Conjunction then of the House of Britany with the Bloud-Royal of England the Friends of the Infanta do argue in this manner That seeing she descendeth of the Sister of these two Brothers which were the Heads of the two opposite Houses of Lancaster and York and considering that each of these Houses hath often-times been Attainted and Excluded from the Succession by sundry Acts of Parliament and at this present are opposite and at contention among themselves why may not this right of both Houses say these men by way of Composition Peace and Comprize at least be passed over to the Issue of their Sister which resteth in the Infanta Again they say That all these three Branches of the Lines to wit by the Lady Constance Daughter of King William the Conquerour by the Lady Eleanor Daughter of King Henry II. and by the Lady Beatrix Daughter of King Henry III. it is evident that this Lady the Infanta of Spain is of the true ancient Bloud-Royal of England and that divers ways she may have Claim to the same which being granted they infer That seeing matters are so doubtful at this day about the next lawful Succession and that divers of the Pretenders are excluded some for Bastardy some other for Religion some for unaptness to Govern and some for other Causes and seeing the Commonwealth hath such Authority to dispose in this Affair as before the Civil-Lawyer hath declared why may there not Consideration be had among other Pretenders of this noble Princess also say these men especially seeing she is unmarried and may thereby commodate many matters and salve many breaches and satisfie many hopes and give contentment to many desires as the world knoweth And this is in effect as much as I have heard alledged hitherto in favour of the Infanta of Spain but against this Pretence others do produce divers Arguments and Objections As first of all That these her Claims be very old and worn out and are but Collateral by Sisters Secondly That she is a Stranger and Alien born Thirdly That her Religion is contrary to the State Unto all which Objections the favourers aforesaid do make their Answers And to the first they say That Antiquity hurteth not the goodness of a Title when occasion is offered to advance the same especially â—n Titles belonging to Kingdoms which commonly are never presumed to die as hath been said and nullum tempus occurrit Regi saith our Law And as for Collateral Lines they say That they may lawfully be admitted to enter when the direct Lines do either fail or are excluded for other just respects as in our Case they hold that
it happeneth And as for the second point of Foreign Birth they say there hath been sufficient answer before in treating of the House of Scotland that in rigour it is no bar by intention of any English Law yet whether in reason of State and politick Government it may be a just impediment or no it shall after be handled more at large when we come to treat of the House of Portugal To the last point of Religion they answer that this impediment is not universal nor admitted in the Judgment of all men but only of those English that be of different Religion from her But to some others and those many as these men do ween her Religion will rather be a motive to favour her Title then to hinder the same so that on this ground no certainty can be builded and this is as much as I have to say at this time of these two Families of Clarence and Britany CHAP. VIII Of the House of Portugal which containeth the Claims as well of the King and Prince of Spain to the succession of England as also of the Dukes of Parma and Bragansa by the House of Lancaster IT hath been oftentimes spoken before upon occasions offered that the Princes of the House of Portugal at this day do perswade themselves that the only remainder of the House of Lancaster resteth among them as the only true Heirs of the Lady Blanch Dutchess and Heir of Lancaster and first Wife of John of Gaunt which point of these Princes descents from the said Dutchess of Lancaster though it be declared sufficiently before in the third and fourth Chapters yet will I briefly here also set down and repeat again the reasons thereof which are these that follow John of Gaunt was Duke of Lancaster by the right of his first Wife Lady Blanch and had by her only one Son as also one Daughter of whom we need here to speak for that the other hath left no Issue now living The Son was King Henry the 4th who had Issue King Henry the 5th and he again Henry the 6th in whom was extinguished all the succession of this Son Henry The daughter of John of Gaunt by Lady Blanch was called Philippa who was married to John the first King of that name of Portugal who had Issue by him King Edward and he again had Issue King Alfonsus the fifth King of Portugal and he and his off-spring had Issue again the one after the other until our times and so by this marriage of Lady Philippa to their first King John these Princes of the House of Portugal that live at this day do pretend that the Inheritance of Lancaster is only in them by this Lady Philippa for that the succession of her elder Brother King Henry the fourth is expired long ago This in effect is their pretence but now we will pass on to see what others say that do pretend also to be of the House of Lancaster by a latter marriage John of Gaunt after the death of his first Wife Lady Blanch did marry again the Lady Constance daughter of King Peter surnamed the Cruel of Castile and had by her one daughter only named Catharine whom he married afterward back to Castile again giving her to Wife to King Henry the third of that name by whom the 〈◊〉 Issue King John and he others so as lineally King Philip of Spain is descended from her which King Philip being at this day King also of Portugal and chief Titler of that House unto England he joy 〈◊〉 the Inheritance of both the two daughters of John of Gaunt in one and so we shall not need to talk of these two daughters hereafter distinctly but only as of one seeing that both their descents do end in this one man The only difficulty and dissention is then about the Issue of the third marriage which was of John of Gaunt wiâ—h Lady Catharine Swinford whom he first kept as a Concubine in the time of his second Wife Lady Constance as before hath been shewed in the third Chapter and begat of her four Children and after that his Wife Lady Constance was dead he took her to Wife for the love he bare to his Children a little before his death and caused the said Children to be legitimated by Authority of Parliament and for that none of these four Children of his have left Issue but only one that was John Earl of Somerset we shall speak only of him omitting all the rest This John then Earl of Somerset had Issue another John which was made Duke of Somerset by King Henry the sixth who with his three Sons were slain by the Princes of the House of York in the quarrel of Lancaster and so left only one daughter named Margaret who by her Husband Edmond Tudor Earl of Richmond was Countâ—ss of Richmond and had by him a Son named Henry Earl of Richmond that was after King by the name of King Henry the seventh and from him all his descendents both of the House of Scotland and Suffolk do pretend also to be of the House of Lancaster which yet can be no otherwise then now hath been declared to wit not from Blanch first Wife and Heir of the Dutchy of Lancaster but from Catharine Swinford his third Wife wherein riseth the question whether those men I mean King Henry the seventh and his descendents may pâ—â—perly be said to be of the true House of Lancaster or no Whereunto some do answer with a distinction to wit that to the Dutchy of Lancaster whereof the first Wife Lady Blanch was Heir these of the third marriage cannot be Heirs but only the remainder of the Issue of the said Lady Blanch that resteth in the Princes of the House of Portugal But yet to the Title of the Crown of England which came by John of Gaunt himself in that he was third Son of King Edward the third and eldest of all his Children that lived when the said King Edward died by which is pretended also that he should have succeeded immediately after him before King Richard the second as before in the fourth Chapter hath been declared to this Right I say and to this Interest of the Crown which came by John of Gaunt himself and not by Lady Blanch or by any other of his Wives the descendents of King Henry the seventh do say that they may and ought to succeed for that John Earl of Somerset eldest Son of John of Gaunt by Lady Catharine Swinford though he were begotten out of matrimony yet being afterward made legitimate he was to inherit this right of John of Gaunt his Father before the Lady Philippa his Sister for that so we see that King Edward the sixth though younger and but half-brother unto the Lady Mary and Elizabeth his Sisters yet he inherited the Crown before them and in like manner is Lord Philip Prince of Spain at this day to inherit all the
the Reasons that were on both Parties for this matter and so much the more for that it seemed to Fall very fit to the purpose of these pretences of Foreign Princes for which cause they entreated him very instantly that before he passed any further or ended his whole discourse of the Titles which hitherto they said had greatly contented them he would stay himself a little upon this matter which though for a time he made great difficulty to do yet in the end being so importuned by them he promised that at their Meeting the next day he would satisfie their desire and so for that time they departed very well contented but yet as they said with their Heads full of Titles and Titlers to the Crown CHAP. IX Whether it be better to be under a Foreign or Home born Prince and whether under a great and mighty Monarch or under a little Prince or King THe Company being gathered together the next day and shewing much desire to hear the point discussed about Foreign Government whereof mention had been made the day before the Lawyer began to say That for so much as they would needs have him to enter into that matter which of it self was full of prejudice in most mens ears and minds for that no Nation commonly could abide to hear of being under strange Governours and Governments he meant to acquit himself in this their Request as he had done in other matters before which was to lay down only the Opinions and Reasons of other men that had disputed this Affair on both sides before him and of his own to affirm or deny nothing And first of all against the Dominions of Strangers and Foreigners he said that he might discourse without end and fill up whole Books and Volumes with the Reasons and Arguments or at least wise with the dislikes and aversions that all men commonly had to be under strangers or to have any Aliens to bear Rule or Charge over them be they of what Condition State or Degree soever and in this he said that as well Philosophers Lawmakers wise and good men as others do agree commonly for that we see both by their Words Writings and Facts that they abhorr to subject themselves to strange Governments so as in all the eight Books of Aristotles's Politicks you shall still see that in all the different Forms of Commonwealths that he setteth down he presupposeth ever that the Government shall be by People of the self same Nation and the same thing do presume in like manner all those Law-makers that he there mentioneth to wit Minois Solon Lycurgus Numa Pompilius and the rest and he that shall read the Famous Invectives of Demosthenes against the pretentions of King Philip of Macedonia that desired to incroach upon the Athenians and other States of Greece as also his Orations against Aeschinos his Adversary that was thought secretly to Favour the said Foreign Prince shall see what Hatred that noble Orator had against Foreign Government and he that shall read the Books of our time either of the Italians when they spake of their Subjection in times past to the Lombardes German or French Nations or to the Spaniards at this day or shall consider what the French do presently write and inveigh against the Power of the House of Guyse and Lorayne in France for that they take them to be Strangers shall easily see how deeply this aversion against Strangers is rooted in their Hearts and this for Testimony of words But now if we will consider the Facts that have ensued about this matter and how much Blood hath been â—hed and what desperate Attempts have been taken in hand by divers Nations for avoiding their subjection to strangers or for delivering themselves from the same again if once they have faln into it you shall behold more plainly the very Impression of Nature her self in this Affair for of divers barbarous Nations Realms and Cities we read in Histories we read that they rather chose to slay and murder themselves than to be under the Dominion of Stranger others have adventured strange Attempts and Bloody Stratagems as the Sicilians who in one day and at the self same hour at the time of Evening Sâ—ng slew all the French-men that were within the Island whom yet themselves had called and invited thither not long before And the like is recorded in our English Histories of killing the Danes by English men at one time in most ruful manner And the like was oftentimes thought on also by the English against the Normans when they Oppressed us and by the French against the English whiles we had Dominion in Franâ—e though neither the one nor the other of these latter designments could be effectuated for want of Forces and Commodity by reason of the watchfulness of the contrary part But yet to speak only of France the Rage and Fury of the French was generally so great and implacable against the English that Governed there in the Reign of King Henry the VI. as both Polydor and other Histories do note â—t what time partly by the dissensions of the Houses of York and Lancaster in England and partly by the valour of their own new King Charles the VII they had hope to be rid of the English Dominion as no Perswasion or Reason no Fear of Punishment no Force of Arms no Promise or Threat no Danger no Pity no Religion no Respect of God nor Man could repress or stay them from rising and revolting every where against the English Government and Governours murthering those of the English Nation in all parts and corners wheresoever they found them without remorse or compassion until they were utterly delivered of their Dominion So as this matter is taught us say these men even by Nature her self that Strangers Government is not to be admitted and moreover the reasons before alledged against the King of Scotlands pretence together with the example and judgments of the Realms of Spain and Portugal who resolved rather to alter the true Order and Course of their Succession than to admit Strangers over them do plainly Confirm the same And last of all say these men the Authority of Holy Scripture is evident in this behalf for that whenâ— God in Deuteronomy did fortel by Moses that the Jews in time would come to change their Government and to desire a King as other Nations round about them had he added yet this express Condition that he should be only of their own Nation for he saith Constitues eum quem Deus tuus elâ—gerit de numero fratrum tuorum non poteris altertus gentis hominem Regem facere qui non sit frater tuus that is Thou shalt make a King at that time such a one as thy Lord God shall chuse for that dignity out of the number of thy Brethren but thou mayst not make a King of any other Nation but of thy own Brethren
Thus say these men against admitting of Strangers and it seemeth that their opinion and affection hath many followers for that generally we see most men affected and inclined this way But yet on the other side there want not other men who appear both wise dis-passionate and grave that will seem to consider this matter far otherwise and do say that all this is but a common vulgar prejudice of passionate men against strangers rising partly by corruption of Nature whereby men are inclined to think evil of others and to bear them little affection especially such as Govern and bear rule over them and so much the less by how much farther off they are from us in Kindred and Acquaintance and partly also they say that the same riseth of lack of due consideration in the most part of men for that they weigh not the true Reasons Causes or Effects of things but only the outward shew and so do run away with the Opinion and Apprehension of the Popular which for the most part hath no other ground or foundation in it but only Fancy and Imagination or Incitation of others that endeavour to procure Tumults and so they say it falleth out in this point as upon examination it shall appear And for Proof and Declaration of this their Assertion they do require first of all that this ordinary and common prejudice against Strangers or strange Governments be laid aside so long at least as the matter is in Disputation and that only the true effects of good and profitable Government may be considered without that other circumstance whether these fruits do come from Stranger or Home-born Prince which effects are Peace Rest Justice Defence of the Innocent Punishment of the wicked Wealth Security and other such benefits that good Government is wont to bring with it to the Subjects These things say these men are to be weighed indifferently and without passion by Wise men and wheresoever these effects are more abundantly to be found there the Government is best and there the subjects are in best Case whatsoever the Governours be or of what Nation or Country soever they be And this they shew by this example following If in two Countries or Commonwealths lying nigh together the subjects of the one should live in all Ease Wealth and Prosperity under a stranger as divers states did under the Romans and in the other they should be Beaten Whipped and Afflicted under a home-born Prince as we read the Sicilians were under Phalaris and Dionisius their Country-men Tyrants clear it is say these men that the stripes and Afflictions would not seem the easier for that they come from a Natural Prince but rather the heavier and the others happy case under the Stranger must needs seem to be the better and consequently his Government rather to be wished For that in very Truth the goodness and defect of every Government is to be measured by the effects thereof that redound unto the Subjects for whose good it was first ordained as oftentimes our Friend the Civil Lawyer hath touched and proved before And when the Subjects do live well and prosperously are defended and maintained in Peace Safety and Wealth when Justice is done equally to all men the wicked punished and the good advanced and rewarded when God is honoured and true Religion maintained and vertue promoted this is that which importeth the Realm and Subjects and not where or in what Country the Prince and his Officers were Born or of what Nation Language or Kindred they be For that be the Prince of what Lineage or Kindred soever yet after he is once established in this Dignity the Common subject can have no more conversation with him nor receiv any more personal benefit of him then if he were a meer stranger except only by those common and publick effects of his Government before-mentioned for that so soon as he is placed in his Dignity he becometh a Stranger unto me little availeth it to me whether he be of my Blood and Country or no and I may say as the people of Israel in the like Case to Rehoboam for that he was King Davids Nephew and of the House of Jesse thought his State assured for that he was their Lord and Natural Prince and so might press and afflict them at his pleasure But they answered him plainly Quae nobis pars in David vel quae haereditas in filio Jesse what part have we in David or what Inheritance have we in the Son of Jesse and so they left him and rather chose to be under Jeroboam a Stranger and his Servant under him This then is the first point which these men do demand to wit that we consider equally and according to Reason Wisdom and Truth and without all Partial Affect on where and by whom and by what Government we are likest to receive and enjoy the good and happy effects above-mentioned of Prosperity to the Subject For that without all doubt say they that Government is to be deemed best and that Subjection Happiest where those Benefits are most enjoyed let the Prince or Governour be of what Nation Lineage soever And on the other side that must needs be the worst Government unto me where I shall reap fewest and participate least of those effects be the Prince never so much much my Countryman or Kinsman and though he were Born in the same City Town or House yea in the same Belly with me As for Example those men that lived say they in Spain under King Pâ—ter the Cruel or in England under King Richard the third commonly called the Tyrant what did it avail them that those Princes were of their own Country or Blood seeing they did that unto them which a Stranger though never so Barbarous would scarce have done As in like manner all those Noble Houses before-mentioned in our Country of the Dela Pools Staffords Plantagenets and others destroyed by King Henry the Eight what availed it them that the said King was not only their Country-man but also their near Kinsman What profit or Commodity was it unto Thomas of Woodstoâ—k Duke of Glocester that he lived under a King that was his Nephew to wit King Richard the second or to George Duke of Clarence in King Edward the fourths time that the said King was his own Brother when both of them were Pursued Disgraced and put to Death by them and lost their Lives Lands Dignities Goodly Possessions Stately Mannors and Gorgeous Houses with their Wives Children and all other Felicities of this World which perhaps under a Strange Prince they might have enjoyed many a fair day and year This is that then which these men do first require to wit that all Fancy and Fond Opinion of the Vulgar people be aparted in this matter from Truth and Substance as also say they we ought to desire and determine who are properly Strangers or Foreigners seeing some do take for Strangers and
most of their Subjects over which they Governed and unto whom they were most strangers that is to say unto such as were furthest off from them to those did they use always most favours and gave them most priviledges as both Wisdom and Reason of State did require for that those people had most ability to rise against them and to rebell so as this circumstance of being Strangers hurted them nothing but rather profited them much The like Rule of Policy and of State have all great Monarchies used ever since that is to say to shew most Favour to such Subjects as be most strangers and farthest from them and on the contrary side if any be to be pressed more than others to press and burthen them most that be most natural and nearest home and most under and in subjection and surest to obey and this is evidently seen felt and practised by all the great States this day of the World so as it cannot be denied For if we look but into France we shall find that the States of Gascony and Guyene which are farthest off from the Court and were once strangers and gotten by force from the English do pay far less Tributes at this day to the French King than those that be of the Isle of France it self and are properly French and in like manner the Britons which came to that Crown by Marriage and were old enemies do pay much less yet than the Gascoyns and in a manner do pay nothing at all and the Normans do pay somewhat more than any of the two for that they do lie somewhat nearer to Paris and thereby are more in subjection to the Prince though yet they pay less than the natural French-men The Candians also which is an Island apart and standeth under the Venetians do not pay the third part of the Impositions as by my own information I learned when I travelled Italy that do the natural subjects of the Venetian state in Italy What shall I say of the Kingdoms and States of Naples Sicily and Millain subject to the King of Spain called the Alcavallâ— which is the tenth penny of all that is bought and sold nor are they subiect to the Inquisition of Spain at lâ—est Naples and Millain nor to many other Duties Tributes and Impositions which the natural Spaniard is subject unto nor is there any Law or Edict made in Spain that holdeth in those Countries except it be allowed ratified and confirmed by those States themselves nor may any of their old Priviledges be infringed but by their own consents and when the King requireth any extraordinary Subsidies in Spain they bear no part thereof Whereupon these men do ask what it hurteth these States that they are strangers or under Strangers or what priviledge is it to the Spaniard at home that he is only under his home-born King if if he he receive less benefits by that than doth the Stranger And is not the like also used by the State of England towards Ireland are not the Favours and Indulgences used towards the Civil Irish that live in peace much more than to the English themselves in England For first their Taxes and Payments be much less the Laws of England bind them not except they be allowed and received by their own Parliament in Ireland For matters of Religion they are pressed much less than home-born Subjects albeit their Affections to the Roman Religion be known to be much more universal than it is in England In all Criminal Affairs and punishing of Delicts the manner of proceeding against the Irish is much more remiss mild and gentle than with the Subjects of England so as their being strangers seems rather a Priviledg than an hindranc eunto them But in no other Countrey is this thing more evidently to be considered than in the States of Flanders and low Countries which by Inheritance as hath been said came to be under foreign Government but so much to their good and advancement and that in a very few years as scarce is credible except to him that understandeth their former state when they were under their home-born Princes and do compare it with that which after they came unto under the house of Austria united unto the Crown of Spain For before for many hundred years a man shall read nothing almost in their Histories but War Sedition and Blood-shed among themselves and this either one state with another before they were united together all under one Prince or else with the Kingdom of France of whom in those days they depended or else and this most of all against their own Princes of whom some have been so fierce and cruel unto them as they have shed infinit quantity of their Blood and among others I read of their Count de Luys that in one day he put to death five hundred of them by sentence of Justice in Bruxelâ—es and another day within the same year he caused about a thousand to be burned to death in a Church of the Town of Nevel besides his infinite others whom in divers Battels and Skirmishes he slew so as oftentimes the Countrey lay almost desolate through their domestical afflictions But now since the time that the States came to be under Philip the first Archduke of Austria and after King of Spain and so remained under his Son Charles the Emperour and his Nephew Philip the II. that now liveth until the late Troubles and Rebellions which was about the space of fifty years that they so continued in Peace before their Rebellion it is almost incredible how those States increased in wealth peace and dignity so that as Guycâ—â—rdine the Italian Historiographer noteth in his description of those Countries the whole Wealth and Riches of the World seemed to flow thither and I my self can remember to have seen such exceeding abundance in very ordinary men of this Countrey both for their Diet Apparel Furniture of House and the like as was wonderful besides that for their Nobility they were all great Princes for that every one had his Province or great Town in Government which they ruled with that Pomp and Honour as if they had been Absolute Lords themselves by reason of the far distance of their Supream Prince and so they were received with publick Honour of all Cities and Towns and their Charges Born wheresoever they passed as such High Estates wont to be And albeit they had ever commonly a Stranger for Supream Governour among them under their King which bare the name to be above them yet did he indeed nothing but as they would have him and this partly for that his time of Goverment being but short he always attended principally to get the good wills of the people and to hold them contenâ—ed and thereby to be grateful to his King at his return home and partly also for that if he should attempt to do any thing against their Minds and liking they
Children we shall see the like course continued for we shall see put to death within the space of four years all these following by Name the Duke of Somerset the Duke of Suffolk the Duke of Northumberland and the Lord Admiral of England Sir Miles Partridge Sir Ralph Vane Sir Michael Stanhope Sir Thomas Arundel Sir John Gates Sir Thomas Palmer Knights with divers other Gentlemen of their Retinue and all these by Natural Domestical and Home-born Princes whereas I dare adventure the greatest Wager that I can make that you shall not find so many put to death of the Nobility by any strange Prince State or Commonwealth Christian in any Foreign Dominion that they possess in many Ages together and the reason thereof is evident by that I said before neither were it policy or wisdom nor could the causes be so often nor ordinarily given by the Nobility to a Prince that were absent from them to use such Severity so as by this it may also appear that to be under a Foreign Government even in the worst kind thereof that can be devised which is to be as a Province or piece of another Kingdom and to come under it by very Conquest it self is not so dangerous a matter as at the first shew it may seem and much less to be under Foreign Government by other sweeter means of Succession or Composition as the present case of England seemeth to import in respect of those foreign Princes which do pretend to the Succession thereof And this is not only shewed and declared by the state and condition of Flanders before their tumults but in like manner it is seen by the present state of Britanny Normandy Aquitaine Provence and other Dukedoms and Countries in France that were wont to have their own particular Princes and now are much more commodiously under the Crown of France The like is seen by the States of Naples Millain Sicily Sardinia and other parts and Countries of Italy which were wont to be under Kings and Princes of their own and now are under the Crowns of Aragon and Castile with infinite odds of peace rest security and wealth then they were before when they had domestical Princes and so themselves do confess I mean the wise and dispassionate among them for of the Vulgar in this case no account is to be made and if they should deny it yet the thing speaketh it self and the publick Histories of their Countries would convince them wherein it is to be read what Phalaris what Dionysius and other homeâ—born Tyrants Sicily for example hath had and suffered and with what infinite cruelty they and divers others of their own Governours have exercised upon them as also what continual turmoils there were in the City of Naples and in all that Kingdom for many years together after it self fell from the Government first of the Roman Empire and then of the Grecian until it came to the Crown of Aragon I mean between their own domestical Kings now of the Blood of Italians now of the Normans now of the Hungarians and now of the French for of all these Lines there have reigned among them and the Realm was a perpetual prey to Souldiers and the very like may be said of Millain after their fall from the Roman Empire under which they lived quiet and prosperously until they came again to be under the Crown of Spain they passed infinite Tribulations first by the contention of their common People against their Nobility and then by the Bloody falling out of their chief Families the one against the other to wit the Furiani Visconti Marcelli Castilioni and Ssorzi which Family last of all prevailed he I say that shall remember this and then behold the present state with the quiet peace safety and riches wherein they now live will now live wiâ—l easily confess that they have changed for the better though they be under Foreign Government and thus much of this point There remaineth to speak a word or two about the second part of the Question before proposed and included partly in this which already hath been treated to wit whether it be better to be under a little or great King which question though it may be decided in part by that which before hath been alledged about being under a foreign Prince yet more particularly to make the same plain these men do say that the reasons be many and evident to prove that the subjection to a great and mighty Monarch is far better First for that he is best able to defend and protect his Subjects And secondly for that he hath least need ordinarily to pill and pole them for that a little King be he never so mean yet must he keep the State of a King and his subjects must maintain the same and if they be but few the greater will the burthen be of every one in particular And thirdly for that a great and potent Prince hath more to bestow upon his Subjects for reward of Vertue and Valour than hath a poor and seeing that every particular subject born within his Princes Dominions is capable of all the Prefermenes which Princes State or Kingdom do yield if he be worthy of the same it is a great Prerogative say these men to be born under a potent Prince that hath much to give which they declare by this example following A man that is born in the City of Genoua or Geneva for both are Cities and States within themselves let him be of what ability or worthiness soever yet can he hope for no more preferment than that Commonwealth and State can give and if there should be many worthy men born there at one time then were this his condition worse for then must he part also with other men though there were not sufficient for himself and the most he could aspire unto if he were an Ecclesiastical man were the greatest Benefice within that State and on the other side if he were a Temporal man he could not hope for much for that the State hath it not to bestow but another that is born under a great Monarch as is the King of France or Spain in these our dayes that hath so many great Bishopricks for Examples sake and other Spiritual Livings to bestow upon the Clergy and so many high Governments and Employments both of War and Peace to give unto Temporal men that can deserve the same This man I say hath a great Advantage of the other in respect of preferment at this day but much more was it in old time to be born under the Roman Empire when it had the preferments of all the World to bestow for that every subject thereof was capable of all the said preferments so far forth as he could make himself worthy and deserve the same For better explication of which point yet I have thought good to cite in this place the words of a certain Learned Knight that in our dayes hath written the Lives
to live among us with Forces either present or so near as that without resistance he may call them when he listeth and of this he needeth no more proof say these men than the Examples before alledged of the Danes and Normans and the Misery and Calamity which for many years the English passed under them and furthermore the reason hereof is evident say these men for first in this third kind of admitting a stranger King we are deprived by his dwelling amongst us of those Utilities before mentioned which Ireland Flanders Britany Naples and other States enjoy by living far off from their Princes which Commodities are much more Liberty and Freedom less Payments less Punishments more Employments of the Nobility and others in Government and the like And secondly by his coming Armed unto us we cannot expect those Commodities which before I touched in the second kind of Foreign Government but rather all the Incommodities and Inconveniences that are to be found either in domestical or foreign Governments all I say do fall upon this third manner of admitting a Stranger as easily shall be seen For first of all the greatest Incommodities that can be feared of a domestical Prince are pride cruelty partiality pursuing of Factions and particular hatred extraordinary advancing of his own kindred pressing pinching and over-rigorous punishing of his People without fear for that he is ever sure of his party to stand with him within the Realm and so hath the less respect to others and for that all these inconveniences and other such like do grow for the most part by the Princes continual presence among his Subjects they are incident also to this other though he be a stranger for that he is also to be present and to live among us and so much the more easily he may fall into them than a domestick Prince for that he shall have both external counsil of a People that hateth us to prick him forward in the same which two motives every domestical Prince hath not Again they say that the worst and greatest Incommodities of a foreign Government that may be feared are tyranny and bringing into servitude the People over whom they govern and filling of the Realm with Strangers and dividing to them the Dignities Riches and Preferments of the same all which they say are incident also by all probability to this third-kind of foreign Government where the Prince Stranger liveth present and hath Forces at hand to work his will and this is the case say they of the King of Scots who only of any foreign Pretender seemeth may justly be feared for these and other reasons alledged before when we talked of his pretence to the Crown To conclude then these men are of opinion that of all these three manners of being under Strangers or admitting foreign Government this third kind peculiar as it were to the King of Scots Case is to be only feared and none else for as for the second they say that it is not only not to be feared or abhorred but rather much to be desired for that of all other sorts it hath the least inconveniences and most Commoditiâ—s for which causes we read and see that where Kings go by Election commonly they take Strangers as the Romans and Lacedomonians did often at the beginning and after the beginning of the Roman Monarchy their foreign born Emperours were the best and most famous of all the rest as Trajan and Adrian that were Spaniards Septimius Severus born in Africa â—onstantine the Great Natural of England and the like and the very worst that ever they had as Caligula Nero Heliogabolus Commodus and such other like Plagues of the Weal publick were Romans and in our days and within a few years we have seen that the Polonians have chosen three Kings Strangers one after another the First Stephen Battorius Prince of Transilvania the Second Henry of France and last of all the Prince of Swecia that yet liveth and the State of Venetians by way of good Policy have made it for a perpetual Law that when they have War to make and must needs chuse a General Captain and commit their Forces into his Hands he must be a stranger to wit some Prince of Italy that is out of their own States hereby to avoid partiality and to have him the more indifferent and equal to them all which yet so many prudent men would never agree upon if there were not great reason of Commodities therein so as this point is concluded that such as speak against this second kind of having a foreign Prince speak of passion or inconsideration or lack of experience in matters of State and Commonwealths As for the first manner of being under foreign Government as a Member or Province of another bigger Kingdom and to be governed by a Deputy Viceroy or strange Governour as Ireland Flandâ—rs Naples and other States before-mentioned be with certain and stable Conditions of Liberties and Immunities and by a form of Government agreed upon on both sides these men do most confess also that there may be Arguments Reasons and Probabilities alledged on both sides and for both parties but yet that all things considered and the inconveniences hurts and dangers before rehearsed that Subjects do suffer also oftentimes at the hands of their own natural Prince these men are of opinion for the causes already declared that the Profits are more and far greater than the damages or dangers of this kind of foreign Government are and so they do answer to all the Reasons and Arguments alledged in the beginning of this Chapter against foreign Government that either they are to be understood and verified only of the third kind of foreign Government before-declared which these men do confess to be dangerous or else they are founded for the most part in the errour and prejudice only of the vulgar sort of men who being once stirred up by the name of Stranger do consider no further what reason or not reason there is in the matter and this say these men ought to move these men little for as the common people did rise in tumult against the French for example in Sicilia and against the Danes in England so upon other occasions would they do also against their own Countreymen and oftentimes have so done both in England and other where when they have been offended or when seditious Heads have offered themselves to lead them to like Tumults so that of this they say little argument can be made The like in effect they do answer to the Examples before alledged of the Grecian Philosophers and Orators that were so earnest against Strangers And First to Aristotle they say that in his Politicks he never handled expressly this our Question and consequently weighed not the Reasons on both sides and so left it neither decided nor impugned and he that was Master to Alexander that had so many foreign Countries under him could not well condemn the
same and as for Demosthenes no marvel though he were so earnest against King Philip of Macedonia his entry upon the Cities of Greece both for that he was well fed on the one side by the King of Asia as all Authors do affirm to the end he should set Athens and other Grecian Cities against King Philip as also for that his own Commonwealth of Athens was governed by popular Government wherein himself held still the greatest sway by force of his Tongue with the People and if any King or Monarch of what Nation soever should have come to command over them as Philip's Son King Alexander the Great did soon after Demosthenes should have had less authority than he had for that presently he was banished and so continued all the time that Alexander lived But if we do consider how this State of the Athenians passed afterward under the great Monarchy of Alexander and other his followers in respect that it did before when it lived in liberty and under their own Government only he shall find their State much more quiet prosperous and happy under the Commandment of a Strangers than under their own by whom they were continually tossed turmoiled with battels emulations and seditions and oftentimes tyrannized by their own People as the Bloody Contentions of their Captains Aristides Themistocles Alcibiades Pericles Nicias and others do declare and as it is evident among other things by their wicked Law of Ostracismus which was to banish for ten years whosoever were eminent or of more wisdom wealth valoâ—r learning or authority among than the rest albeit he had committed no crime or fault at all And finally their having of thirty most horrible and bloudy Tyrants at one time in their City of Athens instead of one Governour doth evidently declare the same say these men and do make manifest how vain and foolish an imagination it was that vexed them how to avoid the Government of Strangers seeing that no Strange Governour in the World would ever have used them as they used themselves or so afflict them as they afflicted themselves To the Objection out of Deuteronomy where God appointeth the Jews to chuse a King only of their own Nation these men do answer that this was at that time when no Nation besides the Jews had true Religion among them which point of Religion the Civilian hath well declared before in his last discourse to be the chiefest and highest thing that is to be respected in the admission of any Magistrate for that it concerneth the true and highest End of a Commonwealth and of all humane Society and for that the Gentiles had not this Ornament of true Religion but were all destitute generally thereof the Jews were forbidden not only to chuse a King of the Gentiles which might pervert and corrupt them but also to company converse or eat and drink with them and this was then but yet afterward when Christ himself came into the World and opened his Church both to Jew and Gentile he took away this restraint so as now all Christian Nations are alike for so much as appertaineth unto Government And consequently to a good and wise Christian man void of passion and fond affection it little importeth as often before hath been said of what Countrey Nation or Lineage his Governour be so he Govern well and have the parts before required of Piety Religion Justice Manhood and other the like requisite to his Dignity Degree and Charge by which parts and vertues only his subjects are to receive benefits and not by his Countrey Generation Lineage or Kindred and this is so much as I have to say at this time about this Affair CHAP. X. Other Secondary and Collateral Lines and how extream doubtful all these Pretences be and which of all these Pretenders are most like to prevail in the end and to get the Crown of England AFter the Lawyer had ended his Discourse about Foreign Government he seemed to be somewhat wearied and said he would pass no further in this Affair for that he had nothing else to say but only to note unto them that besides these principal Titlers of the five Houses mentioned of Scotland Suffolk Clarence Britanny and Portugal there were other Secondary Houses and Lines also issued out of the Houses of Lancaster and York as also of Glocester Buckingham and some other as may appear by the Genealogies set down before in the II. and III. Chapters of which Lines said he there may be perhaps oonsideration and also by Commonwealth when time shall come of choice or admission the matter standing so as the Civilian hath largely declared and shewed before which is that upon such just occasions as these are the Commonwealth may consult what is best to be done for her good and preservation in admitting this or that Pretender seeing that this is the end why all Government was ordained to benefit the Publick And for so much as there is such variety of Persons Pretendents or that may pretend in the five Houses already named as before hath been declared which Persons at least do make some dozen more or less and that besides these there want not others also of Secondary Houses as is evident as well by the former Discourse as also by the Arbor that of these matters is to be seen the Lawyer turned to affirm that the doubtful who shall in the end prevail for that besides the Multitude before-named of Pretenders he avouched very seriously that after all this his Speech he could not well resolve with himself which of all these Titles in true Right of Succession was the best and much less which of the Titlers was likest to prevail and this I presume the Lawyer told them of himself for that he did easily foresee and imagine that after all these Arguments on every side alledged he should be requested by the Company as vehemently he was to put down his opinion what he thought and judged of all the whole matter hitherto discussed and of every mans pretence in particular Which in no case he could be brought to do for a long time but refused the same utterly and craved pardon and yielded many Reasons why it was not convenient and might be odious But all would not serve to acquiet the Company which with all earnest importunity urged him to satisfie their Request and so upon large and earnest Entreaty he was content in the end to yield to this only that he would lay together by way of discourse the probabilities of every side and lastly set down in two or three Propositions or rather Conjecturs his private guess which of them in his judgment was likest to prevail First then he began to say that the probabilities of prevailing or not prevailing of every one of these Pretenders in the next Succession of the Crown of England these Pretenders may be considered and measured either in respect of the party of Religion that was like
in England to favour him and his pretence or else in respect of his own particular Family Friends and Allies both at home and abroad And for that the Party of Religion is like to weigh most and to bear the greatest sway and most potent suffrage and voice in this action and that with reason according to that the Civilian hath proved at large in the last of his Discourses therefore shall I also quoth the Lawyer first of all then treat of this point of Religion in this my last Speech It is well known said he that in the Realm of England at this day there are three different and opposite Bodies of Religion that are of most bulk and that do carry most sway and power which three Bodies are known commonly in England by the names of Protestants Puritans and Papists though the latter two do not acknowledge these Names and for the same cause would not I use them neither if it were not only for clearness and brevities sake for that as often I have protested my meaning is not to give offence to any Side or Party These three Bodies then quoth he do comprehend in effect all the Force of England and do make so general a division and separation throughout the whole Land in the hearts and minds of their Friends Favourers and followers as if I be not deceived no one thing is like so much to be respected in each Pretender for his advancement or depression as his Religion or inclination therein by them that must assist him at that day and are of different Religions themselves And more I am of opinion said he that albeit in other changes heretofore in England as in the entrance of King Edward and Queen Mary and of this Queens Majesty that now is divers men of different Religions did for other respects concurr and joyn together for these Princes advancement notwithstanding that afterwards many of them repented the same which is to be seen in that for King Edward all the Realm without exception did concurr and for Queen Mary it is known that divers Protestants did by name and among other points it is also known that Sir Nicholas Throgmorton a fervent Protestant in those days being of King Edward's Privy Chamber did not only advise her of the sickness and decay of King Edward from day to day but also was the first that sent an express Messenger to advise her of her Brother's death and what the two Dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk did contrive against her and that with such celerity that King Edward dying but on Thursday night the 10 th of July the Lady Mary was most certainly advised thereof by Saturday morning next and that very early in Kenning-hall-Castle of Norfolk 80. Miles off and divers other Protestants did assist her also in that her Entry as in like manner all those of the Roman Religion without exception did assist her Majesty that now reigneth after the decease of the said Queen Mary and this was then But I am of opinion that matters will fall out far otherwise at the next Change and this partly peradventure for that the titles of Succession in the Pretenders are not so clear but rather much more doubtful now than they were then and partly or rather principally for that men in time are come to be of more resolution and determination in matters of Religion and by contention and pursuing one the other are become more opposite and enemies and more desirous of revenge and further also than this those that be of milder and better condition and have not these passions in them yet by Reason and Experience they do see the great absurdity and inconvenience that ensueth by that a man of one Religion should give aid to the advancement of a Prince of a contrary Religion to that which himself doth esteem and hold for only truth which in him that so doth cannot be denied but that it is a point of little zeal at the least if not contempt of God and of Religion or of plain atheism as others will call it And moreover I remember that the Civilian before in the end of his Speech inveighed also much against this point and shewed that besides lack of Conscience and Religion it was in like manner against all humane wisdom and policy to favour a pretender of a different Religion from himself and this for divers reasons that he laid down which reasons I confess prevailed much with me and I do allow greatly of that his opinion and assertion which averred that the first respect of all others ought to be GOD and Religion in this great Affair of making a King or Queen and that without this no Title whatsoever ought to prevail or be admitted by Christian men and that the Cities of France at this day do not amiss but justly and religiously so long as they are of that Religion that they are to stand against the King of Navarr though otherwise by descent they do confess his Title to be clear and evident for that he is of contrary Religion to them Wherefore seeing that the very same Case is like or rather certain to ensue one day in England and that it is most probable that each Party of the Realm will stand most upon this Point that is to say upon the defence and advancement of their Religion and of such a King as shall be known to favour the same that themselves be of let us examin a little if you please quoth he what force ability each of these three Bodies of Religion now mentioned is like to be of at that day in England for effectuating or promoting this purpose of a new King And first to begin with the Protestant as with him that hath the sway of Authority and present Power of the State in his favour no doubt but that his force will be also great at that day said he and especially if he can conceal for a time the decease of her Majesty untill he may be able to put his Affairs in order but this is holden to be either impossible or very hard for the different judgments and affections which are not thought to be wanting in the Court Council and Princes Chamber it self whereof we saw the effect as before I told you at the death of King Edward which was as much endeavoured to be kept as ever any was and as much it imported the Concealers and yet within not many hours after had the Lady Mary most certain notice thereof â—y those that were opposite to her in Religion as I have shewed before so ardent are mens minds in such occasions and so capable of new impressions designments and desires are all kind of subjects upon such great changes A chief Member of the Protestant Body as you know for Wealth and Force is the Clergy of England especially the Bishops and other men in Ecclesiastical Dignity which are like to be a great Back to this Party at that
of these that followed David's Retinue pursued by Sâ—ul and his Forces which is to â—ay that all that be â—ffended grieved or any way discontented with the present time be they of what Religion soever do easily joyn with these men according to the old saying Sâ—latium est miseris socios habere miseriae besides that there is ever lightly a certain natural compassiâ—n that followeth in men towards those that are thought to suffer or be pursued and this oftentimes in the very enemy himself and then of compassion springeth as you know affection and of affection desire to help as contrariwise do rise commonly the contrary effects to wit emulation envy and indignation against the prosperity of him that pursueth and is in prosperity And for that in so great and populous a Realm and large a Government as this of Her Majesty hath been there cannot want to be many of these kind of discontented men as also for that naturally many are desirous of Changes it cannot be supposed but that the number of this sort is great which maketh this Party far the bigger Moreover it is Noted that the much dealing with these men or rather against them and this especially in matters of their Religion for these latter Years paâ—â— hath much starred them up as also the like is to be noted in the Puritan and made them â—ar more â—â—ger in defence of their Cause according to to the saying Nitimur in vetitum semper and as a little brook or river though it be but shallow and run never so quiet of it self yet if many barres and stops be made therein it swelleth and riseth to a greater force even so it seemeth that it hath happened here where also the sight and remembrance of so many of their Seminary Priests put to death for their Religion as they account it hath wrought great impression in their hearts as also the notice they have received of so many Colledges and English Seminaries remaining yet and set up of new both in Flanders France Italy and Spain for making of other Priests in place of the Executed doth greatly animate them and holdeth them in hope of continuing still their Cause and this at home As for abroad it is easie to consider what their Party and Confidence is or may be not only by the English that live in exile and have their Friends and Kindred at home but also principally by the affection of foreign Princes and States to favour their Religion whose Ports Towns and Provinces lie near upon England round about and for such a time and purpose could not want commodity to give succour which being weighed together with the known inclination that way of Ireland and the late Declaration made by so many of the Scotish Nobility and Gentlemen also to favour that Cause all these Points I say put together must needs perswade us that this Body is also great and strong and like to bear no small sway in the deciding of this controversie for the Crown when the time shall offer it self for the same And so much the more for that it is not yet known that these are determined upon any Person whom they will follow in that action nor as it seemeth are they much inclined to any one of the Pretenders in particular wherein it is thought that the other two Parties either are or may be divided among themselves and each part also within it self for that so different persons of those Religions do stand for it but rather it is thought that these other of the Roman Religion do remain very indifferent to follow any one that shall be set up for their Religion and is likest to restore and maintain the same be he Stranger or Domestical which determination and union in general among if they hold it still and persevere therein must needs be a great strength unto their Cause and give them great sway wheresoever they shall bend at that day as by reason is evident And so much of this matter It remaineth then that after these Considerations of the three Bodies in general we pass to view of each Family House and Person pretendent in particular and therein to contemplate what may be for him and what against him in this pretence and pursuit of the Crown And to begin first of all with the King of Scotland as with him who in vulgar opinion of many men is thought to be first and foremost in this action by way of Succession albeit others do deny the same and do make it very doubtful as before hath been declared yet if we do consider not his Title for of that we have spoken sufficiently before in the 5 th Chapter but other circumstances only of his Person State Condition and the like of which points only we are to treat in this place then must we confess that as on the one side there are divers points that may further him and invite men to favour his cause so wants there not other to hinder the same The points that may invite are his Youth his being a King his moderate nature in that he hath shed little blood hitherto his affection in Religion to such as like thereof and the like but on the other side the reasons of State before laid against him do seem to be of very great force and to weigh much with English-men especially those of his Alliance with the Danes and dependance of the Scotish Nation And as for his Religion it must needs displease two Parties of three before mentioned and his manner of Government therein perhaps all three As for Arabella in that she is a young Lady she is thereby fit as you know to procure good wills and affections and in that she is unmarried she may perhaps by her Marriage join some other Title with her own and thereby also Friends But of her self she is nothing at all allied with the Nobility of England and except it be the Earl of Shrewsbury in respect of Friendship to his old Mother in Law that is Grand Mother to the Lady I see not what Noble man in England hath any band of Kindred or Alliance to follow her And as for her Title it seemeth as doubtful as the rest if not more as by that which hath been said before hath appeared And for her Religion I know it not but probably it can be no great Motive either against her or for her for that by all likelyhood it may be supposed to be as tender green and flexible yet as is her age and sex and to be wrought hereafter and settled according to future events and times In the House of Suffolk the Lord Beacham and the Earl of Darby have the difference of Titles that before hath been seen and each one his particular reasons why he ought to be preferred before the other and for their other Abilities and Possibilities they are also different but yet in one thing both Lords seem to be like that being
power of the Party Puritan and much of the Protestant this Earl was thought to be in very great forwardness But now these great Pillers being failed and no Issue yet remaining by the said Countess his Wife no man can assure himself what the success will be especially seeing that of the three Bodies of different Religions before described it is thought that this Earl hath incurred deeply the hatred of the one and perhaps some jealousy and suspicion of the other but yet others do say and no doubt but that it is a matter of singular importance if it be so that he is like to have the whole Power of London for him which City did prevail so much in advancing the Title of York in King Edward the IV. his time as it made him King twice to wit once at the beginning when he first apprehended and put down King Henry the VI. and the second time when he being driven out of the Kingdom by his Brother the Duke of Clarence and Richard Earl of Warwick he returned from Flanders upon hope of the favour of the Londoners and was in deed received favoured and set up again by them especially and by the helps of Kent and other places adjoining and depending of London and so it may be that the Favourers of this Earl do hope the like success to him in time by this potent City For the Houses of Britanny and Portugal I shall joyn them both together for that they are strangers and the Persons thereof so nigh linked in kindred affinity and friendship as both their Titles Forces and Favours may easily be joyned together and imparted the one with the other as to themselves shall best appear convenient The Lady Infanta of Spain pretendent of the House of Britanny is eldest Daughter of King Philip as all the World knoweth and dearly beloved of him and that worthily as all men report that come from thence for that she is a Princess of rare parts both for Beauty Wisdom and Piety The two young Princes of Parma I mean both the Duke and his Brother the Cardinal are Imps in like manner of great expectation and divers ways near of kin to the said King for that by their Fathers side they are his Nephews that is the Children of his Sister and by their Mothers side almost as near for that they are Nephews of his Uncle Prince Edward Infant of Portugal In like nearness of Blood are the Dutchess of Bragansa and her Children unto the said King which Children are many as hath been shewed and all of that rare vertue and valour and of that singular affection unto the English Nation as it is wonderfull to hear what men write from those Parts and what others do report that have travelled Portugal and seen those Princes and tasted of their magnificent liberality so as I have heard divers rejoyce that are affected that way to understand that there do remain such Noble Off-spring yet in Foreign Countries of the true and ancient Blood Royal of England What the Powers and Possibilities of all these Princes of the House of Portugal be or may be hereafter for pursuing their Right shall not need to be declared in this place for that all the World doth know and see the same yet all seemeth to depend of the Head and Root which is the King of Spain himself and the young Prince his Son whose States and Forces how and where they lie what alliance friends subjects or followers they have or may have it is easy to consider but what part or affection of men they have or may have hereafter in England it self when time shall come for the determining of this matter no man can tell at this present and what Plots agreements compartitions or other conclusions may be made at that day time only must teach us so as now I know not well what to say further in this Affair but only commend it to God's High Providence and therefore I pray you quoth the Lawyer let me end with this only that already I have said and pardon me of my former promise to put my opinion or guess about future matters and what may be the success of these Affairs for besides that I am no Prophet or son of Prophet to know things to come I do see that the very circumstances of Conjecture which are the only Foundation of all Prophecy which in this case can be made are so many and variable as it is hard to take hold of any of them Thus he said and fain would have left off here but that the whole Company opposed themselves with great vehemency against it and said that he must needs perform his promise made at the beginning of this Speech to give his censure and verdict in the end what he thought would be the Success of all these Matters whereunto he answered that seeing no nay would serve he briefly quit himself by these few words following First of all said he my opinion is that this Affair cannot possibly be ended by any possibility moral without some War at least wise for some time at the beginning whereof my Reasons be these that do ensue This matter cannot be disputed and determined during the life of the Queen that now is without evident danger of her Person for the reasons that all men do know importing such perils as are wont to follow like cases of declaring Heirs apparent especially her Majesty the present possessor growing now to be old and without hope of Issue This declaration and determination of the Heir apparent to the Crown if it should be made now would move infinite humours and affections within the Realm and it were to stirr coals and to cast firebrands over all the Kingdom and further perhaps also which now lie raked up and hidden in the Embers This dâ—â—â—rmination though it should be made now by Parliament or Authority of the present Prince would not end or take away the root of the controversy for albeit some that should be passed over or put back in their pretences would hold their peace perhaps for the time present yet afterward would they both speak and spurn when occasion is offered This declaration now if it were made would be hurtful and dangerous for him that should be declared for on the one side it would put the Prince regnant in great jealousy and suspicion of him and on the other side would joyn and arm all the other pretenders and their favourers against him and so we read that of two or three only that in all our Histories are recounted to have been declared Heirs apparent to the Crown they being no Kings Children none of them ever came to reign as namely Duke Arthur of Britanny Roger Mortimer Earl of March and John de la Poole Earl of Lincoln and Henry Marquess of Exeter as before hath been declared Again the multitude of Pretenders being such as it is and their pretentions so
ambiguous as hath been declared it is to be presupposed that none or few of them will presently at the beginning cast away their hope and forego their Titles but will prove at least wise what friends shall stand unto them and how matters are like to go for or against them especially seeing they may do it without danger no Law being against them and their Rights and Pretences so manifest that no man can say they do it of ambition only or malice treason or conspiration against others and for this essay or first attempt Arms are necessary Moreover if any man in process of time would forego or give over his Title as it is to be imagined that divers will at length and many must for that one only can speed yet to the end he be not suddenly oppressed or laid hands on at the beginning by his adversary party or made away as in such cases is wont to succeed it is very likely that each Pretender for his own safety and defence will arm himself and his Friends at the beginning for that better conditions will be made with armour in hands than when a man is naked or in the power of his adversary and no doubt but the more Pretenders shall stand together armed at the beginning the easier and the surer peace will be made with him that shall prevail for that they being many with whom he hath to compound he will respect them the more and yield to more reasonable and honourable conditions than if there were but one and he weak that should resist for that a fault or displeasure is more easily pardoned to a multitude and to a potent adversary then to one or two alone that are of less account And on the other side the peril of these other pretenders that should not prevail being common to them all would knit them better together for their own defence in living under the person that should prevail and reign and he would bear more regard unto them as hath been said and this both for that they should be stronger by this union to defend themselves and he that reigneth should have less cause to suspect and fear them to work treason against him for that they are many and consequently not so easy to agree between themselves who should be preferred if the other were pulled down which to the person regnant would be also a ground of much security These are my Reasons and Conjecturs why it is like that Arms will be taken at the beginning in England before this controversy can be decided My second Position and Conjecture is that this matter is not like to come easily to any great or main Battel but rather to be ended at length by some composition and general agreement and my reasons for this be these First for that the Pretenders be many and their Powers and Friends lying in divers and different parts of the Realm and if there were but two then were it more probable that they would soon come to a Battel but being many each one will fear the other and seek to fortify himself where his own strength lieth and especially towards the Ports and Sea-side for receiving of Succours as easily may be done by reason of the multitude of Competitors as hath been said which will cause that at home the one will not much urge or press the other at the beginning but every part attend rather to strengthen than it self for the time A second Reason of this is for that the foreign Princes and States round about us are like to be much divided in this matter some as Pretendents for Themselves or their Kindred and Friends and others as favourers of this or that Party for Religion so as there will not want presently offers of Helps and Succours from abroad which Succours albeit they should be but mean or small at the beginning yet will they be of much importance when the Forces at home be divided and when there shall be different Ports Harbours and Holds ready within the Land to receive and harbour them so as I take it to be most likely that this Affair will grow somewhat long and so be ended at length by some composition only and that either by Parliament and General Consent of all Parts pretendents and of all three Bodies of Religion meeting together by their Deputies and treat and conclude some form of agreement as we see it practised now in France or else by some other means of Commissaries Commissioners Legatss Deputies or the like to make the conclusion with every Party asunder My third and last conjecture and for a meer conjecture only I would have you to hold it that seeing there be two sorts of pretenders whiâ—h stand for this Preferment the one Strangers the other English my opinion is that of any one Foreign Prince that pretendeth the Infanta of Spain is likest to bear it away or some other by her Title laid upon him by her Father the Kings good will and on the other side of any domestical Competitors the second Son of the Earl of Hartford or of the Issue of Countess of Darby carrieth much shew to be prefeted My Reasons for the former part about the Lady Infanta are that she is a Woman and may easily join if her Father will the Titles of Britany and Portugal together she is also unmarried and by her Marriage may make some other composition either at home or abroad that may facilitate the matter she is a great Princess and fit for some great State and other Princes perhaps of Christendom would more willingly yield and concur to such a composition of Matters by this Lady and by casting all Foreign Titles of Britanny and Portugal upon her then that the King of Spain should pretend for himself and thereby encrease his Monarchy which other Princes his Neighbours in reason of State would not so well allow or bear In England also it self if any Party or Person be affected that way he would think hereby to have the more reason and if any be against Strangers some such moderation as this would take away much of this aversion as also of Arguments against it for that hereby it seemeth that no subjection could be feared to any Foreign Realm but rather divers utilities to the Realm of England as these men pretend by the reasons before alledged in the precedent Chapter I said also that this Lady Infanta or some other by her Title and her Fathers good will was likest of all Strangers to bear it away for that if she should either dye or be married in any other Countrey or otherwise to be disposed of as her pretence to England should be disenabled before this Affair came to be tried then may her said Father and she if they list cast their foresaid Interests and Titles as divers men think they would upon some other Prince of their own House and Blood as for example either upon some of the Families of Parma or
Bragansa before mentioned or of the House of Austria seeing there wanteth not many able and worthy Princes of that House for whom there would be the same reasons and considerations to perswade their admission by the English that have been alledged before for the Infanta and the same utilities to the Realm and motives to English-men if such a matter should come in consultation and the same Friends and Forces would not want abroad to assist them For the second part of my Conjecture touching the Earl of Hartford's second Son or one of the Countess of Darbyes Children my Reasons be First for that this second Son seemeth to be cleared in our former Discourse of that Bastardy that most importeth and nearest of all other lieth upon those Children which is for lack of due proof of their Parents Marriage for which defect they do stand declared for illegitimate by publick sentence of the Archbishop of Canterbury as before hath been declared from which sentence this second Son is made free by the arguments before alledged and therein preferred before his elder Brother And secondly for that this younger Son is unmarried for any thing that I do know to the contrary which may be a point of no small moment in such an occasion as hath been noted divers times before for joining or fortifying of Titles by Marriage and for making of compositions of Peace and Union with the opposite Parties And finally for that this second Son being young his Religion is not much talked of and consequently every Party may have hope to draw him to their side especially he being also free as I have said to follow what he shall think best or most expedient for his own advancement without knot or obligation to follow other mens affections or judgments in that point as he would be presumed to be if he were married or much obliged to any other Family I do name also in this second Point the Children of the Countess of Darby first for that in truth the probabilities of this House be very Great both in respect of their Descent which in effect is holden as it were clear from Bastardy as before hath been shewed and then again for their nearness in degree which by the Countess yet living is nearer to King Henry the VII by one degree than any other Competitor whatsoever Secondly I do name this Countess Children and not her self for that I see most men that Favour this House very willing and desirous that some of the said Countess Children should rather be preferred than she her self and this for that she is a Woman and it seemeth to them much to have three Women reign one after the other as before hath been noted so as they would have her Title to be cast rather upon one of her Children even as upon like occasion it hath been shewed before that the Spaniards caused the Lady Berenguela Niece to King Henry the II. to resign her Title to her Son when she should have succeeded by nearness of Inheritance and as a little before that the State of England did after King Stephen unto King Henry the I. his Daughter Maude the Empress whom they caused to pass over her Title to her Son Henry the II. though her own Right should have gone before him by nearness of Succession as also should have done by Orderly Course of Succession the Right of Margaret Countess of Richmond before her Son King Henry the VII as before hath been proved but yet we see that her Son was preferred and the like would these men have to be observed in the Countess of Darby Lastly I do name the Children of this Countess in general and not the Earl of Darby particularly above the other though he be the eldest for two respects First for that his younger Brother is unmarried which is a circumstance whereof divers times occasion hath been offered to speak before and therefore I need to add no further therein And secondly for that divers men remain not so fully satisfied and contented with the Course of that Lord hitherto and do think that they should do much better with his Brother if so be he shall be thought more fit yet are these things uncertain as we see but notwithstanding such is the nature and fashion of man to hope ever great matters of Youths especially Princes God send all just Desires to take place and with this I will end and pass no fupther hoping that I have performed the effect of my Promise made unto You at the beginning FINIS A Perfect and Exact Arbor and Genealogy of all the Kings Queens and Princes of the Blood-Royal of England from the time of William the Conquerour unto our time whereby are to be seen the grounds of the Pretenders to the same Crown at this day according to the Book of R. Doleman set forth of the said Pretenders and their several Claims in the year 1594. THe Antient Houses of the Blood-Royal of England are the House of Lancaster that bears the Red Rose and the House of York that bears the White And then the House of Britany and France joyn'd in one And out of these are made Five particular Houses which are the House of Scotland of Suffolk of Clarence of Britainy and of Portugal And there are 12 different Persons that by way of Succession do pretend each one of them to be next after Her Majesty that now is as by the Book appears 1. Wil. the conqueror reigned 1066. The House of Flanders Robert 1st Son put back by his Brethren 2. Wil Rufus 2d Son of the Conquerour 1087. Wil. D. of Norm E. of Flan. slain before Alest 3. Henry I. 3d. Son of the Conquerour 1101. Mathild married H. V. and then Gâ—ffry D. of Anjon The House of Bloys Consta eldest Daughter married to Alain Fergant D. of Britan Adâ—la 2d daughter married to Steven Earl of Blâ—ys 4. Steven B. of Bloys and Bulloin reigned 1135. The House of Succession of Britany Conan II. D. of Britany surna med Le Gross Hâ—â—l disinherited by his Father Berthaâ—eir to Conan married to Eudo E. of Pâ—rret Conan III. D. of Britany Son to Bertha Const. mar 1st to Ges â— Son to H. II. aâ—d after to Guy Viseâ— Touan Alice heir of Britany married to the E. of Druce Isabel second Daughter of Constance The House of France Hen. 1st Son crown'd but died in his Fathers days 6. Richard I. 2d Son reigned 1190. Arth. D. of Brit. slain by his Uukle Jo. in Roan Cast. Geffry 3d. Son Duke of Britany by his Wife 5. Henry II. Duke of Anjou reigned 1254. 7. John 4th Son of Henry II. reigned 1200. Elean eldest Daughter married to K. Alfonsus IX of Casâ—â—ile Blanch eldest daughter c Heir marri'd to Lâ—w VIII of France Lewis VIII K. of Fr. chosen K. of Eng. in place of John depriv'd Lewis IX K of France from whom descendeth â— Infan of Sp. The first Antient House of
Queen of Spain Garib l. 13. cap. 10. An. 12â—7 An English Queen Grand-mother to two King Saints at once Another breach of Succession The Cord is put back from the Crown 1276. Garabay l. 15. c. 1. an 1363. Many alterations of Lineal descent Don John the first bastard King of Portugal Garib l. 15. c. 22 l. 34. c. 39. Of the State of France An 419. An. 751. An. 988. Examples of the two Ranks of French Kings King Pepin by Election An. 751. King 〈…〉 〈…〉 â—â—â—â—lan 〈◊〉 an â—8 Eginard Belfor li. 2 cap. 5. The Uncle preferred before the Nephew Paul Mili hist. Franc. King Luys de bonnaire An. 814. Gerard. l. 5. An. 834 An. 840. An. 878. Baudin en la Chronique pag. 119. Gerard l. 1 An. 879. Two Bastards preferred An. 881. Luys Faineant King of Foance An. 886. Charles 4. le Gros King of France Gerard. li. 5. An. 888 Odo a King and after Duke of whom came Hugo Capetus Ralph I. King of France An. 927. An. 929. Luys IV. d' Outremer The true Heir of France excluded Hugh Capet otherwise Snatchcape 988. Belfor li. 3. cap. 1. An. 988. Defence of Hugh Kapetus Title The Embassage of the States of France unto Charles of Loraine Gerard l. 6. an 988. Note this comparison Example out of the third time of France Gerard. li. 6. an 1032. King Henry preferred before his elder Brother William Conquerour how he came to be Duke of Normandy Gerard l. 6. anno 1032. 1037. Sons excluded for the Fathers offences Gerard l. 7. ann 1110 Belfor l. 4. c. 1. l. 5. Commaeus in commentar l 1. in vita Ludovic 11. Examples of the Realm of England Divers Races of English Kings The name of England and English King Egbert the first Monarch of England Polidor hist. Aug. li 4. in fine An. 802. King Pepin of France King Adelwolfe An. 829. King Alfred 872. King Edward Elder An. 900 King Aleston the Bastard preferred An 〈◊〉 〈…〉 hist. Angl. Stow pag. 130. An. 924. King Edmond I. An. 940. The 〈◊〉 preferred before the Nephews 946. Polid. l. 6. Stâ—w in 〈…〉 〈…〉 King Edward martyrized King Etheldred 978. Polid. l. 7. hist. Aug. King Edmond Ironside Queen Emma Mother to King Edward the Confessor Many breaches of Lineal Succession Sons of King Edmond Ironside King Canutus the First 1018 King Harald the Bastard 1038. Polyd. l 8. hist. Angl. King Hardiâ—anutus Anno 1041. Alfred the younger Brother preferred King Edward the Confessor made King against Right of Succession Prince Edward the Outlaw and his Children put back Polyd. l. 8. Harald second King by Election 1066. Polid. ubi sâ—p 〈…〉 of England An. 1066. by Election Gerard. li. 6. An. 1065 Chron. 〈◊〉 l. 3. cap. â—4 Antoninus part 2. Chron. tit 16. cap. 5. §. 1. Examples after the conquest Polyd. in vita Gul. Conq. William Rufus King An. 1087. Henry I. An. 1100. Mathild the Empress King Stephen entred against Succession An Act of Parliament about Succession 1153. King Richard and King John 1190. Prince Arthur put back Two Sisters of Prince Arthur Duke of Britain King John and his Son rejected 1216. The Titles of York and Lancaster The conclusion of this Chapter Causes of Excluding Princes Who must be Judge of the lawful cause of Exclusion Open injustice to be resisted What are the chief points to be regarded in â— Princes admission Whence the Reasons of admitting or rejecting a Prince are to be taken Gerard. li. 3. de l' Estat pag. 242. Three principal Points to be considered Why â—e resolveth to treat of Religion principally The chief end of a common-wealth supernatural Philosophers and Law-makers what end they had of their Doings The commonwealth of Beasts The natural end of Mans commonwealth Sacrifices and Oblations by Nature Gen. 8. Job 1. The chief end of a common-wealth and Magistrates is Religion Genebrard l. 1. Chronol de l. aetate Genes 25. 29. Deut. 21. 2 Parali 21. Regard of Religion among Gentiles Cicero li. 1 quaest Tus. de natuâ—a Deorum lib. 1. Plâ—tâ—rch adverses 〈◊〉 Aristo l. 7. Polâ—ti c. 8. The aâ—sâ—rd 〈…〉 Politicks See before the Oaths made by Princes at their Coronations in the IV. Chapter The Oath to Governours for defence of Religion Collat. 2. Novella constit Justin. 8. tit 3. Note the form of this Oath written An. Dom. 560. How great a defect is want of Religion in a Magistrate Lack of Religion the chiefest cause to exclude a Pretender Vide Digest li. 2â— tit 1. leg 8. 10. Matth. 1â— Marc. 10. 1 Cor. 7. Lib. 4. deceret Greg. tit 19. c. 7. Whether difference in Religion be infidelity Act. 23. 1 Cor. 8. 2 Cor. 5. 1 Pet. 3. Matth. 18 How he that doth against his own conscience Rom. 14. 1 Cor. 14. 10. See upon this place of S. Paul S. Chrysost. hom 36. in hanc epistolam Orig. l. 10. Theodor. in hunc locum How dangerous to favour a Pretender of a contrary reli Against Wisdom and Policy to prefer a Prince of a contrary Religion The conclusion of the whole Speech A protestation of the Lawyer Why they will not determin of any one Title The Book of Hales and Sir Nicholas Bacon The but of â—â—lâ—s his â—â—â—k 〈◊〉 Râ—â—son 〈…〉 The Book of M. Morgan and Judge Brown Answer to the I. Reason To the II. Reason Highinton's book George Lilly in fine Epit. chronic Anglic Sundry important Points Divers other Nots and Pamphlets Sir Richard Shelly Francis Peto A Treatise in the behalf of 〈◊〉 Infanta of Spain Discent of William the Conqueror The Children of the Conqueror Polid. l. 9. in fine Stow in vita Guliel The miseries of Duke Robert and his Son Stow in vit Gul. Conquest William Son of Duke Robert Belfor l 3. cap. 42. An. 1128. King William Rufus Tareagnotta l. 2. del Hist. del mondo K. Henry Polydor. in vita Henrici 1. The House of Britain by the elder Daughter of the Conqueror Belfor l. 3. Pag. 423. Conan Duke of Britain Poysoned by William the Conqueror Belâ—or l. 3. Cap. 12. Aâ— 1095. ex chronic dionis The Daugh of Spain â—re of the â—loud Royal of England The Houses of Bloys Why Stephen was admitted King of England Girard l. 6. Belfor l. 3. The Issue of K. Stephen K. Henry the II. Belfor l. 3. cap. 50. An. 1151. Geraâ—d l. 8 pag 549 King Henry II. his Issue Stow in vita Hen. King Richard Duke Geffrey Paradyn apud Belforest Belfor l. 3. cap. 71. An. 1203. Belfor l. 4. cap. 4. King John and his Issue Miseries that fell upon King John Poâ—i l. Hollâ—â—g 〈◊〉 Stow â—n vita Johannis The issue of King Henry II his Daâ—â—â—ters 〈◊〉 l. 3. c. â—9 〈◊〉 115â— The Issue of Lady Eleanor Queen of Spain Polyd. l. 15. in vit Johan Steph. Garib l. 12. cap. 31. Queen Berenguela Garibay l. 12. c. 52. Pretences of the Infanta of Spain to English French States K. Henry â—he 3. and his
so hath she also to limit the same with what Laws and Conditions she pleaseth whereof ensueth the great diversity of Authority and power which each one of the former Governments hath as for example the Councils of Rome were but for one year other Officers and Magistrates were for more or less time as their Common-wealth did alot them The Dukes of Venice at this day are for their Lives except in certain cases wherein they may be Deposed and those of Genua only for two years and their Power as I have said is very small and much limited and their Heirs have no claim or pretence at all after them to that Dignity as the Children and next of Kin of other Dukes of Italy have though in different sort also For that the Dukedoms of Farara Vrbin and Parma are limited only to Heirs Male and for defect thereof to return to the Pope or See of Rome Florence and Mantua for like dedefects are to return to the Empire and do not pass to the Heirs Female or to the next of Kin as Savoy and some others do And now if we respect God and Nature as well might all these Governments follow one Law as so different for that neither God nor Nature prescribeth any of these particular Forms but concurreth with any that the Common-wealth it self appointeth and so it is to be believed that God and Nature concurred as well with Italy when it had but one Prince as now when it hath so many and the like with Germany and the like also with Switzerland which once was one Common-wealth only under Dukes and Marquesses of Austria and now are devided into thirteen Cantons or Common-wealths under Popular Magistrates of their own as hath been said So as when men talk of a Natural Prince or Natural Successor as many times I have heard the word used if it be understood of one that is born within the same Realm or Countrey and so of our own natural blood it hath some sense though he may be both good or bad and none hath been worse or more Cruel many times then home born Princes But if it be meant as though any Prince had his particular Government or Interest to succeed by Institution of Nature it is ridiculous for that Nature giveth it not as hath been declared but the particular Constitution of every Common-wealth within it self and so much for this first point which must be the ground to all the rest that I have to say CHAP. II. Of the Form of Monarchies and Kingdoms in Particular and the different Laws whereby they are to be Obtained Holden and Governed in divers Countries according as each Commonwealth hath Chosen andâ— Established ALL that hitherto hath been spoken hath appertained to all Princely and Supream Government in general but now for that our matter in question is concerning the Succession to a Kingdom good reason that we should reduce our Speech unto this Form of Government in particular First of all then is to be considered that of all other Forms of Government the Monarchy of a King in it self appeareth to be the most excellent and perfect and so doth hold not only Aristotle in his forenamed Books of Politiques and namely in his third with this only condition that he govern by Laws but Seneca also and Plutarch in his Morals and namely in that special Treatise wherein he dicusseth An seni sit Respub tractanda whether an old man ought to take upon him the Government of a Common-wealth or no Where he saith that Regnum inter omes Respub consumatissima prima est a Kingdom is the most perfect Common-wealth among all other and the very first That is to say the most perfect for that it hath most Commodities and least inconveniences in it self of any other Government and it is the first of all other for that all people commonly made this choice at the beginning of this kind of Government so as of all other it is most Ancient for so we read that among the Syrians Medes and Persians their first Governours were Kings and when the Children of Israel did ask a King at the hands of Samuel which was a thousand years before the coming of Christ they alleadged for one reason that all Nations round about them had Kings for their Governours and at the very same time the chiefest Cities and Commonwealths of Greece as the Laceaemonians Athenians Corinthians and others whereof divers afterwards took other Governments unto themselves for the abuses in Kingly Government committed at that time were governed by Kings as at large proveth Dionysius Halicarnessas Cornelius Tacitus Cicero and others The Romans also began with Kings as before I have noted and the reason of this is for that as our Christian Doctors do gather especially St. Hierome and St. Chrisostom this kind of Government resembleth most of all the Government of God that is but one it representeth the excellency of one Sun that lighteth all the Planets of one Soul in the Body that governs all the Powers and Members thereof and finally they shew it also to be most conform unto Nature by example of the Bees which do chuse unto themselves a King and do live under a Monarchy as the most excellent of all other Governments to which purpose also I have heard alleadged sometimes by divers those words of St. Peter Subjecti estoti omni humanae creaturae propter Deum sive regi quasi precellenti sive ducibus ab eo missis c Be you subject of every humane creature for Gods cause whether it be to a King as the most excellent or to Dukes sent by God for the punishment of evil men and praise of the good Out of which words some do note two points first that as one the one side the Apostle doth plainly teach that the Magistrates authority is from God by his first institution in that he sayeth we must be subject to them for Gods cause so on the other side he calleth it a humane Creature or a thing created by man for that by mans free choice this particular Form of Government as all other also is appointed in every Common-wealth as before hath been declared And that by mans Election and consent the same is laid upon some particular man or woman according to the Laws of every Countrey all which maketh it rightly to be called both a humane creature and yet from God The second point which divers do note out of these words is that St. Peter calleth a King most excellent which though it may be understood in respect of the Dukes Authority whereof immediatly there followeth mention Yet may it seem also to be taken and verified of Kingly Authority in respect of all other Governments seeing that at this time when the Apostles write this Epistle the chief Governour of the World was not called King but Emperor and therefore seeing in such a time St. Peter
affirmeth the state of Kingly Government to be most excellent it may seem he meant it absolutely signifying thereby that this is the best kind of Government among all others though to confess the truth between the Title of King and Emperor there is little or no difference in substance but only in name for that the Authority is equal every King is an Emperor in his own Kingdom And finally the excellency of this Government above all other is not only proved by the perfection thereof in it self as for that it is most Ancient Simple and conform unto Nature and most resembling the Government of God himself as hath been said but by the effects also and utility that it bringeth unto the Subjects with far less Inconveniences then any other Form of Government whatsoever if we compare them together For in the Monarchy of one King there is more Unity Agreement and Conformity and thereby also celerity in dispatching of business and is defending the Common-wealth then where many heads be less Passions also in one man then in many as for example in Democratia where the Common people do bear the chief sway which is Bellua multorum capitum as Cicero wisely said that is a beast of many Heads there is nothing but sedition trouble tumults outrages and injustices committed upon every little occasion especially where Crafty and Cunning men may be admitted to insense or asswage them with Sugred words such as were the Orators in Athens and other Cities of Greece that had this Government and the Tribunes of the people of Rome and other such popular and plausible men who could move the waves raise up the winds and inkindle the fire of the vulgar peoples affections passions or furies at their pleasure by which we see that of all other Common-wealths these of Popular Government have have soonest come to ruine which might be shewed not only by old examples of Greece Asia and Africa but also of many Cities in Italy as Florence Bolonia Siena Pisa Arezzo Spoleto Perugia Padua and others which upon the fall or diminution of the Roman Empire under which they were before took unto themselves Popular Governments wherein they were so tossed with continual Sedition Mutinies and banding of Factions as they could never have end thereof until after Infinite Murthers Massacres and Innundation of Blood they came in the end to be under the Monarchy of some one Prince or other as at this day they remain so that of all other Governments this is the worst The second Form which is called Oligarchia or Aristocratia for that a few and those presumed to be the best are joyned together in Authority as it doth participate some thing of both the other Governments to wit of Monarchia and Democratia or rather tempereth them both so hath it both good and evil in it but yet it inclineth more to the evil for the disunion that commonly by mans infirmity and malice is among those heads for which cause the States before-named of Venice and Genua which were wont to have simply this Government of Aristocratia in that their Regiment was by certain chuse Senators were inforced in the end to chuse Dukes also as Heads of their Senates for avoiding of dissention and so they have them at this day though their authority be but small as hath been said We see also by the examples of Carthage and Rome where Government of Aristocratia took place that the Division and Factions among the Senators of Carthage was the cause why Aid and Succour was not sent to Hannibal their Captain in Italy after his so great and Important Victory at Cannas which was the very cause of the saving of the Roman Empire and the loss of their own As also afterwards the Emulations Discord and Disunion of the Roman Senators among themselves in the Affairs and Contentions of Marius and Silla and of Pompey and Caesar was the occasion of all their destruction and of the Common-wealth with them Evident then it is that of all other Governments the Monarchy is the best and least subject to the Inconveniences that other Governments have and if the Prince that governeth alone and hath Supream Authority to himself as he resembleth God in this point of sole Government so could he resemble him also in Wise Discreet and Just Government and in ruling without Passion no doubt but that nothing more excellent in the world could be desired for the perfect felicity of his Subjects but for that a King or Prince is a man as others be and thereby not only subject to errors in Judgment but also to passionate affections in his will for this cause it was necessary that the Commonwealth as it gave him this great power over them so it should assign him also the best helps that might be for directing and rectifying both his will and judgment and make him therein as like in Government to God whom he representeth as mans frailty can reach unto For this consideration they assigned to him first of all the assistance and direction of Law whereby to govern which Law Aristotle saith Est mens quaedam nullo perturbata affectu it is a certain mind disquited with no disordinate affection as mens minds commonly be for that when a Law is made for the most part it is made upon due consideration and deliberation and without perturbation of evil affections as anger envy hatred rashness or the like passions and it is referred to some good end and commodity of the Common-wealth which Law being once made remaineth so still without alteration or partial affection being indifferent to all and partial to none but telleth one tale to every man and in this it resembleth the perfection as it were of God himself for the which cause the said Philosopher in the same place addeth a notable wise saying viz. That he which joyneth a Law to govern with the Prince joyneth God to the Prince but he that joyneth to the Prince his affection to govern joyneth a Beast for that mens affections and concupisenses are common also to Beasts so that a Prince ruling by Law is more than a man or a man deified and a Prince ruling by affections is less than a man or a man bruitified In another place also the same Philosopher saith That a Prince that leaveth Law and ruleth himself and others by his own appetite and affections of all Creatures is the worst and of all Beasts is the most furious and dangerous for that nothing is so outragious as Injustice armed and no Armour is so strong as Wit and Authority whereof the first he hath in that he is a Man and the other in that he is a Prince For this cause then all Commonwealths have prescribed Laws unto their Princes to govern thereby as by a most excellent certain and immutable rule to which sense Cicero said Leges sunt inventae ut omnibus semper una eadem
States of that Crown before his two Sisters that be elder then he and so likewise say these men ought John of Somerset to have done before Philippa his eldest Sister if he had been alive at that time when King Henry the sixth was put down and died and consequently his posterity which are the descendents of King Henry the seventh ought to enjoy the same before the Princes of Portugal that are the descendents of Lady Philippa his Sister Thus say the issue of King Henry the seventh But to this the Princes of the House of Portugal do reply and say first That by this it is evident at least that the Dukedom of Lancaster whereof the Lady Blanch was the only Heir must needs appertain to them alone and this without all doubt or controversie for that they only remain of her Issue after extinguishing of the posterity of her elder Brother King Henry the fourth which was extinguished by the death of King Henry the sixth and of his only son Prince Edward and for this they make no question or controversie assuring themselves that all Law right and equity is on their side Secondly Touching the Succession and right to the Kingdom they say that John Earl of Somerset being born out of Wedlock and in Adultery for that his Father had an other Wife alive when he begot him and he continuing a Bastard so many years could not be made Legitimate afterward by Parliament to that effect of Succession to the Crown and to deprive Queen Philippa of Portugal and her Children born before the other Legitimation from their right and Succession without their consents for that John King of Portugal did Marry the said Lady Philippa with condition to enjoy all Prerogatives that at that day were due unto her and that at the time when John of Gaunt did Marry the said Lady Catherine Swinford and made her Children Legitimate by Act of Parliament which was in the year of Christ 1396. and 1397. the said Lady Philippa Queen of Portugal had now two Sons living named Don Alonso and Don Edwardo which were born in the years 1390. and 1391 that is six years before the Legitimation of John Earl of Somerset and his Brethren and thereby had jus acquisitum as the Law saith which right once acquired and gotten could not be taken away by any Posterior Act of Parliament afterward without consent of the parties Interessed for which they do alledge divers places of the Canon Law which for that they hold not in England I do not cite but one example they put to shew the inconvenience of the thing if it should be otherwise determined then they affirm which is that if King Henry the eighth that had a Bastard Son by the Lady Elizabeth Blunt whom he named Henry Fitz-roy and made him both Earl of Nottingham and Duke of Richmond and Somerset in the 18 th year of his Reign at what time the said King had a lawful Daughter alive named the Princess Mary by Queen Catherine of Spain if I say the King should have offered to make this Son Legitimate by Parliament with intent to have him succeeded after him in the Crown to the prejudice and open injury of the said lawful Daughter these Men do say that he could not have done it and if he should have done it by violence it would not have held and much less could John of Gaunt do the like being no King Nor was the Act of Parliament sufficient for this point it being a matter that depended especially say these men of the Spiritual Court and of the Canon Law which Law alloweth this Legitimation no further but only as a Dispensation and this so far forth only as it doth not prejudice the right of any other Neither helpeth it any thing in this matter the Marriage of John of Gaunt with Lady Catherine for to make better this Legitimation for that as hath been said their Children were not only naturales but Spurij that is to say begotten in plain Adultry and not in simple Fornication only for that the one party had a Wife alive and consequently the priveledge that the Law giveth to the Subsequent Marriage of the Parties for legitimating such Children as are born in simple Fornication that is to say between parties that were single and none of them married cannot take place here So as these men conclude that albeit this Legitimation of Parliament might serve them to other purposes yet not to deprive the Princes of Portugal of their Prerogative to succeed in their Mothers Right which she had when she was married to their Father And this they affirm to have been Law and Right at that time if the said Queen Philippa and Earl John had been alive together when Henry the sixth and his Son were put to death and that this Question had been then moved at the death of King Henry the sixth Whether of the two to wit either the said Queen Philippa or her younger Brother John Earl of Somerset by the Fathers side only should have succeeded in the Inheritance of King Henry the sixth In which case these men presume for certain that the said Queen Philippa legitimately born and not John made legitimate by Parliament should have succeeded for that by common course of â—aw the Children legitimated by favour albeit their legitimation were good and lawful as this of these Children is denied to be yet can they never be made equal and much less be preferred before the lawful and legitimate by Birth But now say these men the case standeth at this present somewhat otherwise and more for the advantage of Queen Philippa and her Off-spring For when King Henry the sixth and his Son were extinguished and Edward Duke of York thrust himself in to the Crown which was about the year of Christ 1471. the foresaid Princess and Prince Lady Philippa and Earl John were both dead as also their Children and only their Nephews were alive that is to say there lived in Portugal King Alfonsus the fifth of that name Son to King Edward which King Edward was Child to Queen Philippa and the death of King Henry the sixth of England happened in the 38 th year of the Reign of the said Alfonsus And in England lived at the same time Lady Margaret Countess of Richmond Mother of King Henry the seventh and Neece of the foresaid John Earl of Somerset to wit the Daughter of his Son John Duke of Somerset So as these two Competitors of the House of Lancaster that is to say King Alfonsus and Lady Margaret were in equal degree from John of Gaunt as also from King Henry the sixth saving that King Alfonsus was of the whole Bloud as hath been said and by Queen Philippa that was legitimate and the Countess of Richmond was but of the half bloud as by John Earl of Somerset that was a Bastard legitimated The Question then is Which of these two should have