utterly disabled from being a Justice of Peace By Parliament Ib. p. 46. the Spanish Frauds were discovered and by an Act of Parliament the two Treaties i. e. touching the Spanish Match and for restoring the Palatinate both which had cost the King and his Subjects much Money and much Blood were Dissolved and Annihilated And we may remember says the same Author That that sage Councellor of State Sir William Cecil Lord Burley and Lord Treasurer of England was oft Times heard to say He knew not what a Parliament might not do which saying was approved by K. James 1. and is cited by him in one of his publick Speeches The Parliament says one is of an absolute and unlimited Power in all Things Temporal within this Nation Sir Robers Atkins's Argument p. 50. Bract. fo 34. Fleta p. 2. 17. Another says Parliamentum omnia potest Bracton and Fleta both affirm Rex habet Superiorem in Regno Scilicet Curiam suam i. e. Comites Barones doubtless the Lords and Commons qui apponuntur Regi ut si Rex sine Fraeno i. e. sine Lege fuerit Debent ei Fraenum apponere c. Nay some great Authors have asserted Quod Concilium hoc i. e. Parliamentum Facultatem habet Deponendi Regem Malum Substituendi Novum See Mat. Paris per Watts pag. 498. Knighton de Eventibus Angliae p. 2683. in the Decem. Scriptores and that this Power is claimed ex antiquo Statuto c. Knighton has a remarkable Passage concerning the Execution of that antient Statute in the Cases of E. II. and R. II. which at this Time I forbear to Transcribe or Translate Note It appears by Mat. Paris p. 99. c. That the Commons were then i. e. 15 H. II. summoned to the Parliament held at Clerkenwell and that they also were a Part of the Parliament in the Time of K. H. I. See before p. 34. 35. c. CHAP. IV. Of the House of Lords in general THE House of Peers Rushw eol vol. 3. part 1. p. 777. are the hereditary Counsellors of the King and Kingdom as the House of Commons are the representative Body of the whole Commons of the Kingdom There certainly cannot in the whole World be seen a more illustrious Court Nalson 566. than this high and honourable Assembly of Peers in Parliament nor any Thing of greater Benefit and Advantage to the Subjects of this Monarchy No Lord of Parliament can sit there Sir Simon d'Ewes's Jour 11. Col. 1. till he be full One and twenty Years unless by special Grace of the Prince and that very rarely unless they be near upon the Age of Twenty one Years at least A Bishop elect may sit in Parliament Ibid. ante 3 4 43 44. as a Lord thereof i. e. if called thereto by Writ Q. For he is not properly a Peer or even a Bishop till his Temporalties are granted to him If the King by his Writ calleth any Knight or Esquire to be a Lord of the Parliament 4 Inst 44. he cannot refuse to serve the King there in communi illo Consilio for the Good of his Country It lies in the Favour of the Prince Sir Simon d'Ewes Journal 2.4 Col. 2. to make Heirs of Earldoms Members of the upper House by summoning them thither by Writ but then they take not their Place there as the Sons of Earls but according to the Antiquity of their Fathers Baronies The Archbishop of Canterbury is the first Peer of the Realm Id. 140. Col. 1. The Earl-Marshal's Place in Parliament is betwixt the Lord Chamberlain Id. 535. Col. 2. and the Lord Steward See the Statute No Man ought to sit in that high Court of Parliament 4 Inst 45. but he that hath Right to sit there If a Lord depart from Parliament Id. 44. without License it is an Offence done out of the Parliament and is finable by the Law 4 June 1642 Rushw Col. Vol. 3. part 1.737 Post upon an Order of the House of Lords to those Lords that had left the Parliament and repaired to the King at York requiring their Appearance as Delinquents in the Answer they returned to it there are these Words We do conceive that it is the apparent usual and inherent Right belonging to the Peerage of England that in the highest Misdemeanors whatsoever no Peer is to answer to the first Charge but in his own Person and not upon the first Charge to come to the Bar. Any Lord of the Parliament 4 Inst 12. by License of the King upon just Cause to be absent may make a Proxy 43 Eliz. 1601 Towns Col. 135. Vide Sir Simon d'Ewes Journal 605. agreed by the Lords That the antient Course of the House is That the Excuses of such Lords as shou'd happen to be absent from the House upon reasonable Occasions ought to be done by some of the Peers and not by other Information Anno Domini 1626 Rushw Col. Vol. 1. p. 365. 2 Car. 1. resolved upon the Question by the whole House Nemine dissentiente That the Priviledge of this House is That no Lord of Parliament the Parliament sitting or within the usual Time of Priviledges of Parliament is to be imprisoned or restrained without Sentence or Decree of the House unless it be for Treason or Felony or refusing to give Surety of the Peace N. B. This was upon the King's having committed the Earl of Arundel to the Tower without expressing the Cause of his Commitment All the Priviledges which do belong to those of the Commons House of Parliament Hakewell 82. a fortiori do appertain to all the Lords of the upper House for their Persons are not only free from Arrests during the Parliament but during their Lives Nevertheless the original Cause is by Reason they have Place and Voice in Parliament And this is manifest by express Authorities grounded upon excellent Reasons in the Books of Law A Proxy is no more than the constituting of some one or more by an absent Lord Sir Simon d'Ewes Journals 5. Col. 2. to give his Voice in the upper House when any Difference of Opinion and Division of the House shall happen for otherwise if no such Division fall out it never cometh to be question'd or known to whom such Proxies are directed nor is there any the least Use of them save only to shew prove and continue the Right which the Lords of the upper House have both to be summon'd and to give their Voices in the same House either in their Persons or by their Proxies As many Proxies as any Peer hath Ibid. Col. 2. so many Voices he hath beside his own and if there be two or three Proxies constituted by one absent Lord as is frequent then always the first named in the same is to give the Voice if he be present and if absent then the second sic de reliquis It is plain by the antient Treatise Ibid. 6. Col. 1. Modus tenendi Parliamentum That if a Peer neither came to the Parliament nor sent
less than the united Consent of all and every Person of the Kingdom and under this Notion its Power is Unlimited and Universal its Authority is the most unerring and firm support of Monarchy and Government and has been ever used as the only Expedient to accommodate the differences of Pretenders and Competitors to arbitrate and decree not only the Right and Possession but even the Inheritance and Reversion of the Regal Power to succour and defend the King and Kingdom against all possibility of Injury or Incroachment that might be Intended against or Usurped upon it or its Authority to decree the Nations Liberties ascertain Property and to establish an unquestionable Peace and Security to all the People both from the danger of Grievances at Home or the Assaults of foreign Power In this capacity it hath Power above the Law itself Hollinshead c. 1. vol. 1. p. 173. having Power to alter the common Law of England to declare the meaning of any doubtful Laws to repeal old Patents Grants or Charters and Judgments whatsoever of the King or any other Court of Justice if erroneous or illegal and extends so far as finally to oblige both King and People to punish Offenders of all Sorts to examine into the corruptions of Religion and either to disanul or reform it Anno 1626. 2. Rushw Coll. vol. 1. p. 245. Car. the Commons in their Remonstrances declare that it hath been the antient constant and undoubted Right and Usage of Parliaments to question and complain of all Persons of what degree soever found grievous to the Common-Wealth in abusing the Power and Trust committed to them by the Sovereigns a Course approved of by frequent Presidents in the best and most glorious Reigns appearing both in Records and Histories c. In 30. E. 3. 7. H. 4. Rot. Parl. N o 31 32. the Parliament accused John de Gaunt the King's Son and Lord Latimer and Lord Nevil for misadvising the King and they went to the Tower for it In 11. Rushw Ib. p. 627. H. 4. N o 13. the Council are complained of and are removed from the King for that they mewed-up the King and disuaded him from the common Good In 4. H. 3. 27. E. 3. 13. R. 2. the Parliament moderateth the King's Prerogative and nothing grows to an Abuse says Sir Edward Coke but the Parliament hath Power to treat of and Correct it And King James the 1st Idem p. 62â— put the Commons assembled in Parliament in mind that it would be the greatest unsaithfulness and breach of Duty to his Majesty and of the Trust committed to them by the Country that could be if in setting forth the Grievances of the People and the Condition of all the Petitions of this Kingdom from whence they come they did not deal clearly with him without sparing any Persons how near and dear soever they were unto him if they were hurtful or dangerous to the Common-Wealth The most High and Absolute Power of the Realm of England Sir Tho. Smith's Common-wealth l. 2. c. 2. p. 72. Arcana Parl. 1. consisteth in the Parliament For as in War where the King himself in Person the Nobility the rest of the Gentility and the Yeomanry are is the Force and Power of England So in Peace and Consultation where the Prince is to give Life and the last and highest Commandment the Barony or Nobility for the higher the Knights Esquires Gentlemen and Commons for the lower part of the Common-wealth the Bishops for the Clergy be present to advertise consult and shew what is good and necessary for the Common-wealth and to consult together and upon mature deliberation every Bill or Law being thrice read and disputed in either House the other two parts first each a part Ibid p. 73. and after the Prince himself in presence of both the Parties doth consent unto and alloweth that it is the Prince's and whole Realm's Deed whereupon justly no Man can complain but must accommodate himself to find it good and obey it Thus the concurrent Consent of these three Estates when reduced to writing Inst Leg. p. 34. and pass'd in Parliament is as it were a Tripartite Indenture between King Lords and Commons and that which is so done by this Consent is called firm stable and sanctum and is taken for Law As to the Power of Parliaments Sir Tho. Smith ibid. Arc. Parl. 2. Vide Crompt Jur. 3. 1. It abrogateth old Laws 2. Maketh new Laws 3. Giveth order for things past 4. Directs things hereafter to be followed 5. Changeth Right and Possessions of private Men. 6. Legitimateth Bastards 7. Establisheth Forms of Religion 8. Altereth Weights and Measures 9. Giveth Form of Succession to the Crown 10. Defineth of doubtful Rights whereof is no Law already made 11. Appointeth Subsidies Tallies Taxes and Impositions 12. Giveth most free Pardons and Absolutions 13. Restoreth in Blood and Name 14. And as the highest Court condemneth or absolveth them who are put upon their Trial. In short Ibid. all that ever the People of Rome might do either Centuriatis Comitiis or Tributis the same may be done by the Parliament of England which representeth and hath the Power of the whole Realm both the Head and Body For every Englishman is intended to be there present either in Person or by Procuration and Attorny of what preheminence state dignity or quality soever he be from the Prince be he King or Queen to the lowest Person of England And the Consent of the Parliament is taken to be every Man's consent As to its Power over both the Statute and Common Law of this Realm Rastal's Statutes fol. 546. 25 H. 8. c. 21. you will be best informed of it from the memorable words of an Act of Parliament itself viz. Whereas this Realm recognizing no Superiour under God but only the King hath been and is free from Subjection to any Man's Laws but to such as have been devised made and ordained within this Realm for the Wealth of the same or to such other as by Sufferance of the King and his Progenitors the People of this Realm have taken at their free Liberty by their own Consent to be used amongst them and have bound themselves by long Use and Custom to the Observance of the same not as to the Observance of the Laws of any Foreign Prince Potentate or Prelate but as to the Custom and antient Laws of this Realm originally established as Laws of the same by the said Sufferance Consents and Custom and none otherwise It standeth therefore with Natural Equity and Good Reason that all and every such Laws Humane made within this Realm by the said Sufferance Consents and Custom that the King and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons representing the whole State of this Realm in the most High Court of Parliament have full Power and Authority not only to dispence but also to authorize some Elect Person or Persons to dispence with those and all other Human Laws of
Vide ante Brig-bote Here-fax Here-geld c. Tho' we may well conclude those Customs and Duties to have been originally granted by Assent of the Commons in a Parliamentary Assembly as 'tis certain Peterpence Danegeld Spelman ib. Horngeld c. were As to Peterpence Idem in Verbo Romascot See Fedus Edvardi and Guthurui c. 6. LL. Edgari c. 4. LL. Caunti c. 15. LL. Hen. 1. c. 12 c. In verbo Subsidium otherwise called Romescot and Romefee whether the same was first granted by King Ina as is generally said or by King Offa as others affirm 'tis plain a Parliamentary Consent was had thereto as the Laws touching the Regulation of the same doe manifestly prove And as to Danegeld c. Sir Henry Spelman says The Danes having oppressed the Land King Egelred i. e. Ethelred in the Year 1007 yeilded i. e. by consent of Parliament to pay them for obtaining Peace 10,000 l. which was after encreased to 36,000 l. then to 113000 l. and lastly to a yearly Tribute of 48,000 l. and for the raising of this Tax Note this Tax appears to have been promoted by some Church-men who tis probable shared the plunder Splem ut Supra every Hyde or Plough Land was charg'd with 12 d. Yearly Church Lands excepted and thereupon twas called Hydage which Name was afterwards apply'd to all Taxes and Subsidies imposed on Lands but if the Tax was laid on Cattle 'twas call'd Horn-geld The Normans says the same Author called these sometimes from the Latin and Greek Word Taxes and sometimes from their own Language Tallagia signifying to cut or divide from as the Word Excise doth at present and sometimes they denominated 'em according to the usual Words beyond Sea Auxilia and Subsidia Ayds and Subsidies and accordingly W. 1. had those Taxes or Tallages and made Laws for the manner of Levying them Vide LL. W. 1. p. 125. Rights of the Kingdom 115. But this also seems to be by pretence or colour of I cannot call it a free Parliament But to return to the Saxons and their manner of granting Aids and Taxes Hist Aethelwerdi Li. 3. we may observe that King Egbert who is generally said to have been the first Monarch of England seems to have attained his Conquests and Extent of Dominion chiefly by the extraordinary Aids and Supplies granted by his Commons See Ingulph p. 6.12.17 and that by the same Means he was enabled so vigorously to Repel the Danes c. To this purpose we meet with a Passage in the History of Croyland viz. That this King confirmed a grant of Lands to that Abby coram Pontificibus Majoribus totius Angliae i. e. as I apprehend before the Prelates Peers and greater Commons of all England who as the History saith were then met together at London consulting how to provide Aids and Supplies contra Danicos Piratas c. The whole Passage proves this Transaction to have been in a general Council or Parliament met purposely for the raising of new Aids and the Word Majores seems plainly to intend the Representatives of the Commons and to be of a lower Degree than the proceres or Temporal Peers Vide Bed Hist And that the Commons attended at that Consult may not only appear from divers of the Names Subscribed to that Charter But 'tis also evident from Bede and other antient Authors that the Word Majores was then used to signify such Officers and Magistrates as we now Term Sheriffs of Counties and Mayors or Bailiffs of Towns and Cities And tho' the Word Danegelt Ingulph is not quite so antient as the Time of K. Egbert yet that the first grant thereof was with consent of the Commons appears from the Laws of Edward the Confessor Hoveden who first remitted it it having been diverted from its Original and true Institution the very Cause ceasing under the Kings of the Danish Race who notwithstanding continued the Tax and which tho' remitted by the Confessor was afterwards revived by the Conqueror See Laws of W. 1. as a proper Expedient for augmenting regal Power and yet this Revival seems also to be by consent of or under colour of a Parliament But further In the abovementioned History of Croyland Hist Ingulphi ad Annum 855. there is a remarkable Charter made by Ethelwulph the West Saxon King who was Son and Successor to K. Egbert and the Father of his four Successors i. e. Ethelbald Ethelbert Ethelfred and Alfred Rights of the Kingdom p. 84 85. The Charter itself imports a grant of Lands Tythes c. to that Abby and in the Body of it is said to be made cum Consilio Episcoporum Principum c. and is Subscribed by and in the presence of the Kings of Mercia and East Anglia Omniumque Archieporum Episcoporum Abbatum Ducum Comitum Procerumque totius Terre aliorumque Fidelium infinita Multitudine Qui omnes Regio Chirographo Laudaverant A pregnant Instance of a Saxon Parliament compos'd of Kings Lords and Commons and of the concurrent Assent of the three Estates in the passing of the Grant I cannot here forbear observing an Expression in that Introduction to the Laws of K. Alphred which might seem strange in a King at this Day where speaking of his Establishing those Laws See Wilkins p. 34 and Lambard 26. Ex consulto Sapientum Suorum By consent of his Parliament he goes on thus Fortham ic ne durst gedyrst-laecan c. for that he durst not attempt to do it otherwise and it concludes thus Ergo Ego Alphredus omnibus Sapientibus meis hic usus sum et illi dicebant quod ipsis omnibus bene placuerint ea quae Statuta Suut ut observarentur And Andrew Horn a Learned Lawyer Mirror of Justices who wrote Temp. Ed. 2. in many places of his Book Speaks of K. Alphred's Parliaments and that his Laws were made by Assent of his Great Wise Men and Commons He Expresly mentions and applauds that Law of his that Parliaments ought to be held twice Yearly and Declares the Non-observance of that grand Law of State to be one of the highest abuses of Law and Government I might here also take notice of other Parliaments of the same King Wilkins LL. Saxon p. 51. particularly that Treaty entered into between him and Guthrun the Dane which was made Ex Sapientum anglorum Consilio and I might further shew that all the Acts of State both of him and his Saxon and Danish Successors were made and transacted with the consent of the Commons as well as Consilio Magnatum But the Point is so fully proved in our antient Historians as well as in the stile used by those Princes in their Enacting of Laws that I conceive my further Endeavours to illustrate it would prove but holding a Candle to the Sun And as for the Norman Times tho' the two Williams Father and Son endeavour'd what they could to suppress the Rights of the Commons yet we find on the Death of the latter the
a Speech spoken by him in the House he shou'd be sent to the Tower during the Parliament or presently after Darryel was sent for by the Serjeant to answer it to the House and upon Testimony of it he was committed to the Serjeant till Thursday following and then to acknowledge his Fault or to be committed to the Tower 16 Junij 1604 Ibid. Complaint being made of one Thomas Rogers a Currier dwelling in Colemanstreet for abusing Sir John Savil in slanderous and unseemly Terms upon his Proceedings at a Committee in the Bill touching Tanners c. he was sent for by the Serjeant at Arms to the Bar to answer his Offence Sir William Aston Rush Col. 656. Vid. Petyt 's Miscell Parl. 108. Acon 's Case Sheriff of London being examined before the Committee concerning some Matters about the Customs and not giving that clear Answer which he ought and as the House conceived he might have done was therefore committed to the Tower of London And a Question was made in the House at that Time Whether the House had at any Time before committed a Sheriff of London to Prison To which Mr. Selden made Answer That he could not call to mind a Precedent of sending one Sheriff of London to Prison but he well remembred a Precedent of sending both the Sheriffs of London to the Tower and instanced the Case One Trussel Towns Col. 20. Vid. Sir Simon d'Ewes Jour 438. Col. 1. being in Execution in one of the Compter's in London was order'd to be brought before the Committee with his Keeper without Danger of an Escape in the Execution Note the Case of Mr. W. Montague who being a Prisoner in Execution was notwithstanding elected a Burgess for Stockbridge and discharged of his Imprisonment by the House See the Case in Bohun's Collection of Debates pa. 275. to 281 where all the Precedents of this Kind are cited at large 4 Novemb. 1640 Scobel 16. upon a Report from the Committee for Priviledges That several Indentures were returned for Burgesses for the Borough of Bossinny in the County of Cornwal the one by the Mayor of the Town the other promiscuously the Committee were of Opinion upon view of the bare Indenture That Sir Charles Harbord who was return'd by the Mayor was well return'd See hereafter Ch. 12. and 13 but the House declar'd he shou'd not sit till the Election were decided 44 Eliz. 1601 the Course hath been Towns Col 297. if the House hath been desirous to see any Record the Speaker shou'd send a Warrant to the Lord Keeper to grant a Certiorari to have the Record brought into the House Decemb. 1641 Nalson 753. ordered That Mr. Speaker do write his Letters to the Mayor of Berwick enjoyning him to require such Papists and suspected Persons as reside there or make their constant Repair thither forthwith to depart the Town and to tender the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance to such as shall refuse and to proceed against them according to Law and to require him that a Guard be kept at the several Gates and that the Arms of that Place be in Readiness The like to the Mayor of Newcastle and of Hull The Commons Rush Col. 358. upon Imprisonment of their Members and the Offence taken by the King resolved to proceed in no other Business till they were righted in their Liberties See Nalson's Col. p. 3. to 21. Dec. 1641 Nalson 732. Mr. Long a Justice of the Peace sent to the Tower for setting a Guard without Consent of the Parliament A Knight 4 Inst 12. Citizen or Burgess of the House of Commons cannot by any Means make a Proxy because he is elected and trusted by Multitudes of People If the Commons accuse a Commoner of Misdemeanors Selden 's Jud. 101. in such a State of Liberty or Restraint as he is in when the Commons complain of him in such he is to answer Sir Francis Michel Seld. Jud. Ibid. and Sir John Bennet were both committed by the Commons before their Complaint to the Lords and so they answered as Prisoners but that in a Sort may be call'd Judicium parium suorum If the Commons impeach any Man Ib. 124. Ante they are in loco proprio and there no Jury ought to be only Witnesses are to be examined in their Presence or they to have Copies thereof and the Judgment not to be given until the Commons demand it The Presence of the Commons is necessary at the Parties Answer Ib. 158. Ante 56. and Judgment in Cases Capital Now one Reason for the King's Assent and the Commons Presence in such Judgments may be this Both King and People are to be satisfied for the Death of the Subject therefore all Trials for Life and Death are publick in the full Assembly of the Court and how can it be said in full Parliament when the Commons one of the States are absent Tho the Commons are not present when the Lords do consider of the Delinquents Answer and the Proofs Ib. 159. and do determine of their Judgment yet at their Return to their own Assembly they consider among themselves if the Proceedings were legal and may come again and shew it and require a Rehearing of the Cause as they did at the Judgment of the Duke of Clarence in 18 Ed. 3. In Judgments on Misdemeanors Ib. 162. Ante 58. the Presence of the Commons is not necessary unless they impeach a Delinquent prout 50 E. 3. and then they are present at all the Answers of those whom they impeach and are to demand Judgment When the Lords had determin'd one Part of the Complaint of the Commons against William Ellis touching the Wrong done to certain Scottish Merchants the Commons pray'd a general Inquiry might be made of the Residue whereof they complained Ibid. which the Lords granted When the Lord Nevil answered Id. 163. the Commons required that one Richard Love might be examined to prove that which the said Lord deny'd and so departed but two of the Commons remained and heard the Examinations and told the Lords That the said Richard had related otherwise to the Commons the Day before which the said Richard deny'd Then all the Commons came and justify'd it again and thereupon the said Richard Love confessed it and on their Demands was committed In the 10 Rich. 2. Ibid. when the Commons had Impeached the Lord Chancellor they were present at his Answer and so often reply'd and enforced his Oath against him Vid. Post 80. and required him to be committed and so he was before Judgment If the Commons do only complain Ibid. and do neither impeach the Party in Writing nor by Word of Mouth in open House nor demand Trial to be in their Presence in these Cases it is in the Election of the Lords Whether the Commons shall be present or not Issuing of Quo Warranto's out of the Court of King's-Bench Nalson 588. Court of Exchequer or any Court against Boroughs that anciently or recently sent Burgesses to Parliament to shew
disturb the House shall pay the like Forfeiture And it is further ordered that the Business then in Agitation being ended no new Motion of any new Matters shall be made without leave of the House 5 Dec. 1640. Id. 84. Ordered that no Bills have their second Reading but between Nine and Twelve 10 Dec. 1640. Id. 92. Declared for a constant Rule that those that give their Votes for the Preservation of the Orders of the House shou'd stay in and those that give their Votes otherwise to the introducing of any new Matter or any Alteration should go out 8 Sept. 1641. Id. 392. See how far an Order of this House is binding In March 1627. Rush Coll. vol. 1.513 Resolved that is the ancient and undubitable Right of every Freeman that he hath a full and absolute Property in his Goods and Estate that no Tax Tallage Loan Benevolences or other like Charge ought to be commanded or levied by the King or any of his Ministers without common Consent by Act of Parliament March 1627. Id. 513. Resolved that no Freeman ought to be detained or kept in Prison or otherwise restrained by the Command of the King or Privy-Council or any other unless some Cause of the Commitment Detainer or Restraint be expressed for which by Law he ought to be committed detained or restrained Resolv'd Id. 513. that the Writ of HabeasCorpus may not be Detain'd Deny'd but ought to be granted to every Man that is committed or detained in Prison or otherwise restrained tho' it be by the Command of the King the Privy-Council or any other he praying the same Resolved that if a Freeman be committed or detained in Prison or otherwise restrained by Command of the King the Privy-Council or any other no Cause of such Commitment Detainer or Restraint being expressed for which by Law he ought to be committed detained or restrained and the same be returned upon a Habeas Corpus granted for the said Party then he ought to be delivered or bailed 2 April 1628. Resolved Id. 523. that no Freeman ought to be confined by any Command from the King or Privy-Council or any other unless it be by Act of Parliament or by other due Course or Warrant of Law King James I. having in 1621. Rapin Vol. 2. No. 54. p. 208.209 for some Words spoken by him in the House it occasioned a Remonstrance of the Commons to the King therein complaining of Breach of Privilege and asserting their Liberty of Speech and Debate to be their antient and undoubted Right and Inheritance receiv'd from their Ancestors c. This they sent to the King by twelve Members at the Head of whom they affectedly set Sir R. Weston a Privy-Counsellor one whom they conceiv'd had incens'd the K. against them who were receiv'd very roughly and their Remonstrance rejected But some Days after the K. sends 'em a long Answer in Writing wherein towards the Conclusion he objects against the stiling their Privileges Id. p. 211. their antient and undoubted Right and Inheritance and wishes they had said i. e. commands 'em to acknowledge that their Privileges were derived from the Grace and Permission of him and his Ancestors The House on reading this Answer plainly perceiv'd the King's Aims The Commons Protestation in Vindication of their Privileges Ibid. p. 211. 212. c. and knowing the Parl. was going to be prorogued or dissolv'd drew up a Protestation in Order to vindicate their Privileges viz. The Commons now assembled in Parl. being justly occasion'd thereunto concerning sundry Liberties Franchises and Privileges of Parliament amongst others here mentioned do make this Protestation following That the Liberties Franchises Privileges and Jurisdiction of Parliament are the antient and undoubted Birth-right and Inheritance of the Subjects of England and that the arduous and urgent Affairs concerning the King the State and the Defence of the Realm and of the Church of England and the Maintenance and making of Laws and Redress of Mischiefs and Grievances which happen daily within this Realm are proper Subjects and Matter of Counsel and Debate in Parliament And that in the handling debating and proceeding in those Businesses every Member of the House of Parliament hath and of Right ought to have Freedom of Speech to propound treat reason and bring to Conclusion the same and that the Commons in Parliament have like Liberty and Freedom to treat of these Matters in such Order as in their Judgment shall seem fittest See of the Terms Parliament and Prerogative Id. p. 213. and that every Member of the said House hath like Freedom from all Impeachment Imprisonment and Molestation other than by Censure of the House it self for or concerning any speaking reasoning or declaring of any Matter or Matters touching the Parliament or Parliament-Business and that if any of the Members be complained of and questioned for any Thing said or done in Parliament the same is to be shewed to the King by the Advice and Assent of the Commons assembled in Parliament before the King give Credence to any private Information But the K. being inform'd of this Protestation call'd a Council and sending for the Commons Journal in Presence of the Judges c. with his own Hands tore it out of the Journal and in a few Days after dissolved the Parliament but this did not deter the Commons from insisting on their Claim And in his Son's Reign it was asserted with a Witness and is now confirm'd by the Claim of Right and other Statutes Mar. 12. 1700. the House Journal Dom. Com. on a Report of that Part of the K's Speech which related to the Hanover Succession agreed with the Committee in these Resolves viz. 1. That all Things relating to the well governing of this Kingdom which are properly cognizable in the P. Council shall be transacted there and all Resolutions taken thereupon shall be sign'd by the P. C. 2. That no Person whatsoever that is not a Native of England Scotland or Ireland or of the Dominions thereunto belonging or who is not born of English Parents beyond the Seas altho such Person be naturaliz'd or made a Denizen shall be capable to be of the P. C. or a Member of either H. of P. or to enjoy any Office of Place or Trust either Civil or Military P. Council 3. That no such Person c. shall be capable of any Grant of Lands Tenements or Hereditaments from the Crown to himself or any other in Trust for him 4. That upon the further Limitation of the Crown in Case the same shall come to any Person not being a Native of this Kingdom of England this Nation be not oblig'd to engage in any War for the Defence of any Dominions or Territories not belonging to the Crown of England without the Consent of Parliament 5. That whoever shall hereafter come to the Possession of this Crown shall join in Communion with the Church by Law establish'd 6. That no Pardon shall be pleaded to any Impeachment in Parliament 7. That