themselves about this Succession And seeing Experience had told them That their Clergy had a great awe and authority over the Laity so it was best then to have all their Clergy to be of the same mind and to prosecute the same Ends and they hoped that their Laity would not then be divided To which purpose they conclude of an Arch-Priest who should have a Jurisdiction over the rest who were to act according to his Rules and Instructions And in these Designs Father Parsons was a main Stickler and Contriver the Pope also had drawn up some Bulls and sent to his Nuncio in the Netherlands to divulge and spread them abroad at convenient time wherein he declared That not any though never so near in * Quantum cunque propinquitate sanguinis niterentur nisi ejusmodi essent qui fidem Catholicam non modo tolerarent sed omni ope ac studio promoverent more Majorum jurejurando se id praestituros susciperent c. Bull. Clement VIII blood should after Q. Elizabeths death be admitted to the Crown but such an one as would not only tolerate the Roman Religion but would swear to promote and resettle it and that in the mean time Cardinal Farnese might in this Island have the greater Vogue the Pope made him Protector of England as he was of other Countreys Nay rather than fail the same Pope had * 1597. D'Ossat Let. 87. formerly exhorted the French and Spaniard to unite invade England and divide it between them Nor did they neglect to instigate the Family of the Pools to have a right Yet for all these Attempts and other Endeavours of the Jesuits Winter Desmond and such like who plotted His Exclusion upon the death of the Virgin Queen Elizabeth he was proclaimed and received as the undoubted King James I. of England but of Scotland VI. However no sooner is he set in the Throne but an odd medley-Plot is agitated against him composed of such variety of Religions and Interests that it seemed to puzzel the World that such a wise man as Raleigh should be in it but that they knew Discontent would thrust a daring Spirit upon any thing to satisfie it self The main Ingredients of this Conspiracy were Henry Brook Lord Cobham seem'd to be Protestants George Brook his Brother Thomas Lord Gray of Wilton a Rank Puritan William Watson the Author of the Quodlibets where he rants dapperly against the Jesuits for their Treasons and Plots Romish Priests William Clark who had writ against Father Parsons for the same Crimes Sir Griffin Markham a Zealous Romanist Sir Walter Raleigh a States-man and Soldier and troubled with no more Religion than would serve his Interest and turn Count Arembergh Ambassador from the Arch-Duke of Austria Zealous Romanists Matthew de Lawrencie a Merchant but an Instrument employed by Arembergh And some other such like Their Designs were To set the Crown on the Lady Arabella or to seize on the King and make him grant their desires and a Pardon To have a Toleration of Religion To procure Aid and Assistance from Forreign Princes To turn out of the Court such as they disliked and place themselves in Offices Watson to be Lord Chancellor George Brook Lord Treasurer Sir Griffin Markham Secretary of State Lord Gray Master of the Horse and Earl-Marshal of England For more security Watson draweth up an Oath of Secrecy But all is discovered they are seiz'd on examined and tryed The two Priests plead James is not King because not then Crown'd But that excuse is declared idle most of them are found guilty and condemned Watson Clark and George Brook were executed the rest reprieved Gray dyed in the Tower the last of his Line Raleigh was beheaded 1618. the rest discharged of Imprisonment but dyed miserably poor Markham and some others abroad but Cobham as we are * Oshorn's Traditional Memoires of K. James p. 12 told in a Room ascended by a Ladder at a poor Womans House in the Minories formerly his Landress dyed rather of Hunger than a natural Disease I need not here speak how their * Respons ad Edictum Reg. § â—6 Card. Allen's Answer to the Execut. of Justice p. 185. Priests endeavoured to amuse the people with what Troubles there would be at the death of Elizabeth nor how to alienate the Crown they published to stir up many Titles and Pretenders divers Pamphlets as Lesley Heghington Creswell Crag a Scotch Jesuit but his Book was burnt and never printed And we are told That the Jesuits were entreated to * Is Casaubon Epist ad Front Ducaum assist in this Plot but they desired to be excused as having another Design in their thoughts which some think was meant of the Gun-powder-Treason And to all these Contrivances Father Parsons was no bad wisher OF this Parsons seeing he then made such a noise in the world and § 11. § is by those of his Order commended as one of the most holy men of his time whilst others though Romanists will look upon him no otherwise than the greatest Villain then living in the world I shall say something here the better to inform Posterity 'T is true the Industrious Dr. Thomas James almost LX. years ago undertook to write his Life and therein to set down nothing but what the Priests and Romanists themselves writ of him which accordingly he did but it containing more of Satyre than History I shall make little or no use of that Collection now so rarely to be met with for they were all bought up by the Jesuits themselves it is call'd THE JESVITS DOWNF ALL. Some Romanists have boldly asserted Parsons to have been a Bastard begotten by the Parson of the Town Stockgursee in Somersetshire and therefore call'd Parsons though they say his right name was * Or Cubhuck A. P. A Reply to a Libel call'd A brief Apol. p. 324. Cowback and this hath been in a manner generally believed But to do him what right I can I shall not be unwilling to allow here some mistakes as to the place and though upon enquiry I am informed that those Parish-Records are now lost whereby I cannot satisfie my self as well as Manifestation of folly f. 89 I would yet I shall in part be guided herein by himself and other Enquiries He was born at Nether-Stowey in Somersetshire a Vicarage in the year 1546. His Father a Blacksmith was once an Enemy to Rome but was as they say reconciled to that Church by Alexander Briant who was executed and his Mother dyed at London in the same perswasion They had XI Children this Father Parsons being the middlemost He was Dr. Sutclyf's Blessing on Mount Gerizzin p. 220 288. instructed in the Latin Tongue by John Hayward or Haywood once a Monk or Canon-Regular of the Abbey of Torr who came out of Devonshire to be Vicar of Stowey he was held a notable Twinger and suspected as kind enough with Parsons Mother lying at her House Thus fitted
so much to search out the truth as to expose another party Well the same Pamphleter proceedeth to tell us that h Id. pag. 93. If we mark well we shall find that in this last Century of years there hath been more Princes Deposed and Murthered for their Religion by these Protestants of Integritie then have been in all others since Christ's time by the Popes Excommunication or the attempt and means of Roman Catholicks i Id. pag. 98. By all which it is plain that Rome is so far from being the Author and Fountain of these Rebel-Doctrines that all Loyalty is in the Reputation of these Protestants of Integritie Popery For he would make you believe of the Romanists that they a Id. pag. 104. are to fight onely with Prayers Arms against Princes have no warrant Quis est Judex si Rex transgreditur Conditiones Regni solus Deus Who is Judge if the King transgresseth the Conditions of his Kingdom onely God Navar. Cunerus and all the Catholick Doctors that ever I have seen agree perfectly in this same sentence But who so bold as blinde Bayard And therefore whence must these Treasonable Doctrines Opinions and Practices come he will tell you and hopeth you will as freely credit him b Id. pag. 110. From Rome it cannot be for its Doctrines with the Opinions and Practices of all its Doctors are quite contrarie and all that is said against that Church in this particular is meer Calumnie And so much for this shameless Libel which is since well Answer'd by the Reverend Dr. Peter du Moulin the Learned Son of a Learned Father T. C or be who it will that was the Author of Labyrinthus Cantuariensis will by no means allow the Romanists to hold any disloyal Assertions His words are c Preface Neither doth Mr. Fisher or any of his Profession allow or use any such nets as the Relator viz. Archbishop Laud mentions that is they neither practice nor hold it lawful to dissolve Oaths of Allegiance to depose and kill Kings to blow up States for the establishing of Quod volumus c. But I would know of the Author for what things they do allow them And in another place he thus undertakes to Apologize for the Popes d Labyrinth Cant. p. 226. § 7. Nor did the Popes ever attempt or so much as pretend to bring the Emperours under them in Civil Affairs which is another aspersion the Bishop layeth upon them Gregory VIII and Innocent III were indeed very prudent men and worthy Champions of the Church to assert her just Liberties but they never endeavour'd to subject the Emperour to themselves in Temporal matters And Mr. Serjeant according to his usual way will thus in a few Idle words vindicate the Popes e J. S. Answer to Dr. Pierce's Sermon pag. 116. Nay but the Court of Rome trod upon Crowns and Scepters An Hyperbole fetcht from the Horns of the Moon When where what Crowns and Scepters Another who undertook to answer the said Sermon would gladly thus cleer the Romanists f The Primitive Rule before the Reformation in the Afternoons Exhortation pag. 18. We Catholicks declare Kings to be free from any Coercive power from their own Laws and Subjects to which they are not bound civiliter but naturaliter onely for if once a Coactive power be allowed Ex coactione sequitur saltem paritas summitatis divisio as the Civilian speaks and Kings once compell'd by their Subjects are no more Scripture-Kings Gods Kings Titular Popular Kings onely For Gods Kings saith Otho Frisigensis being above all Laws are reserved to the Divine judgement hereafter they may not be punished by the secular Laws g Id. pag. 20. As for Catholicks and their fidelitie to Kings none speak it more none advise or practice it more in all secular obediences then the Roman Pastours and the Catholicks in their Communion h Id. pag. 22 23. Yea so far is this Sea Apostolick from frequent practices of that nature upon Kings viz. to depose them of which the Reformed Churches are so guilty that it is evident more Rebellions have been rais'd against Princes for Religion onely in this last Reformed age in a few Protestant Countries then have been rais'd by Catholicks for any cause whatever in seven Ages before throughout all Christendom And whereas this Indirect Power of the See Apostolick is so much traduced as derogatorie from the Rights of Kings the Histories of this last confused Age do manifest that even this Power is and hath been rather a Fortress to Princes against their Rebellions Subjects Yet Id. pag. 22. he is unwilling to speak too plain and therefore tells us that as for the Popes Indirect Power over Kings in Ordine ad Spiritualia to Censure and Deprive Kings I leave that Question to be decided by the two Supreme Powers viz. Pope and King when occasion shall be for it And then probably our Author will declare for the Pope as some Priests did in Queen Elizabeths time anno 1582. Lastly for in these assertions a man might be endless one in his Animadversions upon Dr. Bates and his Elenchus Motuum in which the Doctor is sometimes partial or faulty this a Elenchus Elenchi pag. 17 20 21. Animadvertor I say will by all means have it to be an old and false Calumny to think that the Romanists were not always the best Subjects But words are cheap and why did he not Answer my positive proofs against it as well as make b Id. pag. 26. use of my Book to shew the villany of our Non-conformists and by them to insinuate a discredit of our Church of England to those beyond Seas who through ignorance may suppose the Presbyterians to be true sons of our Church But what they cannot answer some make it prudence to pass by with silence and then the Gentile Romanist who seldom troubles himself with reading any thing but what makes for himself faileth not to vapour that his Champion hath got the day putting most of his confidence in the Title-page seldom or never examining the honesty or exactness of the Writer Thus self-interest perswades and then assures him of the Conquest so that with him to write against the Church of England is the same to confute and confound Thus we see how they would cunningly bear the people in hand what peaceable men they are what good subjects they are and always make a noise of their Obedience and Loyalty as a main Argument to perswade our Kings to embrace their Religion But as for us of the Church of England alas we are nothing but Traytors and Rebels Treachery and Sedition being the chief Articles of our Faith whilst at Rome nothing is taught but peace and loyalty And if we must believe Father Parsons we must thus know the difference of the two Religions for with the Romanists out of England c Three Convers of Engl. part 2. pag. 581 582. All Modestie
Nardius saith We have no reason to look upon this Authority as a strange thing since f Constituit namque dominus vicarium suum super gentes Regna potestatenque ei dedit amplâ—ssimam ut evellat distâ—uat desâ—eâ—â—at aed ficet plantet B. Nard Expunctiones cap. 4. pag. 172 173. God set the Pope over the whole World not onely to establish and plaint but also to abolish and destroy And no less man than Johannes de Capistrano tell us that of this power we need not doubt it being now as g Clarum est hodie quod ex justa causa Papa potest Imperatorem deponere privare Jo. à Caâ—ist de Papae sive Ecclesiae â—â—torit fol. 61. â— clear as the Noon-day that the Pope may sometimes depose the Emperour And at this positive Doctrine none must so much as smile or seem offended for of this Book thus sings his Country-man Antonius Amicius Quis te Docte liber vel subsannare cachinno Audeat aut saevo rodere dente queat Cum graviter reseres decus sublimia sceptra Pontificis summi Conciliique simul And a great deal of ado and some money hath been spent by the Franciscans and others to get this man Sainted but how it thrives I know not As h Qâ—aest Criminale p. 173. Sect 9. Didacus Cantera from the Canon-Law so i De Beneâ—â—â—â—is lib â— cap. 4. Franciscus Duarenus by few Examples and as little Reason assert the Popes Authority in deposing Kings And I think k 〈◊〉 sâ—lâ—ct lib. 1. cap. â— paâ— 17. Antonius Possevinus will not be displeased with the Prerogative since he tells us that the Scepters of Kings humble themselves to the Popes feet and that Christian Kings are not so positively of Gods apppointment but they must have his Holiness to confirm their Crowns And l In 2. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aâ—â—◠〈◊〉 â—1 Sect. â—d â—â—â—â—â—m Franciscus Sylvius Doctor and Professor at Doway though he will not allow the Pope to depose Kings upon every toy yet he denyeth not but that there may be Reason sometimes for thus pulling down of Kings And if we consult m Loca ple 〈…〉 67. pag. â—â—6 31â— 3â—◠〈◊〉 Gregorius Polydorius we shall finde him rather to outstrip than come short of the former And this he thought would not be unpleasing to Vrban the Eighth And to this Italian we may add Antonius Cordubensis who in this cause speaks out freely that the n 〈…〉 pâ—â—â—ciâ—â—◠〈…〉 alios tollere 〈…〉 Qâ—â—st Thâ—â—lâ—g 〈…〉 Pope cannot onely do every thing that secular Princes can but also make New Princes and pull down the Old And to this Spaniard may be joyned a Theolog. Moral Tom. 2. v. Papa Sect 10. Franciscus Ghetius of Corno being of the same Opinion moved thereto by pretty Reasons viz. Example as if Emperours had not formerly done the same to Popes and because as the soul rules the body so may the Spiritual Popes triumph over Temporal Monarchs If these Arguments of this Milanois do not sufficiently convince you Rutilius Benzonius a trusty Roman will think to do it with his thrid-bare Allusion of Heretical Kings to Wolves and so they may be b Jus deponeâ—di abdicandi è solio Reges ac Principes non solum Ecclesiae sed interdum populis competere ratione exemplis osâ—â—enditâ—r Potest i. e. the Pope ipso Principes ac Reges si ex ove aut ariete evadant lupi i. e. ex Christiani fiant Haeretici privare dominio c. Rut. Benzon Com. in Canticum Magnificat lib. 3. cap. 27. dub 6. p. 134. turned from their Kingdoms not onely by the Pope but also by the people forsooth yet he would have them to take advice of his Holiness before they began their Rebellion and then I warrant you they are as surely free from that Crime we call Treason as the Chappel of Loretto of which this Author was Bishop was dapperly carryed by Angels through the Air. And in the Popes great Power in Temporals in another of his c Disput de Immunitate Eccles contra Venetos pag. 68. Books he gives us some hint And yet if after all these thwacking Arguments you do not finde your self convinced and will not believe the truth and honesty of this King-deposing Article you may assure your self to be no less than an Heretick for Johannes de Solarzano tells us plainly that not to believe that the Pope can depose Kings is and that deservedly Haec opinio merito ut Haeretica jampâ—idem damnata est Jo. de Solarz de Indiarum jure lib. 2. cap. 22. Sect. 4. too declared and damn'd for an Heresie This may be good Doctrine to preach amongst the Indians the Spaniard pleading most of his Right from the Popes Gift And so whether the Author by his Office relating to those places might be encouraged to propagate such Principles let others conclude yet probably he might have spared his dedicating of them to the present King of Spain who two to one if the State came in Question would scarce consent to the Canon let the Heresie lye where it would From the same Root doth his Country-man d In 2. 2. Tho. pag. 224. Petrus de Aragon draw his Authority that Princes may sometimes lawfully loose their Rule over their Subjects and so doth the great Portugal Lawyer e Pastoral Sollicitud part 1. p. 250. Sect. 90 91. Augustinus Barboza that the Pope can depose the Emperour f Disputat l. 3. c. 5. p. 371. Marius Alterius runs upon the same account and so doth Bishop Johan Maria Bellettus but that he thrusts up the Authority a little higher than the former affirming that this deposing of the King may not g Et non solum propter Haeresim aut Schisma sed etiam propter aliud crimen intolerabile ac etiam propter insufficientiam Jo. Mar. Bellet Disquisitio Clericalis part 1. pag. 282. Sect. 109 100. onely be for his Heresie or Schism but for any other intolerable Crime or if he be not sufficient and not fit to Rule To which there needs no Reply but what if the Lyon do judge the Fox's Ears to be Horns With all this doth agree Raymundus de Pennafuerte telling us that if he be h Non solum propter Haeresim sed etiam propter negligentiam contra Haeresim extirpandam potest non solum excommunicari ab Ecclesia sed etiam deponi suerit inutilis dissolutus negligens circa Regimen justitiam observandam S. Raym. Summa lib 1. Tit. de Haereticis Sect. 7. pag. 41. negligent to extripate Heresie to do Justice in his Government unprofitable or loose the Pope may then take his Kingdom from him Whether this Doctrine was any motive not long ago to Clement the Eighth for Canonizing this man for a Saint or those vast sums of money gather'd in Catalonia where this Raymond was born for the
Et sera ce premier Article leu par chacun an tant â—s Cours Souveraines qu' es Bailliages Seneschaucees du dit Royaume a l'ouverture des audiences pour estre garde observe avec toute severite rigueur To hinder the spreading of the pernicious Doctrine lately taught and maintain'd by some seditious spirits enemies to good Government against Kings and Soveraign Powers His Majesty shall be humbly desired that there shall be establish'd by the three Estates for a Fundamental Law of the Land to be kept and known by all men That the King being acknowledged head in his Dominions holding his Crown and Authority onely from God there is no power on Earth whatever spiritual or Temporal that hath any right over his Kingdom either to depose our Kings or dispence with or absolve their Subjects from the fidelity and obedience which they owe to their Soveraign for any cause or pretence whatever That all his Subjects of what quality or Condition soever shall keep this Law as holy true and agreeable to Gods Word without any distinction equivocation or limitation whatsoever which shall be sworn and signed by all the Deputies of the Estates and henceforward by all who have any Benefice or Office in the Kingdom before they enter upon such Benefice or Office and that all Tutors Masters Regents Doctors and Preachers shall teach and publish that the contrary Opinion viz. that it is lawful to kill and depose our Kings to rebel and rise up against them and shake off our Obedience to them upon any occasion whatever is impious detestable quite contrary to Truth and the establishment of the State of France which immediately depends upon God onely That all Books teaching these false and wicked Opinions shall be held as seditious and damnable All strangers who write and publish them as sworn Enemies to the Crown and that all Subjects of his Majesty of what Quality and Condition whatever who favour them as Rebels violators of the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and Traytors against the King And if there be a Book or discourse writ by any forraign Church-man or any other that then the Clergy of the same Orders establish'd in France shall be obliged continually to answer oppose and confute them without any respect ambiguity or equivocation upon pain to be punish'd as abovesaid as a favourer of the Enemies of the State And this Article shall be read every year in the Soveraign Courts Bayliwicks and Seneschalships of the said Kingdom and at the opening of their Courts of Audience that they may be the better preserved and observed with all rigor and severity This startles the Clergy who with the Noblesse presently set themselves against the third Estate somewhat like our House of Commons with a resolution to expunge this honest and loyal Proposition yet declared their continuable obedience to their King And as a main Engine to carry this their design about they desired Jaque Davie the famous Cardinal of Perron to endeavour to work over to them the third Estate knowing that his voluble Tongue used to be carryed on with so much Learning Judgement and Sweetness that it seldom mist of that it spoke for Accordingly attended with some Lords and Bishops as Representatives of their respective Estates and so to shew to the Commons that both the other did agree so in judgement in this case with the learned Cardinal that he spoke not onely his own but their Opinions too He though at that time somewhat indisposed went accordingly where he made a very long Speech to shew the unreasonableness and absurdity of the foresaid proposition endeavouring to prove by Reason that sometimes Kings should and by Example that they had been deposed their Subjects being justly quit from their Oaths of Allegiance and so not bound to obey them The Harangue it self being large I refer you to it in his Diverses Oeuvres Yet this Oration wrought little upon the third Estate which hugely troubled all their Cergy and the Popes Nuntio then at Paris and a Hist de Louis XIII pag. 49. Scipion Dupleix one of the Kings Historiographers can accuse the Article with manifest absurdity by which he shews his compliance with the rest in this Doctrine But the Pope Paul the Fifth shew'd himself most troubled in his Letter to Perron dated from Rome Febr. 1615. he call'd it a Detestable Decree and the voters of it Enemies to the Common good and quietness and mortal adversaries to the Chair of Rome But at the same time gives the Cardinal all the commendations and thanks that can be But our King James was not so complemental nor had he Reason For the Cardinal in his Speech having several reflections against the Government of England the cruelty of her Laws the persecution of the Roman Catholicks and shew'd himself mainly concern'd against our Oath of Allegiance which did not a little reflect upon the King himself upon which his Majesty looking upon this Cardinal as somewhat too busie in putting his Oar in another mans Boat and so concern'd to have somewhat of justice done him by his Ambassador publickly complain'd of this affront to the young King the Queen-mother and others and himself publickly answered the Speech But this was no trouble to the Cardinal who was hugely complemented and magnified from several Bishops and other great persons for this his Speech and valiantly defending the right of the Church But how to end this grand Controversie amongst the Estates was the cause of some Consultations at last the King was cunningly perswaded to take it to himself which he did affirming he understood his own Right and Possession and so forbad them to determine any thing about it However the two Estates were gallantly caressed by two Breves from the Pope stufft with Commendations and thanks for their Doctrine and valour for the Church But enough of Perron and the French Estates now in a manner neglected in that Kingdom And should we look upon our own Oath of Allegiance made onely upon a politick account for the prevention of Treason we might see it as strongly opposed and girded at as that of France For no sooner was it made that horrid Gunpowder-plot being a main Motive but Paul the Fifth absolutely forbad it to be taken by two Breves sent into England and presently began a Paper-scuffle on all sides Bellarmine Gretzer Parsons Coquaeus Scioppius and many others by might and main opposing its taking but they were instantly answered not onely by King James himself but several of his learned Subjects as Bishop Andrews Dr. Abbot Carleton Donne Prideaux Burbill Widdrington or Preston a Benedictan Monk for which there were Rods laid in piss for him by the Romanists and several others Amongst those who zealously opposed it was one Adolphus Schulckenius but whether a true name or no I know not yet he is very furious in behalf of the Popes deposing of Kings and this he tells us the Pope may do by the
hard He was adjudg'd unfit for Government And of all Regal Power and Rule debar'd For who durst contradict the b Henry IV. Dukes intent Or if they durst should patiently be heard Desire of change old wrongs new hopes fresh fear Being far the major part the cause must bear The King being thus deposed the Poet goeth on to declare how Henry the better to keep himself secure wish'd the death of Richard and how his meaning being understood the murther was barbarously accomplished Book III. § 56. He knew his time and yet he would not seem Too quick to wrath as if affecting bloud But yet complains so far that men might deem He would 't were done and that he thought it good And wish'd that some would so his life esteem As rid him of these fears wherein he stood And therewith eyes a a Sir Piers Exton Knight that then was by Who soon could learn his lesson by his eye 57. The man he knew was one that willingly For one good look would hazzard soul and all An Instrument for any villany That needed no Commission more at all A great ease to a King that should hereby Not need in this a Court of Justice call Nor seem to will the Act for tho' what 's wrought Were his own deed he grieves should so be thought 58. So foul a thing O thou Injustice art That tortrest both the doer and distrest For when a man hath done a wicked part How doth he strive t' excuse to make the best To shift the fault t'unburthen his charg'd heart And glad to finde the least surmise of rest And if he could make his seem others sin What great repose what ease he findes therein 59. This Knight but yet why should I call him Knight To give Impiety this reverend stile Title of honour worth and vertues right Should not be given to a wretch so vile But pardon me if I do not aright It is because I will not here defile My unstain'd Verse with his opprobrious name And grace him so to place him in the same 60. This Caitif goes and with him takes eight more As desperate as himself impiously bold Such Villains as he knew would not abhor To execute what wicked act he would And hastes him down to Pomfret where before The restless King convaid was laid in hold There would he do the deed he thought should bring To him great grace and favour with his King 61. Whether the soul receives intelligence By her neer Genius of the bodies end And so imparts a sadness to his sence Foregoing ruine whereto iâ— doth tendâ—â— Or whether Nature else hath conference With profound sleep and so doth warning send By prophetizing dreams what hurt is near And gives the heavy careful heart to fear 62. However so it is the now sad King Tost here and there his quiet to confound Feels a strange weight of sorrows gathering Vpon his trembling heart and sees no ground Feels sudden terror bring cold shivering Lists not to eat still muses sleeps unsound His senses droop his steady eyes unquick And much he ails and yet he is not sick 63. The morning of that day which was his last After a weary rest rising to pain Out of a little gate his eyes he cast Vpon those bordering Hills and open Plain And views the Town and sees how people past Where others liberty makes him complain The more his own and grieves his soul the more Conferring Captive Crowns with Freedom poor 64. O happy man said he that loe I see King Richards complaint in Pomfret Grazing his Cattle on those pleasant Fields If he but knew his good how blessed he That feels not what affliction Greatness yeilds Other than what he is he would not be Nor change his state with him that Scepters weilds Thine thine is that true life that is to live To rest secure and not rise up to grieve 65. Thou sit'st at home safe by thy quiet fire And hear'st of others harms but feelest none And then thou tell'st of Kings and who aspire Who fall who rise who triumphs who do mone Perhaps thou talk'st of me and dost inquire Of my restraint why here I live alone And pitiest this my miserable fall For pity must have part envy not all 66. Thrice-happy you that look as from the shore And have no venture in the wrack you see No int'rest no occasion to deplore Other mens travails whilst your selves fit free How much doth your sweet rest make us the more To see our misery and what we be Whose blinded greatness ever in turmoyl Still seeking happy life makes life a toyl 66. Great Dioclesian and more great therefore For scorning that whereto vain pride aspires Reckoning thy Gardens in Illyria more Than all the Empire all which th' earth admires Thou well didst teach that he is never poor That little hath but he that much desites Finding more true delight in that small a His Garden in Solonia a City in Dalmatia after he had resigned up the Roman Empire ground Than in possessing all the Earth was found 67. Are Kings that freedom give themselves not free As meaner men to take what they may give What! are they of so fatal a degree That they cannot descend from that and live Unless they still be Kings can they not be Nor may they their Authority survive Will not my yeilded Crown redeem my breath Still am I fear'd is there no way but death 68. Scarce this word death had sorrow uttered But in rusht one and tells him how a Knight Is come from Court his name delivered What news with him said he that trayterous wight What more removes must we be farther led Are we not sent enough yet out of sight Or hath this place not strength sufficient To guard us in or have they worse intent 69. By this the bloudy troop were at the door When as a sudden and a strange dismay Inforc'd them strain who should go in before One offers and in offering makes a stay Another forward sets and doth no more A third the like and none durst make his way So much the horrour of so vile a deed In vilest mindes hinders them to proceed 71. At length as to some great assault the Knight Cheers up his fainting men all that he can And valiantly their courage doth incite And all against one weak unarmed man A great exploit worthy a man of might Much honour wretch therein thy valour wan Ah poor weak Prince yet men that Presence fear Which once they knew Authority did bear 72. Then on thrusts one and he would formest be To shed anothers bloud but lost his own For entring in as soon as he did see The face of Majesty to him well known Like Marius Souldier at Minternum he Stood still amaz'd his courage overthrown The King seeing this starts up from where he sate Out from his trembling hand his weapon gate 73. Thus even his Foes that came to bring him death
gets hastily a company of men and makes towards the Isle Most of Barklays men were otherwise imploy'd dreaming of no such thing and himself not thinking that his plot was known did not take Knox his men though he saw them coming for enemies thus careless Knox lands and encounters him on the very shore upon which Barklay resolved not to be taken runs into the Sea and drowns himself and so there is an end of him and the Popish troubles in Scotland for this time CHAP. IV. The troubles in Ireland against Queen Elizabeth TO run through all the Rebellions of Ireland would be troublesome both to my self and Reader their whole stories and life being but an heap or chain of Troubles Riots Misdemeanors Murthers Treasons and suchlike enormities whereby they have not onely vext and molested their Governours but in the end brought ruine to the disturbers and such undertakers of disobedience Nor could any thing else be expected from the ancient Irish to whom civility and discretion were strangers but the Robbery of Cambden Britan pag. 790 791 792. others held a piece of Devotion insomuch that they never undertook such mischief without first sending up their prayers and after to give God thanks for such a good booty Though they profest themselves good Catholicks yet they supposed no small holiness to remain in Horses Hoofes and that the Lords prayer mumbled into the right ear of a sick beast was cure enough for its distemper and any man was held past living in this world if he desired to receive the Sacrament Nor need we look for many cures amongst them when to a Ric. Stanihuâ—st de â—ebus Hibeâ—n lib. 1. pag. 44. beat Eggs together to squeeze out with ones fingers the juyce of shred herbs to probe and finde out a wound were signes of an able Physitian and thus qualified he may go for an Hippocrates And no doubt but others of them were much of the discreet hardiness of b Id pag. 42. him who having received four desperate wounds and seeing his sword not hurâ— gave thanks to God that these wounds were given to his body and not to his sword And what else might be expected from those of former times when even within these few years they c Sir John Temples Hist of Iâ—ish Rebeâ—lion the Prefaâ—e ld pag. 84 threatned to burn and ruine Dublin to destroy all Records and Monuments of English Government make Laws against speaking English and have all English names changed Nay to put their thoughts into practice they endeavour'd to destroy all the goodly breed of English Cattle by killing many thousand Sheep and Cows meerly because they were of English breed and so to leave them lye stinking in the Fields and as others testifie to destroy the very Corn ' cause sown by English men And yet 't is known they had not only Government Civility and what else is praise worthy spred amongst them by the English but stately Buildings and other Ornaments of the Country whereas Dublin it self could not afford a place sit for King Henry II to lye in so that he was there forced to set up a long house composed of d Id pag. 4. Wattles after the manner of the Country therein to keep his f Riâ—h Stanibuâ—st lib 3. pag. 129. splendid Christmas But these glories and advantages some of them may think a discredit if not a ruine to their Nation and may fancie it as good to have their Kings as a Speeds Theater of Great Britain in Ireland in Vlster § 6. formerly to lap up their Coronation-sustenance without the assistance of Spoons or Hands and to sit in state naked within the bottom of a â—aldron at his Inauguration as to have Decencie and Manners Thrones or Magnificence amongst them However that which they supposed to ruine all you may guess at by this their complaint as old at least as King Edward the Thirds time as b Discovery of Ireland pag. 184. Sir John Davies supposeth c M S. F. 99 Laud p. 332. in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. ex albo libro scaccarii Dublin By granting Charters of peace To falce Englishe withouten lesse This land shall be much undoe But d Gossipred a custom amongst them of trusting too much to God-fathers as they thought their Nurces and Forster-Children akin to them as Mother and Sister Gosipride and alterage And leesing of our Language Have mickley holpe thereto The truth is above all people they hated the English being willing that French Spaniard or any body else should rule them but those who do But of their Combinations and Overtures I shall go no higher then Queen Elizabeth though this following note by the way will not be amiss a M S. F. 99. fol. 185. Land in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. Jehan du Tillet Recuil des Guerres Traitez d'entâ—e les Roys de France d' Angleterre fol. 157. Articles agreed upon between Francis I. King of France and James Fitzjohn Earl of Desmond Extracted by Tillet out of the Records in Paris Anno 1523. Francis I. King of France in a Treaty with James Fitzjohn Earl of b The French Copy calls him Jaques Conte de Cymonie Prince â—n Hybernie Desmond wherein he is stiled a Prince in Ireland It was accorded That as soon as the Kings Ships should land in Ireland the said Earl in person and at his own charge should take Armes against his Soveraign King Henry VIII not onely to conquer that part of the Kingdom wherein he lived which should be to the proper use and benefit of the said Earl except onely one Port which should be reserved for the French King for ever for to harbour his Ships in and that Port to be left at the Election of the King out of one of these three viz. d The French Copy reads thus Quinquesalle Core ou Drudal Kinsale Cork or Yoghal but also for to e As if he ever had it but no such matter restore the Duke of Suffolk to the Crown of England from whence he was banished and at the present living in France The Earl of Desmond for this War was to raise 400 Horse and 10000 Foot and if need required to increase them into 15000 or more The King Covenanted to entertain them at the rate of two Angels â—e peece for every man armed with Corsselets and Mayle for three months and for every man furnished onely with Swords and Halberts at one Angel le peece for the like time That for the draught of the Artillery which should be sent into that land by the King and the Duke of Suffolk the Earl should provide horses sufficient That after the War was begun the French King should not at any time make Truce or peace with the King of England without comprehending therein the said Earl and Turloghe O Brian with his Nephews That if King Henry VIII should after a Truce or Peace accorded make War upon the said Earl the French King
per Tho. White Mayor of Waterford These two Letters you may see in the honourable a Pacata Hibernla lib. 2. cap. 3. pag. 142 143 144 145. Sir George Carew afterwards Earl of Totnes but with some mistakes by the Printer wherefore I have followed the Authentick Manuscript Copies whence he took his And thus much for the troubles in Ireland till we come to the next Century Though here it may not be amiss to add that several of the Irish Nobility either by the Queens or their own instigations conveyed themselves over to be Instructed in our English Universities as M S. Matriculâ— Antiqua Univers Oxon. Richard Bourke Baron of Dunkellyn studies at Christ-Church after this his Brother Thomas Baron of Dunkellyn at Magdalen Colledge Bernard Orwoirk a Knights son of Conaught at New-Colledge and Thadeus Bryan an Earls son at Lincolne Colledge in Oxford and in Cambridge I finde the Lord b Sir George Paule's life of Archbishop Whitgift p. 17. § 35. Dunboy's son at Trinity Colledge under the Tuition of the then Dr Whitgift afterwards the careful and worthy Archbishop of Canterbury So at the beginning of King James his Raign Henry O Brian Baron of Bryken and his younger Brother Brian O Brian entred themselves together in Brazen-Nose Colledge in Oxford Thus was the Kingdom of Ireland by the well bringing up of their Nobility designed to be well civiliz'd that they might the more appear like men and Christians which would the better oblige them to their Queen and her Government This makes it convenient to nurture up your very Enemies the better to reclaim them in Religion Learning and Morality But Sir John Perot was out in his Politicks when he taught the Irish the use of Arms whereby they afterwards became more formidable to the English and put them to far greater troubles and straits to reduce them to obedience The end of the Sixth Book A CONTINUATION OF THE REBELLIONS AND Treasonablepractices OF THE ROMANISTS IN ENGLAND From the year MD to MDC BOOK VII CHAP. I. The Supreme HEAD of the Church King Henry VIII declared deprived of his Dominions BEing now come to England here we might finde matter year 1500 enough of the Papal malice to make up a large Volume but herein we must studie brevity and in so doing leave the particular Relation of Fights and Tumults to other Writers But first a word by the by concerning Henry VIII who procured to himself a great deal of ill will by declaring himself an absolute King over all his Subjects by being Supreme Head under Christ both of Church and State within his Dominions At this many of his Subjects boyl and grew scrupulous would finde many faults which were neither made nor intended and so cry down what was never set up Queen Elizabeth willing to give them content left out the word Head which was the main word they started at and was call'd the a 1 Elizabethae cap 1. Supream Governour of this Realm and of all other her Highness Dominions and Countries as well in Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or causes as Temporal And in the form for Bidding Prayers thus b Q Elâ—z â—â—â—â—nctions anno 155â— Supreme Governour of this Realm as well in Causes Ecclesiastical as Temporal At this the Romanists not onely took exceptions but falsely spread abroad that by this Title the Kings or Queens of England took upon them to be in c Adeâ— quidâ—m 〈…〉 in administran lis Sacramentis sacerdotalem potestatem arrogari Sanders de 〈…〉 vâ—d pag. 316 317. Insoâ—uch as if He i. e the King pleaseth he 〈…〉 personaâ—ly Râ—flâ—ctions upon the Oaths of Supremacie and Allegiâ—â—â— â—wâ—g 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Holy Orders might adminâ—ster the Sacraments and had Sacerdotal Qualifications and Authority To take away this Rub and the better to satisfie the people the Qâ—â—â—n and her Convocation published this following Interprâ—â—â—â—ion An Admonition to simple men deceived by Malitious 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Majesty being informed that in certain places of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sundry of her Native Subjects being callâ—d Ec 〈…〉 Miniâ—try of the Church be by sinister perswasion and 〈…〉 induced to finde some scruple in the form of 〈…〉 by an Act of the last Parliament is prescribed to be 〈…〉 persons for the Recognition of their Allegiance 〈…〉 which certainly never was ever meant nor by any 〈…〉 or good sence can be thereof gathered would that 〈…〉 subjâ—cts should understand that nothing was is or 〈…〉 meant or intended by the same Oath to have any other Du 〈…〉 or Bond required by the same Oath then was ackâ—â—wâ—â—â—ged to be due to the most Noble Kings of famous memorie 〈…〉 the VIII her Majesties Father or King Edward the 〈…〉 Brother 〈…〉 her Majestie forbiddeth all manner her Subjects to 〈…〉 credit to such perverse and malicious persons which 〈…〉 maliciousâ—ie labour to notifie to her loving Sub 〈…〉 of the said Oath it may be collected that the 〈…〉 of this Realm Possessors of the Crown may 〈…〉 and Power of Ministrie of Divine Service in 〈…〉 her said Subjects be much abused by such evil 〈…〉 〈…〉 her Majestie neither doth nor ever will châ—llenge 〈…〉 theâ— that was challenged and latelie used by the 〈…〉 Kings of famous Memorie King Henry the VIII and 〈…〉 VI which is and was of ancient time due to 〈…〉 of this Ream that is under God to have the 〈…〉 Rule over all manner of persons born within 〈…〉 â—ominions and Countries of what Estate ei 〈…〉 Temporal soever they be so as no other Forraign Power shall or ought to have any Superioritie over them And if any person that hath conceived any other sence of the form of the said Oath shall accept the same Oath with this Interpretation sence or meaning her Majestie is well pleased to accept everie such in that behalf as her good and obedient Subjects and shall acquit them of all manner of Penalties contained in the said Act against such as shall peremptorilie or obstinatelie take the same Oath And as if this were not authentick enough she took care that this interpretation of hers should be confirm'd by Act of Parliament in this following Proviso Provided also that the Oath expressed in the said Act made in V Elizabetha cap. 1. the said first year shall be taken and expounded in such form as is set forth in an Admonition annexed to the Queens Majesties Injunctions published in the first year of her Majesties Reign that is to say to confess and acknowledge in her Majestie her Heirs and Successors none other Authoritie then that was challenged and lately used by the Noble King Henry the eighth and King Edward the Sixth as in the said Admonition more plainly may appear And as if this were not satisfactory she provided to have the Interpretation of this Oath thus inserted amongst our Articles of Religion thereby the better to demonstrate how far we are from giving any Priestly Function to our Soveraigns XXXVII Of the Civil
Magistrates THe Queens Majestie hath the chief Power in this Realm of England Articles of Religion anno 1562. Art 37. and other her Dominions unto whom the Chief Government of all Estates of this Realm whether they be Ecclesiastical or Civil in all Cases doth appertain and is not nor ought to be subject to any Forraign Jurisdiction Where we attribute to the Queens Majestie the Chief Government by which Titles we understand the mindes of some dangerous folke to be offended We give not our Princes the Ministring either of Gods Word or of the Sacraments the which thing the Injunctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen do most plainly testifie But that onely Prerogative which we see to have been given always to all Godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself that is that they should Rule all Estates and Degrees committed to their charge by God whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and evil Doers The Bishop of Rome hath no jurisdiction in this Realm of England The Laws of the Realm may punish Christian men Taken out of King Edward VI. his Articles anno 1552. § of Civil Magistrates with death for heinous and grievous offences It is lawful for Christian men at the Commandment of the Magistrate to wear weapons and serve in the Wars And with these agree the Articles agreed upon by the Archbishops and Bishops in a Anno 1615. § 57 58 59 60 61 62. Convocation at Dublin for the Kingdom of Ireland And because at the present I cannot remember any Historian to have taken notice of it I shall assure the Reader of one Passage concerning a Convocation of Divines In King James his time the Romanists on the one hand were so busie and zealous to advance the Popedom over all Principalities and Powers that the Crown it self must be disposed according to the pleasure of that Myter And on the other hand the Presbyterian Hâ—t-spurs were so rigoroâ—sly malepart that they would advance their seditious and blockish Assemblies or rather Conventicles above all Law Reason Loyalty Royalty and Divinity it self as appears by their coâ—tinual countenancing of Rebellion and Schism against their Kings and Bishops The first kept a great deal of clutter with St. Peter and is Sâ—ccessors the latter despis'd both him and all Biâ—hops â—he first would prove out of the Prophet b Jer. 1. 10. Exâ—rav Com. c. unam sanctam Gâ—â—g de â—ajor obed c solita Jerâ—my that the Pope was set Over the Nations and over the Kingdoms to root out and to pull down to destroy and to throw down to build and to plant The latter affirm'd that they were c Psal 149. 8. Tâ—â—â—nde â—hâ—r Kings with chains and their Nobles with jeâ—lers of I on The first would tell us that the Pope d Extra 16. had two swords â—hat all must be obedient to him upon pain of damnation 〈◊〉 he excels a King as much as the Sun doth the Moon or e Dist 96. c. du sunt Gold doth Lead That f Exâ—â—â— Joh. XXII T it 5 dist 22 â— omnes Gloss God hath delivered to him the Power and â—ule not onely of Earth but of Heaven too Nay that g Concil Ediâ— Regâ—a Paris Tom. 34. pag. 440. he wâ—s above all Power both of Heaven and Earth The latter despâ—â—ed all these Rodomontado's as coming from the Whore of Babylon and the Horned Beast but would fright the poor People out of their little wits by bauling out a Curse ye Meroz curse ye bitterly the Inhabitant thereof because they came not to the help of the Lord to the help of the Lord against the Mâ—ghty And with this they would Judg. 5. 23. carry on their Cause and Presbytery Regal Authority being thus designed to be nois'd and push'd down it wanted not many famous and Learned Champions as well here as beyond Seas Nor would King James himself be onely a Spectator in this Pen-Combat but he also falls to work and slighting the railing Rabble and inferiour Pickeerers he assaults and vindicates his Right against their greatest Cardinal who at first durst not incounter his Royal Aversary in his own shape but under the disguise of Tortus In the mean time a Synod being held in the time of that vigilant and industrious Prelate Archbishop Bancroft to the Reverend Divines there met was presented a large Tract containing M S. XXXVI Chapters to prove the Soveraignty of Kings and Chief Civil Governours above the High-Priests from the Creation to the end of the Jewish State which being read in the Convocation was wholly approved of by joynt consent And then being sent down to York it also past the Convocation there as appears by the Subscriptions to the said Treatise of Constitutions in vindication of Regal Supremacie 'T is said that there was a second part of it to prove the same Authority and Supremacie from Christ to these times but whether there was any such second part or whether it past the said Convocation I shall leave to others inquiry And by the way the Reader if he pleaseth for variety sake may take our XXXVII Article as it with the rest was turn'd into Latine Verse neer threescore years ago by one Mr. John Glanvil of the University of Oxford Obtinet Imperium Majestas Regia summum Angliacis ejus sinibus atque aliis Cujus in omnimodis sacrata potentia causis Omnibus ut par est imperat Ordinibus Sive Sacerdotes sint seu Civilia tractent Munia nec peregri est subjicienda foro Nos ubi Principibus primas damus inde sinistris Mentibus ansa sui Schismatis esse solet Non tamen aeternum datur illis copia verbum Sive ministrandi Pignora sacra Dei. Legibus hoc patuit quas Elizabetha beati Nominis auspicio condidit ante suo Tale sed Imperium nostris concedimus olim Quale pâ—is tribuit Regibus ipse Deus Nempe gradus hominum soli dominentur in omnes Quos Dominus proprio subdidit Imperio Quos vel publica res capit aut Ecclesia cunctos Civilique queant ense donare malos Non habet Imperium Romanus Episcopus ullum Finibus O felix terra Britanne tuis Jura Potestatem Civilia gentis in omnes Impia patrantes Crimina mortis habent Ferre Magistratus si jusserit arma vel ipsis Christicolis etiam bella ciere licet To which the Poet afterwards subjoyns these following Verses Subditus in proprium miser ut ferat arma Monarcham Quem feriet bruto fulmine Papa jubet Non ita a Mat. 12. 17. Caesareas abrupit Christus b Mart. 17 27. habenas Papa tamen Christi gestit habere vices Falso nam pedibus tenebrarum c Ephes 6. 21. Principis instat d Luc. 4. 6. Omnia qui mendax se dare Regna refert India magniloquo dives sic cessit e Ex donatione Alexandâ—i VI.
Abbots Priors and Lady Abbesses and the whole number of these Roman-Nonconformists would not amount to 200. But waving her Religion I finde the greatest crime objected to her is her cruelty against others for their opinions in Religion and with this her Adversaries have made no little noise in the world To this I shall return some satisfaction with as much brevity as can be all this being but a digression and by the by As for several years of her Reign not one Priest had suffered death so when they did as afterwards I fear many of them are yet held for blessed Martyrs who justly dyed as wicked Traytors And in this I would have the unbyass'd Romanists but to consider That even long before the Reformation a 25 Edw. 3. cap. 2. IT was Treason to compass or imagine the death of the King the Queen or their eldest Son and Heir b Ib. It was â—reason to Leavie war against the King or to adhere to the Kings enemies or to give to the said Enemies aid or comfort c Cokes Institut part 3. chap. 36. 13 Rich. 2. Stat. 2. cap. 2. It was Felony to bring or send into the Kingdom any Summons Sentence or Excommunication against any person of what condition soever d 16 Rich. 2. cap. 5. He incur'd a Praemunire that got such Bulls or Excommunications from the Pope e Coke part 3. chap. 84. None was to go out of the Realm or beyond seas without the Kings leave or license f Of these things see more at large in Coke's Institut part 3. cap 36. and his Reports part 5. fol. 12 15 17 21 22 23 27 28. and Bishop Bramhals just vindication of the Church of England from Schism cap. 4. It was of old expresly against the Law of the Land to procure or bring in any Bull of Excommunication against any subject much more in all reason against the Soveraign in respect it gave way to Forreign Authority the Popes Excommunications according to our old Laws being of no force in England g Coke Institut part 3. cap. 67. It was not lawful for any Subject of England to take a Pension c. of any forreign King Prince or State without the Kings license although the said Princes or States be in Peace or League with England Let the honest Romanist farther consider that before any Priest did suffer death it was Enacted that a 28 Hen 8. cap. 10. and 5 Eliz. c. 1. THey should incur a Praemunire who did any ways assert or teach the Pope to have jurisdiction over or in this Kingdom b 26 Hen. 8. c. 13. It was Treason for any to write or affirm the King to be an Heretick Infidel Schismatick Tyrant or Vsurper c 13 Eliz. c. 2. It was Treason to bring procure or publish any Bull from Rome d 13 Eliz. c. 2. It was a Praemunire so to acknowledge the Popes jurisdiction as to bring or procure from him any Agnus Dei Crosses Beads or Pardons being trinkets and trifles of themselves not worth a Rush but as they are held privy Tokens of Papal Obedience or Allegiance Here we see a fair way of Caution and he is a madman and no Martyr who will needs hasten his own death when neither God nor man requires any such indiscreet Zeal at his hands Christianity and Salvation being not destroy'd by these Laws the substance of them being in force when the Romanists themselves confess England was of their side and the Law-givers declare as appears by the Prefaces to the Acts that these Regalities and Laws tended for the better Government Constitution Peace and happiness of the Kingdom of which we are to suppose them to be best Judges seeing no Article of Faith confirm'd either by the Holy Scriptures or the Primitive Church were null'd or made void by these Statutes Yet the better to expose the Queen and render her actions odious all the world over they were very careful to publish what lyes they could of her pretended cruelties amongst whom we may account John Gibbins Robert Parsons Jesuits and John Fen Priest who were the chief Authors of that Pamphlet call'd Concertatio Ecclesiae in Anglia Add to them the Book call'd Ecclesiâ—e Anglicanae Trophaea drawn in Pictures in the English Collâ—â—ge at Rome by Nicholao Circini ingraven by Jo. Bapt. de Cavalleriis and publish'd by Gregory XIII his Approbation anno 1584. where people are said to be worryed in Bears skins c. and printed by Bartolomeo Grasso To vindicate the English-Romanists from the false Aspersions and falsities against their Soveraign and Country mention'd in this Book I finde a e Over throw of the Protestants Pulpit-â—abels against Mr. â—â—â—shaâ— pag. 10. Romanist I. R. whether May the Priest I know not though I am f Tho. James corrupt â—â— Fathers in the Appendix to the Reader told that such an one wrote against Mr. Crashaw as this also diâ— to offer something by affirming that there was never any such Book printed in the English Colledge at Rome But nothing is got by this since it cannot be deny'd but that the foresaid Book was printed at Rome and publish'd by the Popes express Authority as appears by his Breve prefixt And farther the foresaid supposed cruelties were painted upon the Colledge-Walls by Nich. Circini by order and appointment of the English there Nor need we trouble our selves to shew the disaffection of the English of that Colledge to their Queen and Country seeing Histories do testifie their Actions and a A. Mundy the English Roman liâ—e Travelers their railing and bitter words To these we may add Richard Verstegan who put forth a Book call'd Theatrum Crudelitatum Haereticorum Nostri Temporis where in his Pictures he offers to view the former lying Bear-skin Tales Of this man because he afterwards afforded some light to Antiquities and our Historians are silent of his life and extraction a word or two by the by His Grand-father was call'd Theodore Rowland Verstegan born in Gelder-landt came into England about the latter end of King Henry VII marryed here and presently after dyed leaving a Son nine months old who afterwards to get a livelihood took upon him the profession of a Cooper in London Nor is this any discredit Wolfangus Musculus his Father being of that Trade This Cooper was Father to our Richard Verstegan which Richard was born in the Parish of St. Catherines in London he gave himself to the study of good Letters and imployed himself in Painting which makes me think that he engraved the Cuts in his own Books as the Learned Hevelius doth now Being a Zealous Romanist he left England went into the Spanish Netherlands where he compos'd the foresaid Theatrum Crudelitatum the Verses were made by b Vid. Delic Poet. Belg. vol 1. pag. 760 761 762 c. Johannes Bochius born at Bruxels but if I mistake not Register to Antwerp Afterwards the Rebellious League
Guise kill'd at Bloys 1588. Catherine second Wife to the Duke of Montpensier She died 1596. Charles Cardinal of Lorrain a Legat in the Council of Trent Of him François d'Isle makes his Legend He died 1573. Lewis de Guise made Card. by Julius III. He died 1578 Claude Duke of Aumale slain at the siege of Rochel 1573. Charles René Marquess of Elboeuf died 1566. Charles Duke of Elboeuf Charles Duke of Elboeuf and Count de Harcourt François call'd the Grand Prior died 1562. Jean Cardinal of Lorrain lived in the French Court a great Favorite with King François I. He died 1550. GUISE a little strong Town in Picardy which King Francis I. raised to a Dukedom and honoured Claude one of the sons of Rene Duke of Lorrain with thit Title BAR a little Dukedom in Lorrain the chiefest Town of it is now call'd Bar-le-Duc so call'd to distinguish it from other Bars upon the Seine the Aube c. it was erected into a Dukedom by Philippes de Valois VI. 1329. The eldest son of Lorrain if married hath this Title PONT now better known by the name of PONT-A-MOUSSON a Marquesset and Title of the eldest son if unmarried of the Duke of Lorrain VAUDEMONT or Vauldemont a Town in Lorrain being the Title of an Earldom JOINVILLE a little Town on the borders of Champaigne towards Lorrain a Principality of the Guises MERCOEUR a Town in Languedoc raised to a Dukedom by Charles IX 1569. for Nicolas Nephew to the Duke of Guise MAYENNE in Beausse in the little Territory Le Maine Coenomanensis Ager erected to a Dukedom by Charles IX 1573. for Charles brother to Guise ELBOEUF in higher Normandy from a Marquesset raised to a Dutchy by Henry II. 1581. and given to Charles Granchild to Claude Duke of Guise AUMALLE Aubmalle Aumarle Albemarle in Latin Alba Mala Arturus du Monstier Neustria Pia p. 731 732 c. for thus and more variously hath it formerly been writ a Town in higher Normandy anciently an Earldom with which Titles the Kings of England as Dukes of Normandy used to honour some of their Subjects and the French Kings having the possession of it have used the same liberty Charles VII made it a Peerdom of France 1458. and Henry II. raised it to a Dukedom for one of Guises sons 1547. but it is now honoured by George Monck Duke of Albemarle By this the common sort of Readers may the better distinguish and understand the variety of Cardinals to be met withall in the Histories of the French Troubles and may also see to what Greatness and Honours the Guisian Family hath in a short time been raised to in France but whether they were answerably grateful to that Crown let others judge Some are apt to tell us that Claude de Vaudemont afterwards the first Ant. Colynet p. 1 and le Contre-Guiâ—e Duke of Guise came into France in the Reign of Lewis XII Predecessor to Francis I. in no splendent condition but by wheedling himself into the Favour of King François I. obtained to be the Kings Falconer whence by degrees he rais'd himself and his Posterity above the Princes of the Bloud Royal. And they also tell us that Francis I. was so sensible of the Aspiring humour of that Family that upon his death-bed he advised his son Henry to have a care of them otherwise * Mon fils j'ay bien apperçeu cognois pur vray que la Race n'en vaut rien que si vous faites le contraire ils vous mettront en pourpoint vostre peuple en chemise François de l'Isle fol. 6. b. They will turn you into your doublet and your subjects into their shirts Some may look upon Lewis XI of France as a cunning King being Jean Bodin de la Râ—publâ—que l. 6. c. 2 p 952 953. Master of Hypocrisie others may conclude him rich when they see his Account run so thriftily if not beggarly as * 20 Sols Two shillings for two new sleeves for the Kings old doublet †15 Deniers One peny half-peny for a box of grease to grease his boots But certainly he was none of the wisest for turning away his Fathers old Faithful Counsellers and Servants for neglecting and despising the old Nobility and pleasing and sorting himself with the Plebeans and those of the meanest rank insomuch that his Taylor was his Herald and his Barber his Embassadour This way of meanness and negligence is seldom without a mischief attending it and this Family of Valois now growing towards its end wanted the vigour and prudence of her former Kings now were they Sardanapalus like more apt and fit to accompany the worst of Women and hold a Distaff then to manage a Sceptre or protect a People Pleasures were all their study and to neglect business all their care they were only the picture of Kings having neither life nor action to Government or Majesty leaving affairs to be managed by any that could thrust themselves uppermost By which easiness they had the honour to be commended by some hated by others pitied by most as good-natur'd Kings born to enrich a few Favourites but ruine the whole Kingdom besides Though some cunning Minister of State can throw all their own Extortions Cheats and Villanies upon the King thereby making a double Cheat abusing both the King and People And thus it happened with these of France to whose very Name and Family I find some to have such a spite and hatred that I meet with a Cordelier called Melchier publickly in the Pulpit to have told the People 1559. that As long as any of the Line of Valois reigned the people could Guil. Ribier Leâ—tres Memoires d'Estat tom 2. p. 799 800. not be free from oppression all that Family being so highly addicted to tyranny And another time he affirmed to his Auditors that It was very convenient that four of the greatest in the Kingdom ought to be rooted out for the easment and comfort of the people That this Gray Frier meant the King then in being viz. Henry II. I cannot say but for number sake it is not unworth the observation that besides the King there were but Four men viz. his Four sons living then in the whole world of that Family after whose deaths it ended and the Crown fell to that of Bourbon Nor is it unworth the notice that the people were then so apt to Sedition that Antoine King of Navarre who under his own hand gave the King notice of these expressions was pussled or at a stand how to behave himself in this affair fearing the rage of the people should he forthwith call the Frier to an account But it is not only the House of Valois that is aimed at but that of Bourbon too as being next Heirs to the Crown of France And this design is heavily laid in the dish of the House of Guise who as they say had for many years consulted
how to make themselves Possessors of the Throne of that Kingdom and finding none so much capable by Right Title and Interest as those of the Family of Bourbon to thwart and oppose their designs it was their best policy to procure their ruine to which purpose take this following Narrative but in short of the Guisards against the House of Navarre being the chief of that of Bourbon which though * An 1564. § 8. Spondanus looks upon as a Fable and it may be according to Perefixe that the young Prince of Navarre might be then at Paris yet take the story though possibly with some mistakes upon the credit of Thanus and Gomberville now one of the French Academy and so let him and the present Archbishop of Paris also of the Academy bandy and rectifie it as they please Antoine de Bourbon King of Navarre at the Siege of Rouen being shot year 1562 into the left shoulder with a Musquet bullet of which wound he a little after died those of Guise consulted how to make their best benefit De Gomberville Les Memoires de M. de Nevers v l. 2. p. 579 c. Thuan. lib. 35. Mâ—moires d'Estat vol. 2. ensuite de câ—ux de M. de Villeroy pag. 35 36 c. by the said death Jane the Widow Queen of Navarre lived at Pau the chief Town in the Territory of Bearne adjoyning to the Pyrenean Mountains and with her she had her young Prince Henry afterwards call'd the Great now about 9 years old At this time Philip II. King of Castile having wars with the Africans and Moors his Recruits from Italy and Germany were to rendezvouz at Barcelona in Catalonia Now doth Charles Cardinal of Lorrain and his brother François Duke of Guise consult how to extirpate this Race of Navarre to which purpose they pitch upon one Dimanche to act as Agent for their Interest in those parts of Aquitaine where he had as his Assistants Monluc an experienc'd Souldier d'Escars Viscount d'Ortes with the Captain of Ha Castle adjoyning to Bourdeaux and several others great Favourersand Dependents of Guise But the prosecution of these designs was somewhat cool'd by the death of the Duke of Guise who was shot by Poltrot year 1563 at the Siege of Orleance Upon this though a Peace was struck up between the King and the zealous Huguenots where the later were gainers by the Agreement yet the Cardinal Lorrain carrieth on his former Contrivements against the House of Navarre making his Nephew the young Duke of Guise Head of the Plot. And to give a better colour to all they pretend Religion their Foundation so all Hereticks ought to be rooted out amongst which the young Prince of Navarre and his Mother to which Friends could not be wanting seeing the King of Spain would assist them To this purpose Captain Dimanche is dispatch'd into Spain to the year 1564 Duke of Alva to obtain the assistance of the aforesaid Forces at Barcelona which on a sudden might fall upon Bearne take Pau with the Queen her Son Henry and Daughter Catherine and to prevent any of their Escapes the Friends of Guise would way-lay them on the French side to which end they had several trusty Commanders and Forces conveniently placed thereabouts And the Princes thus taken should be conveyed into Spain put into the Inquisition as Hereticks and then they would be sure enough Thus the Guisards would have their desire and as a persuasive argument to the Castilian they told him that things brought to this pass the dispute for the Kingdom of Navarre would cease the Pretenders to it being thus in his possession Accordingly Dimanche gets into Spain waits upon the Duke of Alva who having heard and approv'd the design orders him to go to the King who was then at Monçon or Monson a Town in Aragon where they used to keep their Parlements or las Cortes for Aragon Valencia and Catalonia For this place Dimanche passing by Madrid he fell dangerously sioâ— of an high Feaver and being but badly accommodated in a poor Inn a Frenchman call'd Anne Vespier one of the Queen of Spains servants took pity on him removed him to his own house where he was better attended on and by the assistance of the Queens Physicians recovered For which kindness and other great favours Dimanche and Vespier enter into a strict Familiarity and Friendship In short Dimanche thinking to make use of him in his absence for some Intelligence discovers his business and the Plot to him Vespier being born at Nerac in Gascogne so a Vassal and Subject to the King of Navarre was guided by so much Loyalty as to resolve to prevent the ruine of his Soveraign for which purpose he had this advantage The present Queen of Spain was Elizabeth daughter to Henry II. King of France and so sister to Charles IX then reigning King of france and thus near related to the House of Navarre Vespier a servant to this Queen Elizabeth thinks upon the most convenient way to inform her of all for which he addresseth himself to the Grand Almoner and Tutor by whose means all is fully discover'd to her who resolveth to write of it to her Brother and Sister the King and Queen of France Notice is also given to Sieur de St. Suplice the French Embassadour then in the Spanish Court at Monçon with a desire to inform the Queen of Navarre at Pau that she might better consult and provide for her own safety Dimanche gets to Monçon opens all to King Philip in the mean time de St. Suplice one well acquainted with State matters and after imployed by the French Court dispatcheth his Secretary Rouleau into France with the Letters and Intelligence whereby the Queen of Navarre had means to secure her self and the Plot was spoiled by this discovery Yet Dimanche having done with Spain hasts to Paris where he is privately lodg'd in the Duke of Guise his house and for some time after at a Monastery belonging to the Friars call'd Bons hommes adjoyning to the Wood of Nostre Dame de Boulogne near St. Cloud not far from Paris And though the Spanish Money and Interest at this time had such a sway in the French Council and Court that Captain Dimanche though it was desired was not suffered to be seised on in his return from Spain whereby they might have discover'd further into the Plot by himself and his Papers yet was Philip and Guise both gull'd and the House of Navarre preserved to sit in the Throne And though the Queen of Navarre complained of this Conspiracy and desired justice of the House of Lorrain yet Catherine de Medicis one not apt to be commended in History the Queen-mother turn'd it off by telling her that it was best to forgive those injuries they could not punish And indeed the Interest of the Guises was then so powerful that it was dangerous to call them to an account Whilest these things were closely carrying on Pope Pius IV. was
I. Pere Fils Sainct Esperit nostre seul vray Dieu au quel soit Glorie Honneur L'Association des Princes Seigneurs Gentils-hommes Catholiques * * Andr. â—avyn reads onely â—st faicte doit estre serra fait pour restablir la Ley de Dieu en son entier remettre retenir le sainct Service d'icelui selon la forme maniere de la Sainct Eglise Catholique Apostolique Romaine abjurans renonçans touts erreurs au contraire Secondement pour conserver le II. Roy Henry III. de ce nom * * D' Aâ—bigne and the Hist des derniers troubles de France â—ave it thus Henry III. de ce nom par la grace de Dien ses Predecesseurs Roys tres Chrestient which may be as right as the other and so their pretended Loyalty to the Valoises spoiled by a juâ—gle ses successeurs Roys tres-Chrestiens en l'estat splendeur autorité devoir service obeissance qui lui sont deubs par ses subjects ainsi qu'il est contenu par les Articles qui lui seront presentez aux Estats les quels il jure promet garder son Sacré Couronnement avec Protestation de ne rien faire au prejudice de ce qui y serra ordonné par lesdits Estats Tiercement pour restituer aux Provinces de ce Royaume Estats d'icelluy les Droicts Preéminences Franchises Libertes anciennez telles qu' elles estoient du temps du Roy Clouis premier Roy Chrestien encores meilleurs plus profitables si elles se peuvent inventer sous la Protection susdicte Au cas qu'il y ayt Empeschement Opposition ou Rebellion à ce que dessus part qui de quelle part qu' ils puissent estre serront lesdicts Associez tenus obligez d'employer tous leurs biens moyens mesmes leurs propres Personnes jusques à la mort pour punir chastier courir sus à ceux qui l'auront voulu contredire empescher tenir la main que toutes les choses susdictes soyent mises en execution reéllement de faict Au cas que quelques-uns desdicts Associez leurs Subjects Amis Confederez fussent molestes oppressez recherches pour le cas dessusdicts par qui que ce soit serâ—nt tenus les dicts Associez employer leurs Corps Biens Moyens pour avoir vengiance de ceux qui auront faict lesdicts oppresses molestes soit par la voye de justice ou des armes sans nulle acception de personnes S' il advient qu' acun des Associez apres avoir faict serment en la dicte Association se vouloit retirer ou departir d'icelle sous quelque pretexte que ce soit que Dieu ne vueille tels refractaris de leur consentement seront offencez en leur corps biens en toutes sortes qu' on se pourra adviser comme Enemis de Dieu Rebelles Perturbateurs du repos public sans que lesdicts Associez en puissent estre inquietez ny recherches soit en publec ny en particulier Jureront lesdicts Associez toute prompte obeissance service au Chef que serra deputé suivre donner conseil comfort ayde tant a l'entretenement conservation de ladicte Association que ruine aux contredisants à icelle sans acception ny exception de personnes Et seront les defaillants dilayants punis par l'Authorité du Chef selon son Ordenance à laquelle lesdicts Associez se soubmettront Tous Catholiques des Corps des villes villages seront advertis sommez secretement par les Governeurs particuliers d'entrer en ladicte Association fournir deuement d'armes d'hommes pour l'execution d'icelle selon la puissance faculté de chacun Est defendu ausdicts Associez IX d'entrer en debats ny quarrels l'un contre lautre sans la permission du Chef à l'arbitrage du quel les contrevenants seront punis tant pour la reparation d'honneur que touts autres sortes Que ceaux qui ne voudront entrer X. This Article is not in â—avilâ—'â— Hist l. 6. en ladicte Association seront reputez pour enemis d'icelle poursuivables par toutes sortes d'offences molestes Si pour fortification ou plus XI grande sureté des Associez se faict quelque Convention avec les Provinces de ce Royaume elle se fera en la forme susdicte aux mesmes conditions soitque ladicte Association soit poursuivie envers les dictes villes on par elles demandees si autrement n'en est advisé par le Chef THE LEAGUE In the Name of the Holy Trinity Father Son and Holy Ghost our onely true God to whom be Glory and Honour The Confederacy and Covenant of the Princes Lords and Gentlemen of the Catholick Religion ought to be and is made for the complete establishment of the Law of God and to restore and settle his holy Worship according to the form and manner of the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Church abjuring and renouncing all errors contrary unto it Secondly for the Preservation of King Henry III. of that name and his Successors the most Christian Kings in the State Honour Authority Duty Service and Obedience due unto them by their subjects according as it is contain'd in those Articles which * * A conditional obedience and here they make the King truâ—kle to the Parlement shall be presented to him in the Assembly of Estats the which he swears and promises to observe at his Consecration and Coronation with protestation not to do any thing against that which shall be there ordain'd by the said Estats Thirdly to restore unto the Provinces III. of this Kingdom and the States of it those ancient Rights Preeminences Privileges and Liberties which were in the time of * * A pretty trâ—ck to run above 1000 years back for a Government and so they might pretend any thing Clouis the first most Christian King or yet better and more profitable if any such can be found under the said protection In case there be any Impediment IV. Opposition or Rebellion against the aforesaid let it be by * * Here they will not except the King himself whom or whence it will the Covenanters here shall be oblig'd to venture not onely their fortunes and goods but their very lives too to punish chastise and prosecute those who shall offer to disturb or hinder this League and shall never cease till the aforesaid things be really done and perfected In case any of the Covenanters V. their Vassals Friends or Confederates be molested oppressed or questioned for this cause be it by * * Nor will they here except the King from their fury if he oppose them that is side not with them to his own ruâ—ne whom it will they shall be bound to imploy
their Persons Goods and Estates to take revenge on those who have so oppress'd or molested them either by the way of justice or force without any exception of persons whatsoever If it shall happen that any man VI. having united himself by oath to this Confederacy shall desire to withdraw himself or depart from it upon any pretence whatsoever which God forbid that then such wilful breakers of their former promises shall be punished in bodies and goods by all means possible as Enemies to God Rebels and Disturbers of the publick peace neither shall any of the Covenanters be * * A good prevention against justâ—â—e and a way to get the wicked to joyn with them VII liable to trouble or to be question'd either in publick or private for such their revenge The said Covenanters shall likewise swear to yield all ready obedience and service unto that * * The D. of Guise But it was his policy not to be named at fiâ—st Head or Chief which shall be appointed to follow and give counsel help and assistance as well to the intire conservation and maintenance of the said Nor eâ—e will they except the Kiâ—g whom they designâ—d to ruine League as the †ruine of all that shall oppose it without any partiality or exception of persons and the failers and neglecters of it shall be punish'd by the Authority of the Chief or Head and according to his Orders to which all the said Covenanters shall * * And why not submit to the Kings Authority VIII submit All the Catholiques of any Towns Corporations or Villages shall be secretly advertised and warned by the particular Governours to enter into this Covenant and without fail to provide arms and men for the carrying of it on every man according to his condition and ability It is also prohibited to the Covenanters to enter into debates or quarrels one against another without leave of their Head or Chief by whose arbitrement all offences of that nature shall be desided as well for reparation of credit as other things That those who will not enter into this Covenant shall be held as enemies to it and to be prosecuted with all manner of punishments and mischief This Article is neither in Davila nor Thuanus l. 63. but in Favyn d'Aubigné and Hist de derniers troubles de France l. 1. fol. 8. THE OATH Je â—ure Dieu le Createur touchant ces Sainctes Evangiles sur peine d'Anatematization ma damnation eternelle que j ' ay entré en ceste Saincte Association Catholique selon la forme du traicté qui m' y a esté leu presentement justement loyaument sincerement soit pour y commander ouâ—y obeir servir Et prometz sur ma vie mon honneur * * So reads Favyn it but d'Aubigne Hist des derniâ—rs troubles de France thus de m'y conservir however the sense is all one demeurer en la dicte Association jusques à la derniere goutte de mon sang sans y contravenir ou m'en retirer pour quelque Mandement Pretexte Excuse ny Occasion que ce soit ††This lâ—st clause is â—n Favyn de tenir secret ce qui s'y traictera THE OATH I swear by God the Creator laying my hand upon the Holy Gospel and under pain of a Curse and my eternal damnation that I enter into this Holy Catholick Covenant according to the form now read unto me truly faithfully and sincerely whether it be to command or to obey and serve And I promise upon my life and honour to continue in this League or Covenant unto the last drop of my bloud without transgressing it or departing from it for any Command Pretence Excuse or Occasion whatsoever and to keep secret whatsoever shall be agitated by it Thus as a a Davila Hist l. 6. p. 451. Romanist confesseth these men making a shew to obey and maintain the King they took from him all his Obedience and Authority to confer it upon the Head of their Confederacy And b Pag. 927. Favyn and others confess the same Nay so zealous were they for this Covenant that they did Catiline like c â— laquelle ils estâ—yent si furieâ—sement transportâ—z qu' ls signoiâ—nt ce serment de leur propre sâ—nâ— Andree Favyn Hist de Navarre p. 932. subscribe it with their very bloud as some Pagan Nations anciently used to d Tertul. apol c. 9. drink their bloud at the solemnity of their Treaties These designs were privately and cunningly sent abroad and with so much industry that Paris it self with Poictou Tourain and other Provinces and places presently entred themselves into the League Having gone thus far they thought it convenient to have their Plots countenanced at Rome to which purpose they sent Nicolas David an Advocate of the Parlement of Paris thitherward with Instructions but David being seiz'd on in his way in Dauphiné by the Huguenots much of the Plot was discovered and David himself * Favyn p. 927. slain Yet Nicolas Cardinal de Pellevé a Creature of the Guises agitated the business at Rome with Pope Gregory XIII in the mean time Philip II. of Spain was presently persuaded to joyn his Interest with the French Covenanters The French King had some Item of these doings yet not knowing fully what the aim at was he seem'd to take not much notice being willing enough to rest secure between these and the Huguenots both which were powerful and mortal enemies And now the Assembly of the States meet at Blois composed most of the * Favyn p. 896. Davila p. 460 461. 6 Decemb. 1576. Guisians or Covenanters The King is willing for a firm Peace but the other party desire no such thing and seeing that the King by his Nâ—gative voice would frustrate all their Councils they invent a trick to avoid that by desiring of the King that he would elect a number of Judges not suspected by the States who together with XII of the Deputies might hear such Motions as from time to time should be proposed by every Order and conclude and resolve upon them and whatsoever should be joyntly determined by the Judges and Deputies should have the form and vigour of a Law without being subject to be altered or revoked But the King smelling the design offer'd them fair enough but resolved to keep the power in his own hand The Leaguers foil'd here go another way to work and desire him to extirpate the Huguenots The King is puzled at this request for should he not comply with it they would declare him to be a Favourer of Hereticks whereby he would lose his Interest with the Romanists besides considering that the Covenanters were too strong for him at present he thought it his wisest course to comply with them thereby to get that Authority to himself which they endeavour'd to settle upon another and so he was politickly forc'd to take
make the Peace more sure and durable all former Leagues Plots Actions especially those of the 12th and 13th days of May last at Paris done by the Guisards and their Party are pardon'd and forgot as if they had never been done HENRY At Rouen 15 July 1588. By the King in his Council Publish'd in the Parlement at Paris Publish'd by sound of Trumpet by the Crier Visa * * Afterwaâ—ds better kâ—own by the name of Villeroy De Neufville Du Tillet T. Lauvergnat Thus we see how careful some were to have this Agreement ratified published and confirmed But this was not all for besides this two Armies must be rais'd and paid against the Huguenots one commanded by the King the other by the Duke of Mayenne the Leaguing Lords are to retain for six years the Cities and Fortresses granted them 1585 and that Orleans Dourlans Bourges and Montereau should be added to them the Duke of Guise to command all the Forces in the Kingdom that in October next the States General should be held at Blois and several such like advantages were granted to the Leaguers Upon which Guise waits upon the King and none seem so kind as those two but it was but from the teeth outward of which we are told one story how the King at dinner ask'd the Duke to whom they should drink To whom you please quoth Guise then said the King Let us drink to our Journal Aoâ—st 12. 1588. good friends the Huguenots 'T is well said Sir replied the Duke Yea added the King and to all our good Barricadors at Paris to which Guise yielded a counterfeit smile not well pleas'd that the King should compare the Barricadors with the Huguenots And now behold the greatest wonder that Toute la Cour fut veue habillée à l' Espagnole le long Estoc à la garde Crossée à l' Espagnole les grosse chausses les jartieres houpées le pourpoint collé sur le corps la grande fraize bien godronnée la Monstache la barbe le chappeau à l' Espagnole tout leur parles Espagnol Rodomontades Espagnoles bref vous eussiez dict qu' en ce temps la le François avoit en horreur mispris de parler se dire François qu' on luy faisoit tort de ne l'appeller Espagnol Andre Favin Hist de Navarre p. 940. ever yet happened in France The whisking Monsieur converted to a grave Don all the Court clad after the Spanish garb a long Tuck with a cross-bar'd Hilt great Trunckbreeches tufted Garters strait and close Doublet a great high-set Ruff staring Mustachoes with Beard and Hat after the Castilian mode all they speak is Spanish and that Rodomontadoes too insomuch that one might think that now Monsieur was asham'd or scorn'd to speak his own language or call himself a Frenchman nay would take it in snuff not to be thought a Spaniard Such an esteem and love had the Castilian got amongst the people for his assisting them in their wicked League and Covenant against their King and Soveraign And by this also appeared not onely the Boldness but Authority and Power of the Guisian Faction to whose caprichioes and Interest the Royalists were thus forced to submit and truckle Guise thus having all sway and glory the better to advance his Reputation Pope Sixtus V. sendeth him long Congratulatory Letters giving him many thanks for his Zele and Actions comparing him to the old Maccabees bidding him go on as he had begun and telling him that he would send a Legat into France to assist at the approaching States which Letters were spread abroad by the Leaguers in great triumph to the no small discredit and regret of the King who in these Papal Commendations and Blessings had no share nor taken notice of and such Pontifical Neglects used to be the Forerunner of Laying aside or Cutting off Well the Assembly of the States General meet at Blois the major part 16 Octob. 1588. being Covenanters by which Guise was so strengthened that 't is thought that he at least aim'd at the same Authority that the ancient Major-domes had in France whereby the King would be but a mere Cypher whilest the Duke might make himself King when he pleas'd So to gratiate himself with the people and remove all obstacles he proposeth that Taxes and Impositions might be lessened which was thought irrational seeing at the same time he will have the war vigorously carried on against the Huguenots yet he gain'd his desires Then he moveth that the Council of Trent might be received but this is denied by most as contrary to the Liberties of the Gallican Church But which was the main of all he proposeth that the King of Navarre and his Relations as Hereticks shoul'd be declar'd uncapable of Succession which was presently granted him by the Three Estates but it was not so recâ—ived by the King who though he was forc'd to consent to it in dubious and general terms yet told them that he would think further of it and would take care himself to have the Decree drawn up But before this Navarre understanding their designs had at an Assembly at Rocâ—el fram'd a Protestation pronouncing all their Votes and Actions against him and his Right null as being no stubborn Heretick willing to submit to a General Council and to be instructed that the States were not free nor full and that they could not justly condemn him before they heard him Whilest these Proposals were vexing the King news is brought that Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy had seiz'd on the little Marquessate of Saluzzo towards the head of Po in Italy who had also pretended a right to it end so took advantage at the Kings Expulsion out of Paris and these French Troubles though at this time he pretended a necessity viz. that otherwise the Huguenots from Dauphine would have taken it and Favyn p. 93â— others suppose that he wanted not assurance from the Leaguers However it was the Kings jâ—alousie and anger did daily increase and 't is said that here Guise expresly refus'd though commanded to Ant. Colynet p. 303 304 305 306. swear Allegeance to the King saying He would not and if he offended they might punish him But this is not so bad as a further design plotted by him and his Complices which they say was to take away the Kings life of which 't is said the King had private Information In short the Spond § 18. King considering what Favours the House of Guise had received from the French Crown yet how many Rebellions he had rais'd against him Hist des dâ—râ—iers troubles de France l. 4. fo 142 143 144 152 158. what Combinations he had made against him and the Crown with the very Enemy to both viz. the Spaniard that for all his outward pretensions for Religion yet he had made secret Overtures to joyn with Navarre how he had beaten and driven him from his Royal
or other having Mem. de lâ—i Ligue vâ—l 3. p 557. drawn up a short Paper containing the reasons of taking up Arms against the King and it concluding XIII How one Bodille being no more then a Gentleman yet because Childeric See backwâ—rdâ— l. 3. c. 4. § 2. II. had caused him publickly to be whipped the said Bodille took thence occasion to kill that King for which he is commended by Historians and therefore may not the Injury done to a better then Bodille viz. to a brave Prince Guise be also revenged So zealous I say were the Doctors of Sorbonne that having red over this Tract they approved it affirming nothing was in it contrary to the Roman Church Jâ—lieâ— de Moranne 17 May 1589. Nor is this all for the people being obliged to pray for their King by the Canon of the Missale some of the City of Beauvois in la France about mid-way betwixt Paris and Amiens upon this made a scruple whether they were not thereby obliged to pray for Henry de Valois seeing they used to pray for Our King Henry Whereupon it was concluded by the Sorbonne that in any prayer 5 Apr. 1589. whatever the word Henry should not be express'd that he should not be pray'd for and that it should be dash'd out of all Prayers or Collects and further if any of their Faculty of Paris agree not to this they shall also be held culpable and guilty of Excommunication depriv'd of the Prayers and Privileges of the said Faculty And it was also concluded that instead of these words For our King some prayers shall be drawn up for the Catholick or Leaguing Princes which accordingly was done In the mean time many places joyning with the Leaguers amongst the rest those of Lyons drew up a long and tedeous Declaration wherein they say That Lyons hath formerly been one of the most Loyal Cities in 2 March 1589. France That Obedience may be wrong'd by being too much or too little That therefore for the future they will consider all the Kings commands whether they are for the better or worse and accordingly obey or oppose That Kings being appointed by God for two ends to preserve Religion and keep the people from oppression that therefore they will and ought to oppose all commands contrary to these two ends That seeing he hath violated the Edict of Union kill'd and imprison'd the good Romanists countenanced the Hereticks favoured Espernon and his creatures therefore they have entered into the Holy Union taken up Arms resolving to take the King from his bâ—d Council which if they had not done they had been worse then Jews That to say Kings ought not to be resisted upon any occasion is false Doctrine seeing they are onely to be obey'd conditionally viz. in that which is not prejudicial to Religion Gods Service and the good of the State Doubt not but God will bless their good Undertakings And so after the telling of some stories conclude This done they draw up a Form of an Oath whereby they swear to 12 March these Articles To continue in the Roman Religion To defend their City of Lyons To preserve the Forein Merchants in their Privileges To act in defence and behalf of those of Paris To obey no Command whatever that is prejudicial to their Union To observe exactly the Edict of Union To obey the Duke of Nemours their Governour To stick close one to another And desire all good people to joyn with them And for their further encouragement those of Paris send a Letter to these Hotspurs of Lyons wherein they mind them Of the Killing and Imprisonments at Bloys That the Assassinates had no other design in it but to ruine Religion bring in Heresie maintain their Tyrannies and to bring all good people into slavery So being Frenchmen and Catholiques we are bound to defend our Religion and Estate against any he who it will and by all Obligations of Religion Law Nature and Interest we must not leave the Kingdom to the mercy of this prodigal perjur'd cruel and murdering Prince That the two Henries are agreed Heresie allow'd of the Catholicks persecuted and all things seem to go as in England Therefore rowse up and take courage against these oppressions and send some of yours to consult with us and afford us your assistance SENAULT Paris 25 May. Nay so confident were they in their courses that they sent a Letter Mem. dâ— M. de Nevers vol. 2. p. 205. hors d'icelle il â—'y a point de salut soit au Ciel ou en la Terre to the Citizens of Nevers exhorting them to stick close to this Cause assuring them that without so doing There was no hopes for their salvation either in Heaven or Earth Whilest these things were doing the Swordmen and their Counsellours were not idle for the Duke of Mayenne no sooner hears of his brother Guise's death but he consults his own security secureth many strong places to his Interest and at last gets to Paris where he was received with all demonstrations of joy and honour and here he falleth to work how to carry on the war and such a vogue with the multitude had this Holy League that strong places and Cities daily submitted themselves to its Authority nay a Company of Bumkin Tatterdemallians in Normandy to the number of Sixteen thousand having rose on their own heads and for their own Interest resolving to defend themselves and goods against any whatsoeveâ— be he Royalist or Leaguer that should come into their Country were at last by the persuasion of some Priests and Jesuits wheel'd over to fide with the Covenanters but having no experience and but poorly armed were quickly routed by the Duke of Montpensier These Clubmen were afterwards call'd the Gautiers from the little Town la Chapelle Gautier in higher Normandy where they first began their Insurrections or Rendezvouz'd The King in the mean time had writ friendly Letters to the Duke of Mayenne giving him reasons for the death of his brother persuading him to live quietly but Madam de Montpensier his zealous sister and other thoughts would not let him hearken to the Kings desires so at Paris he is made Head of the Covenanters and declared Lieutenant General of the Crown of France the Sixteen and others would have had him to take upon him the Title of * Perefixe Hist Hen. le Grand King but this he refused however he had all the Power They broke the Kings Great Seal making another in its stead on one side of which was the Arms of France with this Inscription THE SEAL OF THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE On the other side was an empty Throne about which was this CHARLES DUKE OF MAYENNE Lieutenant of the Estate and Crown of FRANCE Mayenne thus entered as it were into the Throne appointed a Council consisting of * Their Names may be seen in Jan de Serres l'Inventaire XL of the chiefest Covenanters and this was call'd The General
assembled as well in publick congregation at the College of Sorbone having celebrated the Mass of the Holy Ghost as also privately at the meeting of the Delegates mature deliberation being had all the particulars being carefully truly and severally examin'd as much as could be at last have declar'd their judgments in manner following All Catholicks by Divine Law are forbid to admit any into the Throne that is an Heretick or a favourer of Heresie and a known enemy to the Church much more one that is relapsed and by name excommunicated by the Pope If it should chance that any guilty as aforesaid should procure a sentence of Absolution from these crimes and censures yet if there be evident danger of his hypocrisie perfidiousness and the ruine of the Catholick Religion he then for all his said Absolution is by the said Divine Law to be excluded from the Kingdom Whoever also endeavours that he should be King or doth partake with or favour him or doth suffer him to be set in the Throne when he might prevent it and was oblig'd so to do he for so doing doth violate the holy Canons is justly suspected of Heresie and is mischievous both to Religion and the Church therefore he may and ought to be oppos'd be he of whatsoever degree or quality Therefore seeing Henry de Bourbon is an Heretick a favourer of Heresie a known enemy to the Church is relapsed and by name excommunicated and though he might obtain sentence of Absolution yet there being evident danger of hypocrisie and perfidiousness with the ruine of Religion and though he had Absolution or any other lawful heir dead or yielding up his right yet are the French obliged to keep him from the most Christian Crown and to abhor the thoughts of making peace with him and those who do favour him are violators of the Canons may be suspected of Heresie are enemies to the Church and as such ought to he earnestly and carefully chaflized and punished As therefore those who favour the said Henry in his aspiring to the Throne and do any ways affoard him any help are deserters of Religion and remain in a perpetual mortal sin so those who for their love to Religion do oppose him as much as in them lieth do very much merit both of God and Men And as on the one hand it must be suppos'd that those people so obstinate in strengthening the Kingdom of darkness will be eternally damn'd so on the other it is most mtet to conclude that these who are slain in this cause against the said Henry as Champions of the Faith shall obtain an everlasting reward and be crown'd with the Trophies of Martyrdom And this is concluded on not one gainsaying it in the third general congregation held upon this business in the great Hall of the College of Sorbone all and every one of the Masters being summon'd thither upon oath 7 May 1590. In the mean time Mayenne was very busie in raising Forces in consuâ—ting with the Duke of Parma then Governour in the Spanish Netherlands to get Supplies from him the better to force the King to quit the siege and the truth is this affair did greatly perplex him for if he lost Paris the Cause was undone and if he relieved it by the Spanish assistance and without them he could not do it his own Interest might be lost For the Sixteen wish'd him not well because he had broken up their Council of Forty which contrary to his expectation bridled his Authority and they thinking to introduce a Commonwealth Government hâ— had crost that by creating another Council a Keeper of the Seals and four Secretaries of State with which he governed affairs without calling them except when he had need of money And thus having displeas'd the Sixteen he fear'd they would engage Paris under the Spanish Yoak if they saw Spaniards enough to deal with all But of two evils thâ— last is to be chosen and so he resolveth to reinforce his Army with Spanish Supplies In his absence he appoints his Brother the Duke of Nemours a courageous young man to command the City and assign'd him a * Their namâ—s in d'Aubâ—â—ne to 3. l. 3. â— 7. Council care is taken to fortifiâ— all suâ—pected Avenues and the people are Sermon'd up to such an height of madness that a great scarcity of provisions being in the City some for letting slip but some words as if peace were better then to be starv'd with hunger were by the fury of the Zelots either executed in publick or cast headlong into the River aâ— damn'd persons enemies to the Catholick Faith and infected with the poiâ—on of Heresie Whilst the Parisians were thus eager for the Cause their Kingling Charles X. or Cardinal Bourbon dieth in prison at Fontenay being 66 9 May 1590. yâ—ars old much troubled with the Stone and greatly addicted to old Wives Prophesies which pleas'd him the more because now and then he was told some which denoted his Kingship His death troubled some of the Leaguers having now no King and so one of their grand pretences vanished yet they continue resolute Mayenne keepeth to himself the Title of Lieutenant Genâ—ral of the State and Crown of France and the States General are ordered to meet for the Election of a new King the Sorbone renew their Decrees against the King as an Heretick and so not capable of the Crown And the better to keep the people up in their humours by order of 31 May Asâ—er si◠〈◊〉 the Legat a Procession is made of the Clergy to implore Gods assistance at the Head of these went Roze Bishop of Senlis with a Cross in his left hand and an Halbert in his right then followed the Monks and Friars according to their several Orders Capuchins Minims Franciscans Dominicans Fuâ—llans Carmelites c. In the Procession the Prelates Priests and Monks walked in their severâ—l accustomed Habits but over them armed openly with Head-pieces Croslets Coats of Mail c. all of them with Swords girt to their sides and in their hands carrying some sort of Arms or other some with Guns some with Spears others with Halberts Thus marched they along singing Hymns shooting off their Guns with which one was slain by chance and with them they carried all their Reliques as notable Assistants and Well-wishers to their Solemn League and Covenant and thus they foot it to the great Church After this followeth another Procession of the Duke of Nemours the Officers of the Army the Magistrates of the City with the Archbishop of Lyons and some other valiant Bishops These trudge also to the great Church where upon the great Altar laying their hands upon the Gospel they swear to defend the City to their uâ—most and to oppose the Heretical Prince And a little after to make all sure their Parlement at Paris by Act forbid any upon pain of death to talk of any Agreement Peace or Composition with Henry of Bourbon for so they called 15
c daughter of your Catholick Majesty upon whom for her rare Vertues the eyes of all men are fixed and set as a most pleasant object and in whom most gloriously shineth the Bloud of France and Spain to no other end or purpose but by a perpetual Alliance to fraternize and joyn in one brotherhood as it were these two great Monarchies under their Government to the advancement of the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ the beauty of his Church and union of all the Inhabitants of the world under the Ensigns of Christianism As your Catholick Majesty with so many notable and triumphant Victories by the favour of God and his aid hath mightily prevail'd and advanced the same so we most heartily pray to God who is the Lord of Battels to continue your proceedings therein with such accomplishment that the whole work may be finished and perfected in all points To which end and purpose that it would please him to prolong your Catholick Majesties days in perfect and happy health accompanied with daily success of Victories and Triumphs over all your Enemies From Paris this second of November 1591. The reverend Father Matthew this bearer who hath greatly comforted us and fully instructed with the state of our affairs shall satisfie your Catholick Majesty in all things which may seem defective and wanting in our Letters Beseeching your Majesty most humbly to credit him in whatsoever he shall report unto you from us Whether this Matthew Aquarius the Agent of the League was a Jesuite or no I shall not possitively affirm though there be good Authority for it but the best Authors may have their mistakes I shall onely observe by the by that there was at this time one Matthaeus Aquarius a Dominiâ—an and in vogue as well for his Philosophy as Schoolmanship both in Rome and Naples so a trusty servant both to Pope and Spain And though the Jesuites will attribute the title of Fathers to themselves yet I find this Aquarius as oftentimes others are also before his printed books so intituled that any might mistake him for a Jesuite because called Father I shall not say nor can I affirm that this Aquarius the Dominiean was the same man with the Leaguers Agent This Letter was intercepted near Lyons by Gilbert de Chaseron Governour of the Province of Bourbon and by him sent to the King whereby their Honesty Religion and Loyalty was discovered Now as the Sixteen and their Associates had laid the Design to humble the Parlement of Paris to them which they thought to depend too much upon Mayeune they began to stir up the people persuading them Religion was betrayed their Cause and good Covenant quite undone that the Parlement intended to deliver the City into the hands of the Navarrois i. e. the King And to obtain their designs with greater ease and facility they consulted about a new * 5 Novemb Jo. de Bâ—ssieâ—es vol. 4. p. 364 3â—5 Gomberville Meâ—â— de M. de Nevers Tom. 2. pag. 623. Oath whereby all that favour'd them not should be driven out of the City and all the Bloud Royal to be excluded from the Succession and the Crown In the mean time they take an occasion to be stark mad for one Brigard once a violent Covenanter being suspected by them of too much favouring the King was hurried to prison resolving to have him hang'd for it but the Parlement not agreeing in this with their humours cleared him in a full trial and he at last finding means to escape from their fury out of the City they in a giddy zele turn their malice upon his Judges Thus resolved they hurry the people to Arms seise upon Barnaby 15 Nov. Brisson the Chief President Claude l'Archer Counsellour of the Chastelet with Jean Tardif whom they carry to the Sessions-house there in a haste condemning them without rule or reason Brisson desireth them to spare him a little time till in prison he had finished his book De Formulis so much cried up by learned and knowing men but no favour or mercy being granted they are all three instantly strangled in prison scarce a quarter of an hour being allow'd to Brisson to confess in Thus murder'd he is presently hung out of his own Chamber-window and the next day hung on the Gallows publickly to be seen of all Such was the end of the learned but unfortunate Brisson who before had in * Poet. Gal. v l. 1. p. 713 714. verse bewail'd the mischiefs of a Civil war and it may be in relation to this League This done they meet at the house of Pellettier the Covenanting Lecturer of S. Jacques de la Boucherie where they conclude that a Court of 17 Nov. Justice shall be form'd of men of their Faction to proceed against Hereticks and the Favourers of the King that the moneys and Treasuries how expended shall be look'd into that the Council of State shall be fill'd up and the men were there named by them that a Council of war shall be chosen upon whose consent the Governour de Belin left by Mayâ—nne should act nothing that the Seals of the Crown which Mayenne carried about with him should for the future always remain in the City c. To these they adde the sending of the Letter to the King of Spain formerly writ with which they now forthwith dispatch Mathieu Yet Thuanus dates the Letter the 20th of November and * Memoires en suite de ceux de Vâ—lleroy tom 3. p. 24 25. another the 20th of September but herein I follow Arnauld who maketh a particular observation upon the timing or dating it the Jesuits themselves not objecting any thing against his date viz. 2 Novemb. and Davila saith it was sent this day viz. 17 Novemb. and so most probably writ before this day they being too busily implied in other mischiefs However the day is no great matter the difference being but small and probably a mistake in the writing or printing This done they arise from Council get the Council of State presently to assemble to whom they propound the Articles to the end to have them confirm'd and executed but at this time they are put off it being alledged the day was too far spent and the Dutchess of Nemours carried her self so powerfully with them that they were willing to let the execution of them alone till they had heard from her son the Duke of Mayenne who being inform'd of these hurly-burlys thought it best to quell them before they went any further for which purpose well guarded he hastes towards Paris at whose approach the Sixteen discouraged 28 Nâ—v crave pardon let him enter the City the Bastile is also yielded to him then he seizeth on Lauchort Emmenot Auroux and Ameline great Sticklers amongst the Sixteen whom he caused to be strangled in the Louvre and publickly hung on the Gallows and others had tasted the 3 Dec. same sauce had they not fled for it At this the Priests and
Doctors of Sorbonne were wonderfully terrified but he not willing to lose them quite knowing such men to be dangerous enemies amongst the people waited upon them himself gave them good words told them all was pardoned and Justice satisfied which he ratified by an Edict At the same time he also decreed year 1592 that upon pain of death no more Councils Meetings or Conventicles should be had any way except the Ordinary one of the Union with the sense of the lawful Magistrates which being registred in full consent of Parliament put an end to the power and greatness of the Sixteen and somewhat spoil'd and cool'd the designes of the Spanish Ministers And an Oath was also drawn up and read in Parliament for all the Souldiers in the City to take the better to keep them in Obedience Whilst these things were acting Pope Gregory XIV dying Innocent IX succeedeth him who allowed the League fifteen thousand Ducats a month desiring them to fall to work and chuse a King of the Roman Religion aiming as 't is thought at Cardinal Bourbon the Head of the third party but what his other designes were his * 30 Dec. death after a two months Popedome would not let be known And after him succeeded Clement VIII The Parliament at Rouen now puts forth a severe * 7 Jan. 1592 Edict against any that shall adhere to Henry of Bourbon as they call'd him yet the prosecution of the League was somewhat hindred by the Jealousies arising betwixt Parma and Mayenne the latter fearing to be out-vapoured by the Spaniard was not so averse as formerly from an Agreement with the King to carry on which the great Statesman Villeroy who as yet kept himself with the Leaguers and du Plessis Morney the Kings faithful friend had divers meetings but the Covenanters Propositions were so high and lofty getting all into their own hands leaving his Majesty a meer shadow that it brake off without any determination though the King was willing to grant much to be at rest and quiet This Treaty was presently made known thinking to do Mayenne a displeasure and so it did both the Spaniards and Leaguers being offended at him in offering to treat without their consent or knowledge and so made jealous as if intended to leave them in the lurch But on the other side the King gain'd not much by the bargain the Romanists who followed him next that it should be carried on by an Huguenot viz. Morney began to have the same suspicions of His Majesty And in this zeal and humour having consulted themselves they forthwith gave Mayenne to understand that it was fitting for the common safety that all the Romanists should be united and so to require of the King to change his Religion within a prefixt time and then they would acknowledge him otherwise they would joyntly proceed to the Election of a King of the Roman persuasion for such an one and none other they would have Adde to this Pope Clements favour of the League allowing it 15000 Ducats a moneth exhorting them to chuse a new King of the Roman belief alledging none to be capable of a Crown but one of that Religion commanding the Nuncio Cardinal Piacenza to forward the Election Upon all these and other such like considerations the King is perplext beyond measure now clearly perceiving that all of them were gone to that height of Conditional Subjection as never to receive him for King unless he would be of their Religion nor was his force sufficient to oppose The case is hard but a Kingdom is not to be lost yet the war goeth on vigorously on both sides In the mean time the Pope having sent to his Nuncio in France to hasten the calling of the States General that a Catholick King an enemy to Hereticks and a Defender of the Church might be chosen the Duke of Mayenne took heart fancying that the Pope might aim at him year 1593 and thus entertaining some thoughts of being King he resolved to convocate the States General the Spaniard would have it at Soissons that Parma might the sooner assist or awe them from Flanders the Duke of Lorrain desires Rheams where his greatest Interest lay but Mayennâ— thought Paris best his own Authority being greatest there by his former weakening the Sixteen In the mean time all care is taken by them to exclude Henry and nothing could thwart them more then his turning Romanist of which they had some fears several earnestly solliciting him to it To prevent this October 't is spread abroad how unlawful it is for any to desire his Conversion how it is against Divine Civil and Canon Law the Decrees of the Popes Mem. de M. de Nevers vol. 2. pag. 634. the Fundamental Law of the Kingdom the Holy Union c. and therefore conclude that those who propose or endeavour such a thing are wicked Citizens unstable perjur'd Politicks seditious Disturbers of the Common-weal favourers of Hereticks suspected of Heresie Excommunicated ought to be driven out of the City lest they should corrupt the rest And those of Chaalons having put forth a * 18 Novemb Decree against Cardinal de Piacenza the Popes Nuncio as also the Popes Bulls as they did formerly against Pope Gregory XIV Those of the Parlement of Paris publish an Act whereby they Declare the said Decree of Chaalons null of none effect or force being published by those of no Right or Authority to be a Parlement being Schismaticks Hereticks Enemies to God and his Church disturbers of the State and publick peace of the Kingdom Order the said Decree as full of Scandal Schism Heresie and Sedition to be torn and burnt by the Hangman Forbid any to receive or obey the said Decree Injoyn all to honour and obey Pope Clement VIII and acknowledge his Legat. Affirm that their intended General States design nothing but the Preservation of the Roman Religion and to choose a true Christian Catholick French King Forbid any to hinder or molest the members coming to the said meeting of States DU-TILLET Paris 2 Decemb. 1592. Accordingly to summon the said States-General the Duke of Mayenne 1593. 5 Jan. Publish'd a large Declaration in which he undertakes To Vindicate himself Desireth the Romanists to unite That though the Leaguers had too much cause to desire the late Kings death yet they had no hand in it it being a blow from Heaven That Navarre could not be King because an Heretick Obedience being only founded upon the of the Roman Religion So they cannot be blamed for their Actions nor can be Rebels seeing they fight only against Hereticks and their Associates who have despised the Popes Bulls and Admonitions c. And so throwing an odd blot upon the King concludes To this the Popes Legat Piacenza thinking that of Mayenne'â— not plain and severe enough added another Declaration Desiring all to be obedient to the Pope who will never assent to an Heretical King or the ruine of the Church
or that Crown * 15 Jan. Affirming that to think that the Priviledges of the Gallican Church extendeth so far as to admit of an Heretical King is the dream of a Madman and an Heretical Contagion That those who had acknowledg'd Navarre had forgot the Piety of their Ancestors the Reputation of their Countrey and the safety of their souls their salvation being desperate That Navarre had violated all Laws both divine and humane And that the Parliament of Paris is a true and lawful one and so perswadeth them to proceed to an Election To these the King returning Answers endeavoring to clear himself from their Accusations not forgetting also to shew what a favour he had for the Roman Religion And though the death of the Duke of Parma had been no small Hindrance to the Spanish designs yet now Lorenzo Suarez de Figuerâ— Duke of Feria cometh Embassador to manage the Interest of that Crown at the meeting of the States several at this time aiming at the Throne and every one not despairing of their Cause or Interest The Spanish daughter Izabella Clara Eugenia the Dukes of Guise Lorain Nemours and Mayenne having all hopes In short the States-General meet at Paris in the Great Hall of the 26 Jan. Louvre amongst the rest of the Drolleries of these times nothing took more then a Book call'd Satyre Menippee or le Catholicon d'Espagne Composed in abuse of this Convention * Debit Pret. Belg. Tom. 3. p. 339. Justus Lipsius will have a fling at this Book but the greatest honour it received was from Rome where their Wisdomes there as if they had nothing else to do did many years after very gravely call it to remembrance and at last thought it fit to pass under their * 16 Mar. 1621. vid. Ind. Expurgat Alexandri VIII p. 218. Censure of Reprobation The prose of it was made by the Almoner to Cardinal de Bourbon the Verses were composed by Nicholas Rapin commended by * Poet Gall. vol. 3. p. 165. Johannes Passeratius * Ib. p. 420 421. Scavâ—la Sammorthanus with others and Rapin himself hath some * Ib. p. 204 c. 28 Jan. Poems out in Latin The States being met as aforesaid Mayenne King-like sitteth under the Cloth of State desiring them to choose a Catholick King an Enemie to Heresie which was seconded by others The next day at a private meeting the Legat moved that at the next Sessions of the States all should take a solemn Oath never to acknowledge Navarre for their King though he should turn Romanist but this was quashr at the Proposal as to swear against the Popes Authority suppose he should turn and his Holiness command him to be received The next day the Romanists with the King with his consent send Propositions to the States for a Treaty with them at which the Legat stormeth affirming the Proposal to be Heretical and so not fit to be Answer'd Cardinal Pelleve and Diego d'Ivarra one of the Spanish Agents agreâ—ing with him but this was opposed and because the Paper was directed to all the States 't was judged fit to be communicated to them which so netled the Legat that he got the Colledge of Sorbonne to declare it Heretical as intimating a declared Heretick might be King and ought to be obeyed Yet the Proposal is shewn to the States a Conference with the Royal Romanists is consented to but in their Answer they had this odd Conclusion That to oppose an Heretical King is not Treason The place agreed on is Surenne between Paris and St. Denys and Persons are nominated on both sides In the States the Spaniards carried high for the Infanta many seeming willing to it for interest-sake but when they named Ernest Arch-Duke of Austria the Emperors Brother for her husband it was rejected as not fitting to give the Kingdom to a stranger The Spaniards smelling the design offered to admit of a French Prince to be married to Philips daughter which took pretty well Guise Nemours Lorain and Mayenne his sons each of them hoping to be the Man and King Nay some who seem'd to be the Kings Friends and Allies as Cardinal Bourbon Count de Soissons the Prince of Conti with some others began to hearken to this Proposal every one fancying to make the Crown his upon which conceits they were not so earnest in the Kings Cause and Interest as they seem'd to be The King perceiving that the Authority of the Pope was one of his greatest Enemies or Pretences had a great minde to have him pacified to which purpose he formerly had the Republick of Venice and Ferdinando de Medici Grand Duke of Tuscany to use their interests in his behalf at Rome and to further it had also been sent Cardinal Pietros de Gondy Bishop of Paris and the Marquess de Pisani in the name of the Romanist with the King upon the same Errand But the Pope commanded them not to enter into the Ecclesiastical Territories as being Favourers of Hereticks well-Wishers to Navarre with whom they had presumed to speak and treat to which some Reasons and Excuses being returned the Pope at last permits them to enter Rome And at last the King himself gave fair Signes and Proffers to the Conference at Surenne not only of his being willing to be instructed in the Roman Religion but as it were ready to be of it This amazeth the Covenanters to the purpose the Legat protesteth against the Conference as dangerous that they could neither treat with nor admit of a peace with Navarre being a declared Heretick and that if they did either he for his part would quit the Kingdom and this he publish'd in Print that every one might take notice of it Nor were the Spaniard less concerned who fearing the Kings Conversion would make haste and be excepted of thinking to spoil it Nominates the Duke of Guise for Husband to the Infanta shewing it was so in his Instructions At this Mayenne is stung to the heart nor could he so much dissemble but his thoughts were perceived however he thanks them for their kindness to his Nephew and desires time till things were better prepared But this Nomination being known the Embassadors Nobles Citizens and every one flock to pay their service to Guise and give him joy his Palace is fill'd himself cried up and now they vapour of a new Kingling * Charles de Guisâ— Charles XI At all this the Dutchess of Mayenne is mad she frets storms and weeps three days and not able any longer to endure she falleth upon her troubled husband with Sighs Exclamations Threatnings and Railings jearing him as one that hath lost all his labour and pains if he who had hitherto borne the brunt must at last only thus truckle to his young Nephew The Duke also thus perplext to see himself as it were laid aside puts many into young Guise his head demands strange and exorbitant Conditions of the Spaniard for performance yet thinking
these not sure enough designeth a Treaty with Cardinal Bourbon and lest this also should fail cunningly dealeth with the Parliament of Paris to make a Decree that the Crown should not be transfer'd to strangers and the nulling of all Treaties held to that purpose as contrary to the Sulique Law which some think a Cheat and other Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom And this trick was soon obtain'd by the hands of Jehan le Maistre chief President who as if the Duke knew nothing of the business 28 June waited upon Mayenne with a good Company of Councellors to inform him of their Order which Action and Decree the Duke seemed to take in ill part as if they had been too bold in medling and this had some effect not a little dashing the Confidence and Plots of the Spaniard The King understood all this Cabal and also he perceived that though they agreed not amongst themselves yet were they all resolved against him and to adde to his trouble the Romanists whom he most trusted were falling from him as a Prince not to be converted These and other * Camdeâ— an 1593. Inconveniences forcing him to be more apprehensive he thinks himself now necessitated so far to comply with them in securing the Kingdom to himself as to hint the Roman Religion to be the best and so at Mante having talked between * Spâ—nd 1593 sect 17. 23 July five and six hours with some Prelats he seem'd well enough satisfied and thus thrust from his failings he declareth he will publickly go to receive Absolution and hear Mass at St. Denys within two days Now is Mayenne at his Wits end he had been at some pains and trouble to lay aside his Nephew his Dutchess perswading him rather to make peace with Navarre then to be a subject to young Guise But here he perceives himself out-witted all his Pretensions against the King being because he was an Heretick but now by this declared Conversion he is left without excuse Well finding no other remedy he consults to get a Truce with the King for some time to which his Majestie shews himself willing hoping by the sweetness of a little peace to gain upon the people though Mayenne had other designs against him As for the Duke of Guise considering well how things went he excused his Election to the Spanish Embassadors as a thing that would prove ridiculous to others and ruinous to himself In the mean time the Legat inform'd of the Kings design to convert and be absolved at St. Denys pulls out his Paper-Tools and falls to the old Work declaring Navarre to be an Excommunicated Heretick being so pronounced by Sixtus V. and therefore not to be absolved or admitted into the Church but by the Pope himself That all shall be null and void that they shall do that waywards and that those who shall appear there shall be excommunicated and deprived to these Mayenne addeth his good-will by forbidding any man to go to St. Denys 25 July unâ—er great penalties But all to no purpose for the day being come all sorts of people croud thither the King clothed in white with a black Hat and Cloak nobly attended goeth to the Great Church the Gates being shut the Lord Chancellor knocks they are opened and within appeareth Renaud e Beaune Archbishop or if you will * A Litle losa attributed to the Archbishop of Bourgâ—s Pope Nicolas I. calling S. Rodolphus the 47. Prelat of this City a Patriarch Caus 9. Quest 3. c. Conâ—â—â—stus Gloss Patriarch of Bourges sitting in his Chair in his Pontificalibus environ'd with a great number of Prelats He ask'd who he was and what he would have The King replied that he was Henry King of France and Navarre desiring to be received into the bosome of the Church the Arch-bishop ask'd him if he heartily desired it and was truly sorry for his former Errours which the King affirming on his knees repeating the Confession of Faith with some Prayers and being sworn after secret Confession he received Absolution then sat under the Cloth of State to hear Mass so all being done he returned an excellent Romanist to his Palace but with what bad words and maledictions the Priests of Paris could throw upon him In the mean time at the Conference of Surein a Truce being concluded between the King and Mayenne the Legat shewed himself very zealous and furious against it threatning to be gone but he was somewhat appeas'd by Mayenne's getting a Decree from their illegal States for the receiving the Council of Trent though a little before the Council being treated on in the same States the Parliament opposed its Reception producing XXVI Articles in it contrary to the Gallick Spond on 1593. sect 9. Church Mayenne seeing the Covenanting Cause thus at a stand if not quite lost thanks the Spaniards for the honour they had done his family by honouring their Infanta to his Nephew Guise and for their assistance to the League but tells them withal that it is fitting to defer the Election to a more convenient time then Assembling the States he made them all take an Oath to persevere in the Holy Union and so adjourn'd 8 August them for some months and then to meet again at the same place hoping yet with himself rather to raise then diminish his greatness The King having as aforesaid taken away all Objections at home about his Religion endeavours the same at Rome to which purposes he sends Lodovico Gonzago Duke of Nevers Embassador thither with several Vid. Gombervâ—lle Memoiâ—es de M. de Nevâ—rs vol. 2. P 405. c. p. 638. Davila pag. 1220. Divines amongst whom was Jaques Davy Sieur du Perron the Elect Bishop of Eureux who had already thrown off the interest of his former Master Cardinal Bourbon the Head of the third Party for whilst he Negotiated the Cardinals designs with some great ones at Court he grew acquainted with the King pleasing him with his Learning Eloquence Mirth Wit and Poetry thus commanding the Kings Ear and Humour and perceiving his own greatness might more easier be attain'd to by the King especially his Conversion then the Cardinals Exaltation quitted his old former service and became very active for his Majesty Nevers and his Company go towards Rome whilst Arnand d'Ossat though but of mean Parentage yet of great Wit and Judgment as his Negotiations and Letters testifie now living at Rome and afterwards a Cardinal secretly and wisely on his own head agitated for the Kings advantage The Pope sends Possivino the known Jesuit to Nevers not to approach the Duke returneth many Reasons and goeth on at last the Pope allow'd him but he must enter the City privately and not stay in it above ten days He waiteth upon the Pope but Clement will grant him nothing nor absolute nor confirm the former Absolution of Henry nor permit the Bishops who came along with him to kiss his Toe because they had
March crying V. ve le Roy all things are carried peaceably all pardon'd and kept in their Places and Offices but Cardinal Pelleve Archbishop of Rheims a furious Covenanter now lying sick in Paris and inform'd what was a doing angrily said that He hoped yet the Arms of the Spaniards and good Catholicks would drive that Huguenot out of Paris which said he died All the Kings enemies had liberty to depart The Legat though the King desired him to stay returned for Rome the Spanish Embassadours and Forces marched away and several * Their names in Mem. de M. Nevers v l. 2. l. 718. Frenchmen jealous of their own Villanies quitted the City and others the Kingdom And now both Parlement of Paris and the Sorbonne Doctors wheel about and declare themselves dapper fellows for King Henry IV. and the Parlement of Paris puts forth a Decree the summe of which was Nulleth and maketh void all Decrees and Oaths made or taken against King Henry IV. since Dec. 20. 1588. Nulleth all that hath also been done against King Henry III. commandeth all to speak reverently of him and that those shall be proceeded against who were any way guilty of his murther Revoketh all power formerly given to the Duke of Mayenne forbids any to yield him any obedience under pain of Treason and under the same penalty commands the House of Lorrain to acknowledge Henry IV. for their King Commandeth all people to forsake the League or Union Revoketh all that hath been done by the late pretended States General at Paris and that for the future they assemble not And that the 22th of March shall for the future be kept as an Holy-day c. De Villoutreys Paris 30 March 1594. The King thus prosperous many places seeing small hopes left submitted themselves The Duke de Elboenf of the House of Lorrain maketh peace the Duke of Lorrain himself is inclinable but Mayenne d'Aumale and some others stand out obstinately As for the Spaniards they seeing the League ruin'd fight for their own Master Philip under that notion beginning a war with France to them the Duke of Aumale submitting himself and Interest rather then to his own Sovereign and Mayenne followed almost the same steps joyning with them though he did not absolutely submit himself to them Thus the League daily losing ground Lorrain maketh a Truce or Peace with the King and Guise seeing little else to trust to renounceth the Covenant and compounds with His Majesty But that all hopes might not fail another attempt must be made upon the Kings Person The * Memoirs du Duc du Sully tom 1. p. 169. Jesuits Capuchines and other Religious Zelots had formerly contriv'd his murther and †Mem. de la Ligue tom 6. p. 263. Lâ—urâ—nce Bouchil Hist de la justice criminelle de France tit 11. ch 15. François Jacob a Scholar of the Jesuits at Bourgeâ— had boasted and threatned his death but here we meet with a fellow that will endeavour to be as good as his word His name was Jean Chastel son to a Draper in Paris a young man of a wicked life and bred up in the Jesuits School Having consider'd with himself what an abominable life he had led resolved to do some noble and meritorious action for the benefit of Religion thereby to wash and wipe out the stains of his own crimes and offences And having often heard it preach'd from the Pulpit discoursed of and disputed in the Schools where he conversed that it was not onely lawful but glorious to kill Heretical Kings and particularly Henry of Bourbon Thus nurs'd up he concluded nothing could be more meritorious to himself and acceptable to God and Man then the taking out of the world Navarre whom he was taught to believe to be truly no King but a damnable Heretick and Persecutor of the Church Thus resolved he year 1593 imparts his design to his father and the Curate of Saint André in Paris And now being fully confirm'd in the gloriousness of the action and being well prepar'd for the attempt he will take the next opportunity The King with several Nobles being at the Louvre in the Chamber of the fair Cabrielle d'Estrees by him for love-sake made Dutchess of Beausort Jean Chastel amongst the rest had boldly thrust himself in At last getting near the Kings person he out with his knife offering a stab at his Throat or Heart but the King by chance then stooping to one in 27 Decâ—mâ— complement received the blow or wound upon his upper lip which also struck out a tooth The Villain upon the blow let the knife fall and having mixt himself with the Company designing to slip away it could not presently be known who was the Criminal till the Count de Soissons by chance casting his eyes upon Chastel and perceiving him in an amazed and affrighted condition seiz'd on him by the arm upon which the fellow presently confest and which was more boldly vindicated the action Upon this wound Perron made a long Copy of a Vide â—â—spâ—nâ—se le Pâ—rnâ—sse com 1. fol. 13 14 c. verses and so did b Poet. Bâ—lâ— toâ— 1. p. 500 501. Baudius c Poet. 〈◊〉 tom 3. p. 718 719. Seba and others upon the Parricide and Pyramide The by-standers would have cut the Villain to pieces but the King wiser then their passions commanded he should not be hurt so he is had to prison tried and condemned to have his flesh pull'd off with hot Pincers his right hand holding the knife to be cut off and himself drawn in piâ—ces by four horses which accordingly was done the Parricide shewing no sign of grief or pain The Father of Chastel was banished his house before the Palace pull'd down and a stately Pyramide erected in its place with many Inscriptions in Golden Letters upon it casting no small reproach upon the Jesuits The Inscriptions at large you may see in other * Lud. Lucâ—s Hist Jâ—suit l. 4. c 3. Jâ— Wâ—ius Lectiâ—â— Memor bâ—o 〈…〉 tâ—m 3â—â—â— c 4. Mem. de la Ligue tâ—m 6. p. 266 c. Writers Of Chastel and the Jesuits thus saith part of it Huc me redegit tandem herilis filius Malis magistris usus schola impia Sotoricorum eheu nomen usurpantibus c. On another side of the Pyramide amongst other words were these Pulso praeterea tota Gallia hominum genere novae ac malificae superstitionis qui rempub turbabant quorum instinctu piacularis adolescâ—ns dirum facinus instituerit On the fourth side of the Pyramlde was the Arrest or Decree of Parlement against the said Chastel and the Jesuits part of which relating to the latter take as followeth The said Court doth likewise ordain that the Priests and Students of the College of ††This Jesuits Câ—llege â— Parâ—s was 〈◊〉 housâ—â—f Guiilaume de Prat Bishâ—p â—f Clermont He â—eâ—mitteâ— tâ—â— Jâ—suâ—ts tâ—â—liâ— and 〈◊〉 thâ—râ— 1564. and when he died he left it
〈◊〉 Fâ—â—t â—â— them H buâ—lt them Câ—llâ—gâ—s â—lso at other 〈◊〉 Clermont and all others calling themselves of that Society shall as corrupters of youth disturbers of the common peace and enemies to the King and State within the space of three days after the publication of this present Decree depart out of Paris and other Towns and places where their Colleges are and fifteen days after out of the Kingdom upon pain wheresoever they shall be found the said term being expired to be punished as guilty of the foresaid crime of High Treason Also the goods as well moveable as unmoveable to them belonging shall be imployed to charitable uses and the distribution and disposing of them to lie as shall be ordain'd by the Court. Furthermore hereby are forbidden all the Kings Subjects to send any Scholars to the Colleges of the said Society which are out of the Kingdom there to be instructed upon the like pain and crime of High Treason c. Du TILLET 29 Decemb. 1594. This Decree against Chastel and the Jesuits was so ill resented at Rome that it was some years after there * 9 Nov. 1609. Index Expurg edit Alex. vii pag 205 condemned amongst other books which they look'd upon as Heretical in number of which was also the famous Thuanus And we are * Jan. de serres an 1609. told that Bellarmine was so nettled at the learned Bishop Andrews his Tortura Torti that he was the great stickler in procuring the former Ceusure Thus were the Jesuits who as Davila confesseth were the first Authors and continual Fomenters of the League banished the Kingdom though since they have been restored the Pyramide pull'd down and a Fountain erected 1604 in its stead As for the Pyramide Chastel the Decree against the Jesuits and the Kings Tooth one did thus endeavour to reconcile all Sire si vous voulez du tout a l'advenir De l'Assassin Chastel oster le souvenir Ostant la Pyramide l' Arrest qui la touche Qu' on vous remitte done une dent dans la bouche Sir if for th' future you will have forgot The murth'rous Chastel and the trait'rous Plot Th' Pillar and th' Decrees that th' Jesuits stain Destroy then let them tooth your mouth again And the King himself when told that Chastel was a Student amongst the Jesuits did give them this biting blow * Memoirâ— du Sully Tom. 1. p. 270. It seems then it is not enough that the mouths of so many good men have testified that the Jesuits were none of my friends if they be not also convinced of it by mine own mouth and bloud now shed The truth is upon Chastels * Mem. dâ— la Ligue vol. 6. Jes Cat. fol. 205 Davila p. 1332. confession more then once that he learned this King-killing Doctrine from the Jesuits their College of Clermont was searched by Order amongst which in the Study of Father Jean Guignard born at Chartres were several Writings found praising the murther of the late King persuading the killing of this c. of which take his own words That cruel * i. e. Hâ—nry III. Nero was slain by one Clement and that Counterfeit Monk was dispatch'd by the hands of a true Monk This Heroical act performed by James Clement is a gift of the Holy Spirit so termed by our Divines is worthily commended by the Prior of the Jacobins Burgoin a Confessor and Martyr The Crown of France may and ought to be transferred from the House of Bourbon unto some other And the * Henry IV. Bearnois although converted to the Catholick Faith shall be more mildly dealt withall then he deserves if rewarded with a shaven Crown he be shut up in some strict Covent there to do penance for the mischiefs which he hath brought upon the Realm of France and to thank God that he hath given him grace to acknowledge him before his death And if without Arms he cannot be depos'd let men take Arms against him and if by war it cannot be accomplished let him be Murthered This Guignard being tried confest the book to be of his composing is condemn'd and suffer'd yet have they pictur'd him amongst the Martyrs attributed Miracles to him though * Response al' Antâ—eotou c. 1. p. 32 33. Adrian Behotte a little more modest is unwilling to hear any more of him as if he were guilty By Order also was Jean Gueret another Jesuit Teacher of Philosophy and Confessor to Chastelet banished and his goods confiscated Chastel having learned Philosophy under him for two years and an half in which time he had heard such Principles of King-killing asserted And it cannot be denied but that the Jesuits College was bad enough in these Leaguing times At the first breaking out of Troubles they instituted at Paris a Brotherhood esteeming it a Congregation in honour of our Blessed Lady and it was commonly call'd The Congregation of the Chapelet because the Brethren of that Company were to carry a pair of Jes Cat. sol 198 199. Beads to say them over once a day Of this Fraternity the Zelots of the League had themselves enrolled as Mendoza the Spanish Embassadour the Sixteen and several others This Congregation was kept every Sunday in an upper Chapel on Saturdays they were confest on Sundays they received the Sacrament when Mass was done a Jesuit stept into the Pulpit exhorting them to be constant in the Cause This done the Common sort departed the Grandees staying behind to consult about the affairs of the League of which Council Father Odon Pigenat was a long time President being one very zealous and fiery In the School of this College one Alexander Haye a Scotchman was Regent of the first Form for three or four years of the Troubles being a furious Covenanter and a great Corrupter of the Youth He read to his Auditors Demosthenes his Invectives against Philip of Maeedon where by his Glosses he made good stuff against the King affirming it a commendable act to kill him by which blessed Deed the Actor could not fail of Paradice and be exempted from the pains of Purgatory Nay so zelous was he against the King that he openly protested that if the Bearnois should enter the City and pass by their College he would leap frâ—m the highest window thereof upon him thereby to break the said Henry's neck being firmly persuaded that this fall would also carry himself into Heaven That day that the King went first to St. Denis to hear 〈…〉 Haye understanding that certain of his Auditors had been 〈…〉 the Ceremony the next day he forbad them his Lectures as â—â—â—communicated persons forbidding them to enter his School till they had been absolved by some of the Jesuits from that horrid crime When the people began to talk of Peace with the King he commanded one of his Scholars to declame against it but the Orator seeming rather to be for Peace Haye storms at him makes him come down calling him Heretick
in the Dukedom of Bar and in the Diocess of Toul in Lorrain who throwing off his Cowle or Hood and under the disguise of a Beggerly habit being found in the Court upon examination giving no good account and Convict by Testimony was also condemn'd and suffered upon the Wheel Such like murtherous designes of the Friars occasioned many Poems against them amongst the rest upon the stabbing of Henry III. who is said to have loved them most affectionately thus one of them concludeth Jamais il n'y eut Roy par qui la Moinerie Respectee fut plus par qui plus cheria Si les Moins ainsi tuâ—nt leurs grands amis Bon Dieu que ferent ils à leur grand Ennemis Never did King carry more kinde defires Than Henry unto all sorts of Fryers If Monks to friends will give such deadly blows Good God! what will they do unto their Foes Thus much for the French Popish Solemn League and Covenant by Retorting of which is enough to stop their mouths concerning our late Rebellions seeing The Romanists there safely pretended the danger of Religion as well as our Presbyterians did They entred into a Solemu League and Covenant as our Non-conformists did They forced their King to take it and it is not unknown what our villainous Long-Parliament would have done and what the impudent Schismaticks in Scotland did do They spred abroad that their King was an enemie to their Religion and in this were worse then our Puritans who though they slandred our King yet had it rather been a scandal for him to have been of their schismatical perswasion They had their Priests and Jesuits sacrilegiously to abuse the Pulpit and People with their seditious lying and treasonable Discourses as our Rebels had their blasphemous Lecturers ignorant and impudent Tub-Thumpers and 't is hard to tell which of these Covenanters were the greater Villains though I 'le grant ours to be the greater Dunces They falsely gave out that many thousand Huguenots lurk'd in Paris to kill them thereby to incense and inrage the people as our Puritans did of God knows what Cavaliers and Papists mustred under ground and such like tales They had their several Juncto's and Cabal's as ours had their Committees c. They null'd and made void all their Oaths of Allegiance as ours did They declared that Allegiance was but Conditional viz. to a Romanist as ours did to a Covenanter They made many Oaths in behalf of Conditional Subjection and Rebellion as out late Zealots did They had their Doctors or Divines of Sorbonne to countenance and vindicate their wicked Actions and to declare for good whatever they would have them As ours had their Club of Assembly of Divines to prove new Governments and King-opposing to be by Divine Right and Predestination They made Banishment and other Penalties for those who would not take and subscribe their Oaths as our Rebels did for their Covenants and Engagements They had their particular Processions and such like Set-pieces of Devotion to crave Divine Aid and Assistance as ours had their monthly Fasts to desire God to bless their sins and Rebellions as also their Thanksgiving like the old Irish who used to thank God if by Theft or Robbery they had got a good booty They had their Oaths of Abjuration as well as ours had They would pardon and authorize all those who acted for their cause as ours could indempnifie one another some may think with as much right or true Authority as the * Mer. Casubâ—â—'s Necessity of Reform p. 75. French Priest consecrated the Sacrament in the name of the Devil They call'd their League against their King Loyalty and ours thought as well of the Covenant They would have the Council of Trent revived as ours would the Covenant Directory and Presbytery and such like schismatical and treasonable Principles Some of them would have their Chieftain Mayenne to be King as others in England would have had Oliver As their Mayenne would not take upon him when offered to him the Title of King because his Interest was not then sufficient to vindicate it and so would only be Lieutenant of the Crown of France thus Oliver upon the same account refused the Kingship but would be Protector of England They commended Guise and Mayenne as the only Prop of their Church as ours by their Addresses did sacrilegiously magnifie Oliver and his son Richard They had their Rump and secluded Members as well as we but in this the French were worst of the two they turning out honest men whilst ours excluded only Conditional subjects i. e. Traitors so one Knave turn'd out another They sent to the Popish Princes large Complaints against their King as ours with their Schismatical Assembly against King Charles I. to Holland and Geneva They would alter limit put out and in as they pleased their Kings Council as our Puritans desired to do in England They would take away the Kings Negative Vote and make the States superiour to him so would our Roundheads here They sent a Letter to desire Protection and Assistance from Spain an enemie to their King and Countrey as the Scotch Covenanters did from the French King Lewis XIII against their King Charles I. as appears by their Letter subscribed by their Chieftains They in Triumph conducted Guise and his friends into Paris as our Presbyterians did the five Members c. to the affront of King and Government They by their Tumults forced their King to flee from his chief City and Court Paris as our Puritans did King Charles I. from London for his own safety When their King offered them and their General Mayenne Pardon Favour and desired a Peaee they reject both it and him as ours did with King Charles when he offered the same to them and their General Essex They censure all who sided with the King and sat at Tours or Chaalons as ours did those who sat at Oxford as a Parliament They broke the Kings Great Seals making new ones as ours also did They declared it Treason to aid or favour their King as the English did They murthered any who sided with their King as well as our Rebels here They defaced all the Kings Pictures and Statues as the Phanaticks did here They had their Women of all Qualities to promote their Cause by their Love-tricks and Contributions as the Puritans in England had their Wives holy Sisters and zealous Ladies hurried along with as much Chastity and Religion as Honesty Moderation or Loyalty They renounced all obedience to Henry III. and his Queen ordered he should not be prayed for as our wicked Presbyterian Long-Parliament declared the Queen a Traitor renounced the King by their abominable Votes and Declaration of Non-Address and it was afterwards death to pray for him They often attempted the death of Henry IV. contrived and procured the Murther of Henry III. as ours designed King Charles's death in the Isle of Wight and at last murthered him on the
dependency upon the King or State of Spain or treaty with him or any of his Forces or Confederates and shall be ready with the uttermost of my ability to serve her Majesty against him or any of his Forces or Confederates I do absolutely renounce all Challenge or Intermedling with the Vriaghts or Fostering with them or other Neighbour-Lords or Gentlemen out of my Countrey or exacting any Black-rents of any Vriaghts or bordering-Lords I do resign all Claim and Title to any Lands but such as shall now be granted unto me by her Majesties Letter Patents Lastly As the only being a Subject doth include all the Duties of a Subject so will I be content to be informed here and advised by her Magistrates and will be conformable and assisting unto them in any thing that may tend to the advancement of her Service and the peaceable Government of this Kingdom as namely for the abolishing of all barbarous Customs contrary to the Laws being the Seeds of all Incivility and for the clearing of all difficult Passages and Places which are the Nurseries of Rebellion wherein I will employ the labours of the people of my Countrey in such sort and in such places as I shall be directed by her Majesty or the Lord Deputy or Council in her Name and will endeavour for my self and the people of my Countrey to erect civil Habitations and such as shall be of great effect to preserve us against Thieves and any Force but the Power of the State by which we must rest assured to be preserved as long as we continue in our Duty And now to see whether these Rebellions agree or no with the Roman-Catholique Doctrine I shall afford you the Opinions and Commendations of some of their Vniversities of these very Treasonable Actions In Dei Nomine Amen ILlustrissimus Princeps Hugo Onellus bellum gerit cum Angliae Regina Anglis ob Catholicam Religionem tuendam ut scilicet liceat illi Ibernis libere Catholicam Religionem profiteri quam libertatem vi armis Angliae Regina conatur eripere Duo nunc circa hoc bellum in dubium revocantur I. Alterum est An liceat Catholicis Ibernis praedicto Principi Hugoni in eo bello favere armis quibuscunque aliis modis II. Alterum An iisdem Catholicis liceat pugnare contra praefatum Principem citra mortale peccatum Anglis in eo bello favere armis aut alia quavis ratione Praesertinm cum si Anglis hoc auxilii genus negant manifesto vitae periculo aut amittendi bona temporalia sese exponunt Et praeterea cum ipsis Catholicis Iberniae a summo Pont. sit permissum ut possint praedictae Reginae Angliae obedire ac ut legitimam Reginam Tributa illi solvendo recognoscere videtur enim id praestare posse quod Subditorum est pugnare scilicet adversus Reginae Rebelles qui debitam ei Obedientiam negant terram illius ditioni subjectam usurpare videntur Ut utrique Questioni satisfiat Tanquam certum est accipiendum Posse Romanum Pont. Fidei desertores eos qui Catholicam Religionem oppugnant Armis compellere ac coercere cum alia Ratio non suppetat tanto malo occurrendi Est praeterea ut firmum constituendum Angliae Reginam Catholicam Religionem oppugnare nec permittere Ibernos Catholicam fidem publice colere eademque de Causa praedictum Principem ante eum alios quos Apostolicae literae Clementis VIII commemorant bellum adversus illam suscepisle His ita constitutis facile prima Quaestio expeditur Citra quaestionem namque est Posse quoscunque Catholicos dicto Principi Hugoni O-Neil in praedicto bello favere idque magno cum merito spe maxima Retributionis aeternae Cum enim praedictus Princeps bellum gerit authoritate Summi Pont. ob tuendam Religionem Catholicam ad idque eum omnes Christi fideles Pontifex per suas literas adhortetur ut ex ejus literis constat Atque Principi in eo bello faventes multis gratiis prosequatur ac si bellum contra Turcas gererent nemo jure dubitaverit susceptum bellum justum esse magni esse meriti pro Catholica Religione quae omnium maximum bonum est tuenda pugnare Est etiam de secunda Quaestione omnino certum Eos omnes Catholicos peccare mortaliter qui Anglorum Castra contra praedictum Principem O-Neil sequuntur nec posse illos aeternam salutem consequi nec ab ullo Sacerdote a suis peccatis absolvi nisi prius resipiscant ac Castra Anglorum deserant Idemque de illis censendum est qui Armis Commeatibus in eo bello Anglis favent vel quod simile tribuunt praeter ea Tributa Consueta quae ex summi Pont. Indulgentia permissione eis licet * * So some Copies have it but Osullevan reads it thus â—is licet Reginae Angliae aut ejus Exactoribus solvere Angliâ— Regibus florente in ea Religionae Catholica aut eorum Exactoribus solvere Haec Assertio hac apertissima Ratione confirmatur Quoniam per liter as summi Pont. satis est compertum Angliae Reginam ejus Duces Bellum gerere injustum contra praedictum Principem O-Neil eos qui illi favent Cum enim Pontifex declarat Anglos adversus Catholicam Religionem pugnare eosque non minus ac Turcas oppugnari debere eisdemque Gratiis eos oppugnantes prosequatur quibus contra Turcas pugnantes prosequitur Quis dubitet bellum ab Anglis adversus Exercitum Catholicum omnino iniquum geri At nemini licet iniquo bello favere aut i'li adesse sub poena aeternae Damnationis Peccant ergo gravissime Catholici qui in Castris Haereticorum contra praedictum Principem pugnant in bello aperte iniquo injusto omnes qui eidem bello favent Armis aut Commeatibus aut quacunque alia ratione quae per se belli progressum juvent nec possint rationem inire indifferentis obsequii Nec eos quicquam juvat Apostolicas Literas Surreptionis notare Surreptio enim intervenire non potest ubi nulla narratur Petitio eorum in quorum favorem expeditur At summus Pont. aperte in illis Literis docet Se Antecessores suos sponte exhortatos fuisse ad illud bellum gerendum Hibernos Principes ac Fideles omnes ad eos magis provocandos magnis eos Gratiis ac Indulgentiis donat Qui ergo fieri potest ut Surreptitiae sint literae quae solam Exhortationem gratiis erga assistentes cumulatam continent Nec possunt ergo Catholici Anglis faventes rationibus in secunda Quaestione adductis se tueri Nullum enim peccatum mortale committendum est etiam si vita aut res familiaris amittenda sit ea vero quae bellum injustum per se promovent ac juvant exercere aperte peccatum