the Instruments 2. Of Cures performed And 3. Of things Remarkable Written by Johannes Scultetus a famous Physician and Chirurgeon of Vlme in Suevia Faithfully translated into English by E. B. The Compleat Chymist or A new Treatise of Chymistry teaching by a short and easie Method all its most necessary Preparations Written in French by Nicholas Glasier Apothecary in Ordinary to the French King and the Duke of Orleans and from the Fourth Edition revised and augmented by the Author and now faithfully Englished by a Fellow of the Royal Society Il Nepotismo di Roma or The History of the Pope's Nephews from the time of Sixtus the Fourth Anno 1471. to the Death of the late Pope Alexander the Seventh Anno 1667. In two Parts Written Originally in Italian and Englished by W. A. fellow of the Royal Society The Present State of Egypt or A new Relation of a late Voyage into that Kingdom performed in the Years 1672. and 1673. by Fr. Vansleb R. D. Wherein you have an Exact and true Account of many rare and wonderful Particulars of that Ancient Kingdom Englished by M. D. R. D. The History of the Government of Venice wherein the Policies Counsels Magistrates and Laws of that State are fully related and the Use of the Ballotting Box exactly described Written in the Year 1675. by the Sieur Amelott de la Houssaâ—e Secretary to the French Ambassador at Venice The Present State of the Ottoman Empire In three Books Containing the Maxims of the Turkish Policy their Religion and Military Discipline Illustrated with divers Figures Written by Sir Paul Ricaut then Secretary to the English Ambassador there and since Consul at Smyrna The Memoires of Philip de Comines Lord of Argenton Containing the History of Lewis the Eleventh and Charles the Eighth Kings of France with the most Remarkable Occurrences in their particular Reigns from the Year 1404. to 1498. Revised and corrected from divers Manuscripts and Ancient Impressions by Dennis Godfrey Counsellor and Historiographer to the French King and from his Addition lately printed at Paris newly translated into English A Relation of three Embassies from His Majesty Charles the Second to the Great Duke of Muscovy the King of Sweden and the King of Denmark Performed by the Right Honourable the Earl of Carlisle in the Year 1663. and 1664. By an Attendant on the Embassies The Secret History of the Court of the Emperor Justinian Written by Procopius of Caesarea Faithfully rendred into English The History of the late Revolutions of the Empire of the Great Mogul together with the most considerable Passages for many Years in that Empire with a new Map of it To which is added An Account of the Extent of Industan the Circulation of the Gold and Silver of the World to discharge it self there as also the Riches Forces and Justice of the same and the Principal Cause of the Decay of the States of Asia By Monsieur F. Bernier Physician of the Faculty of Montpelier Englished out of French by H. O. Secretary to the Royal Society The Voyage of Italy or A Compleat Journey through Italy In two Parts With the Character of the People and the Description of the Chief Towns Churches Monasteries Tombs Libraries Pallaces Villas Gardens Pictures Statues and Antiquities As also of the Interest Government Riches Force c. of all the Princes with Instructions concerning Travel By Richard Lassels Gent. who travelled through Italy five times as Tutor to several of the English Nobility and Gentry The History of France under the Ministry of Cardinal Mazarine viz. from the Death of King Lewis the Thirteenth to the Year 1664. Wherein all the Affairs of State to that time are exactly related by Benjamin Priolo and faithfully Englished by Chr. Wase Gent. The History of the Twelve Caesars Emperors of Rome Written in C. Suetonius Tranquillus Newly translated into English and illustrated with all the Caesars Heads in Copper Plates The Compleat Gentleman or Direction for the Education of Youth as to their Breeding at home and Travelling abroad By J. Gailliard Gent. who hath been Tutor abroad to several of the Nobility and Gentry The Annals of Love containing Select Histories of the Amours of divers Princes Courts pleasantly related Deceptio Pisus or Seeing and Believing are two things A pleasant Spanish History faithfully translated In two Books The Loves of sundry Philosophers and other Great Men. Translated out of French The Novels of Dom Francisco de Quevedo Villegas Knight of the Order of St. James faithfully Englished Whereunto is added The Marriage of Belphegor an Italian Novel Translated from Machiavel A Relation of the Siege of Candia from the first Expedition of the French Forces under the Command of M. de la Fuillada Duke of Koannez to its Surrender Sept. 27. 1669. Written in French by a Gentleman who was a Voluntier in that Service and faithfully Englished The Present State of the Greek and Aâ—menian Churches Anno Christi 1678. By Sir Paul Ricault late Consul at Smyrna and Fellow of the Royal Society The Rights of the Bishops to judge in Capital Cases in Parliament cleared Being a full Answer to two Books lately published the first entituled A Letter from a Gentleman to his Friend c. the other A Discourse of the Peerage and Jurisdiction of the Lords Spiritual in Parliament endeavouring to shew the contrary A Resolution of Conscience touching Impositions Suffragium Protestantium Wherein our Governours are justified in their Impositions and Proceedings against Dissenters Meisner also and the Verdict rescued from the Cavils and Seditious Sophistry of the Protestant Reconciler By the Right Reverend Father in God the Lord Bishop of St. Davids The Living Temple or A design'd Improvement of that Notion That a Good Man is the Temple of God By John Howe M. A. sometimes Fellow of M. Coll. Oxford A Friendly Conference between a Minister and a Parishioner of his inclining unto Quakerism c. With the Vindication of it from the Exceptions of Thomas Ellwood in the pretended Answer to the said Conference Thirteen Sermons preached before King Charles the Second in His Exile by the late Reverend Henry Byam D. D. Rector of Luckham Canon of Exeter and one of His Majesty's Chaplains in Ordinary With the Testimony given of him at his Funeral by Hamnet Ward D. D. Counsel and Directions Divine and Moral in plain and familiar Letters of Advice from a Divine of the Church of England to a young Gentleman his Nephew soon after his Admission into a College in Oxford The Christian's Defence against the Fears of Death with seasonable Directions how to prepare our selves to die well Written originally in French by the late Reverend Divine of the Protestant Church of Paris Char. Drelincourt And translated into English by M. D' Assigny B. D. A Discourse of Natural and Moral Impotency By Joseph Truman B. D. Aminta the famous Italian Pastoral translated into English Paradise Regained a Poem in four Books To which is added Samson
called 50 Regni By the Statute of Marleburgh 52 H. 3. it is evident All the Barons not summoned but the more discreet and so of the lesser Barons That even all the great Barons were not summoned but only the more Discreet and such as the King thought fit to call and the like is observed of the lesser Barons or Tenents in Capite For if it had been by General Summons that Restriction of the more Discreet had been useless so that it appears that what (z) Britannia fol. 122. Quibus ipâ—â— Rex dignaâ—us est brevia summonitionis dirigere venirent c. non alii Mr. Camden's ancient Author observes is true That after the horrid Confusions and Troubles of the Barons Wars those Earls and Barons whom the King thought worthy to summon by his Writ to meet came to his Parliaments and no other The Preamble to this Statute of (a) Stat. Edit 1576. p. 15. Marlebridge runs thus in Tottel Providente ipso Domino Rege ad Regni sui Angliae meliorationem exhibitionem Justitiae prout Regalis Officii poscit Vtilitas pleniorem convocatis discretioribus ejusdem Regni tam majoribus quam minoribus provisum est statutum ac concordatum ordinatum According to Pulton the (b) Fol. 14. Preamble is thus That whereas the Realm of England of late had been disquieted with manifold Troubles and Dissentions for Reformation whereof Statutes and Laws be right necessary The Use and Benefit of Laws whereby the Peace and Tranquillity of the People must be observed wherein the King intending to devise convenient Remedy hath made these Acts Ordinances and Statutes underwritten which he willeth to be observed for ever firmly and inviolably of all his Subjects as well high as low Thus we see in the whole Reign of H. 3. excepting in that Parliament of Montfort's Faction the Bishops and dignified Clergy Earls Barons and Tenents in Capite were only summoned as Members of the great Councils and there were no Representatives of the Commons and the Kings Authority in summoning dissolving and making Laws is most manifest Of Parliaments in King Edward the First 's Reign I Shall now glean out of Tottel and Pulton's Editions of the Statutes the most material Preambles which give light to the constituent Parts of Parliaments to the Legislative Power in the King with the Concurrence of the two Houses and how that in the Series of the Kings Reign hath been expressed and such other matters relating to the Parliament as may shew the gradual Progress of their Constitution to the usage of this present Age leaving the Reader to make his own remarques from the matters of Fact and the expressions used by my Authors and explaining some The Preface to the Statute of (a) Ceux sont les establishments le Roy Ed. fitz Roy Hen. fait a Westminst c. par son Councel par Passentments des Archevesques Evesques Abbes Priores Countes Barons tout le Commonalty de la terre illonques summons Tottel Stat. fol. 24. Pulton p. 19. Westminster begins thus These are the Establishments of King Edward Son to King Henry made at Westminster at his first General Parliament after his Coronation c. by his Council and by the Assent of the Archbishops Bishops Abbats Priors Earls Barons and the whole Commonalty of the Land thither summoned This Parliament was prorogued before it met and the Writ of Prorogation mentions only Quia generale Parliamentum nostrum quod cum Praelatis Magnatibus Regni nostri proposuimus habere c. Therefore having prorogued it mandamus c. Intersitis ad tractandum ordinandum una cum Praelatis Magnatibus Regni nostri (b) Brady against Petyâ— fol. 147. c. So that all the Members are included in the two general Terms of Praelati Magnates which great Men very frequently comprehended as well the Barones Majores as Minores the Earls Barons and greater Tenents in Capite and the less which then were called the Community of the Kingdom The rest of the Preamble of the Statutes made at (c) Pulton's Stat. An. 1275.3 E. 1. f. 19. Westminster runs thus Because our Lord the King hath great Zeal and desire to redress the State of the Realm c. the King hath ordained and established these Acts under written The Preface to the Statute de Bigamis 4 Oct. 4 Ed. 1. is thus (d) In prasentia venerabilium purum quâ—ruâ—dam Episcoporum Angliae aliorum de Concilio Râ—gis â—â—citatae sâ—â—erunt constitutiones â—ub â—riptae postmodâ—â—m coram Domino Rege Concilio sâ—o auditae publicatae Quia omnes de consiliâ—â—am â—usâ—â—â—â—arii quam alii concordaverunt c. Tottel p. 39. b. expressed In the Presence of certain Reverend Fathers Bishops of England and others of the Kings Council the constitutions under written were recited and after heard and published before the King and his Council for as much as all the King's Council as well Justices as others did agree that they should be put in writing for a perpetual memory and that they should be stedfastly observed In the First Chapter it is said Concordatum est per Justiciarios alios sapientes de Concilio Regni Domini Regis It was agreed by the Justices and other wise or sage Men of the Council of the Kingdom of the Lord the King Perhaps saith the judicious Doctor Brady the best understanding of the preamble and first Chapter may be that the Laws and Constitutions were prepared by the King and his (e) Answer to Pâ—tyt fol. 148. Council with the Assistance of the Justices and Lawyers that were of it or called to assist in it and declared afterwards in Parliament (f) Praeâ—iâ—â—ae autem constitutiones eâ—iâ—â— suerunt c. exâ—une lâ—â—um habeanâ— Tottel fol. 40. for it is said in the close of the Statute The aforesaid Constitutions were published at Westminster in the Parliament after the Feast of St. Michael the 4th of the Kings Reign and thence forward to take place The Preamble to the Statute of Gloucester Anno 1278. 6 E. 1. is thus (g) Pour amendment de son Roialm pur plus pleinir exhibition de droit si comâ—â—â—â— prâ—sit dâ— Office demanâ— appâ—lles le plues discretes de son Roialme auâ—â— bien des Granders comâ— des Meindres establie est concordantment ordine Tottel fol. 50. The King for the amendment of the Realm and for the more full Exhibition of Justice according as the benefit of his Office requires having called the most discreet of his Realm as well the greater as the smaller It is established and unanimously ordained as Pulton adds after by the King and his Justices certain Expositions were made The Statute of Mortmain is thus prefaced Nos pro (h) Tottel p. 48. Vtilitate Regni volentes providere Remedium de Concilio Praelatorum Comitum Baronum aliorum fidelium
Magnatibus Proceribus dicti Regni nostri colloquium habere tractatum Tibi praecipimus firmiter injungentes quod facta Proclamatione in proximo Comitatu tuo post receptionem hujus Brevis nostri tenendo die loco praedicto duos Milites gladiis cinctos magis idoneos discretos Comitatus praedicti de qualibet Civitate Comitatus illius duos Cives de quolibet Burgo duos Burgenses de discretioribus magis sufficientibus libere indifferenter per illos qui Proclamationi hujusmodi interfuerint juxta formam Statutorum inde editorum provisorum eligi nomina eorundem Militum Civium Burgensium sic electorum in quibusdam Indenturis inter te illos qui hujusmodi Electioni interfuerint inde conficiendis sive hujusmodi electi praesentes fuerint vel absentes inseri eosque ad dictum diem locum venire facias ita quod iidem Milites plenam sufficientem potestatem pro se Communitate Comitatus praedicti Cives Burgenses pro se Communitate Civitatum Burgorum praedictorum divisim ab ipsis habeant ad faciendum consentiendum his quae tunc ibidem de communi Concilio dicti Regni nostri favente Deo contigerint ordinari super negotiis ante dictis Ita quod pro defectu potestatis hujusmodi seu propter improvidam Electionem Militum Civium aut Burgensium praedictorum dicta negotia infecta non remaneant quovis modo Nolumus autem quod tu nec aliquis alius Vicecomes dicti Regni nostri aliqualiter sit electus Et Electionem illam in pleno Comitatu factam distincte aperte sub Sigillo tuo Sigillis eorum qui Electioni illae interfuerint nobis in Cancellariam nostram ad dictum dâ—em locum certifices indilate remittens nobis alteram partem Indenturarum praedictarum praesentibus consutam una cum hoc Brevi Teste meipso apud Westmonast THE King to the Sheriff Greeting Whereas by the Advice and Consent of our Council Advice of Privy Council for certain difficult and urgent business concerning us and the State and defence of our Kingdom of England and the English Church we have ordained a certain Parliament of ours to be held at our City of c. the day c. next ensuing and there to have conference Conference with Prelates c. and to treat with the Prelates Great Men and Peers of our said Kingdom We command and straitly enjoyn you Proclamation at County-Court that making Proclamation at the next County Court after receipt of this our Writ to be holden the day and place aforesaid Two Knights girt with Swords c. you cause two Knights girt with Swords the most fit and discreet of the County aforesaid and of every City of that County two Citizens Two Citizens and of every Burrough Two Burgesses two Burgesses of the discreeter and most sufficient Indifferently chosen by those present at the Proclamation according to Statutes to be freely and indifferently chosen by them who shall be present at such Proclamation according to the tenure of the Statutes in that case made and provided Their Names inserted in Indentures betwixt the Sheriff and the Electors and the names of the said Knights Citizens and Burgesses so chosen to be inserted in certain Indentures to be then made between you and those that shall be present at such Election whether the parties so elected be present or absent and shall make them to come at the said day and place To cause them to come at the Day and Place The Knights from the County the Citizens and Burgesses from their Cities Burroughs to have full power to do and consent so that the said Knights for themselves and for the County aforesaid and the said Citizens and Burgesses for themselves and the Commonalty of the aforesaid Cities and Burroughs may have severally for them full and sufficient power to perform and to consent to those things which by the favour of God shall there happen to be ordained by the Common Council of our said Kingdom concerning the businesses aforesaid Lest for want of that Power or improvident Election the Business be undonâ— so that the business may not by any means remain undone for want of such power No Sheriff to be chosen or by reason of the improvident Election of the aforesaid Knights Citizens and Burgesses Election to be in full County But we will not in any case you or any other Sheriff of our said Kingdom shall be elected The Indentures to be sealed by the Sheriff and Electors And at the day and the place aforesaid the said Election made in the full County Court A Counterpart tacked to the VVrit returned into the Chancery you shall certify without delay to us in our Chancery under your Seal and the Seals of them which shall be present at that Election sending back unto us the other part of the Indenture aforesaid affiled to these Presents together with this Writ Witness our self at Westminster SECT 7. Concerning the Speaker and the Privileges of the House of Commons IT is not my design to treat of all things relating to the Constitution My Design not to controvert the Privileges of the House of Commons but to shâ—w the gradual Alterations Laws and Customs of the House of Commons there are several useful Books extant which are fit for the Honourable Members of the House to consult What I most aim at is to shew what the Ancient Usage hath been and how from time to time things have been refined to the Mode and State they are now in and I hope those great Spirits that honour their Countries with their Service will pardon one that designs nothing more than to give them a Profile of the whole Model both in the days of our remotest Ancestors and what it was in more Modern times under just and undoubted Soveraigns as also how much it was transformed when the pretended House of Commons being confederated with a successful Army murthered their Soveraign voted away the House of Lords and assumed the Title of the Supream Authority of the Nation of which last I shall treat in the next Chapter The Members being according to the Kings Command come to the place appointed sometimes the Soveraign with the Lords in their Robes have rid in State to the Parliament which is generally yet observed in Scotland and Ireland The Solemnity at the Opening of the Parliament However at the opening of the Parliament the King is seated on his Throne under the Canopy with his Royal Crown on his Head the Chancellor standing something backward on his Right-hand and the great Officers as Lord Treasurer Lord President of the Kings Council Lord Privy Seal Great Chamberlain the Lord Constable Marshal Lord Admiral Lord Steward and Kings Chamberlain attend on either side the State or in their Seats
agreeth with the Act of Parliament 37 E. 3. c. 18. where it is said before the Chancellor Treasurer and Great Council Thirdly The Kings Privy Council which appears to be different from the last Great Council by many Records and particularly by that of (c) Rot. Claus 16 E. 2. m. 5. dorso 16 E. 2. where it is said Hen. de Bellomont Baron of the Kings Great and Private Council was sworn This Council is called Concilium Privatum secretum continuum Regis The Privy Council properly so called Lord President The First Member of this Council is the Lord President who was anciently called Principalis Consiliarius and sometimes Capitalis Consiliarius The first Lord President Sir Edward Coke (d) 4. Instit c. 2. fol. 55. 1. par Pat. num 22. John Bishop of Norwich is mentioned 7 Jo. by Matt. Paris fol. 205. mentions was the Earl of Lancaster 50 E. 3. 1 R. 2. then he reckons these in order the Duke of Bedford 1 H. 6. the Duke of Gloucester 10 H. 6. the Duke of York 11 and 22 H. 6. John Russel Bishop of Rochester and after of Lincoln is called President 13 E. 4. John Fisher Bishop of Rochester 12 H. 7. Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk from the 25th to the 37th of H. 8. the Lord Pawlet 1 E. 6. the Duke of Northumberland 5 and 7 of E. 6. the Earl of Arundel 1 and 2 Ph. and M. in Q. Elizabeth's time we find none but in this Catalogue Mr. Prynne (e) Animadv p. 45. Pat. 13 E. 4. part 1. m. 3. hath truly noted That the Bishop of Rochester was not made President of the Kings Council but of the Prince's and was his Tutor as appears by the Patent it self there cited dated the 10th of Nov. This Office of Lord President was never granted but by Letters Patents under the Great Seal durante beneplacito In the Statute of 21 H. 8. c. 2. he is said to be attendant on the Kings most Royal Person the reason of which saith Sir Ed. Coke is That of latter times he hath used to report to the King the Passages and the State of the business at the Council Table The Lord Privy Seal is the next Principal Person that hath Precedence in the Kings Council Lord Privy-Seal concerning whose Office my Lord (f) 4. Instit c. 2. fol. 56. Coke hath discoursed at large to whom I must refer the Curious Reader as also to him for the Acts of Parliament Orders of the same and Acts of Council together with Mr. Prynne's (g) P. 45. Animadversions whereby the Privy-Council was to be regulated and concerning the Jurisdiction and Proceedings of the Kings Council Mr. Lambard's (h) P. 108. to 116. fol. 29. Archaion and Mr. Crompton's Jurisdiction of Courts may be consulted the several Bundels of Petitions to the King and his Council in the Tower of London and the Answers to them the Placita Parliamentaria coram Rege Concilio in the Tally Office of the Exchequer and in the Parchment Book of them in the Tower under King Edward the First printed by Mr. (i) In Placit Parl. Append. Those summoned to Parliaments as Assistants called the King's Council and in Parliament-time joyned with the King's Council in several Cases Ryley Of this Privy Council there seems to me to be two sorts one constantly attending the King and his Affairs the other in Parliament time only which had their particular Summons as I have before at full discoursed of and these two I find so obscurely distinguished that it is difficult in some places to understand which are meant but I think in time of Parliament these were joyned to the Kings Council for besides that they had a distinct Summons and in them as a specifical distinction the word caeteris was omitted in that part of the Summons which runs dictis die loco personalitor intersitis nobiscum ac cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus c. because they were not Parliamentary Barons there was also added in proceedings and judgments upon them these words coram ipso Domino Rege ejus concilio ad Parliamenta sua or ad Parliamentum suum or coram Concilio nostro in praesenti Parliamento For the particular Instances of which being they are very numerous Mr. Prynn's (k) A pag. 363. ad pag. 393. brief Register may be consulted wherein it seems to me upon the perusal of the several Records that these Assistants to the House of Lords were likewise joyned to the rest of the Kings standing Council in Parliament time so it is expressed in the Case of (l) Idem pag. 378. John Salâ—eyn and Margaret his Wife and Isabel her Sister Daughters and Heirs of Robert de Ross de Work thus Habito super praemissis diligenti tractatu per ipsum Dom. Regem totum Concilium and in the same it is thus also worded videtur Dom. Regi Concilio suo concordatum est consideratum per ipsum Dom. Regem Concilium suum So in others per Concilium Archiepiscoporum Episcoporum Comitum Baronum caeterorumque (m) Idem pag. 380. de Concilio suo existentium singulis de Concilio suo totius Concilii Domini Regis So in 21 E. 1. the Archbishop of York's Case videtur Domino Regi in pleno Parliamento praedicto Comitibus Baronibus Justiciariis similiter toti Concilio ipsius Dom. Regis and so it is said Magnates alios de Concilio ipsius Domini Regis rogavit This is further cleared by sundry (n) Idem pag. 383. The Court of Star-chamber was said to be coram Rege Concilio suo See Coke Inst 4. c. 5. Prefaces to and passages in our Printed Statutes as formerly I have noted So the Statute of Bigamy 4 Oct. 4 E. 1. saith In the presence of certain Reverend Fathers Bishops of England and others of the Kings Council the constitutions under written were recited after heard and published before the King and his Council for as much as all the Kings Council Justices and others did agree So the Statute of Quo Warranto 30 E. 1. Cum apud Westminster per nos Concilium nostrum provisum So 33 E. 1. it is agreed and ordained by the King and all his Council So 42 E. 3. c. 3. the Statute made on Petition of the Commons in Parliament begins (o) Plese a nostre Seigneur le Roy son bon Counsel pur droyt Government de son Peuple ordeigner Pleaseth it our Lord the King and his good Council for the better Government of his People to ordain By great store of Records it is apparent that in old times the Kings and their Councils gave Judgment in divers Cases of difficulty and other Common Cases concerning the Law of the Realm (p) See 11 H. 4. num 28. 63. Respectuatur per Dom. Principem Concilium Pryn. Animadv p. 39. 264 265 267 296.
as they foresaw would thwart their designs as Seducers of the King and men of Arbitrary Principles thereby to have them wholly removed from him as we have had Addresses of a later date from an House of Commons against some great wise and Loyal Lords by which severing from him such a body of his faithful Advisers Their Design to remove some Privy-Counsellors that some of their Party might be introduced and dangerously depriving him of the constant means which the Law hath specially ordained him for his support some of them endeavoured to get into their places as was notoriously known to have been proposed that if several of the leading men might have had chief places and honours they would have let the Earl of Strafford live as in another Treatise I hope to make clear and by that meanâ— not only have enriched themselves but have had the guidance of Affairs of State and so by little and little brought about the Promotion of their friends without regard to the Publick If we impartially consider the unreasonableness of this proposal we shall find The Mischiefs that would follow upon the Parliaments nominating Privy-Counsellors that by granting it we must expect to suffer all the evils which Faction can produce This were the ready way to kindle a fire in our bowels which would first break out in our Country Elections and divide the Families by irreconcileable hatred For it cannot be imagined but that Power would bandy against Power and Relations against Relations See Answer to Observations to put a Son or Kinsman into the road to preferment nor could the flames be quenched but burn more vehemently even in the house to which the insolence of some obtaining Offices to which they are not fit the shame and discontent of others repulsed and the ambition of all would be continual fuel and the greatest misery of all would be that were the corruption never so great we could have but slender hopes of redress since the prevailing Party jealous of their honour would constantly maintain their choice and perhaps it would be necessary for them one to wink at another as it was manifestly seen in the long Parliament when the most known Offenders and active Instruments of the Peoples miseries by striking in with the prevailing Party were more safe than innocency could make them It is enacted by King (i) 17 Car. 1. c. 10. The Limitations of the Power of the Privy-Council Charles the First that neither his Majesty nor his Privy-Council have or ought to have any Jurisdiction by English Bill Petition Articles Libel or any other Arbitrary way whatsoever to examine or draw into question determine or dispose of the Lands Tenements Hereditaments Goods or Chattels of any of the Subjects of this Kingdom but that the same ought to be tried and determined in the ordinary Courts of Justice and by the ordinary course of the Law In the Oath of a (k) Rot. Pat. 5. H. 4. num 14. Fleta lib. 1. c. 17. Privy-Counsellor his duty is best manifested First That he shall as far forth as cunning and discretion suffereth First Particular of a Privy-Counsellor's Oath truely justly and evenly counsel and advise the King in all matters to be commoned treated and demanded in the Kings Council or by him as the Kings Counsellor Therefore Henry the Eighth wisht that his Counsellors would commit simulation dissimulation and partiality to the Porters Lodg when they came to sit in Council Secondly Second Branch uprightness That in all things generally which may be to the Kings honour and behoof and to the good of his Realm Lordships and Subjects without particularity or exception of persons not fearing or eschewing so to do for affection love meed doubt or dread of any person or persons that he shall with all his might and power help and strenghthen the Kings said Council in all that shall be thought good to the same Council for the â—niversal good of the King and his Land and for the peace rest and tranquillity of the same Therefore my Lord Cook (l) Instit par 4. fol. 53. saith these Counsellors like good Sentinels and Watchmen consult of and for the publick good and the honour defence safety and profit of the Realm they are his true Treasurers and profitable Instruments of the State Thirdly That he shall keep secret the Kings Counsel Third Branch Secresie and all that shall be commoned by way of Counsel in the same without that he shall not common it publish it or discover it by word writing or in any otherwise to any person out of the same Council or to any of the same Council if it touch him or if he be party thereof So Valerius M. (m) Nihil magis optâ—ndum quam ut rerum ger â—darum consdia qu 〈◊〉 ejus fieri poterit quam maxime 〈…〉 Lib. 4. saith Nothing is more to be desired than that the Counsels of things to be done as much as possible be secreet So Vegetius (n) Nulla sunt meliora consilia quam quae ignoraverit â—dversarius antequam facias Consilia nisi sunt abscondita exitum raro prospiciunt Lib. 3. de Re militari hath of old pronounced That no Counsels are better than those which the Adversary is ignorant of before they be executed for unless Counsel be hidden and secret they rarely attain their end Fourthly That (o) Rot. Pat. 11 H 4. num 28. he shall not for gift meed nor good nor promise of good by him nor by means of any other person receive or admit for any promotion favouring nor fordeclaring letting or hindring of any matter or thing to be treated or done in the Council Therefore the part of a Counsellor is Tu civem patremque geris tu consule cunctis Non tibi nec tua te moveant sed publica vota Fifthly That he shall withstand any person or persons of what condition estate or degree they be of that would by way of feat attempt or intend the contrary to the good of the King peace of the Land c. and generally that he shall observe keep and do all that a good and true Counsellor ought to do to his Soveraign Lord. CHAP. XXXI Of Ministers of State I Joyn to the Privy Council Ministers of State being they differ from them very little some in name others in degrees For there (a) St. Alban's Essays tit Honour and Reputation are several qualifications of Subjects that serve a Prince As first those that are participes curarum upon whom Princes discharge the greatest weight of their Affairs The several Qualifications of Ministers of Princes as Ministers of State and Privy-Counsellors Secondly Duces Belli such as Princes imploy in their Armies and Militia Thirdly Gratiosi Favourites such as are a solace to the Prince and harmless to the People Fourthly Negotii pares such as not only have great places under the Prince and execute them sufficiently but
great Oeconomy the whole System is kept in regular and orderly Motion is firmly established and enabled to exert all those beneficial Powers that are admired in a well composed Body Politic. The Body without the Head being but a Trunk and inanimate Carcase and the Head without the Body as a curious piece of Clock-work without Motion It must be owned to be a noble Enterprise to make researches into the constituent Parts Harmony and Composure of Government which is that benign Supreme Power which influenceth vast Societies of men and combines all tempers constitutions and interests in one noble Machine for the benefit of the whole and every part and makes every Dominion a little World wherein Beauty Order and the Blessings of this Life are inspired into all the Members how minute soever with that calmness when no disturbances are given it that we scarce hear the motions of the (c) Sic orbem Reipubliâ—e esse conversum ut vix sonitum audire vix impressam orbitam viâ—ere possumus Cic. â—â— Attic. Ep. 36. Machine or see the Springs that move it But as in the Body Natural the (*) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Philosopher observes That by the turbulence of depraved Appetites by heady Rashness and seducing Passions in the vitious and ill-affected the Body seems to command the Soul and Reason is dethron'd So in the Commonweal when from mistakes and misguided Zeal Discontent Ambition and other vitious Inclinations People are infected whereby the Malignant Fever of Sedition or the Pest of Rebellion rageth in a State the Sovereign is for a time kept from the Exercise of his Royal Power The Scheme of the whole work and sometimes dethron'd But to leave this pleasing Allegory which I could pursue in comparing all the Members of the Body and Faculties of the Soul with the constituent Parts and Offices of Government I shall instead of that draw a short Scheme of my design in this Work which I had never undertaken if it had not been that I was invited to it by a Great and Wise Minister of State My Lord President whose glorious Service to his Prince and Country will be celebrated in remotest Ages and having liv'd to make some Observations on the Causes and Managery of the Rebellion against King Charles the Martyr and the tendency to another Civil War of later date and revolving with my self that though many wise and judicious Persons both know and have learnedly writ of the secret Springs and Movements of them infinitely beyond what I can pretend to and that both our own Country-men have in Parts writ of all the branches of the English Government and many Foreigners of Politics in general or such as were fitted for the Governments under which they lived yet having met with none that had so particularly writ of the Excellency of the English Monarchy as to illustrate it so as it might be useful to the preventing Seditions and Rebellions and to clear the Commodiousness and Necessity of submitting to it and placing a great Portion of our happiness here in living under it I conceived it might be a profitable Essay to excite those who have not leisure and opportunity to peruse great and numerous Volumes to extract for their use such things as had occurred in my poor Reading to induce them to prize it as they ought and to furnish them with such Arguments as my low Reasoning was able whereby to answer the Objections of our late Republicans against it and discover their Methods of Proceedings towards the overthrowing it and to caution all the well-meaning Subjects against all the Arts of Factious and Seditious People and Principles And though I cannot promise my self the success I wish yet I hope I may excite some more knowing learned and judicious to furnish our little World with a more Copious and Elaborate Piece which may supply my defects and more abundantly satisfy the ingenious and curious Reader to whom I shall now draw the Curtain and expose the Model of the designed Work First Therefore (d) cap. 2. as a Foundation I shall treat of the necessity of Government in General In which Chapter I shall discourse of its Original in Families c. (e) cap. 3. Then that the People are not the original of Government Then (f) cap. 4. of the benefit of Government in instituting Laws In (g) cap. 5. securing Property and other particulars From this I proceed to treat of the (h) cap. 6. inconvenience of Democracy and of the several (i) cap. 7. Forms of Common Wealth Governments before and in Aristotle's time After which (k) cap. 8. of the inconvenience of all kinds of Republick Governments Then of the preference (l) cap. 9. of Monarchical Government before all others In all which Chapters I touch upon the Principles and Practices of our late Republicans which having dispatched I give the Character of a good (m) cap. 10. King in general Then that the care (n) cap. 11. of Religion is incumbent upon Kings Then of the (o) cap. 12. Clemency Prudence (p) cap. 13. Courage (q) cap. 14. and Military Conduct of Kings of the (r) cap. 15. burden and care of Kings (s) cap. 16. The Excellency of Hereditary Monarchy Then I proceed to the King's Authority and (t) cap. 17. Sovereignty in general and more (u) cap. 18. particularly according to our Laws by the Enumeration of many particulars (w) cap. 19. Then as a Corollary that the Sovereign is not accountable to any upon Earth That the King is not to be (x) cap. 20. Resisted or Rebelled against In what cases he may (y) cap. 21. dispence with the Execution of the Laws of his Country Then I treat of the King's Authority (z) cap. 22. in making Laws and of the Laws of the Romans in Britain and of the British and German Polity Next of the Saxons (a) cap. 23. great Councils of whom they consisted and how the Laws were established by the respective Kings Then of the great (b) cap. 24. Councils from the Conquest to the beginning of Hen. 3. Then of the great Councils (c) cap. 25. and Parliaments during the Reign of Hen. 3. to the end of Edw. 3. After which of the Parliaments (d) cap. 26. of England during the Reign of Edw. 2. to the 22. of King Charles the 2d Then of Modern (e) cap. 27. rightly constituted Parliaments and of the Factious (f) cap. 28. Members of Parliaments wherein I discourse at large of the Encroachments of some Parliaments especially of some Houses of Commons Then from the great Council I pass to the (g) cap. 29. Right Honourable the Privy Council their Qualifications to be at the King 's sole appointing Of Ministers (h) cap. 30. of State c. Then of the King's Sovereignty in appointing (i) cap. 31. Magistrates (k) cap. 32.
Monarchy Aristocracy Democracy were not so evenly poiz'd and attemper'd ad pondus as Lycurgus endeavoured it in the Lacedaemonian State I shall content my self with an Epitome not a Paraphrase as the forementioned Author hath made of what Polybius (p) Lib. 6. Histor p. 197. Edit Basil hath left in his Excellent History wherein he deducing matters from such an Original as those who knew not or believed not the Creation could do delivers us his sence of the mutations and managery of Government to this purpose That when by reason of some great Inundation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 great Plague or Death all Institutions and Arts having been lost In process of time by the propagation of those that escap'd these Devastations a multitude grew who herded according to their kind and for the weakness of their Party in respect of ravenous Creatures as well as their Savage Neighbors we may suppose they associated together it necessarily followed that he who in the Strength of his Body and confidence of Spirit excell'd the rest obtain'd the Princedom and Empire as we see in Bulls Goats Cocks c. and so the rest obey'd that Man who was properly the Monarch and in Process of time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by familiar Conversation and living together under this one Head like a select Flock or Herd these Mortals began to think of Honest and Just and their contraries and by the noble or ignoble actions of some of the Society the Sence of Honour and Disgrace was impress'd in their Minds and consequently of Profitable and Incommodious (q) Idem pag. 198. He that was their Governour excelling in Power and in the opinion of all endowed with those qualifications were judged good and profitable and administring to his Subjects what was competent to every of them They now fearing no violence most willingly submitted themselves to him and he being venerable to them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with unanimous consent they impugn and revenge themselves on those who oppose or conspire against his Government and so from a Monarch he becomes a King when reason had obtain'd the Principality which before Fierceness and Power possess'd So that in all this first settlement of Monarchy or a Kingdom in the purest state of Nature we can conceive describ'd we have no mention in this judicious Author of Compact with the People or Election but of submitting It is true upon the degeneracy of Kings Factions arising he speaks of Election not of those of strong Bodies only and daring Souls for such he presumes made themselves Masters but of such as by their Wills and Reason experimentally discover'd in their Actions were most agreeable to the Peoples liking But that this was done by the force of Faction appears from what he subjoins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that those who were thus destined for the Kingdom selected special places and encompassed them with Rampiers or Walls fortifying them for the security of themselves and to supply their Subjects with necessaries from whence arose the great Cities which had large Sokes by which means they possess'd the whole Country of the Kingdom I do own that he makes offence and hatred of the People or envy against the succeeding Princes who were debauched and degenerated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be the causes why in process of time some of the Noblest became the leaders of the People to repress such Princes and root out the Monarchy and Kingdom But still it was because Factions encreased and so Aristocracy was changed into Oligarchy which set of Rulers oppressing the People whose discontents being observ'd by some popular Persons they animated them to join to subvert the Oligarchy Hitherto we find nothing of the imaginary delegation of the Peoples Power to one or more but prosperous events crown'd their Rebellions against their Superiors What follows is observable that the People having slain the Optimacy fearing the Injustice of Superiors they durst not set a King over themselves nor trust the Government in the hands of a few having so late Instances of their Tyranny and Sloth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So the single and sincere Hope which was only left in themselves induced them to establish a Democracy and so to themselves receive the Trust and Providence of the Common-weal which the (r) French Monarchy or Absolute Power p. 20. Paraphrast calls their last untainted hope founded on themselves that is in their own Strength So that till the forms of Government by a King or Tyrant Aristocracy or Oligarchy were wholly subverted we hear not a Syllable of the Peoples challenging a power and then it is no wonder when they have slain the richest and divided the spoil and have entertained an opinion that they shall never be Servants more but live in an equal Freedom and Wealth if they be blown up with a popular Pride and call themselves the supream Power But what is this to the natural Freedom pleaded for when it is nothing but the headstrong unbridledness of the Multitude that have cast their Riders and got loose the Reins on their own Neck (s) Idem pag. 199. Polybius goes on to tell us how Democracy was soon overturned after though for a while those who had Experience of the Oppression of the Rich were delighted with the Equality and Liberty of the present State 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that seemed sweet to them above all Treasure yet afterwards some growing Rich little valued that Equality and Liberty which custom had made them sleight and nauseate and so began to contemn the Poor and excelling the rest in Riches began to covet Rule yet knowing they could not by their own Interest or eminence of Vertue obtain it they began to be lavish of their Wealth and variously bait the People and so corrupt them into Tumults and Sedition and the People being thereby raised to hopes of living upon the Goods of those of contrary Factions by following some magnanimous and daring Captain who yet for his Poverty could not Lawfully aspire to the Honours of the Common-wealth found no better or easier way to rise but by heightning Factions whereby Parties being imbodied Murthered Plundered and Destroyed one another till at last wearied or one Man getting a greater interest in the People than the rest and being fortunate to overtop the rest they submit to such and after all their miseries return again to Monarchy I cannot dismiss (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Polybius without noting from him how preferrable Monarchy is to any of the popular sorts of Government For he observing that as Iron is wasted by rust Wood by worms so that although they might escape exterior defacings yet they will decay by those inbred devourers So he observes that all simple Governments are apt to some evil that is peculiar and consequential to their Nature as he instanceth in a Kingdom changed into Monarchy absolute by which he means that which we now
is not only able to master and subdue others but also his own oppressive and extorting disposition which he saith a King that governs Politically can do and ever doth Therefore we may look upon all such as now or in the late times have made such terrible outcries for fear of their Properties being invaded since we find two such great Men in distant ages so freely and elaborately writing against Arbitrariness as men that rather design Sedition and Rebellion by raising in the Peoples minds groundless jealousies and fears than that there can be any umbrages of such fears in the constitution of the Government especially under such a just Prince as we have who will make the Laws the Rule by which he will square his Royal Administration and hath given such assurance of it in his never to be sufficiently valued Declaration at his Majestie 's first sitting in his Council to the infinite joy of his Subjects of all conditions Therefore since we have our Properties so well secured and provided for by the gracious Grants of our Sovereigns in Magna Charta the Petition of Right and other Acts let us thankfully acknowledg this great Blessing and with so much more duty and industry endeavour to defend in our several capacities the Royal Prerogatives of our Kings which as much appertain to them and in a more transcendent way than our Properties are ascertained unto us For it must be owned that the primary end of all Government is for the better ordering the People whereby they may live in accord among themselves and follow their several imployments under the protection of the Soveraign Therefore whoever endeavour to disjoynt and discompose the frame of Government by the wisdom of our Ancestors and long experience found so agreeable to the English Genius are to be reputed either ignorant of their own happiness or designers of as horrid mischiefs Whether they be such as according to Mr. Hobs's Principles may lessen the affection and tenderness of Princes to their Subjects or lessen the duty and obedience of Subjects to their Prince and make them less love the constitution of Government they live under or they be such as would cramp the Sovereign Power and wrap it in soft Ermines and Robes of State without a Sword or Scepter Having thus far treated of Government in general and of the usefulness of it to mankind I think it necessary to give an account of the several Governments which have been hitherto used in the World and that I may give a more distinct account of them I have chosen to represent them as I find they have been practised in the ancientest times and finding so many in the last age and this so zealous for a Commonwealth-Government and some yet bewitched with the notions of it I think it incumbent on me to be more copious in the representing of the inconveniences of all other Governments besides Monarchy tht as far as my reading may afford me helps I may disabuse his Majestie 's Subjects and represent to them the excellency and beauty of the English Monarchy which is the whole scope and intendment of this discourse and I must beg pardon if either in the words of my Authors whom I shall endeavour faithfully to quote or in my own I use any smarter or sharper expressions than they are willing to hear For I think it much more advantageous to the persons concerned that they feel the acrimony of my Ink and the small punctures of my Pen than that following such mischievous Principles of our late Republicans they should have their bloods tainted or suffer the edge of those severe Laws which are steeled against Rebels and think it safer for them to be blackned by my Ink than that their blood should stain the Scaffolds CHAP. VI. Of Democracy and the Inconveniences of it ALL Ages have allowed of Aristotle's division of Government where he saith (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Polit. l. 3. c. 7. that the Republic and the public Administration are the same and this public administration is the Lord or Sovereign of the City and that Sovereign is either one a few or the multitude 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Democracy the People is the Prince and in Oligarchy the few To this division (c)) 4. Annal. Tacitus assents where he saith Cunctas Nationes Vrbes Populus aut Primores aut singuli regunt That either the People the principal Citizens or single Persons govern all Nations and Cities Every one of these are again subdivided The Government of one is either a (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Polit. l. 3. c. 7. King who rules for the good of his whole Subjects or a Tyrant who pretending the Protection of the People against the too severe Rule of a King or the States exerciseth Arbitrary Rule over all The few constitute an (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Polit. li. 4. c. 8. Aristocracy wherein a select and small number of the principal Citizens Rule for the public good or Oligarchy where the Rich only rule for their particular Profit As to the Rule of the People or wherein all the People have by amicable consent an equal right in the Government and accord to manage it for the common good of the whole it is call'd Democracy If not for the common benefit of Rich and Poor it is call'd Oclocracy or the mis-rule of the Rable All (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he includes in that division that whatever forms of Administration regard the common benefit they are regular and such as are consentaneous to Justice but whoever having the Administration consult their own Profit only they are depraved and distorted from the right Forms of Government The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a mixture of all these or any two of them is often mentioned by the Philosopher but of this I have no present occasion to discourse I shall begin with democracy which is the Clay and Iron Feet of Nebuchadnezzar's Image It is but one remove from Anarchy wherein all the People have or pretend to have equal right to Authority where all govern and all obey For the People saith the Philosopher is a Monarch or simple Government by aggregation of many being many Lords not as single Persons but as Members of the All which he thus expresseth (g) Polit. l. 4. c. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of this sort of Government the (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. Philosopher makes five Kinds The first when Rich and Poor are equally capable of Government Subdivisions of Democracy The second when a small real Estate is required to capacitate them A third where all Citizens not by some Qualifications debarred are admitted but so that the (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Laws govern or are the Standard A fourth where only the Inhabitants of the City not those that live dispersed in the Villages depending on the City had share in Government the Law also being the Rule The
fifth when the Multitude rule by majority of Voices and not the Law so that their temporary Votes were Law We have resemblance of these kinds of Governments in our Corporations Concerning the Democracies in Corporations where in the Elections of Magistrates in some places all Freemen in others those only who have Burgage Land in others a Common-Council solely have Vote and the whole Body or such and such parts have Power to make By-laws If we had no other Argument against Democracy but this that it is of that narrow capacity that it cannot be adapted to order Regions of large extent it would be sufficient to discredit it for we find in those incorporated little Democracies there are more Factions and divisions than in the whole large adjoining tracts of Land about them though the Villages contain a much numerouser People It is rarely found but that in all Votes relating to the public Combinations are made by Kindreds Companies or Factions The inferior sort having equal Vote often out-number the Richer and Wiser and so businesses are aukwardly or tumultuarily determin'd and the meaner People must either neglect their domestic affairs to attend frequent Conventions or leave the managery to a stirring factious Party which is (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Polit. l. 5. c. 5. contrary to the fundamental equality and freedom they labour for As these Corporations were first created by the Sovereigns Grace and Favour for the encrease of Trade and enriching the places and administration of Justice so while they keep themselves within the bounds of their Duties are Loyal to their Prince and Faithful to the Government and presume not by their Pragmaticalness to dispose of the Fate of the Empire or by their factious Elections to make disturbances It is very necessary they should enjoy all their municipal Priviledges But so many Corporations having of late acted contrary it is no wonder that the late King upon solid reason of State issued out his Quo Warranto's against them and in all the new Charters reserv'd a Power in the Crown of displacing the Evil Magistrates at pleasure But to leave this to another place I shall note out of the Philosopher such Arguments as he useth against Democracy 1. Argument against Democracy Injustice As first that the common People being the greater number and the Soveraignty being supposed to be in the whole complex Body whatever they approve must be establish'd as a Right and Law (l) Vbi plebs est domina necesse est ut quod plurimis visum sit hoc quoque sit ratum hoc sit jus Polit. l. 6. c. 2. and suppose they vote a Dividend of the richer Citizens Estates among themselves though this by the force of their Government be just yet in its own nature it is great Injustice to destroy the rich Man's Propriety as well as it were for the Rich to do the same to the Poor 2dly 2. Against the Common Peoples Liberty of Elections Liberty being the principle of all Democratical Government it consists in two things either to live (m) Plerisque jucundius est licenter vivere quam modeste Ib. c. 2. licentiously which in Athens and other places was very fatal and as Demosthenes Isocrates and Cicero complain that under the specious pretence of Liberty even Anarchy prevail'd Or Secondly in the free and uncontroulable Power of chusing their Magistrates and this accasioned the contest of parties for Victory hence Crowds Tumults Routs Riots Frays and Quarrells and after all Heart-burnings (n) In Licurg Vide Giphanii Com. in c. 7. l. 2. Polit. Arist Plutarch gives us an account of the manner of some Elections for Senators that certain Persons being closed in a Room where they might hear the peoples Voices but not see the People One Competitor after another was proposed and him who was judged to have most Voices they carried Crowned to the Temples of the Gods Women and Children following him with Shouts This (o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 L. 2. Polit. c. 9. Aristotle calls a Childish action in so grave an affair it being not fit for any to seek Magistracy in such a way that by the judgment of the Multitude only is thought fit to Rule but (p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. he that is worthy be he willing or unwilling should have the place Therefore we observe where the King hath the sole Power of nominating Judges Sheriffs Justices of Peace c. though they are of as great advantage to the Peace and order of the Government as Mayors Sheriffs or Common-Council Men of Corporations there are neither Hubbubs or Quarrels at their Elections and they are generally better qualified than such as court the peoples Favour Therefore (q) Rempublicam perituram in qua viri Principes consultant Populus vero imperita plebecula decernit Laertius exclaims justly that the Common-weal must perish in which the Nobility consult but the People and unskillful common Rabble give Judgment 3dly 3. Their Faction In this Government there is a continual spawning of Faction So it is (r) Giphanii Comment in lib. 5. c. 5. Polit. observ'd that at Athens the Democratical Government mostly obtain'd yet in the Attick State there were no less than three Factions according to the tripartite division of the People viz. the Diacrii that inhabited the mountainous Parts who were for pure Democracy the Pediaci who inhabited the lower Grounds and they were for a mixture of Oligarchy and the Parulii or Inhabitants on the Sea-Coasts and those were a mixture of both which Aristotle calls the Politick Hence Pisistratus appearing an Enemy to the Pediaci made himself gracious with the People and so easily got the Government So he instanceth in the changes of those of Milesia by the Prytania which was like a Consulship or Dictatorship at â—â—me So he gives an account of Dionysius feigning himself to be wounded by the Nobility who hated him for his love to the People raised a great Envy and Rage of the People against them and so established himself So Theagenes by slaying the Cattle of the Nobility animated the People of Maegara to follow him till by suppressing the Nobility and Richer he got himself to be Master of all The like we may read in (s) Lib. 13. c. 9. Diodorus Siculus that Agathocles did at Syracuse All which Changes were the Issues of Factions betwixt the Nobility and Common-people which is as inseparable from this sort of Government as the Prickle is from the Thistle or the Husk from the Corn. Fourthly The Philosopher notes That in this Government the Demagogues were most used These indeed were the Bell-wethers of Faction the Conductors of the Peoples Wills and Affections by the power of their Popularness The (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pol. l. 4. c. 4. Philosopher tells us there was no use of them where the Law commanded but where Matters were judged by the Decrees of the
and Death is owned by the (g) Pater vitae necisque potestatem habebat in filios Cicero Orator in his time to remain when he saith The Father had the Power of Life and Death over his Children So that what Brutus the first Consul did in beheading his two Sons in not taken by most to be done qua Consul but as Parent for that the Consuls never had any Regal Power without leave of the People If we consider the Scope of (h) Numb 11. Moses's Expostulation with God Almighty Why layest thou the burthen of all this People upon me Have I conceived all this People Have I begotten them must from hence infer That if He had been their common Parent he ought to have had the Charge and Government of them so natural seems the Connection betwixt Fatherly Authority and Filial Obedience and that this was an Original Truth the Philosopher cites (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Odyss 11. Homer who saith That every Father to his Children and his Wives gives Laws This kind of Power seems to be confirmed in Scripture concerning Cain Abraham sacrificing Isaac Thamar and Jephtha But in after times when Fathers abused that Authority it was judged expedient to deprive them of it and place it in the hands of the more publick Father the King Having thus cleared the point The Antiquity of Monarchy from History and Testimony That Monarchy is according to the Institution of Nature I come now to speak of the Antiquity of it (k) Vide Stillingfleet 's Origines Sacrae Sanconiathan of greater Antiquity than any Greek Historian gives a large account of the Phoenician Monarchy the like Manetho gives of the Aegyptian and the true Berosus of the Babylonian So * Polit. lib. 5. c. 11. Aristotle speaks of the long Duration of the Molossiac Kingdom which began in Pyrrhus Son of Achilles and according to (l) De Antiquis Familiis Regum Reinerus lasted nine Hundred and Fifty years and the Lacedaemonian according to Plutarch Eusebius and others continued near upon as long The Philosopher (m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 L. 1. c. 1. advanceth the Origin of Kingly Government as high as the Heathen Religion or Philosophy could carry him when he saith That the very Heathen Deities were under this Form and Regimen So what Herodotus saith of the Egyptians may as truly be said of all other Nations That they could not live without Kings So Isocrates saith Before Democracy and Oligarchy the barbarous Nations and Cities of Greece obeyed Kings Therefore the Philosopher (n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. saith At first Kings governed Cities and now Nations So Salust (o) In terris nomen Imperii primum fuit saith The name of Empire was first known in the World and Justin (p) Principio rerum Nationumque omnium imperium penes Reges erat Lib. 1. most expresly In the beginning of all things and Nations the Power and Government was solely and absolutely in Kings So (q) Certum est omnes Antiquas Gentes Regibus paruisse Lib. 3. de LL. Cicero saith That it is certain that all Ancient Nations did obey Kings If we consult Homer Plato Lucretius Diodorus Siculus lib. 2. Josephus lib. 4. c. 1. or any Historian Greek or Latin we shall find no Tract of Time nor Society of Men without Kingly Government The first Popular State we read of The first Common-wealths is that of Athens after the Reign of Erixias Anno Mundi 3275. and after that several other Cities of Greece as Sparta Corinth c. followed their examples expelling their Kings and in their Rooms erected little Commonwealths but great Tyrannies being in a continual broil either among themselves about their Magistrates or with their Neighbours for Preheminence till the time of Alexander the Great and the Macedonian Monarchy when the Country returned to their pristin Government and might so have continued if the Roman Arms and Ambition had not overthrown it As to Rome it self it was two Hundred and Fifty Years under Kings and Kingly Government was found under Lavinius when the Trojans came from that little Kingdom of Pergamus Therefore (r) Vrbem Romam a principio Reges habucre 1. Annal. Tacitus tells us That the City of Rome from the beginning had Kings to govern it Their Commonwealth began upon the Regifugium So that saith a Judicious (s) Dr. Nalsâ—n's Common Interest Author for three Thousand Years Monarchy possessed an Universal and Uninterrupted Empire over all the Affairs of the Universe so that the Sun the glorious Monarch of the day does not in all his Travels round the earthly Globe behold any spot of Ground inhabited by any thing but Brutes where Monarchy either is not at present or hath not been the Antient Original and fundamental way of Government From the consideration of this Naturalness of Monarchy Authors deducing Monarchy from a Divine Original and the Venerable Antiquity of it we may conclude the reason why the best and Ancientest Writers have adorned it with such Eulogiums deducing its Original from the Divine Being So Hesiod (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theog v. 91. saith Kings are from Jove and (v) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hymn in Jovem Callimachus adds that none are so Divine as they So in Homer (w) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ihad 6. v. 277. as well as in Hesiod they are stiled nourished of God and born of God not as deriving their Pedigrees but Kingly Honours from Jove as Eustachius notes and from Homer's making the Scepter of Agamemnon to be the Gift of Jove though a late (x) Absolute Power p. 63. Author contemptuously compares it to a Constables Staff He (y) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iliad 4. v. 738. saith The King hath both his Scepter and Jurisdiction from God Of which the curious Reader may see more Authorities in the learned Tract of Archbishop Vsher's Power of Princes (z) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plato according to Synesius de Regno makes the Regal Office to be a Divine Good among Men and a King to be as it were a God among Men And (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Politico Diotogenes the Pythagorean saith that God hath given him Dominion Others have stiled them Gods which a late (b) Absolute Power p. 66. Author saith may be allowed for want of a better in Hobs's State of Ignorance and Atheism and would have him have the Epithete of Optimus as well as Maximus Thus some take a Liberty to ridicule all things most Sacred and Venerable But I shall have occasion to enquire into such Mens Principles afterwards and at present shall only say That no Mans Hyperbole or Expression is further to be understood than as it makes the Kingly Original from God and makes Kings his Viceroys upon Earth Therefore I shall not balk such Authorities (c) 2. de LL. Plato affirms Monarchy to be the
would put them upon that Dilemma will chuse to suffer if they cannot fly rather than rebel Therefore since it pleased his Majesty at his first Step to the Royal Throne which was like that of the rising Sun dispensing innumerable Blessings to his People to express his Royal Favour to the Church of England The King's Commendation of the Principles of the Church of England as to Monarchy with such an Encomium of its Members in that most refreshing Declaration at his first Council which from so just a Prince carries the Force and Energy of an Act of Parliament as well as of State in it it ought to bow the Hearts of all Men that design not to be Rebels as one Man to him Since which by the repeated solemnity of it to his two Houses of Parliament all suspicion of his Majestie 's ever acting to the contrary so long as the Subjects keep their dutiful Station is totally removed His Majesty also hath laid a solid Foundation for true Piety in the discountenancing and discrediting all forts of Vice and Debauchery by which none can doubt but himself as well as his Subjects will in short time reap happy Benefit according to that so the excellent (b) Diutius durant exempla quam mores Tacitus 4. Histor Historian Examples have a more durable force than Laws I shall conclude this particular with the famous Story of the Zealots in (c) Josephus de Bello Judaico lib. 4. c. 5. lib. 7. Judaea Those being told by Vespasian which Messages Josephus himself carried to them that he would change nothing of their Religion but maintain them therein The Evils by Rebelling upon pretence of Religion and in all their Liberties and Franchises yet under colour that they were bound to sacrifice their Lives in the defence of the Temple would never hearken to Peace upon any condition what ever but living upon Forraging Rapines Free-booty and committing most cruel Butcheries Vespasian found himself obliged to arm against them and use them with all Extremity In fine Those who pretended so much the Preservation of their Religion committed a Thousand sort of Impieties and Cruelties and themselves set the Temple of Jerusalem on Fire and at last brought utter Ruin to their Country I shall make no further Application but that from hence we may learn First That it was agreeable to Principles of Government that Vespasian though a Prince of a different Religion to the Jews should not alter their Civil or Religious Government And Secondly That the utter Extermination of a People and their Religion there was the Consequence of the Zelots Rebellion as to the apparent procuring cause for I enquire not here into the Original cause of that Nations Destruction viz. The crucifying of our Lord and Saviour I come now to consider wherein a Sovereign's care of Religion consists Wherein the Sovereign's Care of Religion consists which would carry me into a dangerous Ocean if I should survey all the Rocks Creeks and Quick-sands to be avoided in this matter At the best I shall find an high rolling Sea as that in the Bay of Biscay if I escape the difficult and dangerous passage betwixt Scylla and Charybdis First therefore I shall consider the Obligation the Pagan Romans thought they had not to make any Innovation in matters of their Religion with some Reflections upon it Secondly Consider the Condition of People under Diversity of Religions Thirdly The Roman Heathens not for change of Religion Speak something of the Diversities of Religion sprung up in the time of the late War And Lastly Something concerning Toleration But I must praemonish the Reader that I intend not to treat of these either as Divine or Statesman but only as a Lay-man that loves Order and Peace in transitu as a Parergon First then as to the Heathens we find that remarkable Advice of (*) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dio Cassius lib. 52. Mecaenas to Augustus That he ought to worship the Deity in all Methods and at all times himself according to his Countries Laws and cause others to do so and further adds That he should restrain those that would innovate in Divine things not for the cause only of the Gods but because those that bring in new Deities do drive men to make other dangerous Changes and from thence Conspiracies Sedition Conventicles Cabals c. which are things no ways conducible to the benefit of Government In which we may consider Mecaenas to advise like a Statesman considering that Augustus had but newly extricated himself from a great and dangerous War for no less than the Empire Therefore it behoved him to make no Alterations in Matters that might endanger the Settlement of his present Estate Therefore we find That Augustus laid aside the name of Triumvir contented with the Consulship and for defence of the People with the Tribunitian Authority which were old Offices the People were acquainted with and that he attracted the Soldiers good Will to him by Gifts the Peoples by Provision of Food and all with the sweetness of Peace arising by (d) Paulatim insurgere munia Senatus Magistratuum 〈◊〉 in se trabere aullo adversante Tacit. 1. Annal degrees to draw to himself the Imployment and Authority of the Senate the Magistrates and the Laws none opposing him How far this is to be imitated by Princes in the Circumstances of Augustus I leave to others to determine As to the general Sentiment that the Heathen Roman Religion was not to be changed I shall content my self with two Authorities of the great Orator who in one place (e) Majorum instituta tueri sacris caeremoniisque retinendis sapientis est Patrios ritus migrare aut violare ubique gentium nefarium sir Cic. de Divinatione saith That it is the part of a wise Man to defend the Institutions of their Ancestors in retaining sacred Ceremonies and that in all Nations it is reputed wicked to violate and banish our Countries Rites In another place (f) Omnes Religione moventur deos patrios quos a majoribus acceperunt colendos sibi diligenter retinendos arbitrantur Cic. in Verrem he pronounceth it absolutely That all are moved with Religion and judge their Country Gods which they have received from their Ancestors to be worshipped and retained I am sensible that if this were yielded to Christianity would not have been propagated in the World For if it had not been lawful to alter the so long established Idol Worship and Polytheism the Doctrine of Christianity had been shut out But on the other side when I consider how Christianity was propagated by the working of Miracles and by the Force and Energy of Conviction upon the Minds of such as would admit the Explanation and Dilucidation of the Doctrine and the Christians patient sufferings under the Heathen Persecutions and peaceable awaiting till God Almighty disposed the Emperor Constantine's Heart to embrace the saving Doctrine of
used to bodily Labour he ordered him a Chariot and by other ways letting him understand that the weight of Government was not to be sustained by such Shoulders as his so wearied and discouraged him that he desired to be freed from the toylsomeness of it and when he understood the Emperors drift and expected his severity he only recommended him to those Soldiers that were forward to elect him and sent him to his Village If therefore such little Tryals discouraged Camillus what must we think it will do any Prince that hath untractable Subjects who force him to make Essays of various Methods to reclaim them and of a constant standing upon his Guard to secure himself and the Government Such are they who make many Princes Reigns Calamitous that might have been calm and peaceable Kingdoms saith my Lord St. Albans represent our Bodies Many Particulars wherein the Burthen of Government is discovered have their times of Health and Sickness Seasons of Prosperity and Adversity flourish with Wealth and languish in Poverty and Want suffer Distempers Alterations and Changes If therefore the Care and Concern of the Physician be great that hath the Health of many Patients under his Cure How much more must this great Aesculapius's be who hath the superintending of infinite Numbers of Subjects of all Degrees to preserve them in their perfect State of Felicity and Happiness to watch over the growth of depraved Humors and hinder their Ferments from boyling into the Fevers and Calentures of Rebellion to remove all the Obstructions that may hinder the equal distribution of Nourishment in Trade Commerce and the free Energy and Force of the Laws so to order the infinite Varieties of Tempers and Dispositions that the very lucta and jarring of them may produce an Harmony in the whole Besides these there is a Necessity to cherish the Vertuous and the Brave to discountenance the Vitious and Debauched and keep them from infecting others and finally so to manage all things as not only the present Age but remote Posterity may find the happy Effects of his Reign This is to undergo the nobilem Servitutem as Antigonus told his Son Kingship was Governours to be endowed with various Qualifications Therefore Philo observes That as the Pilot must change his Sails and Rudder and as the Physician useth not one kind of Remedy for all Diseases but observing the Encrease or Remisness of Symptoms the plenty or want of Humors and according to the changes of Causes tries various Experiments So a Supreme Governour ought to be multiform or endowed with variety of Qualifications to act one way in times of Peace and another in War being opposed by few to act resolutely and couragiously if by many to add to these Authoritative Suasives in publick Dangers to act himself and to commit those Ministeries to others which require Labour more than Conduct In his Councils to be a Judge in his Exchequer an Accountant in his Armies a General in his Navies Admiral in his whole Dominions the prime Gentleman Patriot and Peer in Vertue as well as Place Besides all these foregoing Considerations though a Prince by his own Justice Prudence and other Regal Vertues and the well disposedness of his People may keep his own Domimions in Peace and though there were no Whirlwinds Earthquakes or Trepidations of Faction and Sedition in his own Kingdom yet a King's Care is no less in making diligent Observations upon the Designs and Actions of all his Neighbour-Princes and States to shelter his own Subjects from Tempests and Hurricanes from abroad to divert Storms A Prince's Care in preserving his People at home and abroad to mingle Interests or divide as shall be most for the advantage of his Subjects to assist his Allies to countermine the Clandestine Designs of his Enemies abroad These require an Atlas to support this immense Structure of Government The Imployment of many under a Prince These require many Hands of the roughest delicatest and strongest many Feet of the swiftest and steadiest many strong Shoulders and brawny Arms many severe commanding or charming Eyes many wise subtle and toyling Brains infinite Varieties of Tempers and Dispositions which must be directed ordered and imployed by that presiding Soul that every where in every part and in all seasons must give Life and Energy to all its Members Faculties and Imployments Furthermore A Prince much concerned foâ— his Fame the Actions of Princes after their deaths will be judged (i) Suum cuique decus posâ—â—â— it is rependit Tacit. 4. Annal. without Flattery and Varnish As after Death and Corruption of parts the Vertues of Kings perfume their Graves ennoble and by Examples refine Posterity and leave a taste of immortality behind out-living their Marble So if they rule ill they cannot think by their (k) Praesenti potentia extingui posse sequertis avi mâ—moriam Id. present Power to extinguish the memory of the next Age saith the judicious Historian Therefore Lipsius saith ‖ Post fata nullus est locus nullum tempus quo funestorum Principum manes a posteris exeâ—rationibus conquiescent After their Deaths there is no place then or time wherein the Ghosts of detested Princes will be free from Execration Since therefore Kings are like heavenly bodies cause good or evil times have much Veneration but no rest since their Examples are constantly imitated so that as * Aâ— virtutem ille praeit sequimur aâ— vitia inclinamus bene beateque agit sloremâ—s improspere labimur aut ruimus cum illo Epist ad Polit. Flexibiles in quamcunque partem duâ—imur a Principe sequaces Panegyr Lipsius saith If a Prince lead to Vertue we follow if to Vice we easily bend to it if he live happily we flourish if unfortunately we fall into the praecipice with him Or that of Pliny be true That Subjects are mostly plyant and easily handed into whatsoever way the Prince leads it necessarily follows That this Consideration must bring a great Addition to their Cares For such elevated Souls must needs undergo great Anxiety how to comport themselves so as being conspicuous in Vertue and Conduct they may be secure of good Report For as (l) Omnia facta dictaque Principis rumor excipit nec magis ei quam Soli latere contigit 1. de Clem. Seneca saith Fame wafts abroad all the Deeds and Works of Princes that they cannot more lay hid than the Sun Hence Possibly we may conclude the Reason of that Inscription on Constantine's and others Coyn Soli invicto Comiti For as the Sun not only by his Light and enlivening Heat brings that unspeakable benefit to the whole Earth and living Creatures as a King is to do to his Subjects so by its Diurnal Motion we discover it never to be at rest Therefore it must be a great Care in a Prince that is placed in his Kingdom as the Sun in our Vortex whereby his Actions can never be long hid
a Family but only a Title which every one had belonging to him as he was King which as Manetho saith begun in Pharaoh Narecho and Josephus saith in Menis much ancienter than Abraham but Suidas is positive That it was derived from the first King or him that first had that called Ptolomies So the Parthian Princes from Arsaces their first great Monarch were called Arsaces according to whose Memory saith (h) Cujus memoriae hunc honorem Parthi tribuerunt ut omnes exinde Reges suos Arsacis nomine nuncupent Hist lib. 41. Justin the Parthians attributed that Honour that all their Kings from thence forward were called Arsaces So the Title of Augustus was given to Octavius next Successor to Julius by the Senate as if he had been something more than Human saith (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In vita Dio And as (k) Non tatum novo sed etiam ampliore cognomine quod 〈◊〉 quaeque Religiosa in quibus Augurato quid consecratur Augusta dicuntur Suetonius saith not only by a new but a more ample Sirname because that all Religious places in which any thing Augurly was consecrated were called Augnsta for which he cites Ennius Augusto Augurio postque inclyta condita Roma est This came from Augeo which besides the common sense of it is a proper word enough to sacrifice as augere Hostias and in Sextus Pompeius Augustus is interpreted Sanctus the Greeks interpret it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Venerable or most honourable and it seems to be translated from the holy Use of the Word whence it was derived and as (l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In vita Dio saith a Designation of the splendor or greatness of their Dignity the Emperors after were stiled Caesares Augusti neither of the words denoting any Power in them but are now and ever since the first Family ended honorary According to this kind of continuance of Names in Succession are those Patronymics of Achemenidae in the Persian Kings Alevadae in the Thessalian Cecropidae in the Athenian from Achemenes Alevas Cecrops So the Alban Kings in Italy had every of them the addition of Sylvius most of the Bithynian Kings were called Nicomedes In the latter times the Constantinopolitan Emperors much affected to give their Children and themselves the great Name of Constantine So were the Danish Kings anciently titled Shieldungs from their King Shield The French had their Merovings and the old Kentish Kingdom here its Oiscings from Merove and Oisca Concerning this successive assuming such honorary Names from the first Families the curious Reader may observe many more in the most disquisitive Mr. Selden The use I make of it is to show That Sovereign Princes The Reason of such Titles as some of them affected to derive their Power and Authority from the Deity so others from such as had been more Signal and Eminent in their several Reigns that they might with the Title seem to derive a Fame Glory and Authority from them and in those Attributes be judged their rightful Successors Of the first Kings from Adam Before I treat of some Attributes that are given to Sovereign Princes I shall take notice of some things I have either omitted or less fully explained in the Chapter of Monarchy especially considering it will give some light to the Authority and Sovereignty many learned Men have ascribed to Princes in general (m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cedrenus Cedrenus makes Adam the first King and Governour when he saith he governed or commanded all mankind as long as he lived and Seth succeeded him in the Empire and if we may believe the Letter of Alexander the Great to Aristotle mentioned by (n) Lib. 2. c. 11. Joseph Ben Gorion a Jew and Rabbi Abraham Zacuthius and others Kenan the Son of Enoch Grandchild of Seth was Emperor over all the World In Berosus we find the Kings of Chaldaea that were before the Flood were Alorus Alasparns Amchon Amenon Metalarus Daorus Adorachus Amphis Ottartes and Xisuther which according to Cedrenus and others was Noah From him the Greek Authors derive the supreme Monarchy of the Earth to Sem. The first mention in Holy Writ of a Kingdom is that of Nimrod's The first Kingdom from Nimrod of whom Moses saith The beginning of his Kingdom was in Babel Erech Acad and Calna in the Land of Sinaar and he is by most Writers judged the Founder of the Assyrian Monarchy which he had begun about the Forty fifth Year of Abraham Cedrenus saith The Assyrians made Nimrod a God and placed him among the Stars of Heaven and called him Orion In his Age saith the Judicious (o) Tit. Hon. ◠1. p. 1◠Selden there was so general a Propagation of this Title of King over the Earth that there is scarce a Nation whereof there is Memory in those Ages without a King or Prince or Monarch assigned to it So besides the Division of the Earth among Noah's Posterity said in Scripture to be according to their Language and according to the Families in their Nations we find in Profane Histories Kings first Governours in all Countries that the Kingdom of the Sicyonians began in Aegialeus that of Tanaus in Scythia and of Vexoris in Aegypt and others are cast in in the Age of Nimrod In the Holy Text also are frequent Occurrences of Kings to be referred to that Age as that of Abraham's Wars with Kedorlaomer King of Elam and the Kings of divers other Nations are mentioned whence it is (p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cedrenus saith that about Serug's days who was born about 170 Years after the Flood Men arrogating to themselves Power over each other made themselves Emperours and Kings and did first use Arms and made War on each other Afterwards the Course of the Holy Story shews us the same not only naming expresly the particular Kings which had been made either by Sword or by Choice but saith The Israelites desired Samuel to give them a King to judge them according as all other Nations had Although saith Mr. Selden divers of the chiefest States of the old Grecians and I think saith he only of the Grecians in the elder Ages were in their most flourishing Times Democracies or Optimacies yet the more ancient States there were in every place Monarchies as is expresly noted by (q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Boeoticis Pausanias That every where in Greece in the ancient Times their States were Monarchical and not Popular Having premised this I come now to the Epithets given to such Sovereign Princes as Kings Emperours Lords and the Attributes of Majesty c. in the Abstract or in the second or third Person and other high and lofty Titles given to them either justly The Title of Kings or by Flattery Concerning Kings The Title of Kings the Account that I have given of them in the Chapter of Monarchy may suffice I shall only add That
porrigitur The Romans after they were a Commonwealth hated the Name of King Pliny As the Back of the Right-hand with a kind of Religiousness is desired so with an assurance of Faith it is stretched out This Name of King was among the Romans after they setled themselves under the Government of a Commonwealth reputed so contrary to their Liberty as implying in its Office too great an Absoluteness of Power that in solemn memory of its being cast out by Brutus they yearly celebrated on the Seventh of the Kalends of March our Twenty third of February their Feast Regifugium And lest the giddy Multitude might desire again to have a King they prohibited that no Concourse for Merchandise should ever happen upon the Nones of any Month King Servius Tullius his Birth-day they knew was in the Nones but not of what Month therefore they provided it fearing saith (i) Veriti ne quid nunâ—inis collecta universitas ob Regis dâ—siderium novaret Saturnal c. 13. Macrobius lest the Multitude gathered together at such Fairs should innovate any thing by the desire of a King And (k) Regem Romae posthac nec Dii nec homines esse patientur De Divinatione cap. 2. Cicero though he acknowledged that Caesar was revera Rex fully a King in Power yet upon hate that continued of that Title tells us That hereafter neither Gods nor Men would permit any to be King of Rome Therefore to palliate as Mr. (l) Tit. Hon. cap. 2. Augustus denies the Title of King Selden saith some part of his Ambitions Caesar himself being saluted King by the Multitude withal perceiving that it was very distasteful to the State by the Tribunes pulling of the white Fillet from his Laurel answered Caesarem se non Regem esse refusing it utterly and consecrating the Diadem which Anthony would have often put upon his Head to Jupiter Yet the whole People were sensible that his Authority differed only in Name from that of King as appeared by his Sentiment of it who subscribed Julius his Statue with Brutus quia Reges ejecit Consul primo factus est Hic quia Consules ejecit Rex postremo factus est Thus much may suffice to shew Because the Absoluteness of Kings was against their Liberty That the Romans judged a King to have such Absoluteness as in their free-Free-State was not to be endured when as in the Change to Emperours they underwent more by some of their Arbitrary Rulings than they did under Kings And though the Terms were milder yet the Yoke of them was heavier But such is the Nature of the Multitude that if their Governours keep but the old Name of the Magistracy they readilier yield Obedience to them such power hath Custom This Observation made Cromwel content himself with the Name of Protector under which by his Arts and Army he exercised more Arbitrariness than ever had been by any King of England I come now to the Title of Emperour This at the first only denoted a General or Leader of an Army Title of Emperour first as General So Julius Caesar having made himself Master of the Roman free-Free-State thought it safer to retain than innovate his Title of Supremacy Therefore having the perpetual Office of (m) Honores nimies recepit ut continuum consulatum perpetuam Dictaturam praefecturamque morum insuper praenomen Imperatoris Sueton. de Jul. Caesare Dictator and Consulship with the place of General or Imperator as the word had Relation to his Military Force he took that also being as willingly given as the rest for a perpetual Title this Title of Imperator being assumed both by Brutus and Cassius as appears in their Coins though they pretended to be the greatest asserters of the Roman Liberty and the like occurrs in the Coins of Antonius Lepidus and the thirty Tyrants and others This Title of Imperator is said to have been a (n) Vita Jul. Cas 〈◊〉 Praenomen by Suetonius but it was often used after it which when it was it denoted either only or chiefly some great performance by Arms in setling or encreasing the Empire but when a Sirname in those elder times it signified only the Emperor's Supremacy in the State so in the Coin of Augustus where the Inscription is IMP. CAES. AVG. IMP. IX TR. P.V. The Fore-name Imperator signifies his Supremacy and the latter signifies he had been General and as such it may be deserved a Triumph nine times The TR. P. V. For Tribunitiae potestatis quintum shews how often he had been Tribune of the People which was every Year renewed therefore in that the number of the Years of their Empire was expressed as (o) Cassius Hist 53. Dio observes So that what Tacitus relates of Tiberius was most true that eadem Magistratuum vocabula he retained the old Names of the Magistrates so that the first Emperors Authority and Soveraignty consisted in the Power of the Consuls Dictator Tribunes of the People and the Title of Prince Title of Prince The Title of Princeps Principatus and Principium were proper Names also for these Emperors and their greatness therefore (p) Augusius cuncta discordiis civilibusfessa nomine Principis sub Imperium accepit Tacitus saith that Augustus took the Empire under the name of Prince all being wearied with civil Discords though Suetonius saith of Caligula that Title was wanting but that he should suddenly take the Diadem and change the show of a Principality to the form of a Kingdom Now it is to be observed as the Title of Emperor was taken from the Military Employment of a General so this of Prince signified the Superiority of them in the Senate For the Title of Princeps Senatus was known familiarly in Rome and so might upon that Ground be used without Envy Concerning the Grecians using 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Emperor the difference betwixt the Eastern and Western Empire about both their Titles and the more modern use of both I must referr the Inquisitive Reader to the often but never too much to be commended (q) Titles of Honour par 1. c. 2. Mr. Selden and shall only note out of him that divers Civilians especially of Italy and Germany which profess the old Laws of Rome tell us That the Emperor is at this day of Right Lord of the whole World or Earth as their Text also (r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 F. ad Leg. Rhod. The Roman Emperours not Lords of all affirms besides divers other flattering Passages in good Authors of the ancient Empire as that of Corippus to the Emperor Justin Deus omnia Regna Sub pedibus debit esse suis And Julius Firmicus (s) Totius orbis terrarum spacium Imperatoris subjacet potestatibus etiam ipsum eorum Deorum numero constitutum esse quem ad sacienda conâ—ervanda omnia Divinitas statuit universalis Mathes lib. 2. c. 33. hath this courtly Expression That the Compass of the whole Globe of
Particulars of Royal Abatements Edicts or make new Laws or change any of the old standing Laws without the mutual Consent of the two Houses of Parliament He may not oppress the People or in any Arbitrary way take from them their Liberties or Estates under any pretence whatsoever without due course of Law Nor can he impose upon their (m) Stamford's Pleas of the Crown Persons what Charges or Burthens he pleaseth but according to and by the Laws of the Kingdom He cannot do any thing against the Law of the Nation or against common Right cannot change Ancient Customs for a Legal (n) Hâ—ghs 's Reports 254.263 Cousâ—uetudo lâ—galis plus habet quam concessio Regalis Custom is more available than a Royal Concession yet on the other side that Custom which advanceth against the Prerogative of the King is void He cannot impose Arbitrary (o) Petit. of Right 3 Car. 1.7 Car. 1. c. 17. payments erect new Offices of Charge to the Subject may not deny or delay Justice may not compel his People to make Gifts Loan Benevolence or Tax without consent of the two Houses The King (p) 2 Car. 1. c. 1. Coke 12.46.2 part Brown lib. 2. c. 2. Coke Instit 2 part 47 48. Petition of Right Dyer 176. may not imprison without just Cause nor keep any Mans Cause from Tryal may not send any man out of the Realm without his own Consent may not in time of Peace Billet or Quarter Soldiers or Mariners upon his People against their Wills may not grant Commission to try Men by Martial Law in time of Peace nor to determine any matters of difference betwixt Subjects other ways than by ordinary (q) 21 Jac. c. 31. Coke 11.87 Plowden 497. course of Law and ordinary Courts may not by Patent or Licence make a grant of a Monopoly or the benefit of a Penal Law or give a Power to dispense with Penal Laws in some Cases (r) Coke 11.87 He may not have or take that he hath right to which is in the Possession of another but by due course of Laws and may not make new or alter old Courts of Justice unless to be kept after the Course of the Law and not in Course of Equity Nor (s) Sheppard's Grand Abridgment part 3. fol. 49. alter the Courts of Westminster that have been time out of mind nor erect new Courts of Chancery Kings-Bench Common-pleas or Exchequer (t) Fleetwood lib. 1. c. 8. He may not by his last Will and Testament under the great Seal or otherwise dispose of the Government or of the Crown it self nor give and grant away the Crown-Lands or Jewels which he hath in his Politic Capacity nor give away any of the incommunicable Prerogatives By these Abatements of Power and gracious Condescentions of the Kings of England for the Benefit and Security of the Subject No Power co-ordinate with the King 's we are not to conclude that there either is or can be any Co-ordination or Coaequality of any State Order or Degree of the Subjects with the Sovereign nor any Competition of the Subjects Power in his Concurrence with the Vertual and Primary Influence of the Sovereign but a plain Subordination and subjected Ministration of the one under the Sovereignty of the other For although there is a Co-operation of the Members with the Head for the performing some Acts of State and they may seem Orders or States coaequally Authorized in the Power of Acting with the Sovereign in Petitioning for advising or consulting about or consenting upon the Kings Summons to Laws And although in judging and determining matters of Private Interest the King hath not an Arbitrary Judgment but is restrained to the Judgment to be administred by the proper sworn Judges in his Courts whom he appoints to judge according to his Laws and in the making of Laws his Power and Judgment is restrained to the Concurrence of the Nobles and Commons in Parliament yet in all other things wherein he is not expresly restricted by any Law of his own or Progenitors granting he retaineth the absolute Power as in the particulars before mentioned and in the Chapters of Parliaments I shall further discourse In the Rebellion under King Charles the First the (u) Observations on His Majesty's Messages c. The Rebels in 1641. would have lessened the King's Sovereignty and placed it in the People or their Representatives Pencombatants for the Party knowing they had the whole Current of the Laws against them made a great noise and bustle with Sophisms and plausible specious Pretences to captivate the Populace and nothing was more frequent than the Misapplication of that of the Philosopher That the King was Singulis major but Vniversis minor Inferring from thence That the Collective Body of the People and their Representatives were Greater in Authority than the King In answer to which it may be observed That the Aphorism how true soever in any other sense is most false in any sense of Sovereignty For if it be meant That the King is a better Man only than any of us single this doth not tell us he is better than Two and this is no more than possibly he might be before he was King For we must needs look upon Princes as Persons of Worth Honour and Eminency when taken from the People which the superaddition of Royalty did not destroy Besides any Lord of the Land may challenge such a Supremacy over all the Knights and any Knight over all the Esquires Furthermore if Princes be Sovereigns to single Persons of Subjects only and not to the universality of them then every single Subject by himself is a Body Politick whereof the King as King is Head and so the Publick Community is out of the King's Protection he being no King as to them in a complex Body Such impudent Falsities and many more destructive Consequences flow from such absurd Principles And if the Maxim were true the People have placed a King not over but under themselves But they enforce the Argument still further That the Fountain and efficient Cause of Power is the People and from hence they say the Inference is just That he is less than the Universe But the (w) Answer to Observations p. 10. Consequence is rather the contrary For suppose the People were the efficient Cause of Power it can be no otherwise than by translating or deriving their divided Power and uniting it in him Since then they cannot retain what they have parted with nor have what they gave away it follows That he who hath all their Power and his own particular besides must needs be greater and more powerful than they it being a very great Truth That he is the only Fountain of Power and Justice Another of their Maxims was That quicquid efficit tale illud est magis tale And they assume But the King was made by the People therefore less than the People In answer to which it is
Misgovernment to call their Sovereigns to an account In the first Place it ought to be considered that by constituting any check upon Sovereign Princes all Decisions and Controversies must be writ in Blood and it would lay a fruitful (b) Non tanti est civilia bella movere Arguments against Resisting of Princes Seed-Plot of civil Wars by indulging the most pernicious Freedom of righting our selves for though the People or some ambitious Male-contents may not be so happy as they could wish yet to make use of Force as a Remedy will certainly encrease the Miseries If this Principle be granted it will make Sovereigns always jealous Would make Princes always jealous and consequently studious to secure themselves against such opposition by strong Hand which will be very galling to the Subject Besides upon all differences betwixt the King and People No Judges can be betwixt King and People no Judge can be found to determine the Matter and to allow this Power to the People is to allow a Difference that can have no end before one half of the Nation have ruined another as by sad Experience we found in our late Civil Wars Further it ought to be considered That this not only overthrows Monarchy but all Government for who will obey It overthrows all Government when they can resist Under all Governments we should have one Rebellion (c) Just Right of Monarchy p. 92.93 rising out of the Ashes of another for only those who prevailed should be satisfied and all the rest would certainly conclude that they might more justly oppose those Usurpers than the first did their lawful Prince and thus Government which is designed for the Security Peace and Tranquillity of the State should be perpetually embroyled and by the cruel Hostilities of emulous Factions mastering one another the common People and those who would desire to live peaceably should be the continual Prey of Ravenous Harpyes and Vultures If we allow Subjects to take Arms against their Prince Not allowed in Families we ought to allow Children the like Liberty against their Parents Servants against their Masters Soldiers against their Officers and the common Rabble against their Magistrates For the King in his Sovereignty eminently comprehends all these Relations Besides what reasonable Man can think much more ought to assert that it is fit to allow this Principle when all Ages Mischiess of the Peoples Liberties and daily Experience teach us That the numerous Party of Mankind is difficultly by the most rational and strictest Laws contained in their duty What might we therefore expect if every Man should be invested with Power to be his own Judge and be loosed from all Laws and encouraged to the Duty as it must be upon this Doctrine of transgressing disobeying and breaking all Laws that establish a Government uneasie to him It cannot but be observed and by daily Experience is found 〈◊〉 in all Popular Congresses in all Elections or public Votes of the Body of the People how violent they are when opposed by some few How Insolent when they find their Strength that nos numeri sumus And how Cruel when enraged as in the History of Cardinal Bentivolio to go no higher in that of Naples under Masianello and that of Amsterdam against the De Witts and many more might be instanced in And it will certainly be allowed that the Multitude being cajoled by Pretenders to be their Patriots and the publick-spirited maintainers of their Liberties Properties and Religion the usual Shams and Wheedles ambitious and contriving Men make of to seduce them find these very Men more unjust oppressive exorbitant and Arbitrary than the worst of Princes Therefore since the multitude is no better qualified to judge nor juster when led by such Chieftains Surely all prudent Men and Lovers of their own and their Countries Happiness must conclude it much safer and conducibler to the Publick Weal to obey those whom God hath set over them and the Laws their Duties and Oaths oblige them to bear Faith and Allegiance to than to subject themselves to their fellow-Subjects who can have no other Title but rebellious Success to warrant them to harass butcher and ruin them Whereas at the worst in Kings we have but an ill Master but allowing Subjects to usurp we may fight our selves into slavery under hundreds of Tyrants and those too fighting one against another so that we shall not know even which of those Devils to obey Would we consult the Histories of preceding times or our own Experiences we should find the Pretenders to reform (d) Idem p. 92. Pretenders to Reformation greatest Oppressors Government have proved the greatest Cheats to those they have seduced They in reality neither promoting Liberty or Religion but under that Vizard-mask shrouded other black designs and when they succeeded in their Attempts they became infinitely more oppressive to the People than the lawful Powers ever had or could be they pretended to protect them from the Rigor of And when (e) Idem p. 90 91. others rose against them on the same pretence they did in the severest manner declare that Rebellion in others which they contended to be lawful in themselves Whoever will not be convinced of this if he by woful Experience knew it not may read it in the Histories of our late Miseries and if he have any Spirit of Ingenuity or Christianity will totally abandon such Principles as brought so wasting a Calamity on our Country In the Constitution of our English Government we have but one Sovereign The Constitution of England's Government Monarchical to whom we owe Fealty Homage Allegiance and Obedience by Oaths and Laws Even all the Acts of Parliament that acknowledg this a Monarchy are so many solid Arguments and Testimonies of the Kings Supremacy and to set up any co-ordinate Power whatsoever would be to create Regnum in Regno in Temporals as the Phanatick Principle That Dominium fundatur in Gratia or in Orthodoxa Religione doth in Spirituals Than which no Sentiment was ever invented more dangerous to overturn States and bring all to Confusion If indeed we were to form the Government under which we were to live No new Government now to be framed we might agree upon setting up Ephori Tribunes of the People Daemagogues Calvin's Three Estates or a co-ordinate Power in the two Houses as so many checks upon the Supreme Governour But we are born under a Monarchy fix'd by Law and Consent time out of Mind so that we may as well yield to the Levellers reducing us to the pure pute State of Nature as the forming such an Idaea of a Common-wealth wherein a Sovereign is to be resisted if any factious Party think themselves aggrieved It is to be well considered that though William the Conqueror had little or no Title of Right yet his Conquest with the Subjects submission then and in after Ages to his Successors and the Obligation of Oaths and
subsequent Acts of Parliament supplied all Defects and all the Limitations of that absolute Power which accrued by Conquest being the free Concession of himself and his Successors which appears in their Grants by way of Charter as I shall hereafter have occasion to enlarge upon it is most evident that the King's Power is absolute where no Law (f) D. Digs Unlawfulness of Resisting can be produced to the contrary and no special Case can be determined by the Subject to the Kings disadvantage and though the Kings succeeding the Conquest to sweeten Subjection quaedam jura pactis minuerunt and these Acts of Grace were confirmed by Promise and Oath No Contract betwixt King and Subjects whereby they may exact an Account yet we find no Footsteps of any security given that should endanger the Person or Regal Authority by giving to their Subjects any legal Power to unking them if they should not perform Covenant Nor could it be rational to expect such for they knew full well if they should not break such Promises yet a Pretence that they did so as we have known it was alledged concerning the Coronation Oath might upon the first opportunity create a Civil War Therefore their Subjects had as little reason to accept as the Kings had to offer so pernicious a Security as would bring both Parties into such a sad Condition For if Rebellion were to be allowed in any Case that Case would be always pretended and though the Prince were Just Wise and Religious yet ambitious Men to compass their own Ends would impute to him Oppression Weakness or Irreligion as the World knows by too sad Experience was verified in King Charles the Martyr who taking his measures of others Sincerity by the rule of his own Heart suffered pretences of publick Good to grow up to insolent Tumults and at last to Rebellion and notwithstanding his Exemplary Practice in his publick Devotions was traduced to have but handsomly dissembled and favoured another Religion in his Heart and at last brought before a crew of Regicides impeached of breach of Trust Tyranny and I know not how many horrid Crimes against his Subjects who yet died the Peoples Martyr and the Royal Asserter of their Liberties and Priviledges which all his Subjects found to expire with him the greatest Arbitrariness and cruellest Tyranny being during their Power exercised by the new Common-wealth Men that ever was read of in any History Those who read Books among those of the Sect of Libertines in Politicks and so much magnify the great name of Liberty of the Subject and co-ordinate Powers Writers who lived under Common-wealths no Guides to us converse most in Greek and Latin Authors who lived under Commonwealths and so were profuse in the commendation of their Country Government against Usurpers or else these admired Authors were (g) Jus Regium p. 134. Stoicks who out of a selfish Pride equalled themselves not only to their Kings but to their own Gods even as our Quakers who pretend a Light within them a more sure guide to them than the Law Now the same reason they had to commend their form of Government We have more reason to commâ—nd our Government than the Romans or Grecians theirs and so much more as Monarchy is preferrable to Aristocracy we in England have reason to commend our Constitution where our Kings are truly the Fathers of their Country and if they would ballance the convenience or inconvenience of either Government they would soon discover it For whereas they say that the Doctrine of Non-resistance is the readiest Motive to establish Tyranny It is much more certain and experimentally known that the Leaders of the Rabble always prove such and that the Distractions of a civil War which ordinarily are occasioned by the pretence of reforming something amiss in the Governours and Competitions betwixt Persons for Soveraignty destroy more than the Lusts of any one Tyrant can do which made Lucan a Republican and of the Pompeian Party conclude after a sad review of the continual Civil Wars betwixt Sylla and Marius Caesar and Pompey without touching upon what followed under the Triumvirs Foelices Arabes Medique Eoaque tellus Qui sub perpetuis tenuerunt Regna Tyrannis And if he preferred even the Tyranny or absoluteness of those Kings before the State of Civil Wars how much more have we reason to submit and that chearfully to the most easy Yoak of the Sovereignty of our Princes We need not be solicitous that their unaccountableness to their Subjects shall prompt them to Tyranny because we have good Security as strong as humane Wisdom ever invented that we shall live happily under that Constitution which our Fore-fathers enjoyed the Benefit of in an high Degree The Security we have that no Arbitrary Government can be exercised in England never distrusting the sound temper of the Policy For first our Kings swear at their Coronations to preserve the Laws Liberties Properties and Religion Secondly If they should command illegal things the Executors of them are responsible to Parliamentary Inquisitions Lastly the Interest of the King is the same with that of the Subject as to their Prosperity and Misery so that a King will always consult the good of his Subjects which made (h) Praeestis hominibus sed hominum causa nec domini modo Arbitri rerum sed Tutores Administratores estis Collata est in sinum vestrum a deo hominibus Respublica sed nempe in sinum ut foveatur Epist Dedicat ad Imp. Reges Principes Lipsius tell the Sovereigns That they govern over Men but for their good and are not only Lords and Judges of Matters but Tutors and Administrators That the Government of the Commonweal by God and Men is placed in their Bosoms or Laps but so as to be cherished and protected there To conclude this discourse We have heard of or seen the sad Calamities the Republican Rebellion brought upon all his Majesties Dominions when the mild Government of King Charles the First was altered to the most Bloody and Tyrannical one of his rebellious Subjects that any Age could parallel and we have had Experience of the merciful Government of his Royal Son and Successor and have lived to see all the Establishments of Usurpers brought to Confusion We have seen a formidable Rebellion burst forth in our Magnanimous King James the Second's Reign which had been forming seven Years before utterly overthrown in two Months and we cannot peruse Histories but we must meet with infinite Examples of the sad devastations such Rebellions bring to their Country and the unsuccessfulness of them Therefore I would earnestly advise all Malecontents never to make their Country's Ruine and the slain Carcasses of their Countrymen the Steps by which they must ascend the Scaffolds or the Rounds of the Ladders they must mount the Gallows which without a Prince's Clemency are the sure Rewards of all Rebels and their certain Fate CHAP.
9. The Words are The Presidents and Princes assembled together to the King and told him That all the Presidents of the Kingdom the Governours and the Princes the Counsellors and the Captains have consulted together to establish a Royal Statute and to make a firm Decree c. Now O King establish the Decree and sign the Writing that it be not changed according to the Law of the Medes and Persians which altereth not Here the Presidents c. assembled consult about the Decree they propose it as they had framed it yet they own it was of no force without the King 's establishing and signing it Which is exactly parallel with the Constitution of the Legislative in England if we joyn the Commoners to the Presidents Princes c. No radical mixture of Power in the two Houses with the King But the Writers for the Long Parliament were so desirous to make the Two Houses to have a Radical Mixture of the Legislative Power equal with the King 's that they sought all the specious and plausible Arguments they could to enforce it having little regard to what was Law it self or ancient Usage Therefore one of them in his (c) Pag. 39. Answer to Dr. Fern saith A Legislative Power is not to be satisfied by a bare powerless Consent Third Objection and therefore deman◠Whether that Consent be causal and authoritative or meerly consiliary and unauthoritative That the Two Houses have an Enacting Authority he would prove from that Clause set in the beginning of Acts Be it Enacted by the King 's most Excellent Majesty This will appear a Form of Words lately made use of in the Twenty fourth Chapter and the Authority of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament For he saith this implies distinct Authorities for the Addition of the Authority of the Lords and Commons were superfluous if Laws be enacted by the King's Authority alone To which it may replied according to (d) King's Supremacy p. 89. Mr. Sheringham That though it be granted that they have an Enacting Authority in this particular of Law-making which how step by step it hath been brought to the state it is now in will be cleared in the following Chapters yet the Question is first Whether that be only a Power of assenting that such or such a Law shall be established or a Power that commandeth and giveth life and vigour to the Laws Secondly Whether the Power be radically in themselves or derived from the King As to the first It is agreed by the Judges (e) 2 H. 7.14.11 H. 7.25 Lambard Archeion fol. 271. That the Words Assenteth and Enacteth are equivalent in this Case For their Power of preparing Materials for a Law by framing Bills sufficiently denotes their Assent because they are Bills of their own framing and the Wisdom they show in these and the Care of the Government and People will always make that August Body of great use to the Government and valuable by their Fellow-subjects But secondly In this Particular the Writ of Summons is that which gives them all the Power of which in the Chapter of Parliaments I shall enlarge It must be considered from whom they have this Authority They have the Use and Exercise of the Legislative Power so far as is necessary for that Act although it be not radically in them for although the King's Authority cannot be separated from him privativè so as to deprive him of it yet cumulativè it may be inherent in his own Person and yet be in others too as the Light of the Sun is inherent in its own Body and yet diffused through the whole World And so we call it Moon-shine and Star-light when all their Lights are from the Sun And this Delegate Authority may be called theirs because for the time of their Sitting they are by the Sovereign and Constitution of Government so capacitated to act But since they are called by the King 's Writ and dissolved at his Pleasure they cannot be said to have the Power radically in themselves If this radical Power in the Two Houses were true How could the (f) 24 H. 8. 1 E. 6. c. 2. Statutes declare the King to have entire whole and plenary Power and to be so Supreme that all Authority is derived from him and all Obedience and Allegiance due to him and him alone An utmost Chiefty and Primity of Share as they used to speak in 1641. will not make out the Force of the Statutes Because the Kings of England desiring to rule their People by Lenity have out of Princely Clemency condescended so far as not to impose upon them as hereafter it will appear they anciently did any new Law or alter and repeal the old without their own Consents by their Representatives The Black Parliament of 1641. would have the People believe The Encroachments of the Black Parliament that their Authority was equal with the Kings But when Success had hardned them they were not content with a share they at first challenged but laid claim to all wholly excluding the King and denying him his Negative Voice usurping and taking upon them the whole Power of making Laws So that this Serpent of Co-ordinate Power is not to be suffered to wrigle in its Head lest the whole Body glide easily after But I leave the further discourse of this to its proper Place Preface to the following Chapters and shall now proceed to give some Light to the Government the Britans had among them by the Comparison is found betwixt them the Gauls and Germans Being desirous as much as I can to show the Ancientest usages and under the several Conquests of England how the Government hath received Growth and Alteration sometimes the People being under the Slavery of absolute Conquerors and other times factious Nobles bearding their Kings how the even Thred of Regular Government hath been carried on or interrupted how from an absolute Power of giving Law and ruling in a Military way by the Feudal Law and many other particulars the Government is brought to that Temperament whereby the Subjects may if they will be dutiful live happilier than any other do To illustrate all these it will be necessary to represent the State of the Britans under the Romans and to discourse of the Germans from whence our Saxon Ancestors came and of both of their Manners and Laws and from thence to proceed to illustrate the Legislative Power In all which if I carry my Reader out of his Country to view the State of our Ancient Neighbours I hope he will think it no ill spent time to make that pleasing as well as profitable towr And though I represent him his Ancestors rude and barbarous in Comparison of the Roman civilizedness yet he will find they had some Religion some Arts great and generous Souls as well as strong Bodies and their greatest mis-hap seems to be that those in Britan Gaul or Germany were not under one Monarchy
(f) Glossar p. 362. Leges pristinas longa receptas consuetudine abolevit Britannisque novas dedit Sir Henry Spelman's Glossary I find that the Manuscript saith That he abolished the old Laws received by long Custom and gave to his Britans new ones which from the Makers Name are called the Laws of Hoel Dha Who over reads these Laws saith a judicious (g) Sacred Laws p. 76. Author will have little reason to think our Common Law ran from any such Fountain and it seems the old Laws and Customs of this People were far worse and more rude yet as the Proem informs us I know some will be displeased that I take no notice of the Mulmutian or of the Mercian Laws concerning which the Abbat (h) Jo. Bromp Coll. 956. num 10. of Jorval and the Monk (i) Lib. 1. c. 50. Concerning the Mercian Laws not British See for this and against it what the Judicious Selden hath writ in his fourth fifth and sixth Chapters of his Janus Anglorum in which the Story of Brute is judiciously confuted of Chester give this account That Dunwallo Mulmucius a British King who lived 430 years before our Saviour made those Laws which continued in esteem till Edward the Confessors days by the Name of the Leges Molmucinae in which he appointed Cities the Temples of the Gods and the Ways leading to them and the Ploughs of the Country Men to be Sanctuaries and after Mercia a Queen of the Britans Wife of Gwithelin whom Leland calls Mercia proba in the Minority of her Son saith the Monk of Chester who ruled in the Country of the Mercians published a Law full of Discretion and Justice called the Lex Mercia which two Laws Gildas the Historian translated out of the British Language into Latin and these in the Saxons time were called Merchena Laga or the Law of the Mercians which Alured the Saxon saith the Monk of Chester from the Latin turned into the Saxon Language and added the West Saxon Law and Canutus added the Danelga or Danish Law all which three being joyned together by Edward the Confessor made those we call the Common Law or King Edward's Laws To which I shall only give Sir Henry Spelman's answer in his Glossary That it is true that King Alfred did write the Mercian Laws into his own West Saxon Laws but as appears by the Preface to his Laws that he collected what ever he found in the Laws of King Ina his Countryman Offa King of the Mercians or Ethelbert who was first baptized and those that were just he collected others being rejected It is not probable that Offa a Saxon King the cruellest Enemy to the Britains having driven them out of all the Confines of his Kingdom into Wales should carry back their Laws as his Spoils especially the Laws being so wicked that in the next Age they should be expunged and juster Laws be chosen as we see in the Preface to those of Hoel Dha I shall offer but one Argument more and so conclude with Sir Henry Spelman's opinion When Ethelbert King of Kent made his Laws Anno 613. as in the next Chapter I shall relate Bede saith he framed them after the Roman Example after Romana Bisena by which we may understand either according to the Laws then used by the Civil or Ecclesiastic State of the Romans As to Sir Henry Spelman (k) Glossar tit Lex Whence most Laws after the breaking of the Roman Empire he saith when the Goths Saxons Longobards Danes Normans and other Inhabitants about the Baltic Sea and Northern parts of Germany had made great Conquests in Europe they imposed their Laws every where upon the conquered and their Country Riâ—â— hence the Agreement betwixt the Laws of the Germans French Italians Spaniards and Sicilians and who ever boast of the Antiquity of their Municipal Laws can deduce them no higher For (l) Quis enim victor populus sub victi legibus conquiniscet saith he What conquering People will bow the neck under the Laws of the conquered especially when they have ejected a great part of them out of the Country So that if the Britains had any Laws of their own after the Roman Conquest they must be preserved in the remotest parts of Scotland and after in Wales but England had other Laws as I shall make appear hereafter CHAP. XXIII Of the German Government and Laws of several Countries after breaking of the Roman Empire and an Introduction to understand the Saxon Law-makers HAving treated of the State of the Britans under the Romans I now in order should immediately treat of the Saxons great Councils and discover by what Authority Laws were made in their time who made up the great Council and whose advice was implied in the framing of their Laws But before I enter upon Particulars it may be needful to say something of the German Polity a Member of which most famous Country though we find not them mentioned during the time of the twelve Caesars no doubt the Saxons were Caesar tells us The Gods the Germans worshipped The Germans had no Druids * Germani neque Druidas habent qui rebus divinis praesint neque sacrisiciis student which attended Divine Matters nor did they study Sacrifices and that they accounted among the Gods those they see and from whom they are manifestly helped in their works as the Sun Vulcan and the Moon the rest they have not received as much as by report But Tacitus mentions their God Tuisto born of the Earth and his Son Mannus and that they worshipped Mercury most to whom they sacrificed Men but to Hercules and Mars other Animals Although the Germans Gauls and Britans were Barbarous yet they were Valiant and capable of great Improvement and that some worshipped Isis When I read in Caesar Tacitus Diodorus Strabo and others of the Barbarousness of the Germans Gauls and Britans their homely Diet poor Cottages and Clothing their Habitations dispersed according as there was convenience of Water or Wood and that uncultivated Disposition they describe I am ready to think before the Roman Attacques upon them they had lived something like the Savage Indians and had little of Arts or Industry among them but when I consider on the other side their great Armies their Weapons the Chariots of the Britans and Gauls called Esseda the (a) Lanceo ferreo cubitali longitudine latitudine duorum palmorum Aerea Galea caput muniâ—bant paulatim eminentiore in qua aut cornua impressa essent aut avium vel quadrupedum essigies sculptae Caesar l. 3. Lances of the Gauls with Heads of Iron a Cubit long and two Palms broad their large Shields and Brass Helmets the German Spears called Framâ—â—â— and the Ornaments of their Shields and Helmets with Figures of Birds or four-footed Beasts in Brass their orderly raising of such and such numbers of Men in such and such Circuits and Jurisdiction of Cities and their training up
properly as Somner renders it with the Advice Counsel Instruction or Exhortation as our modern word Lore imports of Cenred my Father and Heddes my Bishop and Ercenwold my Bishop and with all my Aldermen i. e. Princes Dukes Earls Viceroys Military Officers Senators or Ministers of State as the word then signified those old Wites i. e. principal or chief Noble Men Chieftains Governours or Wisemen of my Kingdom do command and likewise with mycelre somnug Godes Theowena The great Assembly Congregation or Synagogue of Gods Servants i.e. the Clergy (f) Waes 〈◊〉 thaere hae le 〈…〉 be thâ—m stâ—â—hâ—le ures rices meditating or studying the Health of our Souls and upon the Estate or establishing of our Kingdom That ryht AE (g) Not Aew Nuptiâ—e 〈…〉 observes and appears in the 〈…〉 Gefasâ—inedâ— and ryhte cynedomas thurh ure Folc Gefaestenode getrymmed waeron That right Laws and right or just Judgment or Dooms of the King or Office and Dignity of Magistrates and Somner be fastned or established and trimmed perfected or accomplished That no Alderman or under our Jurisdiction or as probably the Compound word may be rendred any Prince under us Theoden signifying a Lord Prince or Ruler or as in the Saxon Chronology a King after them shall turn from break corrupt or change Awendan these ure domas these our Decrees Sentences or Ordinances Then in the First Chapter it follows We beodaeth that ealles Folces AE domas thus synd gehealden We bid or command that all our People shall after hold fast or observe these Laws and Dooms From this Preface the candid Reader may observe First Observations on this Preface That Kings are the gift of God and that Godes Gyffe signifies the same with Dei Gratia they are not the Creature of the People Secondly That Princes for the better Government of their People in the setling of Laws in Church and State consult deliberate and advise with their Bishops Noblemen and eminently Wise men of their Kingdoms whom for their Wisdom they honour with public Imployments in their Dominions Thirdly That after such Consultation Deliberation and Advice the Sovereign establishethâ— and instituteth the Laws And Lastly That such Laws are not to be broken or infringed by the Judges or supremest Officers under the King much less by the Subjects The next (h) Spelman Câ—ncil vol. 1. p. 313. Other Great Councils in the Saxon times of Offa. Council I find is that of Colchyth in the Kingdom of Mercia Anno 793. wherein are said to be Nine Kings present viz. Offa and Egferd his Son and seven more numbred by Sir Henry Spelman Fifteen Bishops and Twenty Dukes and so in another at (i) Id. p. 314. Verulam it is said to be under Offa who called together his Bishops and Optimates but these are only about Religious matters So (k) Id. p. 3â—0 Ad Aâ—â—um 8â—â— Kenulph Kenulph King of Mercia writing to Pope Leo the III. begins Kenulphus Gratia Dei Rex Merciorum cum Episcopis Ducibus omni sub nostra ditione dignitatis gradu So at the Synod at (l) Idem fâ—â— 328. Colichyth 6 Kal. Aug. Ann. Dom. 8â—6 Wulfred the Archbishop being Praesident it is expressed that Caenulf the King of the Mercians was present cum suis Principibus Ducibus Optimatibus So we find a Synodal Council at Clovesho (m) Iâ—em fol. â—32 〈…〉 rum praesidente Beornâ—lpho Rege Merciorum and Wulfrid the Archbishop the other Bishops Abbats and the Nobility of all Dignities treating concerning the profit of Ecclesiastical and Secular Persons and the stability of the Kingdom That which I shall note from these is this That in these Synodal Councils sometimes it is said the King praesided other times the Archbishop but mostly all the Persons that constitute such Councils are the King the Archbishops Bishops Abbats Priors and the Optimates The next Council I find is called (n) Idem pag. 336. Anno 833. Withlasius Concilium Pananglicum held at London 26 May Anno 833. wherein Withlasius King of the Mercians gives several immunities to the Abby of Croyland and more than once he saith volo praecipio and this he saith he doth in the (o) In praesentia Dominorum meorum Egberti Regis West-Saxoniae Aethelwulphi filii ejus coram Pontificibus Proceribus presence of his Lords Egbert King of the West Saxons and Aethelwulph his Son and before the Bishops and the greater Noblemen of all England in the City of (p) Majoribus totius Angliae in Civitate Londonia ubi omnes congregati sumus pro consilio capiendo contra Danicos Piratas litora Angliae assidus infestaâ—tes London where they were all gathered to take Counsel against the Danish Pirates daily infesting the Coast of England Therefore Sir Henry Spelman judgeth this Council properly to be called for secular Affairs and to be such as we now call our Parliaments The Witnesses to it are the said Withlase the Archbishop of Canterbury Celnoth and Eadbald Archbishop of York and after nine more Bishops and three Abbats Egbert and his Son Adelwulph sign and after them Wulhard Athelm and Herenbrith Dukes Swithin the Kings Presbyter and Bosa his Secretary But I shall leave these and come to more direct secular great Councils The Laws of King Alfred Regnare coepit 871. desiit 900. as that of King Alfred who in the first part of his Laws recites the Commandments and Laws by Gods appointment delivered by Moses to the Children of Israel to be observed and some of the New Testament and from that of our Saviour quod vobis fieri non velitis id aliis non faciatis concludes that Jâ—Plgment of Right ought to be given to every one and that on (q) On thissum anum Dome mon maege gethencean that he aeghwelâ—re on riht gedemeth LL. Alured p. 21. this one Sentence That Man must bethink him much that judgeth Right to every one and he adds That after the propagating of the Gospel in England as well as in other places were gathered for making of Laws both for Church and State it is to be supposed he means Holy (r) Haligra Bisceopa eac othera gethungenra Witena Ibid. Bishops and other famous wise Men or Wites Then in the Conclusion of the Laws about Religion and Prefatory to the secular Laws he saith I Alfred King have gathered (s) Thaes togaeder gegaderod awritan het these Sanctions together and caused them to be written many of them being observed by his Ancestors Those that he liked (t) Tha the me ne licodon Ic awearp mid minra witena getheat on othre wifan behead to heoldanne Ib. p. 22. not with the Council of his Wites he rejected and those he liked he bid or commanded to be holden and concludes Ic tha Aelfred West-Seaxna Cyning eallum minum Witun thaes geeowde hi tha cwaethon that him that licode eallum to healdenne which thus I
diversorum negotiorum causae in medium duci ex more coeperunt Id. p. 37. num 40. Ann. 1096. vel 1097. Therefore the Festival-days being passed the causes of divers affairs according to custom began to be transacted saith my Author among which that that of Anselm's was one But to draw to a Conclusion of this King's Reign my Author clears who were the Members of the Great Councils and that they were convened at the King's Pleasure in the relating that in the following (k) Mense Augusto cum de statu Regni acturus Rex Episcopos Abbates quosque Regni Proceres in unum praecepti sui sanctione egisset c. Id. p. 38. num 10. Month of August when the King being to transact things concerning the State of the Kingdom by his Summons had convened the Bishops Abbats and all the Noblemen of his Kingdom The affairs for which they were assembled being dispatched and every one prepared to return home Anselm moves again his Petition and in October when the Convention was dissolved he applied himself again to the King at Winchester Here we may observe that it was the King The King solely summons the Great Councils and dismisseth them who being to transact things about the State of the Kingdom by the Authority of his Precept or Summons called together the Members of the Great Council who are expresly mentioned to be the Bishops Abbats and all the Noblemen of the Kingdom Since therefore we find no other kinds of Great Councils in any Authors that write of this King we may conclude the Commons were no ways represented in any of them Most Authors mention this King with no good Character One old Writer saith Omnis jam legum silâ—it Justitia causisque sub justitio positis sola in Principibus imperabat pecunia Florent Wigorn. That all Justice of Laws was in his time hushed in silence and Causes being put in a Vacation without hearing Money alone bore sway among the great ones Polydore Virgil will have the right or duty of First-fruits called Annats which our Kings claimed for vacant Abbies and Bishopricks to have had their Original from King William Rufus However that be it is certainly true that at his Death the Bishopricks of Canterbury Winchester and Salisbury and twelve Monasteries besides being without Prelates and Abbats payed in their Revenues to the Exchequer We may judge likewise of his burthensome Exactions Matt. Paris fol. 74. Edit penult by what we find in his Brother King Henry the First 's Charter Wherein he saith because the Kingdom was oppressed with unjust Exactions he makes the Holy Church free and all evil Customs wherewith the Kingdom of England was unjustly oppressed he doth henceforth take away and they are all in a manner mitigations of the Severity of the feudal Tenor as any one may see in Matthew Paris Mr. Selden and Dr. Brady and is plain by the very first concerning the Laity That if any one of my Barons Counts or others that hold of me shall dye his Heirs shall not redeem his Lands as he was wont to do in the time of my Father c. And in another Praecipio ut homines mei similiter se contineant erga silios silias uxores hominum suorum That according to the relaxation he had made to his Homagers they should regulate themselves towards the Sons Daughters and Wives of their Homagers Of the Great Councils in King Henry the First 's time COncerning the Great Councils in King Henry the First 's time as also till Edward the First 's time I must refer the inquisitive Reader to Dr. Brady's answer to Mr. Petyt in the respective Kings Reigns and to his Appendix in which he hath amassed out of Eadmerus Simeon Dunelmensis Florentius Wigornensis Hoveden Gervasius Dorobernensis Matt. Paris Malmsbury and other Authentick Writers the Emphatical Expressions by which the constituent Parts of the Great Councils are fully proved to be only the Bishops Abbats and Priors for the Clergy or the great Nobility or prime Tenents in Capite such as the King pleased to summon under the names of Magnates Comites Proceres Principes Optimates Barones or Sapientiores Regni expresly used for Barones Where the Populus is used by way of Antithesis as contradistinct from the Clerus and where Regni Communitas or Ingenuitas is used the same Doctor Brady by pregnant Proof puts it beyond dispute that none of the Commons as now we understand them could be meant as Representatives So that though I had collected a considerable number of such Proofs e're I saw the Learned Doctor 's Book I shall now wave them all and only add in every King's Reign some few that he hath omitted or wherein something remarkable relating to the King's Soveraignty or the manner of constituting Laws is found by him noted or as I have met with them in my Reading In the third of Henry the First in the Feast of St. (a) Omnes Principâ—s Regni sui Ecclesiastici Secularis Ordinis Flor. Wigorn. Anno 1102. 3 H. 1. Michael saith the Monk of Worcester the King was at London and with him all the Princes of his Kingdom of the Ecclesiastick and Secular Order and of the same Council Malmsbury saith The King bidding (b) Ipso Rege annuente communi consensu Episcoporum Abbatum Principum totius Regni adunatum est Conciltum De Gest Pontif. Anno 1102. or willing with the common Consent of the Bishops and Abbats and Princes of the whole Kingdom the Council was united and this being mostly about Ecclesiastick affairs it is added that in this Council the Optimates Regni at the Petition of Anselm were present and gives the reason For that whatever might be decreed by Authority of the Council might be maintained firmly by the mutual care of both orders Whereby we may note the Obligation upon Subjects of both Orders to observe the Laws once enacted by the King and Council Anno 1107. 7 H. 1. Matth. Paris saith (c) Factus est conventus Episcoporum Abbatum pariter Magnatum ad Ann. c. there was a convention of the Bishops and Abbats as likewise of the Magnates i. e. Noblemen at London in the King's Palace Archbishop Anselm being President To which the King assented and speaking of what was established he saith Rex statuit To him Hoveden agrees only what the one calls Magnates the other calls Proceres The Manuscript of Croyland (d) Tum Episcoporum Abbatum totius Cleri Angliae by which must be understood the great dignified Clergy Sub Wifrido Abbate p. 104. saith The same Year the King giving manifold thanks to God for the Victory he had given him over his Brother Robert and other Adversaries appointed a famous Council at London as well of the Bishops and Abbats of the whole Clergy of England as of the Earls Barons Optimatum Procerum totius Regni In this Council
the King (e) Remisit libere concessit integre promisiâ— remitted freely granted and fully promised the Investiture by Ring and Staff and freely left the Election of the Prelates to their respective Churches By which we may not only note who made up this Great Council but that the enacting part was solely the King's Grant The Charter (f) Lib. rub Scaccar Twysden LL. Id. 1. p. 175. of Henry the First was made before the Eighteenth of his Reign in which he saith because his Kingdom was oppressed with unjust Exactions in (g) Ego respectu Dei amore quem ergâ— vos habeo Matt. Paris fol. 292. num 10. See the Explanation of this Charter Brady's Argum. fol. 265. and Selden's Epinomis respect of God and the Love which he hath to his Subjects he makes the Holy Church free and so proceeds in the rest of his Laws by way of single Grant and Prohibition Anno 1127. 28 H. 1. (h) Rex auditis Concilii gestis consensum praebuit Authoritate Regia potestate concessit consirmavit statuta Concilii Continuat Florent Wigorn p. 503. W. Archbishop of Canterbury gathered a General Council of all the Bishops Abbats and Religious Persons and at the close of the Acts it is said That the King being at London having heard the Acts of the Council gave his consent to them and by his Kingly Authority and Power granted and confirmed the Statutes of the Council By which we may see that even the Constitutions of Ecclesiastical Councils required the Sovereign's Confirmation Of the Great Councils in King Stephen's time THat he was an Usurper is notoriously known His first great Council is only said by Malmsbury to be gathered at London (a) Coacto magno Episcoporum Procerum Abbatum concilio Fol. 92. b. num 4. consisting of Bishops Nobles and Abbats in which many Ecclesiastical and Secular Matters were ordained Matthew Paris saith That he having gathered at London the Magnates Regni he promised the bettering of the Laws according to the will (b) Juxta voluntatem arbiâ—rium singulorum Fol. 62. num 40. and pleasure of all The reason of which compliance of this King was for that he was set up and Crowned by a Faction there being reckoned by Authors none of Eminence present at his Coronation but the Archbishop of Canterbury the Bishop of Winchester and Roger of Salisbury his Brother no Abbats and but few of the Nobility they having all sworn (c) Malmsb. Hist Novel fol. 101. b. num 16. Fealty to Maud the Empress in Henry the first 's life time though he in the following Charter saith That he was elected King Assensu Cleri Populi But to proceed King Stephen primo Regni at Oxford Anno 1136. grants the Liberties to his Subjects by way of Charter (d) Ego Stephanus Dei gratia assensu Cleri c. omnes exactiones meschenningas injustitias sive per Vicecomites vel per alios quoslibet male inductas funditus extirpo bonas leges antiquas justas consuetudines c. observabo observari praecipio constituo Malmsb. Hist Novel p. 101. b. num 20. that the Church be free and he confirms due Reverence to it and so proceeds to recite many particular Priviledges to it and as to his Lay-Subjects he doth utterly root out all exactions misdeeds and injustices evilly brought in by Sheriffs or any others That he will observe himself and appoints and constitutes to be observed the good Laws and antient and just Customs in Hundreds Pleas or other matters This was by Charter and my Author saith he disdains to set to the names of the Witnesses which were many because he so lightly or foolishly changed all But Richard Prior of Hexham closes the Charter thus (e) Ric. Prior Hâ—gustald col 314. num 6. Anno 1136. 1 Regni The King grants his Charter with a Salvo Haec omnia concedo confirmo salva Regia justa Dignitate mea By which Conclusion it is apparent the King reserved to himself a Latitude to use his Prerogative and some are of opinion Kings cannot by any Concessions divest themselves of that but I want Mittans to handle such noli me tangere's of the Crown What I have further to add concerning this Charter is That the Prior of Hexham makes it granted after the Popes Confirmation (f) Id. 313. num 30. Note That all Authors think strange thâ— Pope should â—â—â—firm and so countenance King Stephen an Usurper of him in which if ever that See consulted its private Interest it was then and in my poor Opinion nothing hath more discovered the Personal failures of Popes than such countenancing of Usurpers my Author I say makes it to be passed at his Parliament at Oxford where he saith he celebrated a general Council Episcopos Proceres sui Regni regali edicto in unum convenire praecepit The Witnesses this Author sets down makes it (g) Id. 315. num 10. appear there were none besides the Clergy and Barons present for after fourteen Bishops named the rest of the Witnesses are Roger the Chancellor Henry Nephew of the King Robert Earl of Gloucester William Earl Warren Ralph Earl of Chester Roger Earl of Warwick Rob. de Vere Miles de Gloucester Rob. de Olli Briano Filio Comitis Constab Robert de Martel Hugh Bigot Humfrid de Bohun Simon de Bellocampo Dapif Rob. de Ferrers William Petrus Simon de Silbanâ—et William de Albania Hugh de Sancto Claro Ilbert de Lecsio All which were very great Barons the last of them being Heir to 150 Knights Fees at least his Grandfather had so many So that we cannot judge the Commons by any Representation were present The other great Councils of this King are to be found in the Authors (h) Flor Wigorn. Anno 1138. fol. 668. cited in the Margent That at Northampton had Turstin Archbishop of York president and the rest enumerated are Episcopi Abbates Comites Barones Nobiles quique per Angliam That of the sixteenth (i) Hen. Hunt Anno 1151. fol. 226. mentions only the Archbishop of Canterbury Eustachius the King's Son Angliae Proceres in the (k) Chron. Norm Anno 1152. Agreement 17 Regni the Conventus was Episcoporum Comitum aliorum Optimatum and the last I find Anno 1154. ultimo Regni e is cum Episcopis Optimatibus (l) Jo. Brompton col 1000. num 50. never any Commons represented being to be met with Of the Great Council in King Henry the Second's Reign THE first considerable Act of State that I find Henry the Second did was Anno 1154. 1 Reg. That he gathered his General Council to London in Lent (a) Spelman Concil Tom. 2. fol. 54. Congregavit Concilium generale renovavit pacem leges consuetudines per Angliam ab antiquis temporibus constitutas he renewed Peace and the Laws and Customs of antient
great Council was adjourned to meet at Northampton where the King of Scots made his demands of the Counties of Northumberland Cumberland Westmorland and Lancashire Id. Hoved. and my Author saith That the King having taken advice with the Bishops Earls and Barons no orders of Men more are mentioned he gave answer to the King of Scots but it seems he had no mind to part with those Frontier Counties but by Charter in the presence of his Mother Alienor the Archbishop and other Bishops and many others as well Clerks as Laics of either Kingdom he granted the King and his Heirs certain Allowances Safe-Conduct c. when he should come to the King's Court upon Summons The most remarkable things in these Councils to be considered Remarks upon these Great Councils are the quick dispatch of Business in them the small Numbers they consisted of and that there appears no Footstep of any Commoners by Representation and by the Words Rex praecepit constituit c. it shows that the King had solely the Authoritative Power of passing the Consultations into binding Laws even where Mony was to be levied of the Subject and disseisure was to be made which was then practised but by an happy ease to the Subject is since by King Edward the First abrogated for which as we ought all to be thankful so to make use of this great Liberty that we may not abuse it to the damage of the Crown that bestowed the Largess and not so much boast our selves that we are freemen as to remember gratefully whence our Freedom came Of the Great Councils in King John's time THE first great Council that I have met with in King John's time is that held at Oxford (a) Matt. Paris fol. 176. num 30. ult edit Anno Dom. 1204. 6 Regni the Morrow after the Circumcision where as Matthew Paris saith convenerunt ad colloquium Rex Magnates and there were granted to the King two Marks and an half out of every Knights Fee Yet though all the Members are included under the name of Magnates yet my Author (b) Nec etiam Episcopi et Abbates sive Ecclesiasticae personae sine promissione recesserunt Idem saith that neither the Bishops Abbats or Ecclesiastic Persons passed away without a promise of supply I suppose So that I conceive the Clergy undertook for their Order to contribute something apart as it hath been since in use for the Convocation to give a distinct Tax imposed by themselves on the Clergy some evident Footsteps of which usage we find in that Council of (c) Hoveden fol. 282. b. num 10. Praecepit Rex Archiepiscopis Episcopis ut Siâ—illa sua apponeâ—enâ— cum cateri proni essent ad id saeciendum Archiepise Cant. juravit quod nunquam scripto illi apponeret nec leges consirmaret Clarendon wherein Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury was required by the King that he and the Bishops should set to their Seals in Confirmation of the antient Laws the King enjoined to be observed which when the Bishops were willing to do the Archbishop swore he would never do The Members of the Great Council and the absoluteness of King John in imposing Taxes is fully discovered in what Matthew (d) Fol. 180. num 30. Paris writes that Anno 1207. 9 Regni the King kept his Christmass at Winchester the Magnates Regni being present and on the Purification of the Virgin Mary he took through England the Thirteenth of Moveables The King imposeth Taxes and other things both of the Laics and Ecclesiastics all murmuring (e) Cunctis murmurantibus sed contradicere non audentibus A Great Council held in the King's absence but none daring to contradict him Anno 1213. 15 Joh. the King intending an expedition into Normandy left Geofrey Fitz-Peter and the Bishop of Winchester Commissioners in his absence who at St. Albans held a Council with the Archbishop the Bishops and the Magnates Regni where on the part of the King it was firmly (f) Mat. Paris fol. 201. num 30. Ex parte Regis firmiter est praeceptum sicut vitam membra sua diligunt ne a quoquam aliquid violenter extorqueant vel aliâ—ui injuriam irrogare praesumant enjoyned that the Laws of King Henry his Grandfather should be kept by all in his Kingdom and all evil Laws should be totally disannulled and all Sheriffs Foresters and other Ministers of the King under the severest Penalties of Life and Limb should not violently extort any thing from any Person or presume to offer Injury to any In which we may observe the Conventions of great Councils in the Kings absence and that the Laws have force only by the King's Authority as appears by the expressions ex parte Regis firmiter est praeceptum In the same Year the Eighth of the Calends of September Stephen A Convention or Conspiracy against the King Archbishop of Canterbury with the Bishops Abbats Priors Deans and Barons of the Kingdom met at London at St. Pauls in a Conspiracy against King John and as (g) Fol. 201. num 50 60. Matthew Paris saith the Fame was that the Archbishop calling to himself a Club of the Nobles told them secretly that they had heard how he had absolved the King and compelled him to swear that he should destroy evil Laws and should recal the good Laws viz those of King Edward and make them to be observed in his Kingdom and that now there was found a Charter of King Henry the First by which if they would they might recal to the Pristine State their long-lost Liberties which Charter he produced and it was that made to Hugh de Bocland his Justiciary and so they made a Confederacy among themselves and broke up their Assembly We may note Observations on the foregoing Councils that this Convention at London was a Conspiracy yet it had the Face of a great Council as to the constituent Parts of it and no Representatives of the People and they grounded their Confederacy upon the regaining their lost Liberties and had recourse to King Edward's Laws and their Confirmation by King Henry the First So that even such Rebels owned Kings the Fountains Authors and Establishers of their Liberties as well knowing they were born Subjects and whatever was remitted of the absolute Power of Princes was by their own Grants though they might be induced to those Concessions from several causes but whenever threats force or other necessities for supplies or such like extorted these they were very ill kept Anno 1215. 17 Joh. the Barons pressing the King to confirm the Charter of Priviledges the Archbishop with his Associates read over each Chapter But the King understanding the Tenor of them with indignation and scorn said (h) Quare cum istis iniquis exactionibus Barones non postulant Regnum Nunquam tales illis concederet libertates unde ipse efficeretur servus Matt. Paris fol. 213. num
reason because it passed under his Broad Seal Likewise when the Constitution of Parliament was altered 49 H. 3. whereby in place of the Tenents in Capite which were numerous two Knights were chosen probably by the rest of the Tenents in Capite for the Shires and two Citizens and two Burgesses for Burroughs to represent all those that held in Capite and it is likely all other their Subfeudatary Tenents yet the number was not constantly observed there being sometimes Knights and no Citizens or Burgesses sometimes one Knight one Citizen and one Burgess other times two or three Knights left as it seems to the Sheriffs or the Chusers Election till after it was fixed as it now is for two Knights two Citizens and two Burgesses unless in some places of Wales where to this Day some two or three Burroughs chuse but one or two Burgesses Likewise it is worth the observing how gradually the Advice and Assent hath pass'd from the Advice of the Bishops and Nobles to the Assent likewise and sometimes at their request only the King ordains and then from the Potition of the Commons to their joyning in Advice and after to their Assent and many other material progressive alterations which in this recapitulation I cannot insist upon till it hath come to that constitution so much to be valued by all wise Englishmen as it is the product of the generous condescensions of Gracious Kings and the wise contrivance of our considerate Ancestors Therefore I shall now pass to consider our present Constitution of Parliaments CHAP. XXVIII Of the modern rightly constituted Parliaments SECT 1. Of the General Vse of Parliaments I Have before given an account how the Persian Laws were made by the (a) Daniel cap. 6. v. 7 8. King his Princes Governours Nobles and Captains as in a great Council of several Orders with the Sovereign but we have an older example in Scripture Great Councils in Scripture that seems to be the Pattern of all great Councils such as we call Parliaments under a Monarchy For it is said (b) Legem praecepit nobis Moyses haereditatem multitudinis Jacob. Erit apud rectissâ—â—um Rex congregatis Principibus populi cum Tribubus Israel Deâ—â— cap. 33. v. 4 5. Moses commanded us a Law even the Inheritance of the Congregation of Jacob and he was King in Jesurun when the Heads of the People and Tribes of Israel were gathered together Here is the King Moses commanding a Law and the Heads of the People the Princes or House of Lords and the Tribes that is some to represent the chief of the Tribes like our House of Commons The Roman Senate under the Emperors resembled our ancient Great Councils that consisted of such as the King convened and of the Patrician and Equestrian Order The Comitia bore no resemblance with our Commons and the Amphictyonican (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Assemblies the Achaian Booâ—â—an and Pan Aetolian were Assemblies of Deputies as the States General of Holland Such Assemblies in all sorts of Governments are necessary Necessary in all Governments for be the Empire never so vast and the Sovereigns Power never so great and uncontroulable yet without Consultation had with the Princes and wise Men for the constituting Laws and modelling the frame and methods of his Government it would soon without such (d) Vis consilii expers mole ruit sua Horat. lib. 3. Od. 4. Buttresses and Undersetters sinking in its Foundation by its own weight with an hideous rush be crushed into an heap of Rubbish In Democracy Great Councils are needful that thereby the (e) Plato de LL. In Democracy Male cuncta ministrat impetus Statius Precipitancy and fury of the Common-People by their gravity may be attempered the common sort being apt to do every thing with a willful Violence which never succeeds well when not directed to a right end If their publick affairs were not committed to a select number of Trustees nothing would be brought to any Issue since none can be heard where all speak nor any good Product be from a jumble of those Atoms Aristocracy it self consists in a select number of the wisest and ablest to govern In Aristocracy who in publick Consultations have no private ends Yet in the great Councils of neither of these forms of Government is there to be found that stayedness orderliness or resolution for the public good as in Monarchy Why such Assemblies are not only convenient In Monarchy but necessary under Monarchy there are many weighty Reasons (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xenoph. Cyropaed 8. Satisfactory to the Subject Xenophon observes that a single Person sees or hears but little and Princes must have many Eyes and Ears which in a special manner these Great Councils are from all parts of the Dominions bringing notice of what is amiss and wants redress as well as what is orderly and wants encouragement Besides Princes thereby have the opportunity to give their Subjects satisfaction in their Administration preventing the surmises and jealousies of the Nobility Gentry and common People that he sleights them in not calling them sometimes to consult about affairs of Moment Furthermore the Prince by such congress The Prince thereby knows the Worthy Subjects consults his own Interest in coming to the Knowledg of the most able active and popular Subjects whereby he may single out such as are most fitted for public Imployments to serve him in the several offices of Government and all who thus have a share in the debating and consulting about Laws will not only be witnesses of the Prince's Grace and Favour in granting such as they have desired and assented to but will be so many Heralds of his Wisdom and care of his Peoples good Government and so many vigorous enforcers of the Execution of those Laws they have so lately assisted to prepare Likewise The Prince is skreened from Obloquy as Privy-Counsellors and other Officers are sometime as Skreens to Princes to ward off the Obloquy of the Mobile when something is imposed that may be wholesome though something bitter to their Palates So especially are these great Conventions necessary where useful Laws though severe are to be enacted Money to be raised or other Impositions laid upon the People who do much more chearfully and less repiningly obey when they know (g) Tum caetera parit Turba libens subit propriis quia legibus acta the Nobility and their own Representatives have judged them convenient All Men naturally loving that such Impositions may immediately result from themselves rather than they should be enjoyned by the Princes Arbitrary power according to that of Claudian Observantior aequi Fit Populus nec ferre negat cum viderit ipsum Auctorem parere sibi The General use of good Parliaments is summed up in the (h) MS. Speech An. 1562. The general Benefits of Parliaments Chancellors Speech 2 Eliz. thus That the principal cause of their
with the Ensigns of their Offices some of the Nobles being appointed to carry the Sword and the Cap of Maintenance Three great Gilt Maces are carried See for this more fully Elsyng's Method of holding Parliaments p. 86. and all the Heralds attend in their Cloth of Gold Coats The two Archbishops and Bishops in their Robes sit upon Benches next the Wall on the Right-hand and the rest of the Great Officers that stand not by the State and all the Nobility in order upon the Bench on the Left-hand or on the Forms that stand in the middle where also sit the Judges Master of the Rolls Secretaries of State twelve Masters of Chancery Atturney General Solicitor General and Clerk of the Crown and the other Clerks Assistants which it is not my business exactly to describe The King being Seated when it 's his pleasure Leave given to the Commons to chuse their Speaker the House of Commons are sent for who standing bare at the Lords Bar attend the King's Speech and the Chancellor's and then have leave to chuse their Speaker whom commonly some of the Members of the House that are of the King's Privy-Council propose and if any one oppose it (u) Hackwel p. 127. he is to name another But I shall refer the curious to Mr. Elsyng and others that treat of this at large Sir Edward Coke (w) 4. Instit p. 8. saith That though the Commons are to chuse their Speaker yet seeing that after their choice the King may refuse him for avoiding expence of time and contestating about it the use is as in the Conge de eslier of a Bishop that the King by some of his Privy-Council as in this present Parliament was done by the Earl of Middleton on of his Majesty's Principal Secretaries doth name a discreet and learned Man whom the Commons elect for without their Election no Speaker can be appointed for them because he is their Mouth and trusted by them and so necessary as the House of Commons cannot sit without him So that if he be totally disabled by grievous Sickness another must be chosen in his place as he instanceth in Sir John Cheney 1 H. 4. and Sir John Tirrel Whether the two Houses sate together 15 H. 6. But whereas (x) 4. Instit c. 1. sect 2. he affirms that in antient time the two Houses sate together and the surest mark of the time of the division of them was when the House of Commons had a continual Speaker Mr. Prynne (y) P. 8 9. in his Animadversions hath made the contrary very clear by several Records wherein it 's expresly said they consulted apart as particularly in 6 E. 3. (z) Et les Chivalers des Countez Gents du Communs par eux mesmes Rot. Parl. 6 E. 3. num 6. at York the Prelates Earls Barons and great Men by themselves and the Knights of the Counties and the People of the Commons by themselves treated of the Business propounded to them Another (a) Freeholders Grand Inquest p. 19. saith That if Sir Edward means the Lords and Commons did sit and vote together in one Body few will believe it because the Commons never were wont to lose or forgo any of their Liberties or Priviledges and for them to stand now bare where they were used to sit and vote upon this Supposal is an alteration not imaginable to be indured by them and when we consider the sole Power of Judicature in the Lords and who the Burgesses were in old times it still makes it more improbable and it is to me a very remarkable thing that neither in History or Record any thing is to be found that will clear this doubt However it is certain that (b) Rot. Parl. 50 E. 3. num 8. 50 and 51 E. 3. the Commons had a Speaker and Sir Edward Coke (c) Coke Instit 4. p. 255. saith that the accustomed (d) Ancient Place saith Elsyng p. 84. place of that thrice worthy Assembly of the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of Parliament when held in Westminster was in the Chapter-house of the Abbat of Westminster and it continued so till the Statute of 1 Ed. 6. c. 14. which gave the King Colleges free Chappels c. whereby the King enjoyed the beautiful free Chappel of St. Stephen founded by King Stephen which had Lands and Revenues of the old yearly value of 1089 Pound ten Shillings five Pence since which time the Chappel thereof hath served for the House of Commons when Parliaments have been held at Westminster As Sir Edward Coke because he believed the two Houses sate together will not allow them to have had a Speaker before 50 E. 3. so on the other hand Mr. (e) Id. p. 123. Elsyng saith That the Commons ever had a Speaker none will doubt for their Consultation apart from the Lords though he thinks they often met and did sit together in one Room and then a Speaker was necessary to avoid Confusion of Speech and Argument But he brings no better Argument for it (f) Lib. Sti. Albani Bibl. Cotton fol. 207. than that Petrus de Mountfort (g) It should be 42 H. 3. That Peter Mountfort was not Speaker of the Commons House 44 H. 3. signed the Letter to Pope Alexander touching the recalling of Adomar elect Bishop of Winchester from Banishment Wherein they say if the King and the Regni Majores hoc volent Communitas tamâ—n ipsius in Angliam jam nullatenus sustineret and this was sealed by all the Lords and by Peter de Mountford vice totius Communitatis which he saith sheweth plainly they had a Speaker In answer to which I suppose it a great mistake to say that Petrus de Mountfort signed the Letter vice Communitatis which either ignorantly or willfully is Printed in Mr. Elsyng Comitatus for (h) Additament Math. Paris 1132 1133. Anno Dom. 1258. 42 H. 3. ult Edit Matthew Paris who relates the whole Story saith it was signed by ten Persons who were all great Barons vice totius Communitatis and the Preface of the Letter shews it was Communitas Comitum Procerum Magnatum aliorumque Regni Angliae and this aliorum can mean only the Milites which held by Military Service of the great Barons and the lesser Tenents in Capite which were no Representatives of the Commons as our Knights Citizens and Burgesses at this day are and the Inscription of the Popes Letter shews who he understood this Communitas to be when he superscribes it dilectis Filiis Nobilibus viris Consiliariis clarissimi in Christo Filii nostri illustris Regis Angliae ac caeteris Proceribus Magnatibus Regni Angliae Now the Persons that subscribed this are thus ranked by Matthew Paris R. de Clare Gloverniae Herefordiae S. de Monteforti Legriae E. Bigod Marescallus Angliae H. de Bohun Hertfordiae Essex W. Albemarle J. de Placeto Warewici Comitis H. Bigod Justiciarius Angliae P.
this Freedom and Privilege The second is Sir Tho. Smith saith The Speaker used to add a Promise in the Commons Names That they shall not abuse these Privileges but have such regard as most faithful true and loving Subjects ought to have to their Prince Commonwealth p. 41. That if he shall commit any Error in any thing he shall deliver in the name of the Commons no fault may be imputed to the Commons and that he may resort again to them for Declaration of his good Intent and that his Error may be pardoned The third is That as often as necessity for his Majesties Service and the good of the Common-wealth shall require he may by direction of the House of Commons have access to His Majesty SECT 8. Of Priviledges of the House of Commons concerning Liberty of Speech HAving thus brought this Honourable Assembly together and their Speaker placed in his Chair I shall touch something of their Privileges which since the days of Sir Edward Coke and much by his Influence have been enlarged beyond what was used in antient times I shall begin with that of Freedom of Speech in their Debates It cannot be conceived in so great a Body as the House of Commons Why Liberty of Speech necessary to be allowed that what is proposed by one and seconded by others shall not admit of Debate Though all may aim at the same end the good of the King and People yet they may differ in the ways and methods of attaining it and whoever would straighten a crooked Rod must bend it as far on the contrary side I doubt not but the nemine contradicente was put into the Printed Votes when Mr. Williams had the Chair rather ad faciendum populum than that there was such an Harmonious Concurrence as then was blazed abroad Anno 4 (u) Stat. 4 H. 8. c. 8. Strowde's Case H. 8. An Act was made concerning Richard Strowde Esquire which declareth that all Suits Accusements Condemnations c. to be put or had upon any Member of that or succeeding Parliaments for any Bill speaking reasoning or declaring of any matter or matters concerning the Parliament to be communed or treated of be utterly void and of none effect This by (w) Lords Journal the Lords 11 Decemb. 1667. was declared a dâ—claratory Law of the antient and necessary Rights and Priviledges of Parliament and so the Judgment against Denzil late Lord Hollis was nulled and against others in King Charles the First 's time Yet it is manifest that Queen Elizabeth in two Cases shewed how far even motions in Parliament contrary to her Laws Prerogative and Pleasure expressed were to be treated The (x) Prynne's Plea for the Lords Sir Sym. D' Ewe's Journâ—l How Queen Elizabeth curbed and punished those that made Motions in the House contrary to her Prohibitions in Mr. Paul and Mr. Pet. Wentworth's Case first was a motion by Mr. Paul Wentworth 23 Eliz. for a publick set Fast and for a Preaching every Morning at Seven of the Clock before the House sate and the Preachers to be appointed by the Privy-Council that were of the House but the Queen sent them a Message by the Vice-Chamberlain that she had in great admiration the rashness of the House in committing such an apparent contempt of her express Command and to put in Execution such an Innovation without her Privity and Pleasure first known so that by Mr. Vice-Chamberlain they sent their Submission to her Anno 35 Eliz. Mr. Peter Wentworth and Sir Henry Bromley delivered a Petition to the Lord-Keeper desiring the Lords of the upper House to be suppliants with them of the lower House to her Majesty for entailing the Succession of the Crown whereof a Bill was ready drawn by them The Queen was highly displeased as being against her express Order and charged the Lords of her Council to call the parties before them and Mr. Wentworth was by them committed to the Tower and others with Sir Hen. Bromley to the Fleet the Parliament then sitting and when Mr. Wroth moved That the House might be humble Suitors to the Queen for their Liberty it was answered by the Privy Counsellors in the House that the causes of Commitment were best known to her self and the House must not call the Queen to account for what she doth of her Royal Authority for her Majesty liked no such Questions neither did it become the House to search into those matters So Mr. In Mr. Morrice's Case Morrice Atturney of the Court of Wards was taken out of the House Feb. 28. and committed to Prison for delivering in a Bill against the abuses of the Bishops the Queen sending for Sir Edward Coke then Speaker and charging him upon his Allegeance if any such Bill were exhibited not to read it At another time long before this she told the Speaker and the body of the House of Commons moving her to Marriage That if it had been with limitation of place or person she must needs have misliked it and thought it a great presumption in those to take it upon them to bind and limit whose duty it was to Obey King Charles the First was very infortunate to have so many Firebrands in some if not all of his Parliaments Liberty of Speech in King Charles the First 's time abused which if the rest of the Houses had been pleased to have extinguished by timely and nipping reprehensions we had never seen the Government of Church and State so reduced into Ashes that there was nothing remained of the beautiful Pile In some of his Speeches he calls those evil Members Vipers but it was his misfortune to anger and exasperate them rather than suppress them so that at last they stung him to Death It is a very ill condition when a Prince hath such Wolves by the Ears that he is in danger whether he hold them or let them go The Attacque upon the five Members and letting fall the pursuit was one of the false thrusts that left him unguarded In the Close of one of the Parliaments of Queen Elizabeth the (y) MS. Speeches 13 Eliz. 1571. Queen Elizabeth's Reprehension of some Members for moving things she had forbid Chancellor tells them There be certain of the House of Commons though not many who have shewed themselves Audacious Arrogant and Presumptuous calling her Majesties Grants and Prerogatives into question contrary to the express admonition given in her Majesties name in the beginning of the Parliament which it might very well have become them to have regard to but her Majesty saith That seeing they thus willfully forget themselves they are otherwise to be remembred Indeed there seems good reason that such who make advantage of their being Members of Parliament to sow their Seditious Discourses and under the Protection of being Members take the boldness to calumniate the Government and raise Jealousies betwixt the King and his People to alienate their Affections and Allegeance from him after the
puts an end to the Sessions so that what ever Bills are ready and pass not the Royal Assent must be again read three times in either House for the more security it is usual to insert a Proviso That the Session is not thereby concluded The Royal Assent is given two ways First Royal Assent by Patent by Commission since the Statute of the 33 H. 8. c. 21. wherein it is expressed That the Kings Royal Assent by his Letters Patents under the Great Seal Signed by his hand and declared and notified in his absence to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and to the Commons Assembled in the higher House is and ever was of as good strengh and force as if the King had been there personally present and assented openly and publickly to the same The manner of the King 's giving his Publick Assent is in this manner The King cometh in Person in his Parliament-Robes Royal Assent when the King present and sitteth in his State and the Upper House sit in their Robes The Speaker with all the Commons House cometh to the Bar of the Lords House and in Sir Thomas Smith's time Sir Th. Smith's Commonwealth p. 45. Speeches used to be made there the Chancellor for the Lords and the Speaker for the Commons in set Speeches returned the Prince Thanks for that he hath so great Care of the good Government of his People and for calling them together to advise of such things as should be for the Reformation Establishing and Ornament of the Commonweal After which the Chancellor in the Prince's Name giveth Thanks to the Lords and Commons for their Pains and Travel taken which he saith the Prince will remember and recompense when Time and Occasion shall serve and that the Prince is ready to declare his Pleasure concerning their Proceedings whereby the same may have perfect Life and Accomplishment by his Princely Authority I think now mostly Hackwell of Passing of Bills p. 181 182. the Speaker of the House of Commons makes a Speech acquainting the King with the purport of the Bills Then the Clerk of the Crown readeth the Title of the Bills in such Order as they are in Consequence After the Title of every Bill is read singly The Clerk of the Crown pronounceth the Royal Assent or Dissent the Clerk of the Parliament pronounceth the Royal Assent according to certain Instructions given from his Majesty in that behalf If it be a Publick Bill to which the King assenteth the Answer is Le Roy le veult The King willeth If a Private Bill allowed by the King the Answer is Soit fait comme il est desire Let it be done as it is desired And upon a Petitionary Bill the like is used If it be a Publick Bill which the King forbeareth to allow he saith Le Roy se avisera The King will advise To a Subsidy Bill the Clerk pronounceth Le Roy remercie ses loyaux Subjects accepte leur Benevolence aussi le veult The King thanks his Loyal Subjects accepts their Benevolence and also willeth To a general Pardon is pronounced Les Prelates Seigneurs Communs en cest Parlement assembles au nom de touts vous autres Subjects remercient tres humblement vostre Majesty prient Dieu vous donner en sante bone vie longe The Prelates Lords and Commons in this Parliament assembled in the name of all your other Subjects thrice humbly give thanks to your Majesty and pray God to give you in health a good Life and long These P. 46. saith Sir Thomas Smith be taken now as perfect Laws and Ordinances of the Realm of England and none other and as shortly as may be are printed except it be some Private Acts made for the Benefit or Prejudice of some Private Man these be only exemplified under the Seal of the Parliament CHAP. XXIX Of Factious Combinations in Parliaments I Hope in the foregoing Chapters I have so explained the Constitution of Parliaments and the Legislative Power that unbiassed and unprejudiced Persons will no more be misled by the Sophisms and plausible pretences which to aggrandize the Power of the two Houses at first and after of the Commons House only the Penmen of the long Parliament made use of yet because many of late were furbishing the rusty Armour of their Demagogues and trimming their Helmets with fresh Plumes I conceive it necessary to take notice of some of their chiefest Arguments and examine those which had greatest Influence upon the People The great and venerable name of Parliament and its Authority was constantly used as Shield and Buckler to ward off all the Force of the Loyal Assaults and Mr. Prynne writ a large Volume which he stiled The Soveraign Power of Parliaments and when the very Lees and Dregs of the Commons House was put in Ferment that very Kilderkin would admit no lower Stile than the supreme Authority of the Nation to be pearched on its Bunghole Therefore to disabuse the less considerate The various Acceptation of the word Parliament and to detect the Frauds of those which under that great Name applyed whatever they met with in the Laws or History to the House of Commons I think it necessary in the first place to clear the acceptation of the Word Appropriated to the Lords House Sometimes the word Parliament is used for the House of (a) Egerton sect 4. 22 23. Lords only as when upon Writ of Error any Judgment in the King's-Bench is examined in the House of Lords the Judgment is said to be affirmed or reversed by Parliament The Appellation of Parliament is likewise used for the two Houses To both the Houses in regard they are the gross Body whereof the Parliament consists there only wanting the Sovereign Head to compleat it But they are so far from being the High Court of Parliament that they cannot co-unite to be an entire Court either of Sovereign or Ministerial Justice but only in concurring in Votes in their several Houses for preparing of matters in order to an act of all the Body which when they have done their Votes are so far from having any legal Authority in the State as in Law there is no Stile or Form of their joynt Acts further than Bills nor doth the Law so much as take notice of them till they have Royal Assent without which the Votes of the two Houses dye in the Womb like an Embryo So that the proper use of the word Parliament How properly the High Court of Parliament as Authority of Law-making is annexed to the name is only when the King and the two Houses concurr in one Act and in that sence only is the Parliament the Supream Court the highest Judicatory and the most Sovereign Power Not for any Soveraignty in the two Houses and from them transferred to the King by their joining and consenting with him but because every compleat and perfect Act of it is the Act of
the personal Will and Power of the Sovereign himself standing in his highest Estate Royal. Therefore whoever reads the Authors that writ in defence of the Parliament must consider this Fallacy they frequently used that he do not apply the Authoritative Act of the King with the Consent of the two Houses to the Houses without the King From the Co-operation of the two Houses in preparing Laws (b) Freeholder's Grand Inquest p. 34. the late 〈◊〉 since King Charles the First 's time of the words The King is not one of the Three Estates Be it endâ—ed by the King the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons as if they were all Fellow-Commissioners and the unwariness of some of the Penners of the King's Answers to some of the Papers of the two Houses wherein they stiled the King the third Estate the Commonwealths-Men have taken the advantage to reckon the King but as a third Legislator Therefore I think it necessary to remove this Rub e're I proceed further Although the Author of the Imposture The Modus makes the Parliament to consist of six Parts called the modus tenendi Parliamentum makes six degrees of constituent Members of the Parliament viz. The King first then Secondly the Archbishops Bishops Abbats Priors and other Clerks who held Baronies Thirdly the Proctors of the Clergy Fourthly the Earls Barons and other great Men who held to the value of a County or Barony Fifthly the Knights of Shires Sixthly the Citizens and Burgesses to which he might have added the Barons of the Cinque-Ports yet he saith the King is the Head Beginning and End of the Parliament and so hath no (c) Ita non habet Parem in suo gradu Peer in his degree Yet it plainly appears that these we now call the two Houses were by reason of their distinct Orders most frequently divided into three For in (d) As queux Prelats ou la Clargie par eux mesmes les Countes Barons par eux mesmes Chevalers Gentz de Countez Gentz de la Commune par eux mesmes entreteront Prynne Animadv p. 10. 6 E. 3. at his Parliament at York the Record saith That on the Friday before the Feast of St. Michael the Prelates or the Clergy by themselves the Earls and Barons by themselves the Knights of the Counties and the Commons by themselves treated c. Othertimes we find the Prelates Earls Barons and great Men and the Knights Citizens and Burgesses to have separate Consultations by themselves and to give their several answers to Articles and business propounded to them in Parliament as Mr. Prynne out of the Abridgment of the Records of the Tower hath given us above twenty instances At the making of the Statute of Praemunire 16 R. 2. the Commons pray The Lords Spiritual Lords Temporal and Commons make the Three Estates That the Lords as well Spiritual as Temporal severally and all the Estates of Parliament might be examined how they thought of that matter and the Lords Spiritual answered by themselves and the Lords Temporal by themselves and the King was Petitioned to make this Examination So in 40 E. 3. the King asking the Houses Whether King John could have subjected the Realm as he did the Prelates by themselves and the Dukes Earls and Barons by themselves gave their Answer Besides we find as at large I have before instanced in the last Chapter the Writs of Summons of the Bishops and Clergy were only in side dilectione and the Barons generally (e) Stat. 18. â— 6. c. 1. in fide homagio or Ligeancia and the Clergy granted their Subsidies apart and distinct from the Nobles Besides that the Bishops are to be esteemed the Third Estate is clear by Act of Parliament for it being questioned (f) 8 Eliz. c. 1. whether the making Bishops had been duly and orderly done according to Law the Statute saith That the questioning of it is much tending to the slander of all the Clergy being 〈◊〉 of the greatest States of the Realm So Sir (g) P. 36. Thomas Smith as in the last Chapter I have noted distinguisheth the two Houses into three Estates and Sir Edward (h) 4. Instr p. 1. Coke saith expresly That the High Court of Parliament consisteth of the Kings Majesty sitting in his Royal Politick Capacity and the three States of the Realm viz. the Lords Spiritual Lords Temporal and Commons the like the learned (i) Interpreter tit Parliament Cowel affirms Sir Henry Spelman (k) Solenne collequium omnium Ordinum Regni Authoritate solius Regis ad consulendum statuendumque de negotiis Regni indictum Gloss p. 449. calls it a Colloquy of all the Orders of the Kingdom convened by the sole Authority of the King to consult and appoint in the Affairs of the Kingdom This was also known to Foreigners uninteressed Persons for the Lord Argenton speaking how Subsidies were granted in England saith * Lib. 5. p. 253. Convocatis primis Ordinibus Clericis Laicis assentiente Populo And Bodin ‖ De Repul lib. 6. whenever he speaks of the Constitution of our Parliament calls it the King and the three Estates of the Realm But to put all out of doubt in King Charles the Second's Reign it is determined in the Act for the Form of Prayers for the Fifth of November For the Preservation of the King and the Three Estates Now the reason why in King Charles the First 's answer Why in some of King Charles the First 's Writings the King was called the Third Estate we meet with the expressions of making the King the third Estate was because at that time the Bishops being voted out of the House of Lords and the two Houses setting themselves in all the points of Controversie in opposition to the King the notion of a Triumvirate was more intelligible as it may be thought to the People and those who were so bitter Enemies to the King and had such a Rebellious force would have still increased the Peoples aversion if the King had asserted his Royal Prerogative otherwise Whether this were the true reason or the oversight of the Penners of his Majesties Answers I will not undertake to determine but I am induced to believe the first because I find the King and those that writ in defence of his Cause using frequently this way of Argument In every State there are three Parts saith (l) Review of Observations one the King ordered to write for him capable of just or unjust Soveraignty viz. the Prince Nobles and People Now through the Piety of our Lawgiving Princes a just and regular course of Government being obtained the stability of which being found to be more concerned in the Power of making Laws than in any other Power belonging to the Soveraign for preventing of Innovations that might subvert that setled regularity the frame and state of Government was in such a sort established as that the
the Command of their Armies This as well as other Reasons must needs demonstrate That if ever any two Houses of Parliament should by Arts of Insinuation as that of 1641. did That unless the King would grant they might not be dissolved without their Consents Kings never to yield what the Long Parliament were so earnest for they could not have time to settle his Throne and redress Grievances or by denying necessary Supplies force a King to grant them a Power of prolonging their own Sitting or meeting at stated times without his Writ or yielding to their Bills implicitly as the Black Parliament of 41. endeavoured and then to have the Power of nominating the Great Ministers of State and the Officers of the Militia an end would be soon put to Monarchy Therefore every one that loves their Country The Care to be had in Elections the continuance of that most excellent Frame of Government for the Subjects security as no other Country enjoys those who would avoid the sad Ravages of Civil War who would make their Prince Glorious their Country Renowned themselves and their Posterities Happy let them be careful to elect Loyal and Judicious Members neither tainted with Faction Ambition or Self-ends and if any such be elected let the Wise and Loyal when they meet in that Great Assembly watch over the Designs of such ill Members discover their Intriegues be careful not to be circumvented by their Artifices stick close to the Fundamentals of Government and then all things will be prosperous and they will have the honour of being stiled True Patriots of their Country Sir (n) 4. Instit p. 35. Edward Coke hath noted That Parliaments succeed not well in five Cases Several Cases where Parliaments succeed not well when the King is displeased with the Two Houses First when the King hath been in displeasure with his Lords or Commons therefore it was one of the Petitions of the Commons to Edw. 3. That he would require the Archbishop and all other of the Clergy to pray for his Estate for the Peace and good Government of the Land and for the continuance of the King 's Good-will towards the Commons to which the (o) Rot. Parl. 25 E. 3. num 15. 43 E. 3. num 1. 50 E. 3. num 2. King replied The same prayeth the King The like Petition he saith many times the Lords have made and further adds That the King in all his weighty affairs had used the advice of his Lords and Commons always provided that both Lords and Commons keep within the Circle of the Law and Custom of Parliament The second is when any of the great Lords are at variance among themselves as he instanceth in the third (p) Rot. Parl. 3 H. 6. num 18. When Variance among the Lords of H. 6. in the Controversy betwixt John Earl Marshal and Richard Earl of Warwick and 4 H. 6. betwixt the Duke of Gloucester and Bishop of Winchester whereby little was done in any Parliamentary Court and that little of no moment The third When no good Correspondence betwixt the Lords and Commons when there is no good Correspondence betwixt the Lords and Commons which happens when some People out of design to render the meeting of the two Houses ineffectual do project some matters whereby the Houses may clash about Privileges as was lately in Shirley's Case about the Mony-Bill from the House of Lords and many other Particulars might be instanced in therefore Sir Edward Coke saith That when it was demanded by the Lords and Commons what might be a principal Motive for them to have good success in Parliaments Sitis insuperabiles si fuertis inseparabiles it was answered They should be insuperable if inseparable Cum radix vertex Imperii in Obedientium consensu rata sunt The very root and top of Government consists in the consent of the Obedient and the Subjects Happiness is in that Harmony when it is betwixt the two Houses and among themselves but much more happy when it is likewise betwixt the Sovereign and the two Houses It is that which compleats their own and the Peoples Felicity But when the two Houses or one of them are for wresting the Sovereigns Prerogative from him as in Forty one then it is the most fatal and ill-boding sign of any other The fourth is When Disagreement in the House of Commons when there wants Unity in the House of Commons as we had not long since Experience when within those Walls from whence wholesome Counsels are expected and all things tending to the preservation of the King's Peace Crown and Dignity such Heats were amongst the Members that if one Sword that was half drawn had been wholly unsheathed it was thought a very bloody Battel had been fought The last he makes When no Preparation for the Parliament is when there is no preparation for the Parliament before it begin for which purpose the Summons of Parliament is forty Days or more before the Sitting to the end that Preparations might be had for the considering the arduous and urgent affairs of the Realm And Sir Edward saith it was an ancient custom in Parliament in the beginning thereof to appoint a select Committee to consider of the Bills in the two preceding last Parliaments that passed both Houses or either of them and such as had been preferred read or committed and to take out of them such as were most profitable for the Commonwealth To these may be added a most material one When Redress of Grievances are preferred to the Supply of the King that makes unfortunate Congresses of Parliaments viz. When the Members come up with strong Resolutions to provide Remedies for some Grievances either real or surmised and at the same time the Sovereign is in great Straights for supplies for the safety repute or necessary occasions of the Government for then as in most of the Parliaments of King Charles the First the Houses are for redress of Grievances before supply how pressing and urgent soever and do not credit the King that he will give them time to redress them after he is supplied and they from design rather than this diffidence will not suffer supply and grievances to go pari passu Hand in Hand as we may remember in those Parliaments wherein the popular Men made such Harangues that they would know whether they were Freemen or Slaves or had any thing to give before they entred upon the giving part The like we saw in King Charles the Second's Reign in some of his last Parliaments whereby all their Consultations were abortive and both the Kings had no other Expedient but Prorogation or Dissolution and disuse of Parliaments for some Years followed How much happier have we been in the last Session of the Parliament under our most Wise The happy Harmony in the last Session of Parliament June 1685. Magnanimous and Gracious King wherein no strife or contention was but who
should be forwardest to supply the necessities of the Crown to shew all Loyal Dutifulness to their Sovereign whereby a most dangerous Rebellion in both Kingdoms was the easilier crushed and which endears them to the King that there can be no danger but whatever good and wholsome Laws they shall propose for the general good of the Kingdom will find a chearful allowance by him How happy had our Forefathers been if King Charles the First had met with such considerate Parliaments who by a seasonable supply and compliance might have had without that vast effusion of Blood and Treasure all their Grievances redressed and the flourishing State of the Kingdom preserved and the Memories of a great many Noblemen and Gentlemen had been transmitted without stain to their remote Nephews But to draw towards a Conclusion of this Discourse Some not willing to hear of the Miscarriages of Parliaments think this Discourse needless Some that may not be willing to hear of the Miscarriages of some Parliaments wherein probably they were concerned may say what need is there now to bring again upon the Stage the rigorous Proceedings of the two Houses of Parliament or more properly of the leading and designing Men in the House of Commons in the Years 1640 and 1680. since we are now happily past these Rocks Quicksands and treacherous Shores All the World indeed must acknowledg we have a Royal wise Pilot Because we have a most wise King and good Parliament who knows full well to steer the Soveraignty of the Commonweal He hath weathered out high going Seas so that neither their over-whelming liquid Mountains nor the terrible Shot from the floating Castles have daunted him magnanimity unparallel'd Courage and an Experience beyond most Crowned Heads have raised him great Trophies of his Victorious toils He is served with sage Councils both private and National So that all must confess we have less cause to fear any more dangers of Hurricanes and Shipwracks But though we now enjoy Halcyon days Yet we are not secure but that in after-Ages evil Members of Parliament may be under a Sovereign enriched with Royal abilities to the heighth of our Wishes though he is blessed with a Parliament as Loyal as can be desired betwixt whom there is no other Strife but who shall out-pass the other in mutual Obligations Yet are we secure that no ill Exhalations may be gathered in after-Ages Can we expect always temperate Weather pleasing Sunshine and fruitful Showres No in small revolutions of Years we find Epidemical Diseases return excesses of Drought Rains or Frosts are often marked in our Annals even after promising Configurations of the Coelestial Bodies I write not an Almanack for a Year The Design of the Author in writing against the Exorbitances of some or Pamphlet for a time my Design is not Infandum renovare Dolorem out of any Pique but as much as in me lies to show from the by-past Irregularities and Exorbitances of some Men how Loyal good and Just Men may measure things by the Golden Standard of the Laws how mischievous Practices and Principles may be obviated how every one may see what the upshot of rebellious Principles will be how to detect and how to avoid the same kind of Rocks and Sands in after-Ages I know some Persons recovered from a valitudinary Condition Some love not to hear of their Distempers love not to hear of the Torments they have undergone nor of the Extravagances of their delirous State Yet this should not hinder but the Healthful and those that would avoid the Calenture should patiently endure to hear a Description of the Causes and Symptoms In this Discourse I have only culled out such Particulars The Author's Apology for himself as I find Judicious Authors have insisted upon against the unprecedented Proceedings of some late Houses of Commons which I think all Loyal Persons disapprove and I believe a great many as well as my self have heard many of the then sitting Members dislike when things were carried with an impetuous Torrent that it was more dangerous to speak against their proceedings or question the unlimited Power assumed by that House than it was to speak Seditious I had almost said Treasonable Words against the King Therefore I hope none of this present Honourable House of Commons who have so signalized their Loyalty in the last Session will take offence at what from such judicious Persons as I have met with I have delivered the Sentiments of My intention is no ways to lessen the Rights or necessary Privileges of that venerable Assembly which never can be unbeneficial to the King or People but when Discontent Faction and Sedition hath too spreadingly infected the Electors The continuance of that worst of Parliaments of 1641. What evil Principles taught during the Long Parliament in their disloyal Practices so long by the overgrowing of the Tares which were only suffered to thrive occasioned so much corrupt seed to be sown as in twenty years there was no wholesom grain left We saw too late how by some evil Seedsmen a fertile but dangerous Crop was shooting up apace It is not a little Labour nor small diligence will howe and weed out the Briars Thistles and destructive Shrubs and poysonous Weeds that shoot their spreading Roots so far But I hope the great Wisdom of this Loyal Parliament will find out ways and methods to prevent the danger of their thriving in a Soil worthy of better Plants than any will be set by Republican Hands CHAP. XXX Of the Kings most Honourable Privy-Council I Find by several Authors Four kinds of the King's Councils The First that there are reckoned Four Councils of the King First The Magnum Concilium consisting of the Prelates and Nobles in Parliament of which Bracton (a) Lib. 1. c. 2. may be consulted and what I have writ in the Chapter of Parliaments Secondly A Convention of the Peers of the Realm The Second Lords of Parliament yet not meeting as a Parliament which appears manifestly in the Record 25 Aug. 5 H. 7. upon an exchange made of some Lands betwixt the King and the Earl of Northumberland the King promiseth to deliver the Earl Lands to the value c. by (b) Per advice assent du Estates de son Realm de son Parliament parensi que Parliament soit devant le Feast de St. Lucy ou autrement per advice de son Grand Council autres Estates de son Realm que le Roy serra assemblez devant le dit Feast in case que le Parliament ne soit Coke 1. Instit lib. 2. c. 10. sect 164. the Advice of the Estates of his Realm of his Parliament if the Parliament be convened before the Feast of St. Lucy or otherwise by the Advice of his Great Council and other Estates of his Realm which the King shall Assemble before the said Feast in case the Parliament be not called which well
ei nihil turpe cui nihil satis 3ly That he should be Avarus Rei Publicae covetous for the Kings Treasure and Commonwealth 4ly That he super omnia sit expertus that he be expert in what place the King shall imploy him for great Offices are never well managed by a Deputy When quick and when deliberate Counsels are best where the Officer himself is but a Cypher As to Counsels themselves Livy (p) In rebus asperis tenuis spei fortissima quaeque consilia tutissima sunt Lib. 22. excellently notes That in matters that are ground to an edge or drawn to a sharp point and where hope is only left in the bottom the boldest and quickest Counsels are safest yet it must be with great circumspection well considered when and upon what occasions such Counsels must be taken for the same (q) Consilia calida audacia prima specie laeta sunt tractatu dura eventu tristia Idem lib. 31. Author notes elsewhere That subtile and bold Counsels on the first view may be pleasing but are difficult in handling and in the event often Calamitous therefore rashness can never consist with Counsel duo adversissima rectae menti saith (a) Lib. 3. Male cuncta ministrat impetus Statius Thucydides Celeritas Ira Haste and Passion are of all things most opposite to Right Counsel therefore Curtius (b) Novanâ—is quam gerendis rebus aptiora ingenia illa ignca speaking of such saith Fiery and furious Spirits are more fit to innovate things and create Factions than to manage Affairs steddily (c) Praepropera consilia sunt raro prospera So hasty Counsels are rarely Prosperous because Resolution should never go before Deliberation nor Execution before Resolution When (d) Prinsquam incipias consuli o ubi consulueris mature fado opus est Sallust upon Debate and Deliberation it is by the Council-Table well resolved the change thereof upon some private information is neither safe nor honourable nor that after timely Resolution timely Execution be delay'd Violent (e) Coke Inst 4. p. 57. courses are like to hot Waters that may do good in an extremity but the use of them doth spoil the Stomach and it will require them stronger and stronger and by little and little they will lessen their own operation To leave this great Theme as too illustrious and sublime a Subject for one to treat of that hath lived in the Shade I shall now proceed to make some other remarks why our Laws give our Kings the sole power of chusing to themselves a Privy-Council and how the designers of 41. would have wrested that Power from the King Besides (f) Review of Observations p. 10. The King's Prerogative to chuse his Privy-Council what is common to all men to have a free liberty to whom they will impart their private Affairs and desire Counsel upon them our Laws being built upon firm foundations of reason considering that in the power of making of Laws the power of two numerous bodies were opposed against the Person of the single Soveraign it foresaw and found that by the Soveraigns consenting to Laws for the ease and benefit of the Subject things might pass to the prejudice and diminution of the Soveraignty If his single Person surcharged with the care of the manifold Affairs of the Kingdom should be left all alone to advise and dispute his right against all the Wisdom and Solicitation of the Representative Body of the Subject See Prynne's Brief Register sect 3. from p. 341. to the end concerning the King's Council in Parliament and out of it Therefore to prevent that it ordered That the King should at his discretion swear to himself a Body of Council sometimes in our Laws called his Grand Council to advise him in matters of State and concernments of his Soveraign Right and safety and a Body of Council at Law to advise him in matters of Justice that he might neither do or suffer contrary to the Rule of Laws especially sitting the two Houses when the wrong might be perpetual and seeing the Government must be continually upon its Guard and Watch without intermission molding and forming all things for its safety and prosperity and consequently of the Peoples this Council must be constantly attending upon the Kings pleasure and daily and hourly considering the best ways and methods of promoting the Kings and Commonweals advantage As to the (g) Pulton 37 56. 72. first particular we find it frequently in several Statutes expressed That the King by himself and by his Council at his Parliament made and ordained The necessity of a Privy-Council That this was not the great Council of Parliament appears by that of Edward the First (b) Idem p. 80. These are the Establishments of the King by his council and by the Assent of the Archbishops Bishops Abbats Priors Earls Barons and the whole Commonalty of the Land thither summoned and Edward the Second saith he caused the Articuli Cleri to be rehearsed before his Council and Answer given c. and much more may be observed in the Acts of the great Councils not fit here to be repeated From hence it is that the Law defines The King can do no wrong Privy-Counsellors responsible for if any evil be committed in matter of State the Privy-Council and if in matters of Law the Justices and Judges must answer for it As to the second particular the Parliament of 1641. cast the odium of most of the management of Affairs of State The Votes of the Long Parliament to traduce the King under the pretence of using Evil Counsellors that were ungrateful to them upon the Kings evil Counsellors as they called them which was a great artifice of the designers of that Rebellion for thereby being then not hardned enough to caluminate the King openly they would make the World believe they paid a just deference to his Majesty yet slily wounded his Reputation through his Counsellors sides leaving the application to the People Tacitly insinuating that the King being mis-led by such Councils was not so Just or Wise as to be wished and when afterwards they had got Power they always made it one of their propositions That the two Houses should have the nominating That the two Houses should have the nominating of Privy-Counsellors So in Henry the Third's time we find Mountfort's Model of Twenty four to redress the Kingdom to chuse Counsellors c. or approving and removing the Privy-Council or great Officers of State pretending they would set such just and righteous Persons in those places as would execute them for the publick good only and upon the same score though on another pretence they were importunate that the Judges should hold their places tam diu quam se bene gesserint rather than be removeable at the Kings pleasure Thus by vote without legal proof of Crimes they blackned as many of the Kings Privy-Council
preserved in Peace Arms are necessary and they cannot be provided for without Taxes The Subjects receive the benefit of protection and by the care of the Government peaceable possession of their Houses Fields and Cattle Liberty of Trade dispensation of Justice and other great Emoluments by its guard and vigilance which require a numerous retinue of Officers of State Justice and War and Multitude of subordinate Ministers Something also must be allowed for the grandeur and port is necessary for the regulating it at home and abroad the maintaining Correspondence by Ambassadors the providing for defence against foreign Invasions and preserving Tranquillity at home in all which the Publick is concerned therefore the reason is very just and equitable that besides a standing Revenue for defraying these constant charges there should be subsidiary supplys upon emergencies adequate to the occasions As Cicero justly admonisheth Da operam ut omnes intelligant si salvi esse volunt necessitati esse parendum That the Subjects be made to understand that if they will be safe As the Subject is protected so he ought to support the Government they must yield to necessity this absolute necessity of parting with a portion of their Estates for securing the rest For though it be prudence in a private man justly and moderately to enrich himself yet craftily to withhold from the Publick and to defraud it of such parts of the Wealth as is by Law required is no sign of prudence saith Mr. Hobs as judiciously as any position he lyes down but want of knowledge of what is necessary Civil War for their own defence and covetousness to part with nothing they can hold makes this restive humour in many That the Kings of England have quitted that Soveraign badge of raising money upon the Subject by their own Impositions without consent of Parliament is manifest since Edward the First 's time (b) 27 E. 1. c. 5. Anno 1299. The Act for which runs thus For so much as divers People of our Realm are in fear that the Aids and Tasks which they have given us before time towards our Wars and other business of their own grant and good will howsoever they were made might turn to a Bondage to them and their Heirs because they might be at another time found in the Rolls and likewise for the prices taken throughout the Realm by our Ministers We have granted for us and our Heirs that we shall not draw such Aids Task nor Prices into a Custom for any thing that hath been done heretofore be it by Roll or any other Precedent that may be found (c) Cap. 6. The next is thus Moreover we have granted for us and our Heirs as well to Archbishops Bishops Abbats Priors and other folk of Holy Church as also to Earls Barons and to all the Commonalty of the Land that for no business from henceforth we shall take such manner of Aids Tasks nor Prices but by the common assent of the Realm and for the common profit thereof See for this the Charter of King John saving the ancient Aids and Prices due and accustomed These being not fully enough expressed the Statute of 34. E. 1. though as short in words as any to be found yet is of the largest extent and as liberal a Boon of Royal bounty as any People can boast of from their Prince It is thus No Tallage or Aid shall be taken or levied by Us or our Heirs in our Realm without the good will and assent of Archbishops Bishops Earls Barons Knights Burgesses and other Free-men of the Land Therefore all those who would enjoy the benefit of this Law must take care they preserve the Succession and the two Houses of Parliament (d) MS. Speech second Parl. Elâ—z an 1562. Inducements to supply the Sovereign The Lord Chancellor in Queen Elizabeth's time thus by the Queens command discourseth to the Houses If when any part of the natural Body hap to be in danger the Head and every part hasteth to the relief so how inconvenient and unnatural is it when danger is offered to the whole that the Head should take the whole care and bear the whole burthen and the Members remain uncareful and uncharged It is certain (e) Coke Instit 1.90 the Prince can make no War of any great concernment without the assistance of his Subjects Purses as well as Bodies unless all would voluntarily serve upon their own charges for that neither sudden dangers can be evaded nor Forces raised and all things necessary for them provided nor peace be long preserved when the Prince hath an empty Exchequer for Treasure is Firmamentum Belli Ornamentum Pacis A late (f) States of France Objection French Author concerning his own Country makes this objection That Princes having assigned for their usual charges of the Government Tribute and other Incomes they ought to be therewith contented and not without occasion raise new Taxes to the detriment of the Liege people and contrary to the intention of the Trust Yet he owns this ought to be soberly understood for a wise Physician applies those Remedies necessary without the Patient's leave and will force him though by cutting off a Limb to save his life So when there may happen a necessity urgent and unforeseen that either will suffer no delay or which ought not for some time to be divulged in such cases saith he the King without the States and whether they will or no may lay new Impositions and make all other necessary provisions by the absolute Power he hath to rule and preserve his State and Subjects he not being able to defend them without necessary Forces Therefore in such occasions it is to be supposed that with the Power of Government there is transferred to the Prince the Power to do that without which good Government cannot be executed but when there is not that kind of necessity the States are called Thus far my Author Since therefore (g) Coke 1. Insiit p. 161. qui diruit medium destruit finem he that takes away the necessary means for a King to preserve his people in uncommon events hazards the ruine of the People some have inferred that when dangers should be so sudden that there could not be time to convene a Parliament or that such a Parliament met should for some design deny the Prince Money then the Kings Prerogative might extend to the raising of Money and they instance in the Loans by Privy Seals exacted upon the Subjects even in Queen Elizabeth's time This indeed was the Plea for Ship-money and as the case was stated by King Charles the First Concerning Ship-Money all the Judges once subscribed their affirmative opinions though Mr. Justice Hutton and Crooke retracted after and with great learning the case was argued and Judgment given in favour of the King Yet he hoping by the yielding to the abolishing of it to have stopped the misery of a War consented to an
vertuous but less innocent for there is rarely any rising without a Commixture of good and bad Acts but it is reasonable that the Memory of their Vertues remain to Posterity and their Faults dye with themselves (c) miserum est aliorum incumbere famae Ne collapsa ruant subduct is tecta columnis Juv. Sat. 8. v. 77 78. It is glorious in the Progeny of the old Nobility and useful to themselves their King and Country to study to imitate the Perfections and eschew the Imperfections of their noble Progenitors who were Founders of their Families and Honours They no doubt were Learned Judicious and able Ministers of State such as eased their Prince of their otherwise unsupportable Burthen of Government such as were sensible of the true Fountain of Honour true Patriots of their Country because zealous for the established Government and coveted not to make themselves popular in opposition to their Prince Honour is one of the prime Badges of Nobility The Use of Nobility the winning of that saith (d) St. Alban's Essays Of Honour and Reputation the learned Chancellor is the revealing of a mans Virtue without disadvantage If a man perform that which hath not been attempted before or attempted and given over or hath been atchieved but not with so good Circumstances he hath purchased more Honour than by effecting a matter of greater difficulty or Virtue when he is but a follower Honour that is gained broken upon another hath the quickest reflection like Diamonds cut with Fucets therefore it s commendable for any to exceed his Competitors in Honour by outshooting them in their own Bows (e) Idem Essays c. 14. A Monarchy where there is no Nobility at all as among the Turks is ever a pure and absolute Tyranny For Nobility attempers Soveraignty a great and potent Nobility addeth Majesty to a Monarch but diminisheth Power putteth Life and Spirit into the People but presseth their Fortunes It is well when Nobles are not too great for Soveraignty or Justice and yet maintained in that heighth as the Insolence of Inferiors may be broken upon them before it come on over fast upon the Majesty of Kings A numerous Nobility causeth Poverty and Inconvenience in a State Concerning numerous Nobility brings a surcharge of Expence and some falling to be weak in Estate it makes a kind of Dis-proportion betwixt Honour and Means To keep Nobles at some distance is not amiss but to despise them Kings to countenance their Nobility may make a King less safe and less able to perform any thing he desires This Henry the Seventh did and though they continued Loyal to him yet they did not co-operate with him in his Business The reason of State that we may presume swayed with so wise a King was for that the Wars betwixt the Houses of York and Lancaster had been carried on by the sidings of the Nobility who had in those Days numerous Retinues the younger Sons of the Gentry and sometimes the elder making a great part of the vast Families of Noblemen and their Tenents holding their Lands by small Rents and due Service enabled them to make great alterations in the State accordingly as the chief of the Nobility were combined So that he made Laws against the number of Retainers to lessen such dependences and likewise bringing in use the making of Leases made the Tenents less obliged to their Lords paying their Rents and by such Tenures for Years Honours not to be too common they grew Rich so that thereby Freeholders exceedingly encreased and all this helped to subduct from the Power of the Nobility Honours are not rashly to be made common or prodigally given otherwise they grow dis-esteemed and unregarded rare and few Honours are more glorious saith (f) Honores non essâ— remere pervulgandos aut essuse dandos alioquin eos obsoleseere raros enim honores tenues esse gloriosos effusos pervulgatos esse obsoletos contemptos Giphanii Com. in cap. 3. lib. 5. olit Arist the judicious Comentator diffused and common bring Contempt and Sleight Consentaneous to which is what the forementioned Chancellor saith That States which aim at greatness St. Alban's Essays Of Greatness of Kingdoms must take heed how the Nobility and Gentry multiply too fast for that maketh the common Subject to grow to a Peasant driven out of Heart and in effect but a Gentleman's Labourer As in Copice Wood if you leave the Stadle too thick you shall never have clean Underwood but Shrubs and Bushes and so you bring that the Hundredth Poll is not fit for the Helmet especially as to the Infantry which is the State of France not of England But in this Particular the Custom of other Nations a Princes Service and incident conveniences are to be considered For some will be won as much by Honours as Offices of Profit and it is less Expence to a Prince in the gratifying his well-deserving Subjects Besides something must be allowed to Aemulations and a rich Soil will bring a greater Crop than a barren In all Ages likewise some of the ancient Nobility are extinguished and it is fit to plant new Standards in the room of the decayed So that what these Learned Men assert concerning spare Distribution of Honours is to be considered with just Limitations The Splendor Magnificence and great Retinues of Noblemen conduce much to Martial greatness Great Retinues of the Nobility useful except in Poland the State of Free-Servants and Attendants upon Noblemen and the richer Gentlemen hath been observed to be no where so peculiar in former times as in England Those Retainers and humble Friends are fitted for all gentile Employments and are a Seminary of the more polite Yeomanry whereas a close and reserved living of Noblemen and Gentlemen causeth a Penury of Military Forces and well-bred Yeomanry The Nobility may be Eclipsed by sinking beneath their Orbs in affecting Popularity in opposition to their Prince The Nobility not to Desert the Crown or rearing their Heads among the Clouds in Ambition Whenever by Malevolent Aspects of other Planets their Influence on the State is less benign or that the putrid Breath of some Male-contents taint their Allegiance the Contagion is of a large Spread their Blood being mingled with so many others of Power takes Fire at once and can neither be shed or rectified alone Sometimes their Blood may be chilled when they conceive others interpose betwixt them and the warmer Gleams of the Throne and they will not want Factious Torpedoes that will benum their brisker Souls The old Nobility not to envy the new ones if they be not wary to avoid their touch But when their Lordships consider that as they and their happy Ancestors have had a plentiful Portion of their Princes Regards and Bounty so they should be content that others share with them in their Princes Munificence and should not expect that their Families should be every Ages Darlings they
better Condition though Gentiles than the Christians under the Romans or that it is derived from Gens I am more inclined to be of the latter Opinion finding it more agreeable to the common Use For Cicero (b) In Topicis calls those Gentiles qui ex eadem Gente Ingenui qui nunquam Capite sunt diminuti Gens consisting of a multitude which have sprung from one Generation and of many of these Gentes consists a Nation to which agrees that of (c) Gentilis dicitur ex eodem genere ortus is qui simili nomine appellatur Festus ad Verbum Festus that Gentilis is one born of the same Gens or Kindred and who is called by the like Name So we find the Horatii the Corvine Julian Flavian Family c. So the Greeks use the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for one nobly descended from great Parentage So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was Nobility which (d) Polit. lib. 4. c. 8. lib. 5. c. 1. Aristotle calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Antient Wealth and Vertue or the (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rhetor. ad Theod lib 2. c. 5. Dignity of the Ancestor The first Authors of it being stiled famous Men and Honourable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the largest acceptation of the Word as it is now used saith the judicious (f) Tiles of Honour p. 852. Selden it denotes one that either from the Blood of his Ancestors or the Favour of his Sovereign or of them that have Power from the Sovereign or from his own Vertue Employment or otherwise according to the Laws and Customs of Honour in the Country he lives in is ennobled made Gentile or so raised to an eminency above the Multitude perpetually inherent in his Person These are stiled the Nobiles minores for distinction sake The use of the word Nobilis the word Nobiles being now appropriated to those of the higher Rank The ancient use of Nobilis especially before the Roman Monarchy was such that it was justly given to none but him that had Jus imaginum or some Ancestor at least that had born some of the great Offices or their Magistratus Curules as (g) 〈…〉 1. cap. 19. Censorship Consulship c. From whose Image kept he had the Jus Imaginum Therefore the preceding Ancestor was called novus Homo or Ignobilis Some Ages after the Romans were under a Monarchy the Title of Nobilis was given to such as by the Emperors Patents of Offices or their Codicilli Honorarii were first raised out of the lowest Rank After that Arms of Ensigns of Distinction born upon Shields grew to be in may Families Hereditary which was about four hundred Years since as Sir Edward Bish in his Aspilogia avoucheth it came into frequent use that he who was either formerly ennobled by Blood or newly by acquisition either assumed or had by Grant from his Sovereign or those deputed by him some special note of Distinction by Arms also to be transmitted with his Gentry to his Posterity Yet (h) 〈◊〉 Mr. Selden notes that in the Proceedings in the Court of Chevalry betwixt Reginald Lord Grey of Ruthin Plaintiff and Sir Edward Hastings Defendant concerning the bearing of a Manch Gules in a◠Field Or in the depositions taken in the Moote Hall at Bedford it is recorded that John Botiler of the County of Bedford and Roger Tenstal Mayor of Bedford having been the Plaintiffs Servants severally deposed Il est Gentilhom d' Auncestrie mas nad point d' Armes Gentlemen without coats of Arms. That he was a Gentlemen of antient time but had no Arms. But I shall pass from this That which I desire the Gentry to observe is Advice to the Gentry That they are the Seminary of our greater Nobility and that from Loyal Wise Learned Valiant and Fortunate Persons of their Order in all Princes Reigns the Nobility have sprung Therefore as some of them are derived from as numerous Ancestors as any in other Kingdoms and have by Hereditary Succession greater Estates than many foreign Counts and as they desire either to conserve the Repute their Ancestors have honourably entailed on them or to transmit them to their Posterities so it will be their Interest and Glory to accomplish themselves in all sorts of useful Learning whereby they may be Serviceable to their King and Country There are Bodily Exercises they should be well skilled in as Fencing Riding the great Horse and all Military Exercises to enable them to serve in the Militia of the Nation and their diligent perusing all sorts of History and the Laws of the Land will fit them for the managing of Civil affairs and dispensing the Kings Laws as Justices of Peace Sheriffs Commissioners Representatives in Parliament as also for the greater Offices of State Since they are born to large Patrimonies and thereby have a more generous Education and derive a more refined Spirit from their Ancestors they can with infinite more Ease enter into publick Employment having none of those sinking (i) Hand facile emergunt quorum virtutibus obstat Res angust a domi weights of Poverty and mean Education which enforce others to use extream Diligence e're they can mount the first half Pace the Gentleman is seated on by that time he leaves his tutors It is true the Priviledges of the Gentry of England properly so called are not so great as in some Countries where they have power of Life and Death over their Servants or are exempted from Taxes and enjoy other Immunities which are denied to the Commons yet they have others as beneficial in that they make up a great share of the Ministerial parts of the Government It is required by God and their Prince that they should so deport themselves as they may be singular (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dio lib. 2. Examples to their Tenants and Neighbours of Wisdom Temperance Justice Loyalty and all the System of Vertues and by a generous Hospitality without Debauchery preserve their Interest in the affection of their Neighbors and that the Poor may daily and zealously pray for them being made the Voiders and receiving the Sportula of their plentiful Tables By this way of living they will sow among their Neighbours the Seeds of all useful Vertues and enrich their Countries and be able in time of need to serve their Prince with their numerous Dependants It is for the use of the blooming Gentlemen I write this The more sage and ancient need only such Intimations to refresh their Memories I have made Observations how fatal it hath been to themselves and the whole Kingdom when the Gentry have been seduced to sleight at first and after as they have been wrought upon by Designers to over-awe or overturn the Government and either by Piques among themselves or Aemulations Envies and Discontents have been brought into the Combinations and Conspiracies with those who under the specious Pretences
of enlarging their Priviledges have subjected themselves as well to the slavery of Red-coats and the Tyranny of a Corps du guard or Council of War as they had their Prince under their Committees and Armies which considerations I hope will be worth their remembring What I have writ in most of the Chapters of this Treatise less or more appertains to the Gentry out of a true and cordial desire that if any such Critical time should in any Age return as that of Forty and Forty one or Eighty and Eighty one the Gentry may consider the History of former Ages and be able to distinguish betwixt Realities and feigned Pretences and will well weigh what I have writ in the preceding Chapter of the Nobility for that it is in most particulars applicable to to them which makes me shorter in this and that above all things they will seriously consider that though in every (l) Mâ—gis alii 〈◊〉 nes quâ—m alii mores Taâ—it 1. Histoâ— Generation new Men do arise that to carry on their Factious Design pretend different Causes yet the ends of all that are Male-contents and seditiously displeased with the Government is the same and commonly their Fate is parallel Therefore above all the Infections let them study to avoid that of murmuring and repining against the Government or that of being seduced by those who cover their dark Thoughts and Designs too close to be discovered by common Eyes The more such pretend Zeal for the common Good the more they pretend publick Spirits and care of Religion If they be found to have any the least Tincture of Immorality Envy Ambition Revenge Cruelty or aspiring in their Tempers the more they are to be suspected and avoided CHAP. XXXIX Of the Commonalty of England of the lower rank especially THESE are more especially the subject matter of Government The Employments they are engaged in The Common Peoples Duty makes it more profitable for them to look downwards and cultivate their Freeholds and Tenements and reap the golden Fruits of their Toil than to spend their time in the fruitless enquiries after the managery of States and Empire for whereover Soveraignty lodgeth they must still be Subjects Obedience saith a well observing (a) Cornwallis's Es says 46. Author not Examination is the destined Function of the Common People which Laws preserve them in The Industrious would soon be ruined by the Free-booters in every Hamlet if the Laws and Government were not their Guard By the several Rebellions properly of the Commons in Richard 2. H. 8. The Miseries of Insurrections and Edward the Sixth's time we have sad Examples of the Calamities they brought not only on their Neighbours and the disturbance they gave the Government but likewise the ruins they brought upon themselves and when they had wearied themselves with Rapine Murthers and a Hundred cruel Ravages and Butcheries they were at last either totally subdued and their Chieftains Executed and the rest Fined or they perished in the Fight being never able to effect any of their pretended Liberties they made the Insurrections to have obtained It is for want of Consideration that they are decoyed into such barbarous Outrages which in such Rebellions they generally commit They ought to consider Their Obligations to their Prince and that very seriously that it is from their Princes sollicitous Care that they enjoy Peace and Plenty to them they owe not only Allegiance and Obedience as they are their Soveraigns but especially Gratitude Loyalty and all dutiful Services For the good Laws from time to time have been confirmed by their Kings for their Prosperities without which they would be in a continual State of War and Feuds one against another They owe to the Paternal Care and Prudence of the Sovereign and his Government those Methods and Rules whereby they are so benignly ruled in England especially whereby they are in a freer and more plentiful Estate than any other Commoners in the World By the vertue of those Priviledges granted to them by their Kings they have Propriety in their Goods none can out them of their Possessions imprison or molest them while they observe the equitable Laws Their Privileges They have according to their several Capacities and Abilities a participation of Offices in their particular Hamlets Parishes Wapentakes or Counties either relating to the assistance to the Justice of the Land in Juries or conserving of the Peace in being petty or chief Constables or other Officers and have a peculiar Priviledge many other Commoners want of chusing their Representatives whereby they are only subject to such Laws as they or their Ancestors have given consent to The Government worthy Country-men makes fertile your Enclosures protects your Flocks and Herds secures your going out and coming in makes your Sleeps undisturbed guards your home-bred Commodities when you send them abroad secures those are brought home to you appoints you Markets for buying or selling your Corn and Cattle and your own Manufactures Let those among you The Calamities they sustained in the late War that are not ashamed they were Sequestrators Membrs of the Parliaments Army or active Officers Oppressors Plundereres or Informers against their Loyal Neighbours consider what they reaped in the late unhappy Wars begun with all the specious Pretences of redressing grievances securing Propriety and reforming Religion precious Names most wickedly abused Remember how unsupportable were the Taxes and Sequestrations What affrightments were you continually in by the Quartering of imperious Soldiers and their Plunders where they neither left Food nor Rayment for your Wives and Children and what they could not devour or carry away they destroyed Consider the effusion of so much Blood in the cruel Battles and their most unjust High-Courts of Justice how all the Laws either were stifled or miserably distorted The best Preservatives against the relapse into such miserable times Advice to the Commonalty is to reflect upon them often to live quietly under your Sovereign to give him no occasion to unsheath any of his Swords against you to reduce you to Obedience Avoid all Factious Whisperers of discontent You were within these six Years by past wrought so upon by cunning Designers of a Commonwealth that you made choice of such Representatives as neither would supply that Prince o immortal Memory who had preserved them and you in that Peace he had restored them to when nothing but War and miserable Devastations were in all the Countries of the Continent nor admit our present Gracious Soveraign who had adventured his Life so often for their Safety to succeed in the Throne of his Royal Ancestors Remember I beseech you dear Countrymen these things and consider how near the Gulph and Pits Brink of inevitable Miseries you were Be thankful to those Loyal Persons who by their Counsels and Addresses withheld you from the imminent Ruine Be mis-led no more by such as can sow nothing but Darnel Cockle Poppy and Tares among
Issue according to the present interests of his Affairs and Passions that such contradictory Acts could not be all true and though the Responses from Delphos or any Oracles of the Gentile ages might miss the truth as much yet by their dubious answers they forfeited not their reputations so much We may also note (l) Jus Regium p. 178 179. that by God Almighty's Providence and the care of his own Laws the Duke of Richmond was removed by death to prevent the unjust Competitors and Prince Edward was born and by the same Providence and the sence the Subjects had of the great Fundamental of Hereditary Succession contrary to some of these Acts and what Edward the Sixth did in setling the Crown upon the Lady Jane Grey proved of no force for Queen Mary succeeded though she was a Papist and Queen Elizabeth succeeded her though she was declared Bastard The rights of Blood prevailing over the Formalities of Divorce and the Dispensations of the Popes and the Laws made to gratify Henry the Eighth's pleasure as the strength of nature doth often prevail over Poisons and to evince the greater certainty of their being void so little notice was taken of those and the subsequent Acts Anno 1535. that the Heirs of the Blood succeeded without repealing that Act as an Act in it self invalid from the beginning For such Acts are past by without being repealed as we find in the Act of Recognition of Queen Elizabeth no notice was taken of the Act of Parliament against her and Blackwood (m) P. 45. observes very well that so conscious were the makers of these Acts Jus Regium p. 179. of the illegality of them and of their being contrary to the immutable Laws of God Nature and Nations that none durst produce that Kings Testament wherein he did nominate a Successor conformable to the power granted by those Acts but that as soon as they were freed by his Death from the violent oppressions that had forced them to alter a Successor three several times and at last to swear implicitly to whomsoever he should nominate they proclaimed first Queen Mary and after her decease Queen Elizabeth Therefore all these Acts both of Henry the Eighth and Edward the Sixth are to be looked upon as Politick interims to serve for some present ends And as we observe the trepidations vibrations and as we may say uneasiness of things in all that have been displaced till reseated again whereby we have a certain Indicium of any thing Natural so may we note the naturalness of Hereditary Succession by the Tragical Convulsions and unsetledness of things in any State where great force and policy have usurped the Crown till it hath returned to the right owner So we see after the force was removed by the expiration of Henry the Eighth and Edward the Sixth things returned again into their pristin State according to the Laws of the Crown I shall now pass to consider other Reasons and First it may be observed Fundamentals in Government not to be altered That the Venerable Age of such Fundamental Laws should have another kind of respect pay'd to them than to be made obsolete because they will not sort with some new-fashioned Intrigue For it is a most true Maxime Non magis aliunde floret respublica quam si legum vigeat Authoritas So in the first Parliament (n) Cap. 2. of King James the First it is fully expressed That to alter and innovate the Fundamental ad Ancient Laws See Commission for Union 16â—4 Priviledges and good Customs of the Kingdom whereby not only the Kings Regal Authority but the Peoples securities of Lands Livings and Priviledges both in general and particular are preserved and maintained and by the abolishing or alteration of the which it is impossible but that present confusion will fall upon the whole State and frame of Government is of most dangerous consequence whence we may well infer That to endeavour to alter the right of Succession of the Crown in the direct line is one of the most dangerous Innovations of all others as drawing innumerable mischiefs after it Now there can be no greater fundamental right than the Succession of our Monarch The Hereditary Succession is a Fundamental That our Monarchy is Hereditary is the great Basis upon which most of all the positions of the Laws are established which every where we meet with in the Writings of Lawyers viz. That the King never dies the next Successour in Blood is legally King from the very moment in which the last King dies that there needs neither Coronation or Recognition of the People to intitle him to the exercise of his Regal Authority that his Commissions are valid all Men are liable to do him Homage and hold their rights of him and his Heirs he may call Parliaments dispose of the Lands belonging to the Crown and all that oppose him are Rebells Generally this Principle runs through all the Veins of our Laws it is that which gives Life and Authority to our Statutes but receives none from them which are undeniable marks and Characters of a Fundamental Right in all Nations Secondly Such further provision hath the Law made to secure the Succession in the direct line that if the right Heir of the Blood or the Father or Mother of the right Heir be attainted of High Treason by Parliament the Attainder is no obstruction to the descent If he who were to succeed had committed Murther or were declared Traytor formerly to the Crown for open Rebellion against the King and Kingdom yet upon his coming to the Crown he need not to be restored by Act of Parliament but his very right of Blood would purge all these Imperfections For tanta est Regii sanguinis praerogativa dignitas ut vitium non admittat nec se contaminare patiatur saith a (o) Craig learned Lawyer and the Reasons given are For that no Man can be a Rebel against himself nor can the King have a Superior and consequently there can be none whom he can (p) Jus Reg. p. 169. offend and it would be absurd that he who can restore all other Men should need to be restored himself Also the Punishments of Crimes such as Confiscations c. are to be inflicted by the Kings Authority or to fall to the Kings Treasury and it would be most absurd that a Man should exact from himself a Punishment So Richard Plantaginet Duke of York and Edward the Fourth his Son were both attainted yet Edward the Fourth was rightful King and no impediment in the Succession accrued by it So Charles the Seventh of France though banished by Sentence of Parliament did afterwards succeed to the Crown and though Lewis the Twelfth forfeited for taking up Arms against Charles the Eighth yet he succeeded and Alexander Duke of Albany and his Descendants being declared Traytors by his Brother King James the Fourth yet his Son John being called home upon
without citing or hearing them For if they had such Power we should be the greatest Slaves and live under the most arbitrary Government imaginable Therefore an absolute Prince cannot in an Hereditary Kingdom where the Successor is to succeed Jure Regni (z) Nulla clausula Successori Jus auferri potest modo succedat ille Jure Regni Aristaeus c. 7. num 5. prejudge the Successors right of Succession for the same right the present King hath to the Possession the next of Blood hath to the Succession Therefore Hottoman Lib. 2. de Regno Galliae affirms That ea quae Jure Regni primogenito competunt ne Testamento quidem Patris adimi possunt That in the absolute Monarchy of France The Father cannot by his last Will deprive the First-born of those things which belong to him by Royal right So when the King of France designed to break the Salique Law of Succession as in the Reign of Charles the Fifth it was found impracticable by the three States So when Pyrrhus would have preferred his younger Son to the Crown (a) Pausanias lib. 1. the Epirots following the Law of Nations and then own refused him So Anno 1649. when Amurat the Grand Signior left the Empire to Han the Tartarian passing his Brother Ibrahim the whole Officers of State did unanimously cancel the Testament and restored Ibrahim the true Heir though no other than a Fool. So if Kings could have inverted their Succession Saint Lewis had preferred his own Third Son to Lewis his Eldest and Alphonsus King of Leon in Spain had preferred his Daughter to Ferdinand his Eldest Son and Edward the Sixth of England had preferred and did actually prefer the Lady Jane Grey to his Sisters Mary and Elizabeth Thirdly It is undeniable in the opinion of all Lawyers That a King cannot in Law alienate his Crown but that the Deed is void nor can he in Law consent to an Act of Parliament declaring that he should be the last King For if such consents and Acts (b) Jus Regium p. 163. had been sufficient to bind Successors then weak Kings by their own simplicity and gentle Kings by the Rebellion of their Subjects or being wrought upon by the importunity of their Wives or Concubines or the mis-representation of Favourites might do great mischiefs to their People in raising up continual Factions of the miseries of which I shall speak hereafter This is owned in Subjects That the Honour and Nobility that is bestowed upon a man and his Heirs doth so necessarily descend upon those Heirs that the Father or Predecessor cannot exclude the Successor or derogate from his Right by renouncing resigning following base or mean Trades or such like For Fab. Cod. 9. tiâ— 28. say the Lawyers since he derives his Right from his old Progenitors and owes it not to his Father his Fathers Deed should not prejudge him so much more in Kings the ill consequences of such violations of Justice and Right being infinitely more destructive the Predecessor should not do any Act to prejudice his Successor For that right of blood which makes the Eldest First makes the other Second and all the Statutes that acknowledge the present Kings Prerogative acknowledge that they belong to him and his Heirs For as a Prince cannot even ex plenitudine potestatis legitimate a Bastard in prejudice of former Children though they have only but an hope of Succession much less can he bastardize or disinherit the Right Heir who is so made by God and honoured from him with the Character If therefore Kings how absolute soever cannot de jure invert the natural order of Succession there is no reason that the States of Parliament should have such a Power For by the known Laws they have no Legislative Power otherwise than by assenting to what the King does and all that their assent could do would be no more than that they and their Successors should not oppose his nomination because of their consent but that can never amount to a Power of transferring For if the States of Parliament had this Power originally in themselves to bestow why might they not reserve it for themselves and so perpetuate the Government in their own hands So Judge Jenkin asserts according to Law That no King can be named or in any time made in this Kingdom (d) Liberty of Subject p. 25. by the People Kings being before there were Parliaments and there is good reason for then the Monarchy should not be Hereditary but Elective the very Essence of Hereditary Monarchy consisting in the Right of Succession whereas if the Parliament can prefer the next save one they may prefer the last of all the Line and the same reason by which they can chuse a Successor which can only be that they have Power above him should likewise in the opinion of a very (e) Jus Regium p. 167. learned Person justify their deposing of Kings as we saw in the last Age that such reasons as of late have been urged to incapacitate the Children of King Charles the First from the hope of Succession viz. Popery and Arbitrary Government did embolden men to dethrone and murther the Father who was actual King For if it were once yielded that the Houses had a Right in themselves to take care for the Salus populi that none but such Princes should succeed who were approved of by the prevailing Faction in their body nothing but confusion would follow one Party having their Votes seconded by force one time and a quite contrary another yet all pretending the Publick Weal and so a large breach should be made by pretending to stop one dangerous Successor to the inflowing of successive Usurpers and thereby the Crown should not only by ambulatory but unstable upon every head that wore it and alwaies in danger of a bloody surprise till at last the Regalia being secured from the expectant Heir the Factious would find a way to pillage them from the present Soveraign and convert them into a Mace for an House of Commons I writ this Part with greater Enlargements in answer to the plausiblest Arguments for the Bill of Seclusion while that matter was in the hottest agitation But since there will be no need of dilating upon that Subject now that God Almighty hath so signally determined the Controversie by the peaceable settlement of his Majesty upon his Throne I shall close this Chapter with some few remarks of the miseries have been brought upon Kingdoms and especially upon this by the disjoynting the Succession So we read what dreadful (f) Jus Regium p. 166. mischiefs arose from Pelops preferring his younger Son to the Kingdom of Mycene The Miseries which Kingdoms have sustained where the Succession hath been interrupted from Oedipus commanding that Polynices his Youngest Son should reign interchangeably with the Eldest From Parisatis the Queen of Persia's preferring her Youngest Son Cyrus to her Eldest Artaxerxes From Aristodomus admitting
few Years In Three Books The Whole illustrated with divers accurate Maps and Figures Written originally in Italian by Adam Oliarias Secretary to the Embassie Rendred into English by John Davies of Kidwelly The Second Impression The History of the Execrable Irish Rebellion trac'd from many preceding Acts to the Grand Eruption October 23. 1641. and thence pursued to the Act to Settlement in 1662. The Journals of all the Parliaments during the Reign of Queen Elizabeth both of the House of Lords and House of Commons Collected by Sir Simon D' Ewes of Stow-Hall in the County of Suffolk Knight and Baronet Revised and published by Paul Bowes Esq of the Middle Temple I Ragguagli di Parnasso or Advertisements from Parnassus in Two Centuries With the Politick Touchstone Written originally in Italian by that Famous Roman Traâ—ano Bocalini And now put into English by the Right Honourable Henry Earl of Monmouth Cosmography and Geography In Two Parts The First containing the general and absolute Part of Cosmography being a Translation from that eminent and much-esteemed Geographer Varenius wherein are at large handled all such Arts as are necessary to be understood for the true knowledge thereof To which is added the much wanted Schemes omitted by the Author The Second Part being a Geographical Description of the World taken from the Notes and Works of the Famous Monsieur Sanson late Geographer to the French King To which is added about One hundred Cosmographical Geographical and Hydrographical Tables of several Kingdoms and Isles in the World with their Chief Cities Sea-Ports Bays c. Drawn from the Maps of the said Sanson Illustrated with Maps The Annals of King James and King Charles the First of ever Happy Memory containing a faithful History and impartial Account of the Great Affairs of State and Transactions of Parliaments in England from the Tenth Year of King James 1612. to the Eighteenth of King Charles 1642. Wherein several material Passages relating to the late Civil Wars omitted in former Histories are made known A perfect Copy of all the Summons of the Nobility to the Great Councils and Parliaments of this Realm from the Forty ninth of King Henry the Third until these present Times With Catalogues of such Noblemen as have been summoned to Parliament in Right of their Wives and of such other Noblemen as derive their Titles of Honour from the Heirs Female from whom they are descended and of such Noblemens Eldest Sons as have been summoned to Parliament by some of their Fathers Titles Extracted from Publick Records by Sir William Dugdale Knight Garter Principal King at Arms. The History of the Affairs of Europe in this present Age but more particularly of the Republick of Venice Written in Italian by Baptista Nani Cavalier and Procurator of St. Mark Englished by Sir Robert Honywood Knight The History of Barbadoes St. Christophers Mevis St. Vincents Antego Martinico Monserrat and the rest of the Caribby-Islands in all Twenty eight In Two Books The First containing the Natural the Second the Moral History of those Islands Illustrated with several Pieces of Sculpture representing the most considerable Rarities therein described The Works of the Famous Nicolas Machiavell Citizen and Secretary of Florence Written originally in Italian and now faithfully translated into English A Compleat Treatise of Preternatural Tumors both General and Particular as they appear in Humane Bodies from Head to Foot To which also are added many excellent and Modern Historical Observations concluding most Chapters in the whole 〈…〉 Discourse The Present State of the Ottoman Empire from the Year 1623. to the Year 1677. Containing the Reigns of the Three last Emperors viz. Sultan Morat or Amurat the Fourth Sultan Ibrahim and Sultan Mahomet the Fourth his Son the Thirteenth Emperor By Sir Paul Ricaut late Consul at Smyrna The History of the Cardinals of the Roman Church from the time of their first Creation to the Election of Pope Clement the Ninth With a full Account of his Conclaves In three Parts Written in Italian by the Author of the Nepotismo di Roma The World Surveyed or The Famous Voyages and Travels of Vincent le Blanc of Marcelles into the East and West Indies Persia Pegu Fez Morocco Guinny and through all Africa and the Principal Provinces of Europe A General Collection of Discourses of the Virtuosi of France upon Questions of all sorts of Philosophy and other Natural Knowledge Made in the Assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris by the most Ingenious Persons of that Nation Englished by G. Havers In two Volumes A Treatise of the Sibyls giving an Account of the Names and Numbers of them of their Qualities the Form and Matter of their Verses and of their Books Written in French by David Blondell Englished by Jo. Davis of Kidwelly Tracts written by John Selden Esq of the Inner Temple The first entituled Jaâ—â— Anglorum Facies altera Rendred into English with large Notes thereupon by Redman Westcoat Gent. The second England's Epinomis The third Of the Original of Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions of Testaments The fourth Of the Disposition or Administration of Intestate Estates Printed for Tho. Basset and R. Chiswell and sold by R. Clavell Basilica Chymica Praxis Chymiatrica or Royal and Practical Chymistry augmented and enlarged By John Hartman To which is added His Treatise of Signatures of Internal Things or a true and lively Anatomy of the Greater and Lesser World as also the Practice of Chymistry of John Harâ—man M. D. augmented and enlarged by his Son with considerable Additions All faithfully Englished by a Lover of Chymistry The Compleat Chymical Dispensatory in Five Books treating of all sorts of Metals Precious Stones and Minerals of all Vegetables and Animals and Things that are taken from them as Musk Civet c. How rightly to know them and how they are to be used in Physick with their several Doses The like Work never extant before Being very proper for all Merchants Druggists Chirurgeons and Apothecaries and such Ingenious Persons as study Physick or Philosophy Written in Latin by Dr. John Scroder that most Famous and Faithful Chymist and Englished by William Rowland Doctor of Physick The Royal Pharmacopaea Galenical and Chymical according to the Practice of the most Eminent and Learned Physicians of France and published with their several Approbations By Moses Charâ—as the King 's Chief Operator in his Royal Garden of Plants Faithfully Englished and illustrated with several Copper Plates An Abridgment of divers Cases and Resolutions of the Common Law Alphabetically digested under several Titles By Henry Rolls Serjeant at Law Published by the Lord Chief Baron Hales and approved by all the Judges The Reports of Sir George Croke Knight In three Volumes in English Allowed of by all the Judges The second Edition carefully corrected by the Original Les Reports de Henry Rolle Serjeant del ' Ley de divers Cases en le Court del ' Banke le Roy en le Temps del ' Reign de Roy Jaques Colligees