summs of money or assist him with Ships according to the Proportion of that which was lent them That they should cause such French Regiments as should be entertained in Holland to be conducted to Calais or Diepe And thus in one and the same moneth the Cardinal made his entrance upon the Administration very remarkable by the resolution of the Match with England which ingaged the King of Great Brittain in his Majesties interests by the entertaining of the Spanish Forces in the Low Countries by which he diverted them from assisting the Valtolines so powerfully as otherwise they had done Politick Observation IF Marriages serve to augment the Power of a King certainly those Alliances which are made with neighbour States for reciprocal assistance in War do no less contribute towards it provided they be well established Two States well united are undoubtedly stronger then one alone and as an ancient Author saith if an enemy should prevail against one yet two would be able to oppose him Partnership is that which inricheth Merchants in Trading and Alliances enable Princes to make forraign invasions with their Forces and if there be such profit to be made out of it I suppose they are very necessary for the divine wisdome hath so disposed all Kindomes that they have all need one of another Aristotle saith nibil pâ—r se subsist it nothing is able to subsist by it self onely and if in the Microcosm every part is needfull for one another not excepting the most noble God hath also imparted Power to Soveraigns with such equality that they are never able to increase it without mutual assistance from one another Upon this foundation it is that all Alliances are established It is absurd to beleeve that the bare friendship of Princes can be a sufficient Bond seeing that it is interest which onely ties them effectually as is apparent to all men for that they usually break them when once they appear against their concernments If ever there be occasion to unite them together it is chiefly when there is danger of a common enemy and that they would hinder his growing strength and prevent him from making attempts upon their bordering neighbours and consequently upon themselves In fine it was upon that score that the Iâ—alian Ambassadors perswaded King Antiochus to league himself with them against the Romans representing to him that if he did not keep them in continual exercise they would render themselves Masters of his Allyes and then enter upon his own Country too And it was for the same reason that the Princes of the house of Orleans finding themselves too weak to make head against the Burguignions allied themselves with the English though otherwise they hated them and that Ferdinand King of Naples allyed himself with Lewis Sforza Tutor to John Galeazzi his Nephew and Laurence de Medicis that they might oppose the French who then threatned them Colonel Ornano is made Prisoner in the Bastile and thence sent to the Castle of Caen. VVHilest the King negotiated these two important Treaties and that the Cardinal gave a happy progress to them by his Counsails the Marquis de la Vieville who for the two last years had a great hand in the affairs inform'd the King that the Colonel d' Ornano Governour to the Duke of Orleans his Brother took such a course as would in time trouble the State The he had not forgot any artifice to render himself agreeable to the Monsieur and to gain such a power over his spirit that the Honour which he had to be his Governour gave him a great power in his Family That before he had gained the Mounsieurs affection he made his brags openly that he would get the Mastery over him to the intent he might raise his fortune to a higher pitch That he began to sow distrusts in the mind of that Prince and to extinguish the seeds of that Respect Love and Obedience which Nature had given to him in creating him That he took advantage of his good favour to make himself feared and that he vaunted to have done many things contrary to his duty of which there were many particulars and that he was observed to take great care to hold Intelligence with the Grandees of the Court This was so much the more to be feared for that the greatest misfortunes and the most part of Civil Wars have no other beginning then misunderstandings of Princes against their Kings The King thought good to impart it to the Cardinal and having demanded his advice of what was proper to be done in that occasion he did not at all dissemble the danger it would be to permit this procedure of the Colonel But the moderation of his spirit would not suffer him to carry him on to use such violent remedies as others did advise him to but on the contrary he represented to him that the Laws of Mercy obliged Kings to pardon the first faults of Grandees provided that they would confesse their errors especially if there be a meanes to prevent any consequence of danger That the wisest are sometimes subject to miscarriages and are also capable to repent them and afterwards to doe great services That the moderation which many wise Princes have shewed towards such offenders hath made them more faithful and affectionate then those who never committed any miscarriage at all That this Repentance was the more reasonably to be hoped from the Colonel d' Ornano who till then had lived within those limits which ought to be observed by those of his condition that his Father had given him a good example by those services which he had done until his death That he had indeed forgot himself but that his omission might be remedied which seemed to deserve pardon so much the more in regard it is almost impossible for the greatest part of Mankind not to forget themselves whenas fortune shall advance them into a place of Eminency Moreover there was reason to hope that the onely removing him for some time from the Monsieur would make him reassume his former countenance would make him sensible of his fault and he himself would easily be induced to judge that this embroyl wherein he had suffered himself to be surprised would undoubtedly precipitate him into utter ruin instead of raising him into a higher condition This counsel was accompanied with a much Prudence as Moderation and the King who is ever carried of himself to follow the best advice onely commanded the Collonel d' Ornano to retire himself to his Government of Pont-Sainct-Esprit untill he were permitted to return to the Court but the Collonel being confident that there were nothing but surmises and conjectures against him had the boldness to refuse obedience to this order perswading the Monsieur to keep him near him and to procure from the King by any extraordinary instances that he might not be forced from the Court The Monsieur beseeched his Majesties with all possible affection However the King gave him to understand that
left his Glory and Reputation fresh and alive in the memories of all who knew him After his death his Majesty gave the Chancellorship to Monsieur de Halligre which was done by the Cardinals advice who would by no means divert his Majesty from raising of him unto this utmost pitch of Honour which was usually accorded unto such as were Treasurers at that time and upon such an occasion not that he was ignorant that his Age rendered his Mind somewhat too weak for the weight of such a charge for the well performance of which it was not enough barely to have acquired the Ornaments of a singular Honesty which was however very commendable But he could not resolve to dis-countenance him it being his first entrance upon the Administration and early dayes with him so that he rather aimed to supply the others defects by his own proper ingeny which was able enough to defend the State from suffering as to hinder him from his advancement withall he hoped that giving him often the honour of admitting him to be neer him he might form him by his Counsels and render him more capable and vigorous in the trans-acting of great Affairs He though too that his redoubled cares for some small time might be requited in future which invited him to take that trouble upon himself as also because he would not cast off a person whom he found Keeper of the Seal and in reputation of a Sublime virtue Politick Observation TO judge with certainty of the ability or insufficiency of a man for management of great affairs is a thing very difficult If it often happens that the most active souls do not well away with affairs of little concernment it is not lesse common to see some who make themselves be admired as in indifferent imployments who being raised to those of a little higher degree acquit themselves very badly To verifie which Vespasian being over-seer of the Scavangers before he came to the Empire committed so many mis-carriages that the Emperour commanded his cloaths to be daubed all over with filth and dirt but when Fortune had once raised him up to be Soveraign he soon made it evident that the evil conduct for which he was once blamed proceeded from nothing but to shew that he was not born for love and mean actions Men of great merit behave themselves so negligently in small low imployments that they give but a slender character of their abilities On the other side some have attained to a great reputation in the discharging of small affairs and in prosecution of time being advanced to those of greater weight have found their ruine and confusion in them Galba may serve for an example of it seeing before he was Emperour he shewed so much Prudence in the dispatching those affairs which were committed to him that every one conceived a very great esteem of him but being come to the Empire he soon lost it If any one demand a reason of it I suppose there is none but this that as there ought to be a proportion between Causes and Effects that they may operate within the Sphere of their power so men ought to be adopted to charges in imployments conformable to their capacities and sufficiencies for that mens minds have certain bounds prescribed to them within the limits of which they are able to acquit themselves with credit and applause but if you advance them above or depresse them below those Spheres they shew nothing but debilities and mis-carriages It was in this respect that Tacitus speaks of Poppeus Sabinus when he said that he was sufficiently capable of those imployments which were intrusted with him but not of any higher Titus Livy was not much out of the way too when speaking of the Dictatorship of Lucius Quintius Cicinnatus he said that he had a courage equal to his charge but not great enough to be General of the Army Now in this incertainty it should seem to relish somewhat of injustice peradventure too of imprudence in a Chiefe Minister to oppose the advancement of a man whom hee finds in imployment and in the reputation of an honest integrity It would relish as I said of Injustice because his integrity and conduct reduct represent him for deserving and of imprudence too because vertue having the property of pulling down a hatred upon those who oppresse it it will certainly gain him the dis-esteem and dis-affection of the people should he have hindred the t'others good fortune besides the noblest glory of a powerfull man consists in being able to hurt but at that same times to do most good to all men especially to those who are vertuous A man may easily be perswaded that a Minister is vertuous if he favours persons of merit and on the contrary that he hath none but wicked designs if he bring them into disgrace and of this he ought to take the greater consideration upon his first entrance into the Government because he hath then the fittest opportunity of gaining upon the Peoples affections Alexander knew of what concernment this particular was when as a certain Lord of his Retinue complained that he gave no estate to any but persons of great vertue he was answered by him that he courted vertue that she her self might pay him Homage over all the world Enquiries into the Misdemeanours of the Finances THE Sieur de Marillac being honoured with the Super-intendency of the Finances his unquiet spirit could not rest long time without giving some object to his violence the Finances he levelled at and soon set them into such confusion that they who behaved themselves in their charges with the greatest innocency knew not where to hide their heads It is true that it was so much the more important to the good of the State to represse those mis-demeanours of many who did openly squander away the Kings monies which are the Sinnews both of the State and War in that their ill management did necessitate the imposing of new Taxes upon the People in that they deprived particular men of such summs as the King had granted them not onely by way of gratification but sometimes of justice and in that these unjust dealings gave means to many amongst them to make vast expences a dangerous example to the publique Yet should hee have had for-born driving those enquiries to that height which he did and from infusing into the Kings Soul such a sharpnesse against them that they all past for criminals indifferently together in his Majesties opinion The order which was followed was this There was out of each Parliament one Councellour elected by them who was reputed of extraordinary integrity to be formed into a Court of Justice to them were joyned certain Masters of Requests and two Presidents of the Chamber of Accompts of Paris Leave was given to all Informers who would appear to give in their complaints against any Officer or his Deputy to the Procurator General and there was so exact an Inquisition made of all
whom assistance may be had and who if they should slip their necks out of the Collar might not do us any displeasure in it They are very necessary with the neighbouring Princes upon a place which is designed to be assaulted either in relation to Passages or in respect of having from them Ammunitions both of War and necessary victuals as there shall be occasion Hannibal knew this full well when as he was upon his expedition into Italy and made a League with the French and Spaniard he took Hostages of them and for better assurance left Garisons in many of their strong Holds The Romans did the same when they made war upon the Lacedemonians by making a League with Ptolomy King of Egypt without whose assistance that would have had somewhat to do to have passed on Besides when there is cause of suspicion of their fidelity it is necessary either to take some Persons or Places of them by way of Hostage to the end that their interest to perserve them may compel them to continue firm in their first resolutions If many of our Kings who have made expedition into Italy had taken such a course as this were it onely in point of Passages we had not seen them exposed to so many dangers nor indeed to so many disgraces yet in case by their receding they cannot cause any great incoveniences there will not then be so absolute a necessity of such security and assurances However as it ought to be taken for granted that they will start aside in case the enemy give them satisfaction to their interests so there ought still to bee Forces ready which may clap in upon them and supply their deficiencies It is a trouble to see them break their words yet a Prince shall reap this profit from a League to make it serve to give a happy beginning to an enterprise by means of such assisting forces as may be drawn from it and by dividing expence between them which else must be undergone by one alone It will not be presently fit to defie them for that would be a means to make them take to the other part but it will be needfull to have an eye upon it and to be prepared for the worst Moreover it is profitable to make Leagues not onely with States but with Princes and their Successors and to contract them with greater certainty then Edward the fourth King of England did who having recourse to one of our Kings after he had been despoyled of his Kingdome had not other answer but that the League was made with the King of England and his State and that he being no longer King of England France could not without breaking the Laws of Alliances imploy their Arms against him who was present Master of the Crown To be short it is good to be carefull that the divers constructions which may be made may not serve for a pretext for them who would fall off There must not be so much as the least starting hole left for them to creep out or to break their words especially if they make any accompt of their reputation which is inseparable from their fidelity for without that they will perchance hardly resolve to run Counter The Marquess de Coevures takes the Field to make himself Master of the Forts in the Valtoline AT the same time that the Kings orders were delivered to the Marquess de Coevures he received a dispatch from the Sieur de Bethune which told him that he despaired of getting any reason from the enemy by those ways which he had till then tried so that now he must have recourse to Nostre Dame de Frappe Fort who as soon as he had received this piece of Rallary he resolved forthwith to take the field concluding there was no reason any longer to defer it and that if he could surprize the places unexpectedly without giving them leave to provide themselves he should strike a great stroke in the businesse without any great trouble He had long before given order to 3 Swiss and 3 Grisons Collonels to raise each of them a Regiment of a 1000 men so that he had nothing else to do but to send them word to be ready on the other side the Residents of Venice and Savoy being come to him they had agreed upon all things together The Sieur de Mesnil had order to make a Magazine of Ammunition at Zurich for the Swisses and Grisons forces and the Resident of Venice undertook that the Common-wealth should make another at Bergamo for such forces as should march into the Republick that which was most troublesome was there being a necessity of discovering the design to several persons it would be impossible to keep it from being known and to hide their intentions of the time when they would enter upon the Valtoline The Popes Nuntio called Scapy and the Marquesse d' Ogliani the Spanish Embassadour had notice of it who made strong indeavours to pervent any Levies amongst the Swisses or the marching of any Troops which the King should send but all would not serve the Levy could not be obstructed for the Cantons of Berne and Zurich where they were to be made had given too particular an assurance of it by means of the money and the promises which were made them that they should be seconded with a puissant succour against any who should attempt any thing against them upon that accompt But their Contrivances and Cabals were so powerfull that the Catholick Cantons resolved to stop their Passages upon them so the Marquesse was forced to his shifts that his Majesties Commands might not be ineffectual His remedy was to cause his Horse to march four by four that is all such as were sent him from Bresse and to secure the Canton of Bern for the conduct of Vaubecourt's Regiment seeming after he was once entred as if he would force his way either by Fair or Foul means to the Grisons It was enough that these Cantons were by several Treaties bound to open their Passages to his Majesties Forces upon so just an occasion as this was and it made no great matter whether they refused it or not seeing if they should they might be forced to it without breaking the Laws of Equity Thus he being well informed of the resolution which the Nuntio and the Marquess de Ogliani had induced them to take resolved not to demand it untill he were upon the very point of passing because they should be better advised then to deny him when they find him in a condition not to be hindred they not having the least time to prepare themselves against it All things being thus in a readinesse for the beginning of the design he sent the Sieur de Lande to Zurich to discourse with the chief of the banished Grisons and to perswade them to rise and then he commanded the Sieur de Harcourt Marshal of the Field and the Sieur du Lande to joyn with Collonel Salis to enter into the Grisons to seize
come to the very end he had proposed to himself or at least so neer as possibly he may withal remembring that he may perchance have formerly heard it said every one who fights doeth not conquer and the Conquerors do not alwayes were the Garland The King of Spain to breake the League between his Majesty the Duke of Savoy and Common-wealth of Venice negotiates another between himself and the Princes of Italy THe King of Spain was not a little surprised to see himself destitute of that Passage which is the surety of his States in Italy and concluded that in case that in-let should be stopped up it would be a great inconveniency to him so that without making himself sure of the Popes Protection he gave Orders to his Agents to treat a League between himself and the Princes of Italy to oppose that which had been concluded between the King Duke of Savoy and State of Venice and at the same time he summoned all his Estates and the principal Signeors depending upon his Crown to contribute their utmost towards the charges of the War Thus they gave an Allarum to Italy and made them all beleeve that the King Duke of Savoy and Venetians would divide it between them so every one of those little Princes being touched in his own Interests was very glad to enter into the League for his own defence The Partisans of Spain say that this Alliance between their King the Duke of Parma and Modena the Common-wealths of Genoa and Lucqua had concluded to raise an Army by Land of 24000 Foot and 6000 Horse which should be commanded in the Emperours name by the Duke de Teria Governour of Milan and a Navy by Sea of 90 Galleys who should come to Genova and be there commanded by the Marquess de Saincte Croix who was to be Admiral they reported too that all the Kingdomes of Spain and the Grandees of the whole Nation were taxed with great sums for the keeping of an Army of above 100000 men But all these black stormy Clouds vanished without any noise at the splendour of his Majesties Arms and he had more victories then Rodomontadoes as shal be made appear in the Prosecution of this year Politique Observation THE Affairs of Christendome were brought to that passe that the two Crowns of France and Spain did partake with the Interests of all other Princes The one is bound to assist those who are assaulted by t'other and never did either of them attempt any thing which ought not by reason of State bee opposed by the t'other If any one ask a reason hereof it may be ascribed to that emulation which for above a hundred years hath been nourished between them so that neither can indure to see t'other increase his strength or power but to speak more rightly the reason is not one and the same between France and Spain for that either of them have their particular motives The Spaniards like the Lacedemonians have fixed the highest part of their Monarchy not in that which is so much just as profitable for the inlarging of it and consequentially they do easily violate all Rights and Justice not reflecting that the Common-wealth of the Lacedemonians stood but a little while it being setled upon so ruinous a Foundation which was the destruction of their Power Now with France it is quite otherwise whose State being grounded upon Justice doth not hurry them on to snatch up their Arms but onely when their own defence or that of their Allies calls them to it France hath no design but to preserve it self Spain to increase it self France knoweth that safety consists in an equal ballancing of the Powers and strengths of one another and therefore it is that France thinks her self concern'd to obstruct Spains growing too Potent that he might not pretend to have any advantage over her or her Allies Spain on the other side which hath long since formed and contrived a design of making it self master of all Europe conceiveth that there is wrong done him if at any time France doth uphold her Allies in their just Possessions of their Estates or take up Arms for their defence Now to cement them in this dispute either of the two Crowns have their Allies which are tied to them by several Bonds that is by different considerations France hath such for her Allies who suspect the Power of Spain and fear they shall be set upon by it Spain hath others who take part with the Interests of the House of Austria as issued from thence by some relation or other and who are so far from France that being not easily releeved they are forced to keep all fair with them and serve them in their designs under the hopes that by this means they may at least procure that favour which the Cyclop promised Vlysses In this last from I range the Italians who having experimentally found how little favourable the Protection of France hath been hath been to them by reason of their distance from one another and the difficulties of passing Forces into their Country do tie themselves so much the stricter to the Spaniard it being easie for him to seize upon their States Milan and Naples lying so neer upon them Experience hath made it evident that they were never faithfull to the French They have sometimes ingaged our Kings in enterprizes by allying themselves with them but after they had occasioned great expences and all to no purpose they fell off from their words as Lewis the Moor Duke of Milan and then he of Milan who presently turned tayl to the Interests of Henry the 2d though he had secured him from the violences of the Emperour The onely means to unite them really with France and to draw them off from the Interests of Spain whom they have no great inclination to were to have a free open Passage for the Souldiers which might be quickly dispatched from Languedoc and Province which happiness France now hath by the Prudence of the Cardinal in the possession of Pignerol The Spaniard spreads abroad defaming Libels against the League of France Venice and Savoy AS Defamatory Libels are the most subtle Artifices which are used to surprize the minds of People and the Fire-brand which have been alwaies thought most proper to inflame their Courages to War So the Spaniards were not backward to countenance their designs by dispersing several of them abroad against the League between France Savoy and Venice and with all that Justice might appear to be with them to make use of Religion and Piety as a Cloak to their knavery They cannot but well remember that the same pretext served their King to invade the Indiaes That it was very advantagious to Philip the 2d to make himself Master of France and that very lately it gave them an In-let to the Palatinate and that they now hope by the same means to recover the Valtoline It gave their Libellers opportunity to say that the King of Great Britain and the Swiss
The King granted him his demands and the Queen of Great Brittain departed about the beginning of June She was accompanied on the way by the Queen Mother the Queen Regent Monsieur the Kings Brother and almost all who were considerable in the Court going thorough Amiens she was received there with the same honour as is do to the King himself he having so commanded it In this place shee took her Leave of the Queen Mother but the Queen Regent accompanied her two leagues farther on and Monsieur the Kings Brother attended by most part of the Court conducted her to Boulongne where she was imbarked in the greatst Ship of the Ocean which was richly prepared for her The Windes were so favourable that the whole Fleet came safe to Dover without any let where the Cannons Drums and Trumpets endeavoured in emulation of one another to testifie their noyse which should most welcome her with there greatest mirth at her first entrance The King had caused a house to be built of Timber work upon the Rivers side where the Perfums and pleasant smels might make her an exchange of those ill sents of the Sea into an ayr of Amber Orange and Jessamy Flowers The King of Great Brittain whom she had sent to entreat he would be pleased to stay until the morrow before he saw her by reason of the disorder she had been in upon the Sea came accordingly the day after to meet her with all that was Illustrious in his Court and shewed That Love and Gallantry did equally possess his Soul by those respects and extraordinary inventions to render her first entrance pleasing to her They dined together and that night lay at Canturbury where the Mariage was consummated to the equal contentment of the two Crowns of France and England Politique Observation MAgnificence is one of the greatest virtues which gives most luster to Kings who are no otherwise esteemed great but by their abilities to do greater things then others That is it which makes their names glorious amongst Strangers and likewise procures them more respect from their own subjects Philosophers say actions ought to be proportionate to the quality of the subject which produceth them whence it comes to passe that that of Kings being the most eminent of al others they should not do any but magnificent things and thus the Emperor Dioclesian said publiquely If this virtue be wel beseeming them they are not at any time more obliged to exercise it then at their own or those of their Families mariage for at such times most especially it is that strangers and their own subjects too do resort in greatest abundance to their Courts which at other times they themselves are but seldome seen so that it cannot but be a thing of great concern then to give them impressions of an extraordinary respect to the doing of which no doubt but the lustre of noble and magnificent Actions doth very much contribute Withall if expences ought to be regulated by the occasions upon which they are made what more honourable and worthy subject can they be bestowed on then either their own or the marriages of those of their Blood Besides seeing Wealth is not given them by Heaven but onely to be honourably imployed how much would any niggardliness be exploded and found fault with on such occasions as those are would it not passe for an extream meanness of spirit The goods of private men are their own and for their own uses insomuch that they have full power to dispose of them as they please but it is not so with Kings they are obliged to imploy that which is lent them towards the acquiring a respect necessary for the impressing of that Reverence and Honour into the Minds of the People which is due unto them Those great Costs and Charges which are layed out on frivolous matters are as soon forgotten as the whistling of the Wind neither do they carry with them the reputation of being magnificent but it is not so when well used and when they are expended upon urgent occasions and great affairs It is to imitate God if done in order who hath not onely the power of working outward Miracles but also of doing them with weight number and measure It is most certain Kings cannot in any thing more imitate the Divine Majesty then in rendring themselves admired amongst men by their magnificent Actions to which purpose a noble expence doth extraordinarily much conduce Intreagues of the English Embassadour with some Ladies of the Court discovered by the Cardinal THe great Delays which were used in the Court of Rome in the procuring of the dispense for the Marriage forced the English Embassadour to a long stay in France Now whether it were for diversion or to make any advantage by their stay they strook into acquaintance with certain Ladies under pretence of Gallantry but indeed that they might dive into the particular Affairs of France and to get into the Power of such who were able to make Intreagues that they might do something as occasion should serve for their Masters advantage Their meetings were so frequent that it gave a cause of suspicion especially to those who were not ignorant that Women do neither want Craft or Malice in their Souls to raise Factions and foment them There were many entertainments made at the Court to serve for a pretext to their interviews It was well known that there had been divers Essays made to gain such persons as were near to those Ladies and had some share in their beleef and withall some small beginnings of discontent insomuch that the King was acquainted with it and concern'd to redress it by removing some of those Ladies further of amongst others the Dame de Vervet was one and to fore-see that the excesse of their conservation might not produce other effects then those of Gallantries But as they verily beleeved the Cardinal to have been the Promoter of his Majesties resolution in that thing so they conceived so great a hatred against him that they had much ado to be induced to pardon him though hee did not for his part much trouble himself at it for that he onely acted for the service of his King and the good of the State Politique Observation THough Women are evidently known by Wise men to be incapable of conducting any great Affairs yet they are sufficiently able to breed divisions and broyls as also to disclose any secrets Their Souls are naturally replenished all over with deceit to insnare and that Love in which they are dexteriously skilfull to ingage men gives them so absolute an Empire over them that there is hardly any thing which they cannot discover or perswade them to do if once they make it their business That weakness of theirs which layes them open to be Preyed upon is the thing which gives them most Power over mens Souls were they but a little stronger to defend themselves from the contrivances of those who have designs upon them they
had made provision for all those difficulties which have risen ever since and that he desired the execution of it as to the Cessation of Arms that he could by no means hearken to it by reason of the prejudice it would bee to himself and his Allies and the great advantage those of the adverse Party might make out of it This was the sum of what passed on both sides The King adding in conclusion that he would send some one of his Councel to wait on him and try if there might be found out any way of accommodation Within a few dayes the Cardinal the Marshal de Schomberg the Sieur de Herbant Secretary of State went to wait on the Legate from the King and upon a conference he came to these two points The first was to demand the cessation of Arms in Italy and the t'other concern'd the giving his Holyness satisfaction pressing that the places in the Valtoline might be delivered into the Popes hands and that the King should make some excuses to him for the proceedings of the Marquis de Coeures Mâ—nsiâ—ur the Cardinal answered that the King had declared openly enough in his audience his intensions concerning the cessation of Arms in Italy and that if he should submit to it it would be a means of giving his enemies time and leisure to gather their forces together and to fortifie themselves against his Majesty and his Allyes That the Peace would as easily be concluded on as the War if either party would but hearken to Reason seeing the principal difficulties of State had been concluded in the Treaty of Madrid That there need nothing but some provision to be made in point of Religion to which his Majesty was much inclined That as to what he desired satisfaction in to his Holyness his answer was his Majesty never having consented to the deposit in his Holyness hands any longer then the time limited in which he ought to have caused the Treaty of Madrid to have been executed his Holyness had not any reason to complain and especially too considering the several declarations which had been made by the Sieur de Bethun in his Majesties name That the King could not any longer suffer the Grisons to be dispossessed of those Forts which did belong unto them Declarations which his Holyness himself thought to be reasonable for that he had upon them sent for the Spaniards to chide them for it Besides the respect which the Marquis de Coeures shewed to his Holynesse's Arms and Ensigns in the eye of the whole world did defend him from any blame which might be layd to his charge for having been defective in giving due honour to the holy Chair But that notwithstanding all these things his Majesty did bear so great a reverence to his Holyness that he would cause his Ambassadour to say all those words of respect and civility which should be thought fit as also that after the peace should be concluded his Majesty would consent to deliver up into his Holyness's hands the Fort of Chiâ—nuennes provided that the Spaniards would at the same time do the like by that of Rive to the intent both of them might be demolished which once done he would deliver all the rest up one after another until they were every one razed and that this was the most could be hoped for The Legat had other audiences and other conferences past between him and the Ministers where nothing more was proposed nor answered But the King being at Fountainbleau the Legate made a third proposition which concerned the security of the Catholique Religion in the Valâ—oline requiring for that purpose that the Soveraignty of the Grisons over the Valtolines should be moderated without which he supposed there could be no settlement His Majesty clearly declared unto him that the Interests of State and Religion were not to be mingled and that he would never grant any thing that might impair the Soveraignty of the Grisons his Allies over the Valtoline A while after he caused a conference to be had betwixt him and the Ministers upon that subject where having made the same proposition the Cardinal delated hmself upon the reasons of the Kings answer and told the Legat that his Majesty having taken the protection of the Grisons he could not consent to the diminition of their Soveraignty especially since it had been conferred unto them by the Treaty of Madrid since which time nothing had been altered in point of Religion That the Treaty was to be observed and that his Majesty could not depart from it without staining his Honour and Reputation offering notwithstanding his authority to give all sort of security and freedom to the Catholique Religion The Legat then declared the Pope was Head of the Church and could not suffer that the Valtolines should he reduced under the dominion of the Grisons and that his Holyness having consulted with some of the Clergy at Rome they had told him that in conscience he could not consent thereunto The Cardinal was not wanting to tell him that the divine Laws did oblige the Redelivery of that which did justly belong to a Soveraign of what Religion soever he be so there could be no scruple of conscience for the restoring of the Valtolines to the Grisons their lawful Masters and that in effect the Treaty of Madrid by which it was granted to them had been approved of at Rome by the Pope as also the sayd Treaty had not been resolved on but after a consultation with the Clergy who found no difficulty in the thing and that the truth being still the same his Holyness had not any reason to be scrupulous of it at this present This the Cardinal spake so smartly that the Legat perceived that there was no more to be expected in that particular so that from that time forward they were finding out new waies for the security of Religion yet still declaring he would not recede from his first Proposals but under the Pope and holy See's censure He proposed several Articles upon that score to which the King assented That leaving the Soveraignty to the Grisons which lawfully belonged to them there should be such provision made for the safety of the Catholiques in the Valtoline that the Grisons should give them full liberty for the exercise of their Religion that they should not send any Governours amongst them but such as were Roman Catholiques that all degrees both Secular and Regular might inhabit there with all kind of Freedom that no Heretiques or their Adherents should buy Houses nor that those who had then any in possession should any longer live there or enjoy their goods but onely in the behalf of Catholiques To be short that there might be a perpetual establishment of the whole businesse his Majesty promised to become pledge for the Grisons and to perswade them to consent to the utter loss of their Soveraignty in the Valtoline in case they should break the conditions of which the Pope and his
affect his own Kindred deserveth not the affections of any others and will also give more assurance to his Government by defending him from any insurrections which might be made by them And this is the more considerable as Tacitus saith for that it is ordinary with the people to have a particular affection for the Kindred of a Prince when they shall see them hated without any just cause or reason exemplyfying the Love which the people of Rome did bear to Germanicus which increased in them by the hatred which was born to him by Tiberius and it cannot be doubted but that the particular affection with which the people love them may give them great advantages to embroyl the State and may serve for a strong prop to their revolts It cannot be avoyded but that Princes nearly related to a Soveraign must have some hand in the Government of Affairs and must partake with him in the Honours of the State how can it then be done in a good order unless they live in a fair correspondence with one another What way can a vessel goe when as they who guide it do some row towards the Poop and others towards the Prow despising the Pilots orders so that the vessel becomes exposed to be wracked And what may there be expected from a State where the Princes of the Blood Royal who have the Government of the Provinces fall off from his Majesties designs and interests engaging themselves in Factions and Parties Doth it not by this means absolutely expose the State to Civil Wars which being left at random by this disunion becomes a prey to strangers who will be sure to take advantage of it The sending of the Sieur de Blainville into England in the quality of Extraordinary Ambassadour THough the Allyance which had so lately been contracted with England seemed to be indissolvable by the confirming of it with the Mariage of the Princess yet it was not long before some grounds did arise to obstruct their good correspondency The great confidence which the Queen of England had in certain Ladies who had been a long while near and about her as also in certain Ecclesiastiques a little too inconsiderate in their zeal was in part the occasion of it for they giving her advices which were not alwaies accompanied with Prudence did clash with the King her Husbands humour and were upon the point of breeding some differences between them The King did not much wonder at it having of a long time known how little considerable womens counsels ordinarily are and how they commonly end in some broyl unless there be some one near them who may prevent it by the reputation and credit which he hath amongst them But however it did not hinder his Majesty from dispatching the Sieur de Blanville his Extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England that he might take some course before the inconsiderateness of those persons who were about the Queen had caused any more mischiefs which was the easilier to be done in regard the Queen wanted neither Respect nor Love for the King her Husband and was onely to be blamed for having relyed a little too much upon those who were given to her to be her Counsel But this was not all there was another cause of difference between the two Crowns which was this The Sieur de Soubize having fled into England and there saved himself had taken in times of Peace and against the approval too of those of Rochel a small vessel called the little Saint John at the Port of Blavet which he afterwards carried to Plymouth And not long after the English had detained and unladen another Ship at Dover called the Merchant Royal full laden with goods to the value of twelve hundred thousand Liuvers This kind of acting was as strange as unjust and a great noise it made The French Merchants not being able to get a satisfactory answer in it because the Sieur de Blainville's demands were sent to the Council of his Majesty of Great Britain seised upon some English Ships which exasperated them afresh and hindred the resolution of any thing untill the following year Politique Observation ALthough the common end of private Mariages tend to concluding of Peace amongst Families yet it is not alwaies the same thing with Princes They do never make up any Matches but on the score of Interests and if any cause of difference arise amongst them they do not at all value their Alliances but it is well known that those Wars which have been between such Princes have ever been the most bloody It was imagined that those many Contracts which had been made between the Princes of the House of Orleance and those of Burgogne would have extinguished the fire of their Quarrels but the sequel made it apparent they all served to no purpose Lewis the Moor Duke of Milan was near a kin to the Arragonois of Naples yet he undid them by his intreagues And who knoweth not that France never had such great Quarrels either with Spain or England as when they were allyed by some Mariage And indeed it ought not to seem strange for a Soveraign hath no Kinsman so nearly related to him as his State A private man may govern himself according to the Rules of Friendship but it is otherwise with a Soveraign who is obliged to preserve the Rights of his Crown against every one His reputation is of so great concern towards the good of his Affairs that he may not suffer any injury to be offered to it which he is not bound to repell by any wayes whatsoever The Treasuries are better regulated by the Cardinals care THey who have had particular knowledge of things ever since ten years last past could not sufficiently wonder at those vast charges which the State had been put to both by maintaining so many Armies together in Languedoc in Poictu in the Valtoline and Italy as also in the Match with England and defraying of Ambassadors expences together with Alliances with States considering that the Cardinal entring upon the Administration had found the Treasury not onely exhausted but likewise much indebted so that they lived upon the next years Revenues This was an effect of that great Ministers prudence who knowing how necessary it was for a State to have a good mass of Mony in reserve had quickly so setled the Treasuries that there was great plenty succeeded that former want The Secretaries of State were commanded not to seal any more Orders but by express command from the King or his Chief Ministers The Superintendants were also ordered not to authorize those which should be presented from the Secretaries of State but upon good and just consideration There were divers persons removed from Court who attended there to no intent or purpose but only had sometimes the honour to see the King Rewards were kept for those who deserved them by their services There were also new orders taken at the same time concerning the Treasuries which were so
perfection the design of uniting the Auseatique Towns and the Princes of Germany and accordingly his Majesty sent them Troops and Forces and such monies as he had ingaged to them as also to keep an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men upon the Frontiers of Campaign to ingage some part of the Emperours forces to stay in Alsatia by which means he might give the more advantage to those of the League who did in the revolution of the year make a great progresse by this means against the Emperours Armies It is the highest peece of Prudence to assault ones enemy by a third Person IF it is advantagious for the King to settle a Peace at home in his own Kingdome it will be no lesse needfull for him to drive on some War among his neighbouring Princes to the intent that they being forced to defend themselves might be so prevented from attempting any thing against France It is one of the best peeces of Policy for which Lewis the eleventh is commended in History for he knowing the designs which the English and the Duke of Bourgogne had contrived against him did raise them so many new broyls that he hrought them to an impossibility of executing their wicked intensions against him Above all this one means ought to be made use of when as a Soveraign doth once begin to grow so Potent by his Arms that he becomes terrible by reason of his Victories The safety of States doth consist in the equality of the neighbouring Princes and there is great reason of fear if any one of them shall grow to be too Potent for that Ambition which is natural to all Princes cannot well contain it self within bounds when it is once accompanied with Power It is the highest point of Wisedome to assault ones enemy by a third hand to raise a League against him in which one is not any thing concerned but onely to contribute some monies or send some Troops thither which may be as occasion serves disowned for is not this the way to obtain the end which a man doth propose without any great expence and without putting any thing in hazard or danger An Enemy is sometimes overcome by this way with more advantage then if the whole force of a State had been imployed against him at least he will by this means be so busied that he will not have any time to think of attempting any thing on his neighbours but rather how he may best defend himself and yet one is not all this while forced to break with him but preserveth Peace in his own Country one is at little or no charge and the Souldiers will be spent who under go many great inconveniences in strange Countries The Embassadour who is to negotiate such a Treaty after he hath resolved upon and set down this truth for the foundation of his good successe That Princes have no other motives in their designs then their own particular Interest is obliged to induce them to whom he is sent to have a good opinion in his Audiences and to represent all those things and reasons which may further and countenance the design which he would insinnuate and perswade them to He ought to let them know that the Peace in which a great Prince is left doth raise great suspicions and serves to no other end but onely to augment his Force and establish his Power that not long after he may attempt new designs That many Princes have in fine been ruined by being two great Lovers of the Sweets of Peace That it is much better to prevent an Enemy then to stay in expectation of him by which means he may be taken unprovided and consequently be the easilier ruined whereas staying for him will give the lesse abilities to our selves for our defences by letting him take what advantages he pleaseth against us That those who love quiet in an over great measure do never subsist long for it is to their enemies a most evident sign of little courage and lesse resolution to repulse any attempts which may be made upon them That nothing is more shamefull then a Peace which giveth way to our enemies to fortifie themselves for the commencing a War and that he who neglecteth first to fall on them when he hath reason on his side both but adde to their Insolences and Courages That a false glosse of Peace will at last deprave into a base and true servitude That after all it will be easie for them to vanquish and overcome their enemies if they will joyn and unite their Forces for by every ones contributing the to War they will have a greater power and with lesse charge then their enemies That it will be very honourable and glorious for them to have curbed his Ambition whose Arms begin to strike a terrour into all the World and by thus insinuating to them the glory utility and facility of the design they cannot but let themselves be perswaded to ingage in it with a great deal of readinesse and affection Combinations of divers Grandees of the Court against the King and State IT is as impossible long to keep France in quiet as to prevent the agitation of the Sea by Winds The humour of the French is full of Action and they are no sooner clear of one broyl or War but they are desirous of beginning another The Cardinal had used his utmost indeavour to settle the Kingdome in quiet but divers young Princes and Lords of the Court not able to relish the sweetnesse of such a Calm did still ingage it in some new Commotions Peace indeed did not so much grate upon their humours as the cause which gave it which was nothing else but the Authority with which his Majesty dispatched the Affairs of the Realm and the necessities which he layed upon them to live within the limits of their duties Now as they had much adoe to submit after they had many years lived in an intire licentiousnesse they resolved to employ all their indeavours to shake off the yoke The most expert amongst them acquainted the rest how the Cardinal was the man who had perswaded his Majesty to take this power into his own hands whence if followed that they layed their heads together and contrived how they might bring him into some disgrace or remove him by what means soever it were from the Stern As their design was extravagant so the wayes which they proposed to accomplish it were extreamly difficult They despaired of doing any good upon the Kings mind towards it for that he was too clear sighted not to be mindfull of those signal advantages which he had received from the sage advices of this great Minister and too too indulgent of his States good to deprive it of so prudent a supporter so that they concluded there remained onely 2 ways proper to attain their end The first was to put all things into confusion then to force the Scepter out of the Kings hand by which means they might bring
publick That gentlenesse which is shewed to the Ring-leaders of a Conspiracy is a dangerous cruelty to the State Cato was of opinion that they who did not hinder evil-doers when they might do it by chastizing them ought themselves to be punished For that were to encourage their abettors to follow their evil examples it is true Arostole saith The subjects love is the chief foundation of Royal Authority and that they are not easily induced to love Kings unlesse upon their owne advantage And it is very necessary for them to punish the factions without which they would be hourly exposed to the dangers of civil war which are the cause of the greatest misfortunes that can afflict a State And the same Philosopher in his Morals esteemeth him uncapable to command who is never angry but affects to shew himself merciful on all occasions whatsoever To speak truth a King is bound to shew as much severity to them whom the publique Interest obligeth to be chastised as bounty to them that keep themself within their duties It is the onely means saith Tacitus in his Annals to render him as well feared by the wicked as esteemed and honoured by the good who receive no lesse satisfaction in the punishment of crimes than in the receiving of those rewards which art due to their virtue The Sentence of death passed against the Sieur de Chalais THe King comitted the tryal of Chalais rather to a Chamber of Justice than any private Court not onely because he would have it expedited it being improper to be delayed but also to keep private the names of his Confiderates and their designs which were dangerous to be published His Majesty made the Lord keeper Marillac President and appointed for Judges the Sieurs de Cusse and Brie Presidents of the Parliament of Britain The Sieurs Fonquet Marchant Chriqueville Master of Request and six Councellors of the Parliament of Britain They met several times for instruction of the Processe Chalais was often times examined and having found by discourse with several people with whom he conversed that there was full information made of all his wicked designs he confessed not onely what was conteined in Monsieurs Declaration but withal divers other things of which Lorrain accused him and which were testified by Monsieur de Bellegarde Le Sieur d'Effiat by the Maust exempt who had the charge of his person and by one of the Life-guard to all which he made no denial being brought face to face He discovered the Major part of his Associates he confessed that he would have carried Monsieur from the Court that he would have perswaded him to take up arms to hold Intelligence with the Governours and Hugonots to make himself Master of Havre Mets and diverse other places of the Kingdome and withal that being once at a Council where the grand Prior and those of his faction were present he proposed to them to take the Marshal d'Ornano out of prison to poniard the Cardinal and then to fly into Flanders thinking that this once done they might easily obtain all their desires There were several other charges produced against him and amongst others certain letters from the Sieur de Moison the Kings Resident with the Countesse of Hanault in Germany and of the Sieur de Vatembourg his Majesties Resident with the Emperour by which they gave advice of the Marshal d'Ornano's conspiracy of certain letters which Chalais had writ to the Dutchesse de Chevreuse in Biscay in which there were discourses to the Kings dishonour and also certain letters in characters to the same Lady the Declaration of Monsieur the Kings Brother and the informations of the Vice-Seneschal de Moulins These enermous crimes rendred him guilty and worthy of death in regard he was the Kings Domestique Servant and that he had the honour to be in a charge which obliged him to be alwayes near his Majesties person Justice could not save him and the several relapses which proceeded from the fiercenesse and ambition of his Spirit tied up the Kings Arms from mercy So this Chamber of Justice condemned him to be attainted and convicted decrimine lesae Majestatis and to be beheaded in the Befroy of Nantes That his head should be put upon a spear over the gate of Sanvetour that his body should be quartered into four parts and hung upon the four principal places of the City that his posterity should be ignoble and of the Yeomantry His houses raized and that for the farther discovery of all his Abettors he should be put on the Rack But the Kings clemency seconded by the affection which he alwayes had for him moderated the judgment and onely commanded his head to be cut off and that they should shew him the Rack but not torture him They who understood not that the whole Intreague was discovered or that there were sufficient poofs to convict him were astonished that he should so freely confesse those crimes whereof he was accused and withal some were so bold to report that he had confessed his crimes thus frankly upon the Cardinals suggestian and perswading him to believe that it was the onely means to obtain the Kings favour the attainment of which he gave him great cause to hope for But there need no other proof for conviction of this lye than the answer which Chalais made to the Sieurs des Cartes de Lourie Councellors of the Parliament both persons of a clear reputation and entrusted to exame him after judgment had passed upon him who having told him that a report was spread abroad that he had confessed his crimes wherewith he was charged partly through fear and partly through hope of life conjured him he being now shortly to render an account of his actions before God to discover if it were so or not or if he had impeached any one in prejudice to the truth and his conscience and had no other answer from him but that what he had said was truth excepting onely where he had in anger spoke too hardly against Madam de Chevreuse who had given him no reason for it and that he should be very wicked and sencelesse to discover so many horrible crimes to clear himself and charge innocent persons and all for the satisfaction of another mans passion This proof was so much the more certain in regard it proceeded from the last passages of his life in which he testified that he would dispose himself by a true repentance to obtain pardon from God of his faults There was hereupon great reason to admire the Kings clemency seeing that he might in justice imprison and punish diverse Grandees of the Court whom he had accused who were no small number but his Majesty in stead of Publishing their design was pleased to punish all their great faults in one man onely keeping some in prison and sending Madam de Chevreuse into Lorraine not having ground to hope that she could live in the Court and not raise new broyles Politique Observation
giving Laws to his Country Thales one of the Sages of Greece made no difficulty to imploy part of his time therein and Plato himself did the same thing to get the charges of his voyage into Egypt by carrying Oyls thither to sell that he might purchase knowledge Withall we live not now so much by the Commerce of Elements as by that of Gold and Silver those are the great Springs which more all the rest and without them Kingdomes can neither be Potent in War or flourish in Peace Politicians acknowledge them for the Sinews of War and as for Peace never any poor State was yet considerable or ever came to any great height and what brings greater riches then Commerce France aboundeth in many sorts of Grain but wanteth Gold and Silver Now the onely means which it hath to come by it is to send abroad to its neighbours who want many of those commodities what it can well spare by way of Commerce a means so powerfull that sending onely what is superfluous it may bring in the greatest part of their wealth Monsieur the Cardinal is made by the King grand Master and Super-intendent of the Traffique and Commerce of France IT was necessary upon setling the Company of Trade to appoint them a head who might have a full power amongst them and whose reputation and knowledge might countenance their undertakings it being most certain that such designs as are out of the common road fall to nothing if not upheld by some particular favour or an extraordinary understanding To the Admirals care it could not be committed unlesse their speedy ruine had been intended for that he assumed of late so great a power over all Traders that instead of assisting he undid them The onely difficulty was that it being fit the head of this Company should be absolute there would every day arise some disputes between the Admiral and him but the King to avoid this inconvenience was of opinion rather to cease the Admiralty then to break off the setling of Trade for that the Admirals were no lesse chargeable to the State then to the Merchants they drawing at least one hundred thousand Livres out of the Treasury every year without any advantage by it Hereupon the King resolved about the beginning of the year to take the Admiralty out of Montmorency's hands who seemed willing enough to part with it by his readinesse to treat thereupon and in conclusion he had a good round sum paid him for it This resolution was of such concernment that without it not onely the Trading of France had been quite broke but the Kings Subjects had been lyable to dayly Inroads and Pillagings for that of late years above four thousand Christians had been been made Slaves by the Turks above one hundred Vessels taken sunk and burned by which means a great many families were brought to Beggery The King too good just and generous to suffer such injuries which by diminishing his Peoples goods did no lesse take off from his reputation and glory resolved to contrive some remedy for it It was ordered that the Admiralty should be suppressed and that a chief grand Master and super-intendent of Commerce of France should be set up instead of it endowing him with full power to execute the Office of Admiral in such cases as might advantage the benefit of Trade or the Kingdom and cutting off all other power which might prejudice either of them There was now onely wanting a person of quality to execute this charge who ought to be resolute and clear from all private Interest in regard of honour or the publick good The Cardinal had made it apparent that these qualifications are eminent in himself so his Majesty made choice of him who accepted of it but in receiving the Office he would not take those Allowances and Pays which had formerly been due to the Admiralty for that his Majesty had suppressed that Office partly to save the expence of it so that instead of contracting any charge in this new Office his Majesty saved above one hundred thousand Livres per annum heretofore assigned to the Admiralty besides he had now the power of commanding his Fleets wheresoever he pleased but before the command of them was annexed to the Admirals though they were not indued with qualifications necessary for such a charge and which is most to be observed that though the Cardinal might as easily have obtained the Office of Admiral and executed it with the same advantage for the King the benefit of France and Trade as that of super-intendent of the Sea yet he waved that honour and contended himself with the means to serve him in a condition lesse honourable and lesse subject to emulation Politique Observation IT is great discretion in a Minister to wave those Titles which onely serve by reason of their noise to expose him unto Envy They are but low Souls which affect ayry Titles neither do they consider how that by ambition they do provoke Fortune and instead of making their authority respected they do most commonly render themselves ridiculous in the eyes of all wise men Modesty is the thing which makes greatness honoured whereas ostentation offending every one atracts the hatred of all the World and becomes insupportable Who so is advanced to any eminent pitch of Honour ought to imitate great Rivers which glide a long with little murmuring though great profit to the people whereas torrents being lesse profitable do perpetually vex the head with their noise Great men ought more especially to shun such titles of Honour as may render them odious Scipio Affricanus a man who wanted neither courage nor discretion gave us a notable example of this particular as Titus Livy hath observed when as the Spaniards called him King and he refused that little which he knew would be dis-rellished by the Commonwealth and told them that that of General of the Army was the greatest Honour he did aspire to That having indeed a royall soul he should not much take it amisse if they thought him worthy of that Honour but he beseeched them to forbear the other least that might breed a jealousie upon his Person Did not Augustus in the same manner testifie a great deal of Prudence when in taking upon him the Emperial Crown he refused to be called Emperours and contented himself with the name of Prince which could not exasperate the Roman people it being a name in use amongst them and a fashion to create a Prince of the Senate his discretion told him That the Romans would easilier undergo slavery it self then the name of it and therefore he would prudently sweeten the displeasure which they might apprehend at their being brought under his command by a Title full of modesty He also aimed at the names of Consul Father of his Country Tribune and High Priests only because the people did not mislike them designing rather to add a new power to an old Title then to assume upon himself such odious
qualifications as would only render his power feared and redoubted An Assembly at Paris to redress disorders of State THe setlement of Trade was sufficient to bring great profit to the Kingdom but it was likewise necessary to use divers other means for the raising of it to it's height and greatness The King had long before concluded on it but finding himself unfurnished of a Minister to put it in execution the affairs had still continued in some lameness until at last seeing himself assisted by the Cardinal he resolved to assemble the Chief Officers of his Kingdom especially those who had acquired most experience and shewed best conduct in affairs And for the better resolving upon the means he appointed them to attend him a Paris where being met together his Majesty himself opened the reasons of their Assembling upon the second of Deceâ—ber in the Thuillâ—ries He was pleased to tell them That he had called them together to provide some remedies against the disorders of the State and that the Lord Chancellor should farther acquaint them with the rest of his desires and the Lord Chancellor beginning his speech represented to them the great disorders that had crept into the Kingdom whilst the King was imployed abroad to repel his enemies and the great expences he was at for the keeping up of his Armies and then told them that his Majesty was resolved for the establishing of the Kingdom in its ancient splendour to employ powerful redresses and so to regulate his Treasuries that there might alwayes be a sufficient foundation to supply the occasions of the State without being forced to overcharge the people as of late He gave them to understand that the King was contriving to lessen the expences of his house and even those which he was at for the paying of several Garrisons in places of no importance which he was resolved to dismantle To settle Trade with â—ll possible advantages for the enriching of his subjects So to govern his Souldiers both in garrison and the field that his subjects might be no more oppressed upon which it chiefly was that his Majesty had desired their advices When he had concluded the Cadinal made a most excellent speech in which his eloquence was no lesse to be admired at then his prudence He laid before that Illustrious Assembly how visibly God had made use of his Majesty to atchieve that in a little time for the publique good which many thought impossible to have been effected in an age He gave them to understand that as there had been great charges and expences so the King and Queen had received very great advantages by it in relation to that Honour and Glory which is due to them and that if any good successe had at any time happened it was only the dawning of those resolutions which his Majesty had taken for the easing of his people and restating the Kingdom in its former Splendor That as only God can make something out of nothing so it was necessary to lay a good foundation in the Treasury and to that end to cut off from the extravagant expenses and add to the receipts or indeed to do both at once He shewed them how that every one regarding the advancement of his own private Interest it might possibly provoke some to anger if their expences were moderated but he added withal that no one could justly complain at it since nothing was to be preferred before the Publique good and that the King and Queen Mother were both resolved to give a good example by contracting the expences of their families He told them that if in great tempests there was sometimes a necessary to part with the goods to ease the vessel and defend her from shipwrack prudence did direct the like thing in a State Which ought not to be cast away for the preservation of any ones particular good and that they themselves were bound in reason to conform themselves to the resolution thereof for that it is impossible private and particular mens plenty and Riches should long last when the State is poor and needy in fine he told them that setling a good government in the Affairs and Treasuries they would in a very few years find both the King and Kingdom raised to a greater pitch of glory then ever it had formerly been but he added it would not be so necessary to order such things unlesse they were really put in execution That the glory of setling the Nation being reserved for his Majesty they who were deputies ought to esteem it a great Honour done them in that he gave them part of it and that for his own particular he should esteem himself most happy to dye in the prosecution of so glorious a design After this first overture the King sent divers proposals to the Assembly by his Solicitor General upon all which such courses were resolved as were thought most necessary for the setlement of the State But it was first of all concluded what order should be observed in the levying of men as also for the maintaining of them in such order that the Country man might not be injured by them It was thought fit to keep two Armies in readiness of between eighteen and twenty thousand foot and two thousand Horse as well to secure the Publique Peace as to support the Kings Authority and also to keep Forreigners in a due respect It is true there were sufficient means found out to prevent the peoples damage but it was to be doubted that the Souldiers would not so readily observe those commands which his Majesty had been so careful to order Next of all it was considered what unnecessary expences of the State should be cut off as well to pay off two and fifty Millions of Livers which the Exchequer was indebt as also to acquit the charges of the Nation without increasing the taxes In order to which it was thought fit to contract the expences of the King and Queens Families according to the resolution taken before the late Kings death Not to exceed the sum of two Millions in Pensions which was the sum appointed by the late King Henry the Great for that business and lastly the Assembly proposed to his Majesty the dismantelling of a great number of strong places which being in the heart of the Kingdom or at least remote from the Frontiers did only serve to countenance Rebellions and consume a vast sum of mony for payment of the Garrison Souldiers and building unnecessary Fortifications There was also care taken with reference to his Majesties good pleasure for the relief of divers poor Gentlemen Captains and Souldiers wounded in his Majesties service And at last the Assembly made earnest request to his Majesty that he would for the future prevent those revolts of the Grandees which were commonly made every year to the great trouble of the State and that he would punish some for example sake who had the Boldnesse to take up Arms against his Authority or to divide
by the Treaty of Monpellier Fort Lewis ought to have been demollished but with all That they had made themselves unworthy of it by their refusal to execute several Articles of the Treaty and amongst others to establish the excercise of the Catholique Religion in their Citty as they had engaged to his Majesty and moreover that the Honest's men of the Citty the most sufficient and such as had most to loose having represented to his Majesty that in case the Fort were slighted They should be exposed to the mercy of the Rascality who would put a thousand outrages and affronts upon them he could not deny their so just a request Besides the sixth Article of Peace granted them in February last year did expresly say that his Majesty would not assent to the destroying of that Fort They were also told That being subjects of his Majesty they had no cause to complain of the Commissaries being there especially seeing one of them too was of their own Religion and that they had not been then there but for those delayes which were by them made in the execution of the Treaty As to the quartering of Troops about their City and the adjacent Isles it was answered That they had no reason at all to complain of it for that they gave the occasion by their daily mutenies by their slow proceedings in the demolishing of Fort Tadon and which they did so slightly too that it was an easie matter to repair it and that last of all those Troops living very civilly they enjoyed the self same liberty which his Majesties subjects did many other Town where there was a garison and that they could not think it strange his Majesty should so watch them who had so often revolted after several protestations of obedience to procure his pardon for their faults But nothing would satisfie them so that finding they could not procure their desiers they concluded to prosecute it with Arms and to form themselves into a Commonwealth Politique Observation JT is neither safe nor Just for a City born under a Regal power to shake off that obedience and become a Commonwealth The injustice of them who should attempt so to do cannot be defended seeing Kings are the Lively Images of the God head Livenants of his power and that he hath subjected people in such dependancies that no one but himself alone can revoke their Commission I advise thee saith the Wiseman to have a care of the Kings mouth and to keep the oath that thou hast sworn unto him beware that thou withdraw not thy self from his power or slight his commands for otherwise he will deal with thee as he listeth and no one can say unto him What doest thou And as this Procedure is very unjust so it is not safe for them who would ingage in it for that no Government is so bad as a Popular There is indeed a certain kind of apparent liberty which charmeth and worketh upon the Souls of them who do not under stand it but it is most sure that it is a liberty which exposeth a City to the greatest misfortunes that can befall to it All Kings propose Honour and the Publique good for the end of their Government knowing all their glory depends thereupon whereas in a Popular State every one proposeth his own particular advantage and by that he measureth the Weal Publique and then comes Honour in the very rear of all other thoughts Wise discreet Counsels are so little esteemed in Popular States that they cannot remedie any inconvenience though accompanied with a very little difficulty For though in State affairs most voyces ought to be considered yet it is not to be thought in point of number but the Prudence of them who Judge whereas admitting the people to be Master most voyces carrieth it clear from the rest though better grounded by far The Senate of Rome chose rather to allot Tribunes to the people by whose mouths they might deliver their opinion then to leave them in a Licentions power concluding that though the Authority of those Tribunes would be in some sort superlative yet that it would be much more supportable then that of the people that many headed beast which having no Judgment loveth change and mooveth more by impetuosity then reason This Beast nourisheth it self with a thousand vain hopes its designs are accompanied with fury when the danger is farthest off but soon looseth his courage when brought upon peril and as it hath but a small portion of abilities so it knoweth not who are men of understanding or who do them good service Whence it doeth ordinarily well reward such as do them ill service and ill reward such as do them good service Was it not heretofore seen that the Athenian banished Miltiades ordered him to pay a great fine and kept him in durance until he had paid it as a reward for having with ten thousand men saved their City from a dangerous siedge and beaten one hundred and ten thousand Persians by his good Conduct The like they did to Themistocles Aristâ—der Alcibiades and divers other Captains who had served them very eminently without any regard had to their services He that would esteem a Popular Authority ought not to know what it is And Agesilaus did wisely answer one who would have changed the Goverment of Parthia into a democracy when he advised him only to set up a Demoraty in his own Dominion which would discover to him the rashness and disorder of a Popular Government The Designs of the Duke of Rohan in Languedoc THe Duke of Rohan discontented for that he had made no advantage by the Peace at least to render himself the more considerable did not a little foment those Mutinies of the Rochelois to which end he under hand sowed divisions among the Consuls of the Chief Hugonot Towns in Languedoc and some he made for his own party that they might lead the people to rebel when ever he should hold up his finger but finding that his design did not absolutely take in those parts he resolved to accept of those proffers which the King of Great Britain had made to the Duke of Sonbize his Brother and the deputies of those of his party presently after the Treaty of Peace which had been then newly concluded about the end of the last year They could not away with the putting off the Treaty in execution as to many particular Articles which the discreerest men among them had perswaded them to agree unto They dispatched certain Deputies towards the King of England to beseech him that he would use his power and Authority with the King his Brother in Law to perswade him to demolish Fort St. Lewis which kept them in a wonderful subjection who being presented to him by the Duke de Sonbize who retired himself into England in the year one thousand six hundred twenty and five they were well received and had promises given them of a strong assistance Now the Duke of Rohan not
de Conty his Prisoner of War who concluded the Treaty of Peace with Charles de Bourgogne A Prince is obliged to it if it were only by the Compassion which a noble Courage ever hath of them who are overcome Haloyoneus Son to Antigonus having after a victorie lighted upon Heleneus Phyrrus his Son in a sad deplorable condition cloathed with a Mantle unbefiting his greatness embraced him with all possible kindnesse and having so brought him to Antigonus his Father he did the like But withal he told his Son he had not done all which he was bound to do in leaving that cloak upon his shoulders And at last having restored him to an honorable attendance and treated him with great kindness and humanity he returned him safe to his Kingdome of Epire. The Siege of Rochel AFter the King had obtained this signal victory against the English he bent all his thoughts towards the besiedging of Rochel that with their Wals he might destroy their pride This town as others was at first but little yet the Port being commodious it grew great by Commerce and so insolent after heresie had set its standard there that they would make those priviledges which our Kings had from time to time granted them passe for contracts and to destablish a kind of Commonwealth in the State They durst not openly declare this pretention to the King by their Deputies but their manner of proceeding was an assured proof of it a procedure the more insupportable in that it was the support of all factions both of the Hugonot party and the Grandees of the Kingdome upon any discontents Their Rebellion was become natural and shortly after this they auguented their Crimes by calling in the English to protect their offences Some rich Merchants indeed there were who having somewhat to loose would have been contented to be quiet but on the otherside it was filled with store of Sea men surely and proud as also very poor who having nothing wherein to employ themselves proposed that they might be at more ease to make an insurrection in the Town concerning their priviledges In order to this design they made a Manifest to spread abroad their complaints as a poyson in the minds of the Ignorant People of the Hugonots party which might induce them to take up Arms and to shake of the yoak of obedience This resolution of theirs took them off from paying any respect to the King They drove out the Sieur Doux Maistre des Requests sent by his Majesty to them in quality of super intendent of Justice with so much violence and outrage that they threatned to throw him into the Sea They openly assisted the English in whatever was within their power They solemnly buried the English Lords and Gentlemen and such French Rebels as were killed at the Landing on Ree They sent Londriere with three hundred men to second the English when they found themselves too weak in Ree They received Madam de Rohan the Mother and the Sieur de Soubize who assisted at their assemblies and enflamed them more and more There was no reason longer to suffer these things unpunished The King about the beginning of August when they declared themselves so openly for the English made his approaches upon the Town several companies of the Regiment of the guard with two other Regiments and two hundred Horse were sent before it The Duke d'Angoulesme began to work upon the Fort De La Moulinette to lodge Forces there as well as in that of Fort Lewis They requested the Sieur de Commings Captain of the Regiment of the guard that he would come to their assembly to advise upon some means of accommodation and as they saw no Declaration of an absolute siege until the English were forced from Ree they thought to be excused as heretofore by renewing their Protestations of fidelily But their words were not to be believed All their proposals tended onely to comfirm their resolutions against the King His Majesty thereupon after the defeat of the English took his last resolution of forcing them to acknowledge their faults and to live within their bounds by a strong siege The Order of the whole circumvallation was prescribed by his Majesty he raised 13 Forts and several redoubts upon the Trenches the circuit of which were three Leagues or there about all out of musquet or falcon shot but not of Cannon The Kings design was by making these works to compel them by famine and necessity to surrender neither did they much trouble themselves to hinder their work by their Sallies upon hope of being easily releeved by Sea forsomuch as they were soon finished by the care of the Cardinal and the Marshals de Scomberg and Bassompierre His Majesty being well assured of their faithfulnesse would not imploy any other persons indifferently as formerly had been done in Charles the ninth's time and that so inconsiderately that the very Commanders of the Siege had no desire to take the Town This circumrallation thus finished cut off all releef by Land and it happened that having supplied the English with a good part of their provsions they had been quickly brought by necessity to surrender had they not been assisted by Sea But shortly after they were so close blocked up there too that they durst not shew their heads Politique Observation IT is equally base and inconsiderate to suffer the insolencie of a City which not contented to revolt against its Soveraign alone doth also call in strangers to uphold their Rebellion After the reducing of them by fair means hath been tryed to no purpose then ought all forcible means be used to bring then within their bounds That King who is deficient in this particular will soon find himself exposed to scorn both in his designs at home by his neighbours and in prosecution he will inevitably find both one and the other take up arms against him His neighbours if they know his aversion to war and how unwilling he is to appear in the field will soon rush in upon him and a party once accustomed to revolts and permitted to attempt against the Soveraign authority will soon shake off the yoak of obedience He ought therefore equality to be disposed both for peace and war He ought to intend nothing more than the chastising of Rebels upon such an occasion The expences dangers and cares ought not to be considered by him It is equally dangerours for a Prince to be more inclined either to war or peace Hence Marius was blamed because he exercised not his authority in times of peace by which means he could never keep the Common-wealth in quiet Perseus lost his Kingdome by slothfulness and to much loving of mony desiring rather to keept in coffers than to expend it in paying Souldiers necessary for his defence Thus he lost his Kingdome and his treasures were ransacked before his face Pipin had never been so bold as to have put his Masters Crown upon his own heads had Childerick loved arms
Prudent States-man ought to make his resolutions and to regulate his Conduct according to circumstances and the advantage of the time present the former would be much found fault with if he should lose the Wind when it is fair and the latter would commit a deplorable over-sight if he should neglect those advantages and opportunities which should present themselves unto him Opportunity is oftentimes of greater advantage then several Troops and Experience hath dayly evidenced to the World that the advantages of time is the onely thing which if laid hold on carrieth great actions to a prosperous issue Nature observeth her time to put forth her works we never see her bedight with Flowers but when the Sun smiles gently upon her just thus is it with a Prudent man he must strike when the Iron is hot and not strike untill it be hot For this reason it was that the Pythagoreans held opportunity to be the first cause of all things and it is but truth that opportunity is that which giveth them all their perfections and causeth them to terminate in a happy successe Antiquity did much esteem of Pittacus his advice which was comprehended in two words onely know thy time that is lose not thy opportunity but make sure of it it being certainly true that the least smile which she bestoweth is the ground-work of great successes above all an enemy ought to be assaulted at his weakest before he be fortified and that his other Troops come to joyn with him The valiant Scipio would no longer defer his fighting with the Carthaginians when he foresaw that if he gave them time Asdrubal would come up and joyn with them which would augment the difficulties to overcome them Marius in the 25 Book of T. Livy resolved to prosecute the enemy because his Prudence fore-told him that in case he deferred it their whole force would in a small time joyn themselves together and then instead of one Captain and one Army he must incounter with three Generals and three Armies Caesar as himself observeth in his first Book of the War with the Gauls having learnt that there were certain forces comming from the Swedes which were to passe the Rhine presently advanced to fight with Anovistus as doubting least if those forces should come up to him he might be too weak to encounter them The King having resolved upon his Italian Expedition commits the Government of the State to the Queen his Mother THe King before he departed from Paris would as reason was settle the affairs of his Kingdome and State in the hand of a person of whom he was well assured He knew that Kings being out of the way gives opportunity to seditious minds to act and stir who in their presence durst not think a thought that way tending Whereupon he concluded it necessary to intrust the management of all things with some one person upon whose Credit Fidelity and Ability he might rely The Cardinal who was never deficient in procuring all kind of honour to the Queen Mother advised his Majesty to fix upon her as he had done at the siege of Rochel though indeed he was but ill requited for his pains it being at that time that she conceived the first seeds of her hatred against him and suffered her self to be deceived by the false Impostures of her and his enemies That which did most of all clash with the Cardinals thoughts in perswading the King to devolve his power upon her was that she still was guided by those very persons who laboured nothing more then the increasing her Majesties hatred against him and who would act to that purpose with so much the more insolency when they found themselves supported by her authority But as he ever preferred his Majesties before his own Interests he did not long stick at it but finding it most fit for the Government of the State he advised his Majesty to resolve upon it For first the Government of the State could not have been left with any other but it would have raised great broils in the State and secondly he had much rather have been thought improvident in fore-seeing that might hurt him then ingratefull in not procuring to her all possible honour lying in his power and lastly he had some reason to hope that the absolute power which his Majesty left with her during his absence might open her eyes to discern with what zeal and fidelity he had served her In fine his Majesty give the Queen his Mother full and absolute power and caused the Commission which he had made for that purpose to bee read in the Parliament Politique Observation NOthing doth so much allay the hatred of a woman as to procure some honour to her for as they are naturally passionate of ruling so there is not any thing doth more please them then power It should seem that nature having created them to obey they become so much the more ambitious of governing both in private families and in States too for either of which they are very improper Hence it is that they arm themselves with fire and anger against all who oppose them unlesse they are mollified and appeased by love next to which nothing doth so much please and satisfie them as the procurement of some extraordinary power and honour unto them It is a long while since a Philosopher said no water doth so readily extinguish the fire of anger as good deeds which as they make a greater impression on the mind by how much they come nearer to their inclination so there is nothing which doth more please or delight them and hence it is that they are the fittest and most dexterous ways to recall and reclaim their unjust and groundlesse anger and displeasure The King chargeth the Lord Keeper Marillac to chuse out the best rules which had been esteemed proper for the good of the Kingdom by the States met at Paris Anno 1614. and to propose them to the Councel to be drawn up into Ordinances AT the same time the King who cherished Justice as the best Flower in his Crown resolved to publish divers Ordinances relating to his peoples good such as he had chosen out of the best rules which had been thought most proper by the States General at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred and fourteen and by the Assembly at Rouen in the year 1617. and at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred twenty six His Majesty knew that God who had put the Scepter into his hands had not more commanded him any one thing than to administer Justice indifferently to all whereupon he gave order to the Lord Keeper to pick out from those rules such choice ones as might be thought most advantagious for his peoples good to propose them to the Counsel that they might be made Ordinances after mature deliberation had upon them all which was done accordingly and thence sent to the Parliament of Paris whether his Majesty went to hear them read in
his presence as his predecessours had used to do who have ordinarily deposited their power into the hands of this assembly as being the chief of the Kingdome and that to which they have alwayes given most power and authority with intent that the people might the more readily give obedience to them Now this Parliament consisting of a great multitude which cannot be without many diversities of opinion some of them made Remonstrances to his Majesty upon several of the Articles presented to them and beseeched his Majesty would grant them time to consider of them The Lord keeper in his lofty humour thinking nothing like his own judgment was offended with them who would contradict what he had resolved on and believing he had another Egerian Nymph which would not let him conclude on any thing but what was conformable to the will of Heaven he perswaded his Majesty with his utmost power not to grant them the time they desired for deliberating on the Articles proposed to them But his Majesty who knew that the greatest Monarques ought to accompany their Authority with Meekness as well as Justice granted them their desires of six month's time to consider of them and to draw up their Remonstrances which however were to be referr'd to his Majesties disposition and judgment Politique Observation AMongst the many and sundry powers which are in the Persons of our Kings as so many Glorious Rayes which encompasse their Majesty Justice is one and one of the greatest Suster The Scepter which they carry in their hand is an Index of it and seems to say that their will is the Rule by which their subjects must be govern'd whence a Lawyer defining Law confoundeth it with the will of the Prince declared to his subjects It is true they hold Justice in their left hands that they may remember their Commands ought alwayes to be accompanied with Equity But besides all this they are not bound to give an accompt to any one It is onely God from whom they receive t heir Scepter and it is to him only that they are to be accomptable for the Reason of those Laws which they establish Their power is high and so absolute that there is no refusing of what they ordaine and indeed their Laws are of force and power not so much because they are Just as because they are by them commanded However Prudence obligeth them to be advised by their Parliaments whensoever they would make any Laws or Ordinances This was the ancient form as History observeth when any General Ordinances were to be established and this is it which maketh the people receive them with the more submission and willingness for nothing is so acceptable to them as that which carrieth the least shew of absolute Soveraignty and besides Kings do no lesse Rule their people by Prudence then Power Now this Prudence requireth that nothing ought to be acted but by the deliberation of those who are to give a Credit to it for the observation and obedience which is expected to be payd unto it All our Kings have allowed their Parliaments to make Remonstrances and give their opinions as occasion should require Indeed they have alwayes done it with great submission and respect as being a thing without the limits of their power Sâ—lomon the wisest of Kings saith It is a folly to play the Wise man before a Kings presence in the seventh of Ecclesiastes and Quintus Curtius did much extol Ephestion that giving his opinion or Judgment before Alexander he alwayes did it with such great respect that every one who beheld him might know he did not speak as his due but as an Honour permitted to him and no more Some Kings it must be acknowledged are not thus absolute but are dependant either upon their States or people and the reason is because they first accepted of the Crown upon such and such conditions But the thing is not so with ours they are onely accomptable to God for what they do and do acknowledge no other Superior in any thing which relateth to their Temporal Government as St. Gregory said of our French Kings they are saith he as Eminently above other Kings of the Earth as they are above inferiour men The King before he goeth into Piedmont findeth the Hugonots in Languedoc ready to rise he compelleth them to lay down their Armes and to declare in form before his Parliaments and Judges that they will live in all duties and obedience hereafter ONE thing more remained to be considered before his Majesties Journy into Italy which was this The Hugonots in Languedoc could not resolve to live in that absolute submission which they owed unto his Majesty notwithstanding they saw the proud Walls of Rochel thrown down before their faces which might have served them for a sight of fear and confusion His Majesty was advised of what assistance they had demanded from Spain England Holland and other places That several of those Town 's accorded to them for their security were resolved to revolt and resist his Majesties Armes if he should attempt to ruine those Walls which were the Protectors of their Insolent Rebellions Whereupon the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty that it was obsolutely necessary to reduce those places to their obedience and his own mercy before he passed into Piedmon as also to make a Declaration importing an express Command to all Heretiques who either were or had been in actual Rebellion against his Majesty that they should lay down their Armes return to their duties and make Declarations of their future obedience in ample manner and form before his Parliaments or the Judges Presidiaux dwelling next unto them and that all Towns should send their deputies to make protestations of their fidelity promising them on the word of a King that upon their so doing they should quietly enjoy their goods and the Liberty of their pretended Religion but protesting that if they should refuse so to do and continue in their obstinacy and Rebellion without regard had unto his grace and mercy that he would then proceed to punish them as for de crimine laesae Majestatis from the greatest to the lowest ordaining and requiring that their goods and persons should be proceeded against accordingly and in the utmost rigour of his said Declaration His Majesty caused his said Declaration to be read in Parliament himself being present which put a stop to all the Hugonots affairs until after the taking of Suze Politique Observation HAppy is that Kingdome whose people live under one Law and the same Religion for the least Diversity which is in either of those two parts breedeth unfortunate disorders in the whole If any should be so unhappy as to fall under either of those Afflictions they may learn how to remedy it by this Declaration of his Majesty which produced most admirable effects in hindring the progresse of the present Rebellion It cannot be denied but that Kings have an absolute power to compell their subjects who are Heretiques
Provinces were like so many petty Kings The Kings family was maintained by two or three years advance of the Treasury before hand exhausted to inrich those who were factiously inclined and without any honour to the King The Allies of the Crown were left to the mercie of their enemies of whom the Kingdome stood in fear The case was now altered the Heretick faction was brought upon their knees the Princes of the blond were forced to live in obedience the Governours of Provinces durst do nothing but what was just the Treasuries were well regulated and employed for the Kings Honour and State In short the whole body of France heretofore sick and languishing began to recover strength with assurance of perfect health when as its Forraign and Domestick enemies did not at all divert the Cardinals designs All these things were so apparent that the Cimmerian darknesse could not hinder the sight of them but who knows not that the strongest reasons cannot touch them who are over-mastered with Passion as we have reason to beleeve they could not those about Monsieur seeing they were so blind in perswading him to a course so directly contrary to that which the Cardinal had projected for the establishment of the Kingdom They should have learned that as the Planets do not immit their influences here beneath without causing of great alterations in the world so neither do the Princes of the Blood ever separate themselves from their King and Country but they cause great troubles and disorders and in case there were any others in the State this were to remedy it by a worse a thing contrary to the Laws of Prudence but a thing not much by them regarded so they could but overcome their Masters spirit that they might afterwards lead him to whatever they desired Politique Observation IF Divine Providence doth not appear with more splendour in any one thing then the Government of the Universe then true it is that humane wisedom is never more admirable then in the Conduct of Kingdomes especially when they are fallen from their first height and that there is a necessity to re-establish them This re-establishment doth undeniably depend upon that particular Minister who governeth affairs next under the Authority of his Prince for he is in the State as the Sun in the World as the eye to the Body and as the Primum mobile among the Heavens Yet however two truths cannot be gain-said the first is that a State being a society of free men who not exactly following the motions which their chief minister gives them it cannot be avoided but that some disorder must follow unlesse divers others besides himself be assistant The principal causes share indeed the chief glory in producing their effects but not of being the onely producers of them and the Sun himself could not enamel the earth with the Flowers of the Spring unlesse other causes did co-operate and as no Labourer how vigilant soever can hinder the fields from producing Weeds so it is likewise impossible that a chief Minister how prudent soever should so settle a State that no disorder should appear in it seeing it is no lesse natural for people to he unruly then for the earth to bring forth weeds The second that it is a work of time to re-establish a State once fallen into confusion Nature works slowly produceth the seed out of the grain the sien from the seed the tree from the sien the flower from the tree and at last the fruit Thus likewise a Minister of State how excellent soever he be cannot reduce confusion into order but by little and little and by setting his Engines on work one after another There must needs be some time spent in inquiring into the true causes of these evils it being impossible to apply convenient remedies without discovering the original defect He had need be instructed with Prudence and experience to consider those things which have heretofore conduced to make that State flourish which he would now restore and also that which hath been glorious for other States He ought to imitate good Physitians who having observed those ill humours which cause the sicknesse use their art first to purge them out and then to bring their Patient to a good temper The principal causes of the ruine of a State are civil Wars disrespect of authority the too great Power of Princes of the Blood Strangers and Governours Factions negligence in Judges to punish publick disorders want of good Discipline among Souldiers and the oppressures of the people now what a deal of time must there be to redresse all these and establish one quite contrary It cannot be done but by time and labour nay impossible if the Kingdom be either in civil or forraign War Lastly the Minister hath need of some time to reduce the neighbour Countries into such a condition that they may not indanger his Physitians are carefull for the restoring of their Patient to perfect health that neither the ayr nor any thing about him may be offensive to him and a Prudent Minister is no lesse obliged to be carefull not onely that his neighbours may not injure him but that they may be serviceable to him He must keep a strict intelligence with his Allies not injuring them but assisting them in all occasions as the Romans did who sent their Embassadours from Town to Town to make a friendship with them and to divert them from the Carthaginians He ought to indeavour the breaking off all Leagues between forraign Princes whose strength by their uniting might become suspected whence it follows that he ought not to be over-hasty in extinguishing any Wars between them nay some he is bound to foment as Lewis the Eleventh did to divert those storms which else would have fallen upon France These are the chief means which can contribute to the establishment of a State but who seeth not that amongst a thousand different causes it is impossible totally to effect it unlesse after a long time and with extream care and diligence The Marshal de Marillac is send by the King to Monsieur THey of the Queen Mothers faction would by no means let slip Monsieur's retreat without making advantage of it They despaired of ever overcoming his Majesty considering how great an esteem be professed to have of the Cardinals services They very well knew that the Queen Mother could not countenance any one against him so powerfully as Monsieur whereupon they did their utmost to breed a good understanding between them and when his Majesty had sent divers to Monsieur they did at last work the Queen Mother to procure Marillac to be sent to him a person whom they knew to be fit for their design The Cardinal gave him his instructions as to what he should say from his Majesty which tended to remember him how really his Majesty did affect him heretofore to assure him he was not at all altered at that present That his Majesty did not complain of him for his departure
Their weakness is the Kings strength neither can they increase but his must diminish He who intrusteth them with power raiseth a dangerous enemy against himself The Sun is but one and all the Stars receive their light from him yet upon condition that he may at his pleasure deprive them again of that splendour just so is it with Princes their greatnesse proceedeth from the King and he may despoil them of all their honour in a moment if once they recede from the due respect they owe unto him The Riches which he bestoweth on them are for the discharging of those expences which are proper for persons of their eminency not for the upholding of Factions and abetting of Revolts What advantage did Charles of France take in Normandy given to him for Appanage towards making a War against Lewis the Eleventh his Brother And the States assembled at the same time at Tours did much admire his Majesty would so give it to him but advised him to recall it and grant him onely an Annual Revenue some in Lands and some in Pension in lieu of his Appanage Who did ever bring into so many eminent dangers as the Appanages of Berry and Bourgogne Were not these two Provinces the retreats of all discontents Were not the Courts of those two Dukes the Forges where all the Thunderbolts that were afterwards thrown about the Kingdom were formed and contrived Were not there the springs of all dissentions discontents and civil wars And were not they the persons who brought in the Kings of England and Dukes of Britain onely to favour the designs of their Ambition The Cardinal is declared Generalissimo of the Kings Armies in Italy THe spirit of division which had till then kept Monsieur from the King gave great hopes to the enemies of the State to advance their designs in Italy They doubted not of inflaming a civil War in France which might so divert his Majesties Armies that he could not have the leisure to come up to them a second time The Duke of Lorain offered Monsieur as many forces and money as he could desire and the Duke of Savoy who never yet escaped a broil sent twice to him to complain that he being so much his servant he should take any other country for his retreat and to offer him his with protestation of quitting the Soveraign authority to him nay that he would even forsake it to make him absolute Master thereof as also of himself and children to be disposed at his Will and Pleasure These Offers were sufficient to have charmed any Soul had he been at that time so distrustfull as after he was but he rather chose to follow those just reasons which the King had proposed to him and to submit himself to his pleasure All that forraign faction was wonderfully surprised at the news of his accommodation and the Cardinal who stayed his Army from advancing into Italy onely in expectation of his return perswaded his Majesty no longer to defer his resolution that the Spaniards might not make any further progresse The King desired to go in person he being too couragious to entertain himself in a Chamber whiles his Armies were in the field But the Cardinal who foresaw that the unseasonableness of the time might indanger him advised him to stay some time and offered himself to undertake that imployment The King received this Proposition as an assured testimony of his fidelity but such so tender was his affection to him that he could hardly be perswaded to part with him he being as much grieved to consent to his departure from him as he was heretofore joyed for his return as was seen by all the Court at Rochel Privas and Fountainbleau Yet at last his Majesty knowing how important the assisting of Monsieur de Mantua was as also how much the glory of his Armies and Authority were concerned in it could not intrust them with any but the Cardinal who was not onely the chief Minister in his Counsels but also the greatest Commander in his Kingdom He knew in what reputation he was amongst strangers what Courage his presence infused into the Souldiery Of his Prudence he was assured having oftentimes seen his Enemies Plots discovered by him prevented before ever they were ready to be put in execution His good conduct too he could not be ignorant of he having by often experiment found it to be exact and excellent and such as was to be preferred before any other In fine he could not doubt of Victory whilest his Army was incouraged by so brave a Commander These were the reasons which induced his Majesty to give him that command of Generalissimo As soon as he had received his Commission he departed from Paris being about the latter end of the year which his Majesty intended to celebrate by as famous an Act as he began it As great exploits beget emulation so some there were who muttered that such an imployment should be conferred on a Cardinal an Ecclesiastical person but they betrayed their own ignorance who knew not that History affords us divers examples of several Cardinals who at sundry times have commanded Armies Spain in the time of King Alphonsus made use of the grand Cardinal Albornoz who followed him through the midst of the most bloudy Battels Then Ferdinand and Isabella imployed the great Cardinal Ximenes General of their Armies in Affrick Italy hath had many Cardinals out of the families of the Colonni the Vitilesci the Câ—râ—â—ffi the Fregosi who have shewed their valour in Armies that we might know that as the Romans with their long Robes did heretofore Conquer the greatest part of the Universe so that that habit was not inconsistent with Victories Besides the ignorance of those Censurers could not bee excused seeing they knew how that the ancient Laws of this Kingdom do oblige several of our Bishops to follow his Majesty in person to the Wars as also that they are bound to it by the Tenures of their Temporal Estates It is to be seen in Hugon and the Chronicle of St. Dennis in the year 1209. that Philip Augustus being at War with the English called upon all the Bishops to accompany which they did accordingly and afterwards that the Bishops of Orleans and Auxerre seeing the King was not there returned back again they pretending themselves not obliged to it unlesse when the King were there in person The King seized upon their Temporal Estate which they complaining of at Rome could have no other redress but that they ought to obey his Majesty the Pope being unwilling to break the customes of the Kingdom neither were they restored to the enjoyment of their goods untill they had payed their Fines for it In the same manner I have seen an Act of the Bishops of Auxerre dated in the year one thousand two hundred twenty and two by which he confessed himself obliged to send to the War of the Albigeois being unable to go thither in person by reason of his
approaches unto must not be neglected for such a deficiency were to put their Armes for a prey and to render their being taken infallible There is no need of a surprisal for in such assaults as are made the Enemy not finding any to resist them do as it were seize upon it The slighting which we make of our Enemies in neglecting to fortefie our selves against them exposeth us to the danger of receiving a far greater losse and in consequence the shame to be overcome by them which is almost inevitable Cazal assaulted by the Marquis of Spinola THE Cardinal had too much Prudence and Generosity not to secure Cazal against such an accident though exposed to a far greater danger But for the better understanding of his Conduct it will be good to look back upon the beginning of the Siege After the taking of Pignoral both the Cardinal and Spinola had the same designs of quitting Piedmont the one that he might joyn with the King at Grenoble and accompany him in the Conquest of Savoy the t'other to lay siege to Cazal and to recover if possible the honour he had there lost the precedent year when he drew off at the same time that he had the news of the Kings arrival at Suze without abiding that his Majesties Army might approach his neerer then six great dayes march He was provoked in point of Honour in the design his courage inflamed his passion and the shame he had to find the glory which he had got by so many victories blasted with this disgrace gave him an extream impatiency to repair that fault which occasioned it He resolved either to perish or carry the place not being able to survive the losse of his Honour and in prosecution thereof there was no Stratageme or force omitted which might render him Master of it Never was place so vigorously assaulted as never more stoutly defended Few dayes passed without fresh assaults or sallies Nothing which the Cannon could do was left unassayed almost continually the Place was undermined on every side wild-fires were made use of in such abundance that the Town had been sundry times burn't to Ashes had then not taken a very great care to hinder the effect of them In a word the discontent which accompanied his Courage suffered him not to forget any invention that the art of War or Passion could suggest to overcome Politique Observation SHame is a venemous root from whence we sometimes see excellent effects produced and it cannot better be compared then to certain plants which we observe in Nature whose roots are deadly and whose leaves on the contrary proper to cure many diseases Is it not that which hath often excited the courages of the greatest Commanders to that height that perceiving Victory to encline to their Enemies they have precipitated themselves into the fight and goared their Weapons and their hands in the Blood of their Enemies by which they have ingaged their own party to make new endeavour and fortune hath thereupon accorded them that glory which they were upon the very point of loosing Have we not seen the like amongst Souldiers who after they behaved themselves ill one day have presently after appeared like so many Lions in the pursuit of their Enemies and so have defended themselves from that disgrace with which they had been branded The shame which the Persians had as Justin reports to see their wife 's come towards them with their Coats trust up made them face about and charge the Enemy before whence they fled And T. Livie writes how that the Roman Consul Agrippa did commonly use to throw some of Ensigns among the middest of his Enemies to the end the shame the Souldiers should have had to loose them might oblige them to redouble their courages and regain them Both the Greek and Roman Histories are fall of such like examples needless to the rehearsed The shame that Caesar had seeing the the Image of Alexander who had won so many remarkable victories as soon as ever age had made him fit to bear Armes so touched him that afterwards he never ceased bending his mind to generous actions which have eternized his glory A Treaty to renew the Alliance with Holland NOw for the perserving of this place notwithstanding Spinola's extraordinary passion to take it two things were necessary First to hinder the Spaniards from having such numbers of men as they would have desired Secondly that the Kings Army might want nothing but be recruited from time to time by the supply of new Troops in the place of those whom the plague had wasted The Cardinal had foreseen and provided for the first before he parted from Paris giving such exercise to the Spaniards in the Low Countries that they had much a do to furnish themselves with the Troops there requisite without diverting them to new enterprises especially seeing the King of Swede of whom we shall speak hereafter began to give them employment in Germany The Cardinal having discovered about the end of the Precedent year that the Sparniards were upon the design of offering great advantages to the Hollanders to bring them to a truce whereby to have means to draw Troops out of the Low Countries to send into Italy acquainted the King how much this truce was prejudicial to the rest of Europe giving way to the Spaniards to maintain themselves in the injust user patation of the States of many Princes of Germany as well as of the Duke of Mantua's The King apprehended that danger and his Majesty thereupon impowered Monsieur de Bangy his Embassador in Holland to renew with them the ancient Treaties of alliance upon condition that they might not for some years come to any truce with their Enemies That power was given him from the month of December of the Precedent year 1629. and yet as affairs of that nature are not so readily determined the Treaty was not signed till the month of June of the Present year The Cardinal thus preventing by his unparralel'd Prudence the most crafty subtilities of the Spaniard Politique Observation AS it is glorious for a Minister to prevent the force of the Enemies by a contrary force as we have said so is it very honourable to prevent the effects of their Prudence by an opposite Prudence He ought to be like a good Pilate who have attained great experince at Sea can discover a Tempest before it comes and prepears all that is necessary to resist it or I will compear him to a wise Physician who preserves those he takes into his care not only from sickness but even from the danger of falling-sick and to say the truth therein consists one of the highest points of Politique wisdome and I have alwayes esteem'd that one of the greatest services he can render that Governes a State is to prevent by his Prudence the craft from which the Enemy pretends to draw advantage to avoid his undermining by a Counter-mine and by his good conduct to slight all the works of
his industry Prudence without doubt acquires great glory when it surmounts force Thucydides in his History prefers its victories before all others Prudence it self which ought to be so much more honoured as it cuts the evill in the roote and preserves an Army oft times from running the hazard of a combate weaken in such sort the Forces of an Enemy that he has not the boldnesse to dare an encounter as the Cardinal hath made appear in several occasions The Kings gives the command of his Army to the Duke de Montmorancy Marquis d' Effiat and the Marshal de la Force IT was requisite besides that to send new Troups to the Kings Army the Marshall de Marillac having show'd himself obstinate till then not to follow his Majesties commands in leading the Army of Champaigne into Italy the Cardinal thought to go himself to make them passe the Mountains and take the reins into his own hand But the great Cabals he found at Court which were capable not only to hinder the relief of Cazal but to overthrow the whole State if not dissipated constrained him to stay at Lyons with his Majesty who thought fit to send in his place the Duke of Montmorancy the Marquis of Effiat and the Marshal of la Force Those great Captains commanded the Army every one his week by turns with such Order that notwithstanding the Marquis of Effiat was above the two others one commanded the Van-Guard one week the other the Battalia the third the Rear-Guard and he who commanded the Battalia gave during his week all the general Orders necessary for the conduct of the Army The principal consideration which induced the Cardinal to propose this expedient to the King of committing the command of his Army to many Generals was the necessity of Councel and the great need which he saw there was of the advice of many persons of great understanding and experience in those affairs which should happen Now it was impossible to send them thither without command by reason that being persons of great quality they would hardly be under command in the Kings absence if they might not have Governed in their turn Not that he was ignorant that the multitude of Generals often stirs up envy among them and consequently is cause of great confusion in an Army but his incomparable Prudence who could find remedies for the most desperate maladies of the State wanted not inventions to hinder those inconveniences and this same to make them command the Army in their turn in the Van-Guard Battalia and Rear-Guard was an excellent one by reason that making them all participate of the same glory they had no occasion to envy one another Politique Observation AS there is no person goes under the notion of being excellent in any profession whatsoever if he doth not shew some effects which are not common so a Minister of State shall never passe with the reputation of being endued with an extraordinary Prudence if there be nothing singular in his conduct And he doth not set up a new Order both in Peace and in War which is evidently advantagious to the Publick The ordinary rules of War admit but of one General to command an Army because the Commonalty know not the wayes of conserving a good intelligence amongst divers to whom the charge of them is committed But this here was found to be so much the more profitable as the Counsel of several persons whose judgment and experience being as eminent as there qualities is advantagious upon all occasions Who knoweth not that a happy successe doth as often depend upon good Counsel as upon the quantities and indeed the courages of Souldiers But who is more capable of giving and resting stedfastly upon good resolutions then several great Captains the least of which is able to command an Army One only person of this temper is worth six Regiments and that expedient which happens not in the thoughts of one falls into those of another and if one misse to discover any Stratagem of the Enemy another doth not if one foreseeth any danger the other finds out a necessary remedy to prevent it It is difficult to find in any one man all the qualities necessary for the General of an Army but whoever joynes three together supplies that defect provided he keep them from dissention one perchance excels in stoutnesse and being blinded with it is by consequence fitter for execution then Counsel another is more dexterous in the Prudence of his Counsels and to invent necessary expedients but being of a colder constitution is lesse proper to be made use of when there is occasion of a sudden execution and another haply may have an admirable addresse and a winning carriage to retain the Souldiers in their Discipline and to make them live in good order so that joyning these great persons in commission together and giving them the same commands in the Army not leaving any ground of jealousie or cause of confusion there cannot follow any other then a glorious successe The Prosecution of the History EXperience hath made it appear a truth amongst these three great Captains who advanced the Kings Arms to so high a pitch of glory in Italy that the Spaniards and Germans will not easily resolve to give them a new occasion of encounter The first encounter that they had with the Enemy was upon passing the Bridge of Villane where the Duke of Savoy and the Prince of Piedmont came with 6000 foot and 200 Horse and made a most furious assault upon some Troops which remained to passe over But the successe was so disadvantageous notwithstanding the great inequality of the Forces that all the Enemies Army was either put to flight or cut in pieces The two Princes that led them sweating as was afterwards heard that they never saw any fight so well In Prosecution of this victory they maâ—ched directly to Saluces with design to take it and to make use of it in the room of Pignerol whence the plague did hinder the drawing out of any necessary commodities The Marshal de la Force whose week it was commanded his Son with 500 Horse to go summon the Town with all sorts of civility to surrender thinking it proper so to deal with them that he might get the good will of the people of whom he intended to make use in the design which he had to raise a Magazine there Those of the Town could not imagine the Kings Army to be so neer so that they desired leave to send their Deputies to treat with the Generals which was granted to them and accordingly they were conducted where they then were But upon their return 500 choise men were clap't into it discharging both at them and ours too with such insolence that the Generals being informed of it advanced with the Army Many who made the first approches were slain and wounded But the courages of others who saw them in his condition could not endure to suffer the Kings Army to receive
sorts of wickednesses which are not powerful enough to entertain the minds of women especially when they believe that the subject they work upon would set bounds to their Authority and hinder them in their Governing according to their own Fancies The greediness of absolute command hurries them with a greater impetuosity to revenge then any other cause whatsoever without this consideration that God hath not created their Sex for Government and experience hath evidenced it upon many occasions that they are very unfit for that purpose But as Ambition is a blind Passion we do many times see great obstacles opposed to their Powers when they think to increase their Authorities and the greatest props of their Grandeur ruined whilest they use their greatest endeavours to render themselves more absolute The great Qualities of the Cardinal ALL the Artifices of the Queen mother made no other Impression upon his Majesty then to carry him to recollect and reiterate in his mind the Fidelity of the Cardinals services the great affection wherewith he had behaved himself in all occasions where his Majesties glory was concern'd the good success which accompanied his Conduct of his Armies the Incomparable Prudence wherewith he was endued with which he did penetrate into what was to come and foresaw effects in their Causes and accordingly prepared Remedies before they hapned the indefatigable vigilance which made him so intent both day and on the affairs of State that though he gave Orders in the greatest yet he never forgot the least and that prodigious promptitude which produc'd effects from resolution in Counsel before one knew whether it were resolv'd on or no These were those just considerations which the King recalled into his mind to oppugne the divers Artifices of the Cardinals enemies and one may say they did so fix his Majesty against those violences with which they would as it were shake him that to the end he might evade those perpetual instances which the Queen-mother hourly made to him he resolved to go to pass away some days at Verfilles In effect that was the cause of the King 's going from Paris and the Queen-mother could get no other satisfaction from his Majesty then that of Respect and hearty affection by his taking leave of her Politique Observation THe King well knew that the disgraces of a grand Minister are as dis-advantagious to a State as his services have been profitable and that in it a Prince receives as much blame as he had once gotten glory in drawing him neer to Person An excellent Workman never uses to throw away his Instruments wherewith he is accustomed to make rare pieces of his Art and a King doth much recede from a great Conduct if he doth drive from the Government of his State-affairs such a Minister whose admirable Genius is the principal instrument of his glory Undoubtedly the Counter-blow of such a stroke might rebound against his Authority He ought to know that it is easie to blame those who govern and to lament their Conduct and that many more find it very perfect and compleat seeing it doth not give them leave to do whatever they would in their own particular and that the Estate of Publick Affairs ought not to be judged by those of their own houses There need no more but to consult with experience to evince that it is very difficult to find a great Genius on whose Prudence they may confidently rely for that two or three whole ages do hardly bring forth one only such How many Kings have been constrained to leave both their Courages and States as unusefull for that their Country produc'd none such in their times He who is so happy as to meet with one ought to preserve him with as much care as the most assured foundation of his Kingdomes happinesse How frequent are the misfortunes which happen in Battels for the only losse of an expert great Captain And how many confusions arrive to States by the loss of one grand Minister his only conservation is of greater importance then that I will not say of Towns but of whole Provinces for he is not only capable of regaining them but conquering new ones whereas the losse of him is irrepairable for that hardly many ages produce one that doth resemble him Why the King went from Paris and caused the Lord Keeper of the Broad-Seal and his Brother the Marshal de Marillac to be Arrested THe King went from Paris only to give himself more liberty to negotiate in his important affairs and to withdraw himself from those importunities not to say violences of the Queen-Mother In whose presence the respect which he had for her hindred him from doing any thing which might displease her His Majesty knew that it was necessary for the good of his Estate to chastise those contrivers of Intreagues and on the other side he cemented himself in an unalterable resolution which being an effect of his own onely Prudence acquired him so much the more Glory never to part from the Cardinal Now it was often seen that these Cabals had no other beginning then from the Lord Keeper and the Marshal de Marillac therefore his Majesty took away the Seal from the former as the Arms of a mad man which he had imployed to do evil causing him to be carried to Lysieux and sent Orders to the Marshal de la Force and Schomberg to arrest the t'other and send him Prisoner to the Castle of St. Menehoud What reason was there to suffer any longer the insolence of these two ambitious humours who had been so audacious to commit such offences between the King and Queen-Mother and to breed a division between their Majesties which keeps them at a dislaâ—â—e to this very day Was it possible to suffer their unbridled Ambition which made them aspire to the Government of the State by the destruction of him who had established it in so sublime a pitch of Glory that it is not only more honoured but more feared too by strangers Again could it be that the Ingratitude of these two Brothers should not pull down as it were by force the Kings Justice to dash them as with a Thunder-Bolt and to punish their devices which they used with the Queen-Mother to carry her on to the ruining of him by whose Counsel his Majesty had raised them to the highest degrees of their profession winking at their unworthy actions which had heretofore rendred them culpable and by which they made their first attempts His Majesty knew in how many occasions the Cardinal had favoured them the great gifts which he had obtained of him for them and how that in som affairs he had become their Protector when in their conduct there was just reason to complain of them And on the other side when he reflected on the extremity of their ingratitude he could no longer permit that one of them should be any more imployed in affairs or that the other should remain unpunished for those many Crimes of
Observation THere are four principal causes which make Kings to march out of their own Country Ambition which hath no limits makes them impatient of being confined within those of their own States and desirous to inlarge them at their neighbours expences The natural inconveniences too of their own Country may draw them out to seek a better where they might live with more ease as our first French the Vandals and Goths did Some flatter themselves in the belief that there is not at this day any lawfull Prince at all whose Estate had any other beginning and that Kings have no juster Titles then by Conquests with their Swords Lastly they go forth to revenge those injuries which are done them it being allowable to repel Force with Force and to decide their differences in the field by that power which God hath given to them They quit their Countries to assist their Allies it being not only necessary for a Prince who aims at an extraordinary pitch of Glory not to injure any person but also to defend and protect those who are joyned with him by interest alliance or kindred The Assembly at Ratisbonne ABout the same time there was held an assembly at Ratisbonne and the King of Swede understood that it was then and there resolved to make a strong resistance against the Justice of his Arms and that the Emperour had contrived a design wherein though he was much mistaken to force him out of Germany and to make him perish in the Baltique Sea not vouchsafing to treat a Peace upon those Proposals which had been sent to him only for restoring the States and Liberties to those Princes and Republiques from whom he had ravished them Resistance heightens and augments Courage and this made the Swedish King march up into the Country and resolve upon great designs which we have seen him bring to passe But first he had recourse to such Kings and States with whom he was in League About September he writ to the King desiring him by that ancient Alliance which had been between the Kings of France and Swede with mutual promises not only to preserve friendship between one another but also when occasion should serve reciprocally to assist one another to imploy the power of his Arms and Authority to defend that cause which he had then undertaken in prosecution of which he had passed the Sea and all in the behalf of those who were tied to him by kindred and allied to the Crown of France The King whose courage could not indure that any wrong should be offered to his Allies received this request so much the more favourable in respect it were as glorious a thing in him to contribute to their establishment and accordingly he gave the most advantagious answer to his Embassadours that could be expected However the Cardinal offered one thing to his Majesties consideration that it would be needfull to take care for the maintaining of Religion in preserving of States and to ingage the King of Sweden not to commit outrages against it where he found it setled His Majesty took time to deliberate and resolve on the Articles of their Treaty which being concluded and assigned about the beginning of the yeer following I shal then re-assume my discourse of it in its due order Politique Observation HAsty rashnesse in resolving upon grant affairs is as dangerous as a nimble executing of them is advantagious Prudence ought to guide both one and t'other And whatever Justice appear above-board in designs yet they are subject to have but ill successes if not commenced with mature deliberation Though the wise man resolve to do such a thing which he knows to be just yet he will take time to deliberate on the means And as the interest of Religion is very considerable so the Cardinal would not act any thing untill that were secured Whereas on the contrary rash hasty persons do greedily run unto the end which they have once concluded but never examine the ways which conduce to attain to it thus they do many times find themselves so at a losse and intangled in the executing their designs that they at last find no dore to walk out at with honour and so leave off with shame and confusion Hence it is that Demosthenes in his first Oration against Philip saith They who counsel with great hast are not the greatest Counsellours those Stomacks which make a quick digestion do not concoct so good a Chilâ—â—s as those whose heat is moderate as Physitians tell us and true it is those spirits which make their resolution with most heat and promptness do commonly came lamely of at last cast The King honoureth the Sieur de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staff of Marshal of France SHortly after his Majesty came to Paris well knowing that rewards of honor are not only due to those who have deserved them but withall usefull to incourage others to follow their example He resolved to honour the Sieurs de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staffs of Marshal of France as a mark of Valour which the former had shewed in the War of Piedmont and which the second had shewed to all Italy during the Siege of Cazal They being persons of great esteem every one commended his Majesties choice which he had made in raising them to that eminent degree of honour But the Rebellion of the one and the evil Government of the other did shortly after sully part of that glory which they had merited they shewing by their Procedures that valour and prudence do not alwaies meet in the same subject Politique Observation THe rewarding of services is so necessary for the good of a State that when it is once laid by the practice of vertue is neglected especially if it be not distinguished by marks of honour There are but a few of the same mind with the Phylosopher who said he never expected other fruit from his good deeds then the contentment to have done them and that he thought himself very happy to receive that testimony from his Conscience which she gave to him It is true a truly noble man doth not so much regard the Recompence as the Action of Vertue which render him deserving but it cannot be denied that those marks of honour do make lively and excite resolutions to noble actions The wisest Phylosophers have said that the two supporters upon which all the motions of a State depend are reward and punishment without which there were no doubt but that great disorders would soon follow and vertue become totally neglected The King Honours the Sieur de Servient with the Office of Secretary THe King who was not to seek in any thing which concerned the good of his State would now make another proof of the knowledge he had of that Prudent maxime One of the places of Secretary of State being vacant by the death of the Sieur de Beauclere his Majesty recollected in his mind the services of the Sieur de Servient the Prudence wherewith
could nor live contented after the Cabal which had beleagured her Soul had once perswaded her that she was obliged to ruine the Cardinal She did neer upon the matter equally divide the honour with the King All the French did indeavour in emulation of one another to testifie by their respects and obediences the sweetnesse which did shine in all her actions The Revenues which she injoyed were greater then those of three Queen Dowagers of France all together There was no charge or expence which she was not able to go through with witnesse that magnificent structure of Luxenbourg which contends with the Louvre and is the most accomplished piece of all that ever any of our Kings have attempted She could not deny but that she injoyed upon the matter an absolute Authority in the State The King permitted her to take upon her self as much as she could wish in the administration of affairs He resolved upon no one thing of importance in his Counsel but upon her advice When necessity enforced the King from Paris and that she would remain there he still left the government in her hands and also ordered that Embassadours should attend upon her to communicate forreign affairs to her and to receive from her mouth resolutions thereupon Was not this to possesse all that is glorious and noble in a Government Was not this indeed to injoy her self with more pleasure then the King seeing she was exempted in what she pleased from those great troubles which accompany the Conduct of Affairs and from those embroils which are frequent in Wars and Voyages all which the King was obliged to under-go but she tied to nothing but what she pleased her self excepting those affairs only which related to the good of the Kingdom Last of all that Cabal factious as it was being so much favoured by her what did it but abuse her bounty to serve the Passions of some particular persons Did it not so trouble her repose by sinister impressions which were infused into heâ— concerning the Government and by those suspicions which were instilled into her against the Cardinal by her eagernesse and desire to intermeddle in affairs with greater power insomuch that the good order established in the State wrought no other effect in her mind then to make her doubt that the most glorious victories of his Majesty instead of transporting her with joy would fill her Soul with Fears and that Forraigners would invade his Country Thus the most sublime Acts of the Cardinal which strook both terrour and admiration into strangers were no otherwise considered by her then as so many tricks and deceits Whence it happened that instead of acknowledging his Majesties bounty and the respects which he shewed her she repayed his kindnesses with complaints and instead of enjoying quiet and content which she had reason to imbrace her life was filled only with vexatious inquietudes Politique Observation GReat personages though raised up a little above other men yet are neither more happy or contented If they suffer themselves to be transported with Passions it is with them as with the Sea which being of a vast circumference is no whit the lesse subject to the agitations of the Winds so they being raised a little above others are not the lesse subject to be vexed with inquietudes Though they possesse more then enough wherewith to content themselves yet they giving themselves the liberty of desiring still more rather out of a humour then a necessity are never in quiet or repose but give us just reasons to believe that although Fortune hath denied Crowns to poor men yet nature hath made them happier in requital of it by giving them minds desirous of lesse That shining flame which we may behold at the end of a Torch dwells not there but by the force of that matter which feedeth it and is continually raising it self towards the Heavens as disdaining the place where it then is desiring as it were to get up into the Concave of the Moon so grand persons though cloathed with such splendour as makes them shine in the eyes of all other men cannot rest with quietness of mind in that authority from whence they receive it but their aspiring souls carries them still onwards to new designs of raising themselves above all things They can never be contented with the command over men unlesse they can also command their Passions which nature hath created in them as in other men Without this all their glory serves only to stir up in them violent desires to get still more Whereas on the contrary he who hath circumscribed his will with reason hath added this happinesse to his greatnesse that he will be exempted from the troubles of the World The Queen Mothers hatred against the Cardinal THe desire of destroying the Cardinal was the chief cause of the Queen Mothers discontents and no one can imagine with what impatiency she designed it Her most faithfull servants were astonished at it considering that meeknesse was the quality which every one saw to shine with so much splendour in her whole deportment So that her Majesty cannot be accused with that violence but to set the saddle on the right horse it ought to be imputed to certain imbroiling spirits who had ingaged her in it before she was aware of it Whoever hath had the honour to be often neer her Majesty cannot but conclude so and they who have had never so little knowledge of the Intreagues of those times cannot be ignorant that her Majesty did openly drive on at a meeting at Dupes the design of ruining the Cardinal to that extream and utmost verge after she was counselled to it by the enemies of that great Minister for two chief reasons The one was they concluded that the King could not in fine deny the abandoning of him if her Majesty should continue to urge him to it with fresh and continued instances A Mother having but too too attractive powers over a son to draw him to her own desires especially such a son so full of respect and observance as the King was The second because in case the Cardinal should get the better of them he would then sit on their skirts for those seditious Assemblies which they had contrived against the Kings service and against his own particular Interests which if it should so fall out 't were better for them to drive on their first design to the very utmost Intreagues of the Ladies neer the Queen Mother THe Ministers of Spain who had great interest in the ruining of the Cardinal did endeavour with their utmost the heat of these flames to which infamous intent they employed several Ladies who were neer the Queen Mother but especially three great Princesses to whom her particular favours gave most free accesse viz. the Princesse of Conti the Dutchesses of Elbaeuf and d' Ornano Several other great persons of the Court were of the same party some of them not so much caring for the good successe of
any publick affairs but onely for their own particular interests which they thought would be much bettered by this means if it should hit accordingly Others found themselves ingaged in the Faction by their Love which obliged them to serve the Passions of some of the Ladies Others suffered themselves to be led into it by their extravagant humours which carries some capricious minds to the never-liking of any thing in the publick Government Had the Queen Mother been of a more malicious and fiery nature she might have been safe and free from their invenomed artifices but they wrought upon her made advantages of her good nature and such were the chief Agents to whom she had done the honour to give a more particular part of her gracious favours besides in all their actions they only pretended a Passion to preserve her Majesty in her power and authority the only absolute charm to bewitch the Souls of great Personages They had at last so fortified her that it was impossible in a manner for any others to whom she discoursed but little of her designs to dis-abuse her They were never out of her Majesties sight and if by chance one of them was obliged to go forth another stept in as if it were on purpose to prevent any of her loyal servants to dis-deceive her or with design of picking an occasion to entertain her in such discourses as might tend to the increasing of her Passion They made her believe that the credit which the King gave to those sage Counsels of the Cardinal were an authority so great that she was as it were forced to be jealous at it They excited her upon the score of honour that she was bound to let all Christendom see that the power which she had in the State was not so slight that her will should become lesse considerable by the opposition of a Favourite Neither did they omit to suggest to her the re-establishment of Monsieur de Mantua as a crime who was now upon the point of being restored to his Estates as if the Interests of that Prince so important to the Glory of the King and his Crown ought not to have been preferred before the hatred which she had conceived against him Posteritie will have much adoe to beleeve that they could drive things to that point of informing her Maiestie with suspitions of the Fidelitie of this grand Minister and of making her beleeve that he designed to raise himself into the Royal Throne upon the ruine of her children insteed of representing to her that he sacrificed his life his goods and his honour to their glory upon any occasion which did present it self If her Majesty had not been acquainted with any secret of affairs they presently told it her by way of complaint and accusation of the Cardinal as if it had been absolutely necessary to have given her accompt of euery thing whilest she was ingaged in those Contrivances and Assemblies where strangers too had a good stroke who might make use of it to the Kings disadvantage In her Majesties presence they could never wonder enough that he should suffer the King to propose to Monsieur the marrying the Princess Mary whereas they should have told her it was with design to stay him in the Court But that was no part of their intention And is it not yet more strange that they made the real iâ—deavours which the Cardinal obliged her in to pass for disguises and falsities even to the perswading her that he onely desired to set himself upright with her that he might take his own advantage and find an occasion of removing her as Monsieur de â—uyâ—es had done well knowing that the bare belief of that one thing would more and more fix her in the design of destroying him These are the discourses wherewith those of the Cabal did ordinarily entertain her or to speak more properly the Charms wherewith they inchanted her Soul so that perverting the genuine sweetnesse of her disposition they rendred her incapable of any reconciliation and immoveable in the design of ruining him whose Prudence was the greatest prop and stay of her Grandeur and whose signal services done to France had raised it to that eminent point of glory Politique Observation THere is hardly any one thing which they who are neer great Princesses may not in time perswade them to when they have once gotten a little credit with them and that they will but use those Artifices to obtain it which the corruption of the Court soon teacheth The first and chief thing they labour is to insinuate into their minds that they are very passionately affected for their services and interests and that they have no other designs but what contribute to their glory this they do as well knowing affection to be a reason able to perswade Ladies to any thing Their next care is never to incense them either by words or deeds They flatter all their faults even to a commendation of them which makes the word incurable And though there he noting more free then love and hatred yet they professe openly they neither love noe hate any but whom they do They serve them with a seeming heat and earnestnesse upon all occasions but are in effect like Curtesans who wish to those whom they love all that is good excepting Prudence and Judgment Is it not easily observed that if any one displease them they are the first who speak ill of him They had much rather deceive them then hazard their anger by telling truth And thus by their Compliances and a thousand services which are powerfull attracts upon the minds of that Sex they make themselves beloved and acquire a great part of their Trust and Confidence This once done how many artifices do they then find out to surprise them No one can so easily deceive us as he who hath once possessed our minds with a belief that he loveth us The bare affection which we repay him gives him advantage enough in that he is not mistrusted The honour which they have to be ordinarily neer her gives them no little advantage seeing it furnisheth them with opportunities and occasions of saying whatever they have a mind to they never hazard any thing for that they have liberty to speak that at another time freely which peradventure they then cannot without danger Insomuch that if they would make any one be hated it is a most easie thing for them to bring it to passe First they attempt to make them mistrusted with great caution they speak ill of them but so as it may seem to have proceeded from an affection which they have for their service and this commonly maketh their advices be well received and having once discovered an inclination to receive these first preparatories they are not to seek in re-criminating them with new charges and by little and little they insinuate a belief of their being evil which renders them hated And all this with such a meeknesse of mind
ashamed to be called Kings and could never have raised themselves so high but by their mutual and reciprocal affections as Plutarch reporteth it in the life of Demetrius Not to look after far fetch'd examples what did ever bring France to so deplorable a condition as the reiterated divisions between our Kings the Dukes of Bourgogne and Orleans Did it not reduce it to an eminent peril of Shipwrack and expose it for a prey to Forraigners who were only chastized by an extraordinary providence of Heave which took a particular care for the preservation of this Monarchy when it was just upon the point of being ruin'd Undoubtedly a State is easily vanquished when divided by those of the Kings own house and family disorders soon follow thick and three-fold The people following their example shake off obedience every one fisheth in the troubled Waters the poor are oppressed by the Souldiers the rich have much ado to enjoy their Estates Governours lose their Soveraigns good wills and do no longer stick to their interests unlesse upon their own private account and in conclusion forreign enemies make what advantages they please out of it The Reasons of the Queen-Mothers Removal THings being at this passe was there any reason to defer the redressing of them what colour could there be after so many perswasions instances and entreaties to leave the Queen-Mother in the Court both animated and discontented where she countenanced a Faction kept a close correspondence with Monsieur against the King and divided the State Had it not been an absolute defect of all sort of Prudence to have endured her keeping up of Combinations without the Kingdom of which we have seen but too many sad consequences To have permitted her party openly to slander the King and his Government to stir up the people to sedition to solicite strangers to make war upon the King under pretence that they had married her children Had it not been an extream basenesse any longer to have dissembled the knowledge of that Faction which would impose a necessity of driving away his most serviceable and confident Ministers and only because they forsooth could not procure from them whatever they desired Had it not been an absolute losse of common sence to have allowed their abrogating that respect which is due to their Soveraign as God Almighties own Image Could any one and not be of this Cabal wink at their endeavours to draw off his Majesties most faithfull servants from that duty which they owe unto him Should one have expected untill the English or Spaniard had brought their Armies into France to assist the revolt or until the Princes who were of this party should have beaten up their drums and sounded their Trumpets for to lead their Souldiers into the field to have ruined the whole Kingdom with fire and sword To have done so had been the most perfect piece of folly that had ever yet been heard of Yet for all this was the King much troubled that he was forced to do such things as would displease the Queen-Mother as to remove her though after he had indeavoured all meek and fair means which her Abettors had rendred in vain though she had laid off al natural thoughts such as a Mother ought to have for a Son and a Subject for a King and though she had to her very utmost stirred up both the French and Forraigners to trouble the quiet of the Kingdom But at last the King began to consider that the businesse would grow worse and worse if convenient order were not taken to prevent it that he was bound to prefer publick before private interests as those of an incensed Mother and if it be proper to use the expression of a Mother revolted against him which were things not to be considered at all according to the judgment of one of the Queen-mothers Grand-mothers who amongst those instructions which she gave her son told him that he ought to prefer without any distinction the safety of the Common-Weal before that of any particular or private persons Withall his Majesty was not ignorant that as God doth ever prepose Universal before Individual benefits so Kings who bear his Image and are his Vicegerents on earth ought to do the same That if the Father Almighty did expose his son who was one and the same with himself to the rage of the Jews he could not then be blamed for removing his Mother a few days from the Court yet continuing to her all Honour Officers Goods Liberty and Power that she could desire and this for the necessary good of the State to the conservation of which God had so obliged him that he ought to prefer nothing before it The King thought with himself that those great Honours and Lands which he had bestowed on her and that almost absolute Authority which he had alwaies intrusted with her whilest she continued in her affection for his Majesty and the publick good would hold him excused from any condemnation and would sufficiently evince to all the World that he had not made use of so violent a remedy but by compulsion and constraint of those her Partisans and by the extremities into which they hurried her so that judging within himself that he ought no longer to defer his resolution he at last proposed it to his Counsel Politique Observation WHen Eagernesse hath laid such deep roots in the mind of Princes of the Blood Royal that they cannot be eradicated by any possibility it will then be absolutely necessary to prevent their forming into Factions which usually arise from such beginnings There will unavoidably great changes soon follow in a Kingdome where partialities have any sway amongst them The very least disorder which can happen between the Heavens is capable of reducing the Universe into its first Chaos and the dissentions of those who are neerest related to the King are able to bring a whole State into Confusion to tie up the hands of Soveraign Authority and to expose all as a prey to Forraigners The opinion which is held that it is proper to nourish several parties and bandyings amongst Grandees whereby to make them lesse able to resist their Kings Will ought not to be understood of Leagues and Combinations to be headed by those of the royal Family which may attempt to impose a necessity on the King to do what even they shall think fit for such a division would lead a Kingdom into utter ruine and undermine the most solid foundations of Monarchy It is no whit lesse inconvenient to let Princes alone in any bad intelligence for their over great union hath produced sad effects it alwaies ought to be limited by the respects and obediences which they ow their King for admitting it to be otherwise their Factions being like impetuous winds the popularity which is gentle and calm like the Sea would receive their impressions with ease become furiously inraged run into all disorders and put a State into desperate hazards On such occasion no
their progresse The Interests of Grandees have ever been prejudicial to the publick and if a King would establish any Law to be observed in his Kingdom he ought however still to prefer the good of Subjects in it One Prince of the Blood will perchance demand Peace at a time when War is more proper and if to satisfie him in particular he shall lay down his Arms he doth an action unbeseemâ—ng a Royal Prudence Another will desire that he would discountenance such a Minister whose Councels are however of great advantage to him and doubtlesse if he do it to satisfie his humour he should commit an injustice against his own State And what reason I pray can there be alledged why a King should upon the Capricchio of any Grandee whatever either make a dishonourable Peace which may render him dis-esteemed amongst strangers or remove from him any Minister who like a good and Propitious Planet doth by his influences cause his state to flourish establish a good Order amongst his people and render his Power considerable amongst his Neighbours Who can think it any strange thing if he prefer the good of his Kingdom before their private humours seeing his very own interests ought not to stand in competition with it No King doth ever merit the title of Just if he doth not tread under foot all his own pleasures and delights for the good and glory of his Crown He ought to remember that his Kingdom is not so much established for him as he is for his Kingdom and consequently that the good of his people ought to be dearer to him then any other consideration whatever Now if he thus ought to prefer the publike before his own private good who can blame him if he do the like in relation to the particular satisfaction of any of his own Family The very contenting of a Father ought not to be considered in this case and who so doth any thing in detriment of the Publike good to shew his Duty unto his Father rendereth himself culpable of a great injustice The Authority of Parents extendeth no farther then the house and in case they attempt to enlarge their bounds he is not bound to observe them Are not Kings the lively Images of God If so what more reasonable Rule can they propose to follow in their Government then his Conduct Now as God doth every day permit a thousand particular subjects to suffer and perish nay not exempting Kings themselves though of never so great use to their States and all this for the preservation of the world in good order So cannot any one think it unjust that they should prefer the good of their State before all other considerations what-ever And who is so ignorant as not to know that Publike good is the subject of all universal Causes The Sun Moon and Stars are perpetually sending down their lights and influences here beneath amongst us because they are necessary and conducing to the universal good notwithstanding some particular and private Subjects may suffer and be endamaged by it Now Kings are in the number of Universal Causes whence it followeth that they are obliged by the Laws of Justice still to regard the Common good which if they do not they will inevitably find great inconveniences fall upon them The King after he had given Order to Arrest the Queen-Mother returneth to Paris THat course which the King took in this particular was of all others the most moderate Not that he was ignorant of those Tyes which obliged him to deal more severely with the Qeen-Mother but his own goodness and the sweetness of the Cardinal's Counsels would not permit him to treat her after any other manner Indeed if the course he took were so moderate the execution of it was no less respectful and civil insomuch that the Queen Mother had not any just reason to complain of it The King was at that time at Compâ—igne and gave out that he would on the morrow go to hunt and accordingly commanded every thing to be put in order very betimes He sent for the Mareschal d' Estree and privately told him that he should keep neer to him to serve him as occasion should require as also to command such Forces as he left in Compeigne purposely to prevent any uproar which the Qeen-Mothers Officers might chance to raise and likewise to hinder any concourse of Souldiers in the Countries near adjoyning and to keep that Town in its obedience The King made himself ready for the Hunting and before he went forth called the Sieur dâ— la Ville-aux Cleres and commanded him to go tell the Queen-Mother that he went without taking his leave of her because the respect and tenderderness which he had for her did hinder him from making a request unto her by word of mouth which she could not receive but with some displeasure though it were much conducing to the good of his State which was this That she would go to the Castle of Moulins a place which she her self had made choise of for her aboad after the late King's decease and there spend some time companyed with all those of her Houshold with all sort of Liberty enjoying all their goods and Revenues at any time granted to them and with all Honour due unto her Majesty To which effect he gave her the Government de Bourâ—onnois And then he called for the Father Suffren and gave him likewise order to acquaint the Qeen-Mother assoon as she did awake that it was not without regret that he went away without bidding her Adieu but that she should not be troubled at it his Majesty having left the Sieur de la Ville-Aux Cleres to inform her of his intentions This was the Order which was observed and after the King was gone forth of Compeigne Father Suffren was the first that carried her the news of it a person who had been an eye-witness of those many endeavours and cares the King had used to allay her spirit and who might thereupon relate those things unto her which had been intrusted with him that she might not have any just cause to complain against his Majesty Not long after the Mareschal d' Estree sent unto her to know if she would be pleased to see him which she thought fit and presently told him she did now perceive that she must be this second time a Prisoner But he having assured her that he was not left there to restrain her of her liberty but rather on the contrary to serve her and to receive the honour of her commands she became a little more appeased and about evening the Sieur de la Ville-Aux-Cleres came to request her that she would go pass away some time at her Castle of Moulins with such conditions as he was commanded to relate unto her and in the mean time the King having ended his sport went to lie at Verbrie Politique Observation QUeens are not at all exempted from those Laws which oblige the punishing of such as
his son had compleated that Faction which he had designed against him and the State but not sparing his own blood he presently clapped him up in prison upon his first notice and assurance of his resolutions Charles the Ninth did not pardon the Duke of Alençon his own Brother no more then he did the King of Navar for upon his first knowledge of their Intreagues he sent them both unto the Boys de Vincennes Did not Henry the Third after conference with his Nobles at Bloys threaten the late Henry the Grand and the Prince de Condè in case they did not conform themselves to those resolutions which had been concluded for the good of Religion and the State Neither had France ever been so much spoiled by those Wars had Monsieur de Guise been imprisoned as soon as ever his wicked designs had been discovered The Queen-mother her self did the same thing for during her Regency she imprisoned Monsieur the Prince upon suspicion lest he might attempt something against her Authority L' Mareschal d' Estree addresseth himself to execute his Majesties pleasure against the Queen-mother DUring the Queen-mothers abode at Campeign the Marshal d' Estrée was very carefull to shew her all manner of respect according to the command given him by the King He went constantly to receive the word from her he sent to know what course she would be pleased to take concerning the Keyes of the City and whether she would have them brought to her All the Officers of her Family prosecuted their charges without any disturbance she her self went abroad when and where she pleased unaccompanied with any who could but seem to restrain her liberty neither did he ever discourse to her in any other dialect but to beseech her from his Majesty that she would be pleased to go to her house of Moulins which her self had made choice of since her Widdow-hood he assured her she should not have any guards about her Insomuch that really she could not have any just cause to complain And in fine she condiscended to go to Moulins Not long after some of her Faction being at liberty reflecting on the neernesse of Paris and how advantagious it might be to their designs in regard it was the Center where all the intelligence of the Kingdom was brought and where all their Contrivances might be managed with the greater security and secresie advised her to change that resolution and perswaded her to continue at Compeign although her self had not long before said that she could not possible live there The King knew that the Neighbour-hood of Paris war of a dangerous consequence for those very reasons which made them aim at it so that he refused to give way to her longer stay thereabouts but offered her the choice of any other town in the heart of the Kingdom she pitched upon Nevers and the King had no sooner approved of it but she presently changed her mind pretending she had not any money for the journey thereupon she was promised a supply and that she should not want for any thing so she pretended a great preparation of Gallies to transport her out of France which was only an invention suggested to her by those who only continued it as a delay The King proffered the Government of Anjou unto her together with the City and Castle Angiers in case she would go thither To all these Proposals she discovered nothing but a resolute stubbornnesse against the Kings Will having forgot belike that she was his Subject as well as his Mother and not at all regarding those instances so often represented from his Majesty that she would depart from Compeign so that her disobedience against his Authority was not the onely offence but her delays in that City being so passionately and stifly by her desired bred the greater jealousie and suspicion of her Politique Obeservation OBstinacy is a fault the more dangerous amongst great persons in regard their example may serve for a Spring to give motion unto the people and their resisting their Kings Will causeth great evils in a State That perversenesse of not being ruled by reason and their Soveraigns Authority serveth only to ingage them in great disorders which instead of advancing ruineth their Interests and shipwracks all their adherents For the King must be obeyed and that by the very greatest of his own Blood and Family Better it is for them to bend then break to turn to any hand rather then go streight on to their ruine and confusion The certainty of Prudence doth not consist in a determinative will of absolutely doing this or that thing but in a resolution of prosecuting with zeal whatever reason doth dictate to be advantagious or proper when it followeth that whenever Prudence discovereth any notable disadvantage likely to attend that which formerly had been concluded necessary and profitable she presently with-draws her self An irrevocable resolution cannot be commendable but in Angels who piercing into the truth of things in an instant and knowing all the Qualities or Accidents which can render them either good or evil may â—â—hout fear of being mistaken remain firm in their first decrees But so it is not with a humane Soul which oftentimes coming to learn that those Subjects by him thought profitable are dangerous is then obliged to reject them with the same earnestnesse as he did before prosecute them That ignorance in which we are all born doth oblige the most powerfull men to follow the Counsels of the wise even against their own opions which rendreth them more inclinable to accommodation then others Hence it is not any inconstancy to change in any evil designs neither then when any unseen misfortune comes to be discovered but it usually happeneth to us in the confusion of affairs as when we are sick we are most eagerly desirous of those things which are quite contrary to our recovery The Discontents of Monsieur's Creatures AMongst the many other complaints made by them who abused the Queen-mothers Name and Seal in their Letters this was one of the chiefest that she had not been removed from the Court but only because she would not hold a fair correspondence with the Cardinal But is not this like the complaining of the sick who being fallen into some shamefull disease by their own faults will by no means accuse themselves but indeavour to impute it to some other cause more likely to justifie themselves Truly the Cardinal was no more the cause of the Queen-mothers Removal then Vertue is the cause that Sin betaking it self to all wickedness out of the hatred it bears to goodness should by that means come to be aliened from God who withdraws himself from it It cannot indeed be denied but that the King before her left he at Compeigne did once and again charm her to love the Cardinal and it were not amisse if the true motives which induced him so to do were here layed down The good of his State was chiefly in his intentions and
the necessity of withdrawing her from those Factions which would ingage the Kingdom in Revolts and all this to compel him to deliver up this grand Minister in case they could not effect it by the dayly instances which they perswaded her to make unto his Majesty This indeed is the true reason which forced his Majesty to part with her as himself testifieth in his Letter to the Governours of the Provinces where true it is mention is made of her refusal to love the Cardinal but it is likewise said that the hatred which she bare to him transported her to attempt things contrary to the good of his State and the publick quiet insomuch that he could no longer permit her stay at Court But who can impute her removal to the Cardinal when it is well known how carefull and solicitous he was to appease that anger which she express'd against him which he did so effectually as to renounce his own interest and Fortune and to sue for his own discharge from the Court with that earnestness that his stay there may justly be said to be only in order to his Majesties Will and satisfaction who expresly commanded it and to acquit himself of the Obligation which he had to acknowledge by the continuation of his services of the honour which he did him the King still protesting as great a resolution to preserve him as the Queen-Mother did eagerness to destroy him But lastly who can deny that a designe tending to ruine what-ever it cost one of the chiefest pillars of the State and him whom the King himself had often professed to be the principal Author of his good is not a crime Laesae Majestatis Were it not such in any one to attempt the destruction of any the strongest places on the Frontites or rather to invade any the fairest Towns of France Had not experience then made it evident that the Cardinal was of greater use and concern for the good of France then many Citadels and divers of the best Towns in the Kingdom He would easily have retrived them all if so be any Invasion of our Enemies should have forc'd them from us but it was not to be hoped ever to find a Minister qualified as he was who was a greater Protection to France then all the Citadels put together and who by his Industry had made the King master of a great number of Towns and Cities Politique Observation JT was not without reason that Theodosius the younger and Justinian inserted in their Books as likewise Leon the first and Constantine in their Politicis and Basilicis that Law made by the Emperour Arcadius whereby they who had engaged themselves in any Faction tending to ruine the chief Ministers of a Soveraigne were guilty Laesae Majestatis And for this very reason If any one in England be convicted of having contrived though but in his thoughts the downfal of any Counsellor of State though he had not executed it yet such is the Law there that he lose his life as guilty de laesae Majestatis against the King as it was in the case of Somerset Uncle to Edward the sixth and Protector of the Kingdom for only having designed in his thoughts to put the Duke of Northumberland to death who likewise governed the Kingdom of England under the same young King The Laws of Swedeland are so respectful of them that it is death only to speak ill of them Salvian de Marseille saith That the enormity of Injuries ought to be weighed by the quality of them on whom they reflect whence it followeth saith he that those injuries done to a chief Minister of State who representeth the Person of his Prince are to be reputed as done against the Prince himself Thou hast commitied an offence saith Quintilian but because it is against the Magistrate thou art therefore guilty of Treason Whence it was that Verterius as Plutarch observeth was condemned to die he having been defective in his respects to a Tribune whose place is much inferiour to that of a chief Minister This was the sense which Antiquity had of those offences committed against publike persons and thus were they punished who so offended And who can deny these their Laws and Customs to be very reasonable and just seeing chief Ministers are like the noblest parts of the Soveraigne as is declared in the Law of Arcadius And if the Prince be the head of his State they are then the Members and Instruments by which he governeth And thus hath another said Our Saviour is the Head of the Church the Church are his Body and the Prelats are his chief members They are Stars clothed by their Princes with part of their own splendour that they may the better guide the people by their Influences they are the lively Images in which they cause the foot-steps of their Authority to shine forth Whence it is that if a man be guilty de Laesae Majestatis for only offending by any dis-respect his Princes Image or Picture made only of Brass Stone or the like surely he is much more guilty who disâ—respecteth his living Image in whom the most lively stamps of his Royal Authority are engraved who is the Organ by which he delivereth his Will unto the People and indeed the principal Instrument of his Glory And if it be needful to re-inforce this with any stronger reason That is the crime de Laesae Majestatis which offendeth the Soveraign or which interfereth with the greatness of his State And what Is not this to attempt upon the greatness of his State when a Cabal shall be contrived and fomented for the ruine of a Minister who by the conduct of his Masters Arms and his own Prudence hath extended his limits hath rendered him terrible to all other Nations hath vanquished all his Kings enemies and reduced them to an impossibility of attempting any new thing against his Masters authority who hath extinguished all those Factions which troubled the publike quiet who daylie augmenteth the Revenue of the Exchequer hath established Peace in the Kingdom and in a word next unto his Majesty is the greatest prop and supporter of its greatness Cicero saith That he who raiseth a Sedition against the Publike Peace doth diminish the Majesty of the Empire There are three sorts of High Treasons The first is absolutely against the Princes person The second against the Respect due to him And the third against the Grandeur and Safety of his State and Kingdom Now it were to be purposely blind not to rank under this third degree all those Factions which contrive the ruine of any Ministers of State they being so much contrary to the good of the State neither were it unreasonable to range them under the first as in England seeing Ministers carry their Masters Image instamped on their Foreheads Prosecution of the Subject THe Mareschal d' Estree whose Discretion hath been often experimented in the many affairs in which he had been imployed used his utmost endeavours to
therefore had his Majesty to justifie and vindicate him unto Strangers in regard the major part of affairs which are transacted in his Government are only known to himself and his Ministers every one else seeing nothing but things in their effects And true it is his Majesty omitted not any occasion of publishing his Fidelity and Services but did it in expressions and demonstrations of an extraordinary esteem and affection Politique Observation KIngs are in some sort oblig'd to defend their Ministers from the assaults of slanders They owe this protection unto them in remembrance of their Fidelity and that they may be the more affectionately engaged in their services for that they seldome attract the hatred of the Grandees upon themselves but only by their resisting of attempts made against their Master's Honour and Authority It is impossible for a Minister to serve his Prince as he ought and not to discontent the chief of the State for he is often necessitated to curb their ambition of advancing their own power in detriment to that of the Soveraign and then all the envie falls on him as if the whole Government were in his hands and unto his Counsels are all the denyals which they receive attributed Which being so what Reason or Justice can a King have to abandon unto the mercy of envie a loyalty which if not cherished will soon languish Nothing does so much diminish the zeal which a Minister hath for his Masters service as the discountenancing of him The Prince that forsaketh him who hath done him faithful service is blind in his neerest Interests and besides the blot of Ingratitude wherewith he blemisheth his reputation he exposeth himself unto manifest dangers by permitting his ruine who was the greatest Supporter of his glory which once admitted he becomes like a City whose Fortifications are razed and laid level with the ground For this reason it was that Artaxerxes seeing the Athenians banish Themistocles who came and cast himself into his Arms said he wish'd his enemies no greater evil then that they might continue to be carried away by their envie to deprive themselves of the Prudence and Valour of such like men Now if Prudence and Justice doth oblige Kings not to remove able States men from their service upon the score of Report so ought they likewise to be careful in defending their Reputations seeing they are only malign'd upon their accompts and for their fidelity unto their services Who knoweth not that an ancient Common-wealth would not admit of a good Law if propos'd by a suspitious person unless in had been first of all moved by one of an approved integrity They who were the Contrivers of this Designe were not to know how greatly the credit of a minister doth advance his Masters Interest by causing him to be readily obeyed by his Subjects And experience hath evinced it in a thousand encounters that all things run into disorder where a Minister once loseth his Credit and Repute Prosecution of the Subâ—ect THere hath been so much already said in answer to those aspersions laid in the Cardinals way that to say any more were needless in relation to his glory but it is not so in relation to the end and drift of this History which is for the Instruction of succeeding Kings and States-men how they ought to govern themselves for Soveraigns may here learn how to carry themselves towards their Ministers by the King's behaviour towards the Cardinal wherein there was an appearance of objection though it was an effect of his Majesties Prudence Amongst the many accusations laid to his charge one of the chiefest was that he had obtained from his Majesty the Government of divers strong and important places of the Kingdom and that other some he had procured for his friends Now these so considerable places were reduced unto Sea-Towns Havre and Brouage and that these places were the more to be regarded they being in his keeping at such a time when as there were endeavours used to bring some Forraigners into France which could not be more commodiously effected then by Sea The Contrivers of this charge were not well vers'd in the History of late times wherein they might have learn'd how that the Government of Havre and Diepe had been united and incorporated into the Office of Admiral de France by two several Declarations of Henry the third Neither were they better acquainted with the passages of the present times How that the Government of Brouage had been conferr'd on him in exchange of Diepe it being impossible to intend the necessary affairs of Sea without having some chief Sea-Port Which being so What reason can he alledge to quarrel at his Majesties conferring those Governments upon him As for those which his Majesty entrusted with his Relations I shall only say that they were not comparable with those favours which divers other Ministers have received from their Kings and Masters though they never did the Tythe of those services which he hath Annas de Montmorency was Mareschal and Constable of France Grand Maistre and Grand Chamberlain and Governour of Languedoc whose eldest son was Mareschal of France and Governour of Languedoc his second Colonel of Horse Mareschal of France and Governour of Languedoc by Survivorship and his third son Colonel General of the Swisses One of whose Nephews was a Cardinal another Admiral of France and a third Colonel of Foot and whose four Daughters were match'd into four of the chief Houses of France viz. that of Thurenne de la Trimonille de Candale and de Vautadour and whose power was such that Francis the first commanded Henry the Dauphine afterwards King to obey him in the Armies which he governed I could likewise add that there is not any thing in the Cardinals Family that may hold comparison with that of Amboise who flourished under Louis the eleventh Charles the eighth and Louis the twelveth Charles d' Amboise was Governour of Champagne and afterwards of Burgogne under Louis the eleventh and six other Brothers which he had with many others of this Nephews were all advanced by him By his favour Meri d' Amboise was created Grand Master of Rhodes Jean was made Bishop of Langres Louis was made Bishop d' Alby and Lievtenant for the King in Languedoc and Guyenne Pierre was installed Bishop of Poictiers Jacques was made Bishop of Clermont and Abbot of Cluny Jean was preferred to be Seignieur de Bussi and Governour of Normandy the three sons of his eldest Brother Louis Bishop of Alby Arch-bishop of Rouen and Cardinal Grand Maistre Admiral and Mareschal of France Governour of Milan and Lievetenant of his Majesties Armies in Italy Guy Siegnieur de Revel Captain of two hundred Gentils-hommes d'armes which was then a high preferment Francis de Clermont his Nephew son of his Sister Catharina d' Amboise Cardinal and Râ—nede Prie son of his Aunt Magdaleina d' Amboise Bishop of Bayeâ—x Is there any thing in the Cardinal's Family which may compare with
that it might somtimes be recalled from those on whom it had been bestowed seeing it was conferred on him but for a certain time and the same Historian mentioneth some Lords of those times who were deprived of the Ducal Dignity yet commonly it was given for life As for the Dignity of Peer that is not so ancient but very eminent for that the Peers take place before all other Honours of the Kingdom as may be seen in the example of Philip the first Duke of Burgogne who went before Lewis Duke of Anjou his elder Brother at the Creation of Charls the sixth their Nephew by reason he was a Peer which his brother was not The most common opinion attributeth the first Institution to Charâ—emâ—gne but without other proof then this that History maketh no mention of it before his time and it is believed that they were created to be Judges of State Affairs which were decided by the Parliament in the King's presence That great Prince establishing this Order in the Kingdom to secure it from those misfortunes whereunto the late Merouingiens had exposed it by refusing to take any other care then that of their pleasuâ—es Tâ—ere are some ancient Titles found which make appear That the Comter de Champagne had seven Lords in their Comte who were Peers and did astist them in great Ceremonies and the Decision of chief Affairs In Germany there are some who are chief Ministers of their Princes Justice but although they partake of the Name yet are they but Images and those very imperfect in regard of the greatnesse of those of France who are thought to have been instituted to assist the King to serve him and receive his Oath at his Consecration and by their Office are impowered to advise him in the Government of the State A Synod of the pretended Reformed Religion at Charenton THose of the pretended reformed Religion had obtained permission by the Kings Breviate about the beginning of this year to make a National Assembly of their Ministers of France for the maintaining of their Order and Belief The Cardinal was of opinion that his Majesty should require them to meet at Charenton because being within his view they would have the lesse Freedom to renew such Cabal as they had formerly made in their Assemblies of Guyenne and Languedoc This Order was followed and the Sieur de Galland Councellor to his Majesty was sent to be President in the King's behalf his Loyalty was not to be suspected and they were obliged to accept of him in regard of divers authentique testimonies which made appear that this Order was conformable to that of Councels assembled in the Primitive times which they professed to honour The King especially commanded him to be careful that no Proposition were made which did not concern their Faith or Discipline to silence them in his Majesty's name in case they should discourse of any other affairs and to establish such rules as the Cardinal had proposed necessary to keep that Sect in submission To this end he used his utmost Prudence and Loyalty he perswaded them to enact that there should not any more National Assemblies be made but in the presence of a Commissary from the King who might by testifying their obedience be a means of continuing them in quiet besides he induced them to resolve upon the absolute excluding of all stranger Ministers this being intended of all that were not natural French and to inhibit their Ministers from leaving the Kingdom without his Majesty's licence by this means to prevent all intelligences associations and correspondencies with the enemies of the State according to the Laws of the Kingdom and his Majesty's particular prohibitions in fine he used so much prudence that they required their Ministers not to intermeddle in any affairs Politique or Military and condemned a Book of Berraut Minister of Montauban as erroneous because he maintained that Ministers had a particular Call from God to bear Arms. I shall not relate those other Ordinances there made for the subsistence of their Sect it not being the Designe of my History It sufficeth me to have observed those fore-going which were necessary for the peace of the Kingdom and were so many effects of the Cardinal's prudence who by this means disabled them from making Cabals prejudicial to the King's service broke their correspondency with strangers and left them no arms but the Kings goodness for their defence Politique Observation REligion is the strictest band to assemble people in any designe to conspire unanimously to the Publike good neither is there any thing which doth more disunite them then the diversity of Belief it is a flaming torch which sets the fire of Division among States and aqua fortis which separateth the most moderate minds hence it was that the Kings of Aegypt did heretofore entertain divisions among their subjects that they might render their own Powers over them more absolute by preventing them from uniting themselves in the same designs of revolt and this they did by engaging them in several different Worships Some of them adored a Crocodile others an Eagle this a Dog that some other thing as himself fancied thus they were never able to agree together how to shake off the yoke of their Tyrannie But besides that this maxime is impious and directly repugnant to the Laws of Jesus Christ it is thought to be very dangerous for the most part in the judgement of the wisest Politicians because the diversity of Belief being reduced to two or three parties is most able to carry a people into a revolt agaist their Prince France for these last sixty years hath had but too much trial of it and if our Kings had not been necessitated to permit this diversity as the wise Pilots who in a Storm let their Sails go they well knowing their resistance might endanger their Shipwrack they might have had secured the Estate from many misfortunes could they have prevented it in the beginning Now what better advice can be taken then to deprive Heretiques of the means to Revolt which are their holding Intelligences with Strangers their being headed by Leaders who are Turbulent and Factious their being able to make Assemblies at their pleasures and there to deliberate what they think fit without informing their Prince of any thing He who depriveth them of these Liberties striketh a great stroak in setling the Publike Peace and after despoiling them of their Arms which never ought to be allowed them he cutteth off their power of being ever able to recover it Besides it is necessary to repress their insolency the inseparable companion of Heresie They have a certain insatiable fiercenesse which makes them alwaies discontented and the only way to tame them is absolutely to refuse them all things which are not absolutely necessary for the exercise of their Religion That resistance which they meet in the soul of a generous and vigorous Prince hindreth them whereas if they find him weak and â—asie to be
where they best liked The Emperour and Infanta promise to protect the Duke of Lorrain THe enemies of France were much afflicted at the news of the Treaty between the King and Duke of Lorrain The Emperour sent Montecuculli unto the Duke to animate and assure him of a potent Army when-ever he was in a condition to defend himself from the King of Sâ—ede The Baron de â—â—eâ—de came to him from the Infanta to give him the like assurance and to beseech him to believe that the King of Spain's Forces and Treasure should ever be at his disposal when the Emperour should think it proper to attempt the recovery of his Towns Nay the Queen-Mother too though tyed by all sorts of Reason to embrace the King's Interests resolved by perswasion of Chaâ—teloupe to send a Letter unto the Parliament of Paris to engage them if possible in a Revolt which undoubtedly would have been seconded by that of Paris it self with divers other Cities of the Kingdom and all to force the King to withdraw his Army from Lorrain that he might extinguish the fire nearer home That Enemy of the publike Peace took occasion from the Parliaments discontents for that the King had sent some of the chief Officers of Mets to give them a check for their disorderly behaviour in the confirmation of those letters whereof we discoursed the fore-going year There need no other indicium to prove the letter to be his then the bare reading of it Not a person who had the honour to be near her Majesty could ever be perswaded that it proceeded from her inclination though signed with her hand but that it was by the wicked insinuations and devices of that seditious conspirator who in peace being inconsiderable would needs make himself famous and remarkable by raising war and troubles He well knew how to work upon this great Princesses weakness who being extreamly exasperated against the Cardinal would easily be perswaded unto any thing which might disadvantage him Hereupon he made her believe that this propitious Genius of France was upon the point of breaking the Peace with Spain That he had carried on the King to fall upon the Low Countries and that in fine the Spaniards and Emperours Forces would joyntly strike into France seize upon the Cities over-run the whole Champaigne country pillage the Towns rob the people pull down the Churches That Religion would be laid aside the Nobility ruined The Royal Houses errazed and the French Nation exposed unto death or such miseries as were a terror to her very thoughts This was the purport of the letter and these were the considerations which obliged her to signe it Strange it is to look upon the many disguisements tending to engage that honourable company in a revolt which hath ever been the main support of this State It was only desired that they would oppose the Cardinal's designes although all the enterprises wherein he ingaged the King were indeed so many additions to his and the Kingdoms glory as was apparent in the relief of Casal and Treaty of Pignerol They were sollicited to ruine this great Minister of State whose prudent conduct was the chiefest sword which his Majesty employed in defence of his Kingdom and whose every action did like a Thunderbolt annihilate the ambitious designs of the House of Austria But especially were they wooed to induce his Majesty to make a peace with Germany though it was sufficiently apparent how that that concluded in the year 1622. had been the cause of all those misfortunes whereunto our Allies have been exposed that relaxation having afforded opportunity unto the Emperour to take those advantages which he obtained in the Palatinate and upon divers other Princes I cannot omit one strange piece of Indiscretion which Chanteloupe committed in this letter viz. his oversight in letting the Queen-Mother publikely profess her giving credit to the predictions of those Astrologers who assured her that the Cardinal should not hold out above three or four moneths and in not considering how that one included another much more sad for France and which could not but beget her the hatred of all those who had any sense of a good Frenchman or loyal Subject But the blame of this defect as likewise of the whole Letter was laid upon him as the true Author thereof who had been so sollicitous in procuring her to signe it whose goodness like that of the Sun cannot do any hurt unlesse when in conjunction with some other Star of a malignant quality Neither had the Parliament any regard thereunto but reputed it as an aspersion animated by the Spaniards who then finding themselves reduced to an exigency were apprehensive of those Forces which his Majesty was dispatching into Germany and began to look about them when they saw the King imploying the courage of his Subjects in assisting his Allies and also a likelyhood of Breach between the two Crowns whereunto indeed his Majesty was invited by divers although he would never be induced so to do having alwaies thought it more glorious to preserve Treaties of peace with integrity then to conquer the Countries of his Neighbours Politique Observation ONe of those many and chief causes which perswaded the wise Politicians to seclude women from the Government of States is their being easily circumvented either by their own passions or the ill advices of others If the person enterprising any thing be but in discredit with them that is cause enough to mislike the whole affair or if it be not managed by a man whom they fancy Their passions are extream and lead them to discommend whatever is undertaken by those who are in their displeasure and on the contrary they are apt to approve of defects and faults in them whom they affect They are born with such inclinations that there is no mediocrity in their distinctions their Love and Hatred are ever in the highest and hottest degree and on the contrary when they pass from one passion to another they evidence to the whole world how little they can esteem him who was once their best beloved whereupon the wisest of Kings and one whose Pen was guided by the holy Ghost said There is no malice like that of a Woman Now if to their hatred any enterprise be attempted which clasheth with their inclinations as all War doth work upon their Fears which are natural unto them there cannot then be any War how just or necessary soever but shall assuredly be condemned by them In vain it is to endeavour to perswade them that it is needful to make war or to carry that war into a Forraign Country which is designed to be brought into our own it were bootless to represent unto them how the wisest Kings have ever kept the War at a distance from their own Countries and endeavoured to extinguish the fire in their Neighbours houses as knowing their own to be the next in danger It were but time and labour lost to offer unto their thoughts that it is
Marshal de Marillac IT was near about this time that the Marshal de Marillac was condemned having been imprisoned at Saint Menehoust in the year 1630. as hath formerly been declared The Cardinal knew that the punishing of great persons ought not to be precipitated left that which is indeed the effect of Justice be thought the hand of Revenge whereupon he was of opinion to delay the prosecution of his Indictment for some certain time and only to follow the usual course though the further way about for the more ample information and instruction of his Judges Besides he was not ignorant that as the highest stars are slowest in their motions so Kings whom God hath raised above the orninary pitch of men ought to be lesse active in the works of Justice then other men I insert this criminal in the Catalogue of great men not in regard of his birth or the services he hath done the State but in consideration of the imployment wherewith his Majesty was pleas'd to honour him which was more to avoid the Queen-Mothers importunities then for any reward of his deserts which could hardly have invited his Majesty to raise him unto so eminent a degree Indeed the whole Court was astouish'd to see the King advance him to that dignity openly saying that the extortions he had used in his imploiments were his most remarkable actions they accused his courage nor could they dissemble their opinions that such honours were not used to be conlerr'd on persons of his temper The late King Hâ—nry le Grand did ever slight him nor did he ever appear at Court but under the Queen-Mothers Regency who had given him a Wife of one of the Daughters of a branch of the House of Medicia before the Crown of Florence had been setlet on that family and who besides the honour of his name had nothing which could intitle him to any great actions Running at the Ring war then much in fashion where his diligence got him more credit then any fight he had ever seen The first command he had was under Monsieur de Angoulesm were he was Commissary of the Victuals which he discharged so untowardly that the King had then punished him upon divers complaints made against him but that the Cardinal interposed in his behalf The building of the Cittadel of Verdun was the next thing intrusted to his care but he presently fell to make such exactions upon poor mens labours that some particulars thereof already proved besides what is yet in dispute are prodigious The Garrison being once established he robb'd the Souldiers as much as the Builders and being Lievtenant of the Country he went on to that height that he exacted from the Villages whatever was necessary to be spent in his house divers Towns payed him yearly compositions raised by compact that they might prevent the quartering of his Souldiers others agreed to provide necessaries for his house which however for the most part were delivered but once in kind and then altered into sums of ready mony If any Town made the least resistance or grumbling the inhabitants were sure to be ruin'd and plundered by his Souldiers who knew they should not be called to account for it but rather that they should be countenanced for it by him who set them on work This trade did he drive and that so publickly over all the extent of his power as if the King himself had approved thereof neither was there want of any proof to make evident at his Tryal In the year 1627. he was imployed at Rochel where the credit he got was so little to his advantage that the Commander de Valance who calleth every thing by its right name talking one day unto the King of a man without courage openly said that he was no more a coward then Marillac About that very time was it that he indeavoured by his Letters and the designs of those of his Cabal to sow the Seeds of discontent between the Queen-Mother and the Cardinal which have proved so unhappy to the whole Kingdom and he continued to foment that fire with such care and addresse that the sparks of it are not yet quite extinguished During the Kings abode in Italy the Cardinal to please the Queen-Mother procured the command of the Army in Campagne to be conferred upon him where he robb'd the Souldiers of their very bread with such boldnesse that he sometimes exacted a third frequently a quarter but never miss'd a fifth and when he was commanded with his Forces into Italy he delayed the time with excuses either that he might crosse the Kings designs which they of his Cabal much desired or because he would not divide that command with another on t'other side the Mountains which himself injoyed alone in Campagne insomuch that his Majesties affairs had fallen into extream disorder had it not been for the Prudent Conduct of the Cardinal and Generals who commanded the Army in Italy Succeeding Ages will hardly believe that such excesses were put up so long together especially if they compare it with preceding times where the Marshal de Gie descended from one of the best houses of the Kingdom and a person intrusted with great imployments under three several Kings where the Admiral Chabot one of the most valiant of those times and one who governed the State with Anne de Montmorency where the Marshal de Biez the Chancellour Poiet Jean de Montaign Grand Maistre de France Peter des Essartâ— Semblance were severally punished for the same and yet much lesse crime of purloining the Treasure But these things were all connived at inconsideration of the Queen-Mothers whom the Cardinal would not provoke and therefore kept those Passages from the Kings ears But at last his seditious inâ—reagâ—es together with his Brothers and their Faction at Court for to destroy the Cardinal and to exasperate the Queen-Mother to that height which they did as appeared in the Battel at Dupes did so provoke the King both in regard of his base ingratitude towards the Cardinal by whose only means it was that he injoyed all his Honours and Benefits from his Majesty and also because they indeavoured to compel his Majesty to destroy the Cardinal by whose prudent conduct the State had received such signal advantages as are not to be equalized since the memory of man that he was at last forced to leave him in the hands of Justice to receive the punishment of the law for the oppressions he had committed upon the people Politique Observation THe Oppression of the poor is a crime which reacheth high as heaven and crieth for revenge unto God The Poor have this advantage over the Rich in exchange of the goods of fortune that God owneth them for so many particular Members of his Body and will not suffer them who injure them to be unpunished in regard he taketh it as acted against himself He giveth great men power enough to defend themselves which having denied unto the poor himself becometh
every little Town to stand upon their guard Some of his Forces attempted to seize upon about thirty or forty Mules neer Corcone but the Inhabitants falling upon them beat them back and saved their Mules but with the losse of twelve men left dead in the place which so incens'd his Highnesse that he resolv'd to besiege the Town and make them pay dearly for it But the Bishop de Mande whose Loyalty and Courage was well known hearing thereof raised a hundred Gentlemen and four hundred foot and with them got into the Town and resolved to defend it Whereupon Monsieur who had no leisure to stay in any place marched off traversing the whole Kingdom without any considerable thing done untill he came to Languedoc such good order had the Cardinal taken under his Majesties Authority Politique Observation IT is great Prudence not to neglect or slight the smallest Revolts but to cut them off in the first growth Some are so fatally blind as to perswade themselves that having great Forces a small Army can hardly get any advantage upon them But the wisest men have learnt from Reason and Experience that mean beginnings have sometimes had dangerous ends and that insurrections are like Rivers which the further they run the more they increase their Channels and inlarge their Banks They are not ignorant of the instability of humane affairs and that of all others the chances of War are most incertain They know that to disregard an enemy giveth him a great advantage for that he is thereby permitted to raise Forces and to fortifie himself so that in conclusion it will be as hard a task to subdue him as at first it would have been easie to have prevented him from making the least progress in his design One of the Pharaohs of Egypt was so inconsiderate as to slight the Caldeans being thereunto perswaded by some eminent men of Tunis who told him that for a Prince of his birth descended from a stem of ancient Kings Lord of a large Country and esteemed by every one as the Arbitrator of War and Peace to fear so inconsiderable an enemy would be injurious and dishonourable to him but he was not long unpayed for the Caldeans invaded his Country assaulted his Cities and ruin'd his Kingdom they meeting with no opposition at all The small esteem which those of Ninive made of their Besiegers and the great confidence they put in their own Walls and Power were the causes of their being taken in the middest of their mirth There need no more but one small sparkle to kindle a great Fire and but a small Revolt to over-run a whole Kingdom if there be not some preventive Force used Do we not see how the greatest Storms begin with a little Gale of Wind and that the greatest darknesses are Ushered in by small Clouds so do we likewise often see the greatest Wars to grow from little beginnings A State is seldome without I think I may safely say never some discontented persons who would be very glad to joyn their forces with those of any Revolted Prince if they could have but a small opportunity And some indeed too too many Ransâ—ckers who would be extraordinary glad to be under any protection where they might be permitted to forrage Pillage and Plunder The surest remedy in such cases is to prevent them betimes and to wait upon the first appearers in the field with such power and force that they may not have time to know where they are and that others may not dare to stir a foot to joyn with them Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontents THe Duke of Montmorency was the man who had ingaged Monsieur to come into Languedoc giving him to hope for great assistance in those parts and that himself had credit and power enough to arm all that Province in his behalf He had been much discontented from the year 1629. when the Esleus were established of such concern was the Creation of those new Officers unto him for they were then impowered to impose the Contributions upon the people which formerly belonged unto the States and especially the Governour Who sometimes would exact a hundred thousand Livres for his own share which losse he could ill brook by reason he was used to make great expences It is true indeed the Sieur de Emery Intendent of the Treasuries being sent into Languedoc to execute the Edict about the year 1631 found a means to content him which was to levy the said Contributions by certain Commissioners from whom the King should receive as great advantage as from the Esleus and yet who should act nothing but by direction from the States and thus had the Governour of the Province still liberty to make his usual profits But the Marshal d'Effiat Super-intendent of the Treasuries could not approve hereof either by reason of the disgusts which happened between them whilest they commanded the Army together in Piedmont or else because it was not just that the Governours of Provinces should raise such sums upon the people already too much oppressed and that without any benefit to the King So that Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontent rendred Monsieur de Emery's Proposal of accommodation of no use Besides he was resolved to prosecute the Office of Marshal General of his Majesties Camps and Armies which would have conferred upon him almost all the Functions of Constable which he could not obtain upon just considerations he having ever shewed more of Courage then Prudence in his Conduct The Refusal hereof was the more sensibly resented by him in regard his birth and the honour his Ancestors had in being Constables perswaded him that he deserved it These were the chief causes of his discontents which ingaged him to revolt whereunto may be added his Wifes perswasions who being an Italian born for which and her particular merits rice Queen-Mother much honoured her she so dealt with him that he imbraced her interests and consequently Monsieur who was then strictly leagued with the Queen-Mother for to ruine the Cardinal For most certain it is she did very much contribute to ingage him in those designs unto which he was of himself sufficiently inclined having naturally more fire then earth in his temper Besides he verily believed that the great acquaintances which his fore-fathers Governours of that Province for a long tract of tisâ—e had left unto him together with what himself had acquired would enable him to dispose the Cities the Nobility the States and people as himself pleased whereby he might raile the whole Province as one man and being then countenanced by Monsieur that he might force the Cardinal and suppresse the Edict of Esleus and to obtain for him what honours he should desire In order to this design he used his utmost indeavours with the Bishops and Nobility of Languedoc to oblige them to him well knowing that the people are like the small stars in the Firmament which having no particular motions of themselves are guided by the higher Orbs.
By this his Highnesse was reduced to such extremity that he knew not well where to make any sure retreat his forces being many of them disbanded and those of Beziers it self now in his Majesties obedience and who after his departure from them had made fresh protestations of fidelity to him refused to receive him and in conclusion had not admitted him at all but by order from his Majesty who commanded them to receive him but with his Train onely and to render him all the honour due to his quality The King approved of the overture and seeing Monsieur was at Beziers sent unto him the Sieur de Bullion Superintendent of the Treasury and the Marquesse de Fossez Governour of Montpellier but without any other conditions then those proposed by the Sieur de Aiguebonne At their first arrival Monsieur declared that he could not resolve to abandon the D of Montmorency who had not ingaged himself in that War but for his sake no more than the rest of his adherents that for any thing else he was unalterably fixt to render all obedience and service to his Majesty They replied that indeed such sentiments could not but be commendable neither could they proceed from any thing beside the goodnesse of his nature and beseeched his Highnesse to consider that if he had any interest in their concerns the King had incomparably much more reason not to capitulate at all with him or to grant by way of compulsion any grace to such Rebellious Subjects who had deferved the most rigorous chastizements of his Justice They represented to him that capitulations ought not to be made but between Soveraigns and that Princes though of his quality had no other way to obtain grace but by submission and acknowledgement of their faults that he might reasonably expect any favour from his Majesties goodnesse seeing his Majesty had of his own meer motion and that before any overtures made by him unto him to obtain his favour sent to invite him that after all this to mistrust his Clemency would be injurious that for their parts they could not ensure him of any favour for the D. de Montmorency or any other his Domesticks having no order but the former but that they might safely tell him that in case it should stand with his Majesties service to extend his favour towards all those whom his Highnesse desired his own innate Clemency would invite him thereunto that in fine his Majesty was doubtlesse obliged to inflict some exemplary punishment upon the chief Authors of that Revolt as a thing necessary to secure the tranquility of the State to maintain his Majesties authority to deter others and to chastize this Rebellion which of it self compelled his Majesty to execute some justice unlesse he would render himself culpable against his own estate These reasons were urged with such addresse moderation and prudence that Monsieur was from that time almost absolutely resolved to submit himself unto his Majesties Will yet some time he desired to consider of it which was in effect that he might the better confer with the Sieur de Puy-Laurens who finding no other way left then that of accommodation whereby to secure himself from the danger he was in induced Monsieur to resolve to treat he alledged to him that he ought to make the lesse difficulty of it in regard he might afterwards take his own advantage and put himself in a condition to obtain more advantagious terms and in fine he acquainted the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez with Monsieurs resolution they took his word and the Articles of accommodation were concluded by which Monsieur acknowledging his fault beseeched his Majesty First That he would forget and forgive him He promised his Majesty to relapse no more that he would relinquish all intelligences with Forreigners and with the Queen-Mother during her abode out of the Kingdom contrary to his Majesties Will. That he would dwell in such place as his Majesty would prescribe and live like a true Brother and Subject Moreover Monsieur obliged himself not to take any part in their Interest who were ingaged with him nor complain if at any time the King should bring them to condigne punishment To receive such persons as his Majesty should nominate into the Offices which should at any time become vacant in his family and to remove such as should be disagreeable to his Majesty Briefly It was agreed that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens having been the chief Agent of those evil Councels which had ingaged Monsieur in the War should be obliged sincerely to inform his Majesty of what ever had been negotiated for the time past by which the State might receive any prejudice and that under penalty of being reputed Criminal and to have incurred his Majesties displeasure These were the chief Articles whereunto Monsieur consented an assured testimony they were of his natural inclination to live quietly and submissely They were signed by him for his Majesties greater assurance and thereupon the Sieurs de Bullion and Fossex promised him in his Majesty behalf that his Majesty should receive him into his favor establish him in al his goods and pensions give him liberty to live peaceably in such of his houses as should be thought fit and that a pardon should be granted to Monsieur de Elboeuf and all others then residing neer his person without ingaging any thing for the rest His Majesty received these Articles by the Marquesse de Fossez and accordingly ratified them and thus was this desired agreement concluded which every one considered as one of the most certain foundations of France its happinesse Nothing was discoursed of but Peace the King permitted the strangers six days time to march out of France by Roussillon who scattering themselves abroad from one Coast to another received the same entertainment from the Country people as they had before offered unto them Monsieur retired to his house of Champigzy near Tours seemed to be satisfied in his very soul and withall writ several Letters to the Cardinal full of affectionate expressions disowning those aspersions published against him under his name assuring him that he had never consented to them in a though and that in his greatest Passion he had ever much esteem for him not only in regard of his loyalty towards the King but also for his eminent vertues and the great services he had done the State And thus every one saw an agreeable calm succeed that storm wherewith France had been so much agitated Politique Observation AS Kings are obliged to chastize some of the chief Authors of a revolt as shall hereafter be declared so ought they readily to pardon the rest Caesar was more esteemed for his easie condiscension to be reconciled to his enemies that Hannibal for his harsh courage It was his usual saying that nothing was lesse proper for those who aspired unto great things than willfully to persist in enmities which oftentimes cause those forces which were design'd for
thoughts unto them as he conceived most advantagious to their Common-wealth He beseeched them to consider that the eagernesse alone wherewith the Spaniards prosecuted it was enough to render it suspected that Counsels entertained with heat by an enemy connot be but with design to advantage himself that it was visible the disorder of his affairs was the onely cause he so passionately prosecuted it that the extremity to which he was reduced being assaulted over all the Indies in Germany in Italy in the Low-countries unable to furnish out new Levies or monies necessary for his security did not a little incline him thereunto He further represented to them how it had alwaies been esteemed for a matter of great concernment not to give an enemy breath when he is upon the point of falling and made it easie to be concluded that for them to make a Peace with the Spaniard in this his low condition would be the more prejudicial to them he having hardly any other shift to make himself considerable than the reporting of this Treaty to be concluded neither was he backward to represent unto them that admitting these his reasons should be invalid yet they did abuse themselves if they beleeved that the Treaty could include their Peace in it in regard of the Spaniards obstinate resolution of never relinquishing his pretended Soveraignty over their Countries a resolution which he hath ever protested against the Decree of the 16. of July 1588 which declared Philip the second to have lost all his right over them and how that after he had treated with them as between Soveraign and Soveraign by concluding that Treaty 1609 yet he could not forbear his ill intention during the 12 years that it lasted and which is more set Berkins Chancellour of Brabant in the year 1621. to sosicite them to return unto the obedience as he was pleased to say of their natural Prince that in vain they did perswade themselves the Councel of Spain would relinquish his pretensions seeing on the contrary upon every occasion he hath been ready to drive on his pretences both upon them and others and that admitting the Treaty should be once concluded yet they must ever be renewing of it and in effect that nothing would be obtained thereby but the losse of a fair opportunity whiles the Spaniards were reduc'd to so low an ebb He moreover forced them to confesse that the Treaty being uncapable of producing their Peace the State of their affairs and good of their Country did not oblige them in any respect to desire it that their Provinces were never more flourishing that Learning Husbandry Trade and whatever Peace maketh elsewhere to flourish were with them freely exercised in times of War that their Disciplines were so carefully improved that the Athenians could never with so much reason represent an armed Pallas as they might that their Pastures and Plains were not in the least troubled with the Souldiers that their Plow-shares were as bright as their Pikes and Swords and that the noise of the Cannons did not at all hinder their Traffick as the Province of Zealand and those others which are most addicted unto Merchandize have declared by their aversions to this Treaty Some private ones of Spain might paradventure object that admitting the State of their Provinces might not compel them to a cessation of Arms for some years yet it could not however but be advantagious to them because the Flemings and Walloons would in that interim forget their warlike exercises and that the Swedes and Protestants would so weaken the House of Austria that there would be no more cause of fear but he easily convinced them of the vanity of their hopes and represented to them how little reason there was to beleeve that the want of accompt during the Treaty would effeminat the Flemings and Walloons because the Spaniard would not leave them idle but find employments enough for them in other parts and that on the contrary undoubtedly the Spaniard would transport all his force into Germany which he had formerly entertained in the Low-Countries by which means he would force those Princes who counterpoised his Power to receive the Law from him and to lay down their Arms and which once effected that he would bring back his Forces from Germany recruited with a far greater strength which had for many years supported the House of Austria and that it would not then be very difficult to reduce Holland unto slavery This Answer was the more to be considered in regard it was so convincing contrary to the preservation of their State and Liberty nor did he forget to add that on the contrary it was not a little important to foresee how much this Treaty would undoubtedly weaken the united Provinces both in regard of the Division it would raise among them or the dis-use of Arms and their Traffique in the Indies so far was it from any likelyhood of encreasing their power that it was but vain to hope for it without reliquishing the Trade of both the Indies the Spaniard being not so indiscreet as to condiscend thereunto after the receiving so great detriment as he had from them but that in case they concluded it they would thereby blast their fairest hopes diminish the stock of their riches and cut off their right hand their power by Sea without which they were not considerable among their neighbors As to what concern'd the discontinuation of the War he freely told them that States preserve not themselves but by such means as have served to establish them as natural bodies subsist not but by the same things as are in their first compositions and that they did in vain strive to cause their State to flourish in peace which had received it's birth and being from War and which could not but by War be preserved in its present splendor He layd before them that peace would be absolutely prejudicial to them as experience had evinced in the late 12 years Treaty during which the Spanish Plots Gold and devises had wrought them a 1000 times more damage then all their open force could ever do besides the Souldiers laying by their usual exercises would loose much of their valor by which till then they had obtained such signal advantages and being not ignorant how powerful impressions truth maketh when it is seconded by glory that he might excite them he proclaimed aloud that there never yet was Common-wealth so like the Roman as that of the Hollander adding withall that if that had receiv'd such continual growth from War as it had not in seven hundred years from it's first foundation untill Augustus time but only twice shut up the Temple of Janus so it had lost it self by an unactive Peace and that nothing but the like misfortune could befall them when once they should relinquish their exercise of Arms. Nor did he conceal from them that in case they should then conclude the Treaty their Republique would totally discredit it self with its Allies
diligence The Articles agreed upon were that there should be a firm and strict union between the Kingdom of Swede and the Electors Princes and Protestant States of high Germany by vertue of which they were to unite their Forces and to assist one another untill Germany were setled in its first liberty that the Laws of the Empire should be in force that the Princes should be established in their States and Possessions that the Crown of Swede should be satisfied for the expences of the War and that a good and lasting Peace should be setled Moreover that the Chancellour Oxenstern should have the management of affairs who to this end should have a Counsel consigned unto him composed of qualified persons some Officers of the Crown of Swede and a Deputy of each Circuit of the Empire that none of the Confederates in particular should treat of Peace without the joynt consent of the rest in which if any one failed he should be declared an enemy that the Confederates of the four Circuits should furnish the Armies with Victuals Ammunition and Artillery that the Armies should take the Oath of Fidelity to the King of Swedes and the Confederates that the President with the Counsel should take great care to retain the Souldier in good Order and to secure Trade In a word that all the States and confederate Princes should oblige themselves to maintain the Crown of Swede in the possession of what they should get in Germany untill the War were ended and that they were duly satisfied as well as the confederates for the losse which they had sustained This was the substance of the chief Articles of those Treaties which were looked upon to be so advantagious that they were the substance of those great Armies which during this year check'd the House of Austria's proceedings Neither did the Cardinal receive any little glory by it who by his continual Instructions and Orders gave life the Sieur de Feuquieres motions glorious for him it was indeed and the more seeing he had for witnesses of it the four Protestant _____ of Francony Swave the upper and the lower Rhine Amstrudel the English Embassador the Chancellour Oxenstern the Chevalier Raches Embassadour of Swede Le Sieur de Pau Embassadour of Holland and divers free Lords of Germany who entred the Treaty of Alliance and who had granted unto them a Deputy to be of Chancellor Oxenstern's Councel That great Enterprizes ought to be prosecuted to the height THe glory of great enterprizes dependeth upon the end not the beginning which a wise Prince is bound to drive to the height without suffering himself to be stopp'd with any obstacles whatever I do not mean such incounters where the misfortunes of War may oblige a Prince to make a Peace upon what condition soever to secure himself from an absolute ruine It is then indeed Prudence to comply and to take in the Sails untill a more favourable opportunity permit him to put to Sea but abating this one exception a Prince is absolutely obliged to stand immoveable as a Center whiles Fortune the Mistris of War raiseth divers motions in the circumference thereof The timorous must inevitably meet with impediments in the execution of their designs but they who are couragious raise Trophies of glory to themselves so far are they from being diverted from their resolutions by every wind Fire doth not only naturally move from the Earth but consumes all obstacles which hinder its ascent and a Prince truly generous is not only excited by his valor to great designs but likewise to vanquish all difficulties which oppose his glory I may adde that this Element would be inconsiderable without this second quality nor would a Prince be regarded by his neighbours unlesse he testifie a strong resolution of surmounting all difficulties The wise Pilot forsaketh not the Helm at the sight of every storm but keepeth on his course toward his Port nor will a valorous Prince relinquish a great design upon every obstruction which thwarts him but whetting his courage and stirring up his valour he will bend all his indeavours to carry it to the end he first proposed well knowing that all things do in the end give way to him who is constant and resolute in affairs Though Julius Caesar were oftentimes inferiour to Pompey as to number of Souldiers yet was he never backward during the whole War between them to challenge him to the fight in confidence of the valour and experience of his Souldiers long trained up in those exercises Fabius Maximus was no lesse confident in the War which he managed against Hannibal for seeing him appear like an impetuous torrent swoln up by fresh waters whose course is hardly to be stopp'd at first by any obstacle whatever he quitted not the resolution of overcomming him but prudently judging that at the long run he might defeat him without any hazard he resolved to accost him in all straits and places of difficulty where himself could not be assaulted but to the others great disadvantage and by this means he dull'd the edge of his Armies valour newly puff'd up with their late victory and was so happy that whiles he continued in that resolution Hannibal's Forces decayed To such generous examples ought a Prince to conform himself Prudence may peradventure prompt a man to alter his course intended for the obtaining of his design but the Laws of valour do not permit him to relinquish his first design though he incounter some obstacles in the execution rather on the contrary they oblige him to prosecute the end otherwise he discrediteth himself and letting his enemies take advantage of his weakness offereth himself in the end a fit object for their victory The King sendeth the Duke de Crequy to Pope Urbane the Eighth to congratulate him according to custome and to compose the differences with the Venetians IT was not enough to provide for the affairs of Germany and Holland unlesse those of Italy were likewise considered unto which the Cardinal had disposed his Majesty since the beginning of the year Some person of quality was necessary to be sent Extraordinary Embassadour to the Pope to render him obedience nor indeed could his Majesty longer defer that Complement That this Embassie might serve for more then a bare ceremony the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to imploy some person capable to serve the Pope in the difference between him and the Venetians and to work his Holinesse to favour the interests of France as occasion should happen To this end he proposed the Duke de Creaquy as a person whose great riches were not only able to bear the expence suitable to his honour but withall who had been a long time experienced in the affairs of Italy and who had address enough to dispose the Pope to any thing which would be reasonably desired His Majesty approved of this grand Ministers choice and concluded the Duke de Crecquy to be a person very proper for that employment nor was he ignorant
Archers and to hinder any Religious person from entring in pretending it might disturb the publique Peace for which by his charge he was oblig'd to provide The Arch-Bishop was very sensibly displeas'd to see his designs so forcibly countermin'd and not resolved so to relinquish them he went in person to the Religious to carry them to his Palace a resolution which was the cause of all the misfortune that happened what had pass'd till then being look'd upon by most people only as a gallantry of spirit The Duke having never learn'd patience enough to suffer the Arch-Bishop to incroach upon his power by any Ecclesiastical priviledge went to meet him in person with his guards and some other Gentlemen at the entrance of the Cathedral Cloister and the Arch-Bishop coming thither he went up to him spoke some angry words struck off his Hat and Cap and as some witnesses depos'd in the information taken by authority of Parliament put the end of the stick which he had in his hand to his breast This Procedure made a great noise in the City and the Arch-Bishop losing no time the very next morning being the eleventh of November assembled those of his Clergy and by common consent Excommunicated the Duke and his Assistants interdicted the Cities and Suburbs of Bourdeaux and Cadillac The Parliament seeing this great trouble did what they could to make an accommodation but it was to little purpose all they could obtain was that the Parliament might hear masse in the Palace Chappel He likewise sent to the King informations of what had pass'd whereupon his Majesty sent order to the Arch-Bishop to take away the interdiction and to the Duke to go to his house of Plassac which is out of the Diocess of Bourdeaux to expect the Popes resolution to whom the decision of that controversie properly belong'd seeing they had appeal'd to his Holiness which hung in suspence about five or six moneths nor was it ended untill the yeer following till when I forbear to say any more of it That much respect hath been alwaies given to Prelates and Bishops THe Function of Prelates and Priests is so eminent and holy that all people nay Emperors themselves have been oblig'd to respect them Plutarch alledging the cause saith it is because they pray to the Gods not only for themselves and friends but for all mankind The Romans in the times of Paganism did so much honour them that the Priests of Jupiter going in the City had a Lictor and a cella curulis and condemned Cneux Cornelius Praetor of Rome for having injuriously disputed with Aemilius Lepidus the High Priest Alexander Severus had so great a respect to them in such causes where religion was interessed that he was not offended when their judgements were contrary to his and how respectfully did Alexander treat the High Priest of the Jews when in his fury going to Jerusalem with a design to ruine it he met him comming in his Pontisicalibus he was not only appeas'd but as the History saith worshipped God in his person with a great deal of reverence All Pagans in general have next to their Kings ascrib'd the chief place to their Priests and held it a great crime to offend them If the light of nature hath induc'd them so to respect them Christianity obligeth us to honour them much more seeing Bishops are receiv'd for Fathers and Pastors of the Church for the Successors of Religion and the Pastors of Jesus Christ they ought to be respected as the Law of well-living as certain rules of good works as Angels who have intelligence of the mysteries of our faith and who are more purified by the flames of the Holy Ghost they ought to be respected as persons of an eminent dignity who ought to have their minds rais'd in the contemplation of heavenly things to live in a noble scorn of al earthly things as so māy bright stars whose lustre is never sullied by the Clouds of Vice as heavenly men who have familiar converse with God as living books of the true Doctrine as the true Organs of Christianity and the Idea by which the people ought to frame their lives Constantine the great said he did not consider them as common men but as so many Thrones where the Divinity inhabited for which reason he could not indure that any should speak of them slightly and threatned those with death who offended him as is to be seen in History and chiefly commanded all governours of Provinces especially to honour them I shall likewise add a particular care in punishing those who injure them History is full of examples which the brevity of these maximes give me not leave to insert I shall only add that Prelates to render themselves worthy of this extraordinary honour are oblig'd to contain themselves within the limits of their condition because as the shadow cannot be without the body so it is unreasonable to pretend to glory without meriting it by virtue An Edict to abate superfluous expences THough the Forraign Wars undertaken by his Majesty of late years consum'd great sums of money and forc'd the King to levy great Taxes which did not a little diminish private mens Revenues yet such was the fruitfulnesse of France that they found means to satisfie their natural inclination of going richly cloath'd His Majesty dislik'd the ill deportment of many who notwithstanding the great necessities of the State did not cease to make superfluous expences in Stuffs Embroideries gold and silver Laces Bone-laces and other like vanities not to be permitted but in a full and long Peace It was the more needfull to redress these disorders because for the satisfying of such excessive curiosities there was a great deal of silver transported out of France which thereby was much impoverished whereby his Majesty was disabled at a time of need to raise monies for the supplying of his occasions or to exact those contributions which the glory and interest of his state did really require These reasons oblig'd him to make an Edict in the moneth of December by which the wearing of any Stuffs Embroideries gold and silver lace or any bone-lace of above nine Livres the Ell was prohibited upon pain of confiscation and six hundred Livres to be levied on them on them who should wear it and a thousand Crowns upon the Merchants who should sell it His Majesty knowing how powerfull the example of a Soveraign is amongst his people taught the French by his habit how to follow this rule and was so carefull in it that this Edict was better observed then any of the like quality had a long time been That Edicts inhibiting superfluous Expences are profitable both to Soveraign and People EDicts which forbid vain Expences are no lesse profitable to Soveraigns than the people especially in times of War Private mens plenty is the Princes treasure which he may make use of in time of necessity and as it cannot be preserv'd without frugality which prohibiteth the use of
THE HISTORY OF THE Government of France UNDER THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Great Armand Du Plessis Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu and chief Minister of State in that Kingdome Wherein occur many Important Negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time With Politique Observations upon the CHAPTERS Translated out of French by J. D. Esq LONDON Printed by J. Macock for Joshua Kirton and are to be sold at the Kings Arms in St Pauls Church-yard 1657. EMINENTISSIMVS ARMANDVS IOANNES DV PLESSIS CARDINALIS RICHELEVS etc. G Faithorne excud TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE John Thurloe Esq SECRETARIE OF STATE SIR THe Illustrious Cardinall truely Eminent for his sublime qualities presenteth Himself unto You in ful assurance of a most ample Protection both to his Memory and Fame Generous and active Souls have a naturall and therefore inseparable inclination to the mutuall Honour and Defence of each other It were injustice that that Pilot who in his life time knew so well to sail with security amidst the many turbulent and frequent storms of Fortune should be toss'd and molested in his Urn the Harbour where common humanity allows a quiet Station to all Be pleased therefore Noble Sir to undertake the Patronage of this Great Person in whose History you will encounter nothing but what relisheth of an high Grandeur and an extraordinary Genius Indeed the cleer and happy Justice of those affairs whereon you are engag'd will not finde much here for your imitation yet questionless many things there are which upon another account may challenge your admiration and applause The Symmetrie of your Administrations doth oblige you to accept of this Dedication from him who devoteth himself to your commands in the quality of SIR Your Honours most humble Servant JOHN DODINGTON To the Reader I Desire thee to excuse the many Errata's which doubtless thou wilt here meet in regard the Printer in some places hath fail'd in point of Orthographie give him the allowance as in such cases are common and the scales will be turn'd for other faults I must also Apologize in regard of my own affaires which would not permit me to review my own Coppy or Correct the Press If thou dost then demand why I undertook it I shall deal ingeniously with thee and tell thee I was ingaged upon it by the importunate surprisall of a friend who extorted a promise of it from me ere I well knew what I had promised I beseech thee therefore to connive at what cannot now by either of us be amended Thus much more I thought good to let thee know that if this finde thee merciful I may perchance present thee with the sequell of the Cardinals Administration until his Death the manner of his Death his last Will his Birth and Youthfull Studies with diverse of his Letters and many quaint Observations upon his Life and Death which I hope may better deserve thy approval I. D. These Books are lately Printed and are sold at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard A Collection out of the best approved Authors containing several Histories of Visions Apparitions Prophesies Spirits Divinations and other wonderful Illusions of the Divel wrought by Magick or otherwise Also of divers Astrological predictions shewing the vanity of them and folly of trusting to them By G. I. A Restitution of decayed intelligence in Antiquities concerning the most Noble and Renowned English Nation by the Study and Travel of Richard Vestegan The History and Character of the Bishops in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James Written by Sir John Harrington for the private use of Prince Henry The Magistrates Authority in matters of Religion asserted Or the Right of the State in the Church A Discourse written by the Learned Hugo Grotius Of Government and Obedience as they stand directed and determined by Scripture and Reason Four Books by John Hall of Richmond Two Plays of Mr James Shirley's The Constant Maid A Comedy and St Patrick for Ireland That excellent Tragedy of Bussy D' Ambois Written by George Chapman These now in the Press The Man in the Moon Or a Discourse of a Voyage into the Moon By Domingo Gonzales Also Nuncius Inanimatus or the Mysterious Messenger both written by D. F. G. a man of great parts and Eminency in his time The Indian History of Anaxandre and Orazia Written in French by Monsieur de Bois-Robert Translated into English by a Person of Honour some years since THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu Anno 1624. GOD who is able onely by the strength of his Arms to over-rule Kingdomes according to his own pleasure hath given some part of their Government to Soveraigns whom he hath established as Vicegerents of his Power The Love which he bears to men hath inclined him to admit them unto the pertaking of his Authority And if he hath ordained intelligences in the Heavens to over-see their motions he hath also decreed certain men upon the earth who should have the charge of reigning over Kingdomes But though he hath invested all Kings with an absolute Authority yet he hath not indued them all with one and the same Genius His Prudence which guides all things by Weight Number and Measure hath affected that as in Painting there are Raphaels and Titians whose pieces serve other Painters to learn the perfection of their Art so there should likewise be in Regality Caesars Constantines and Charlemains whose Actions might be recorded as examples for all others As it is said in Philosophy Perfectum in suo genere est mensura Caeterorum The worthiest subject in every kind serves for a measure to all within its compasse And who can refuse to rank in this number the present King under whose Scepter the Kingdome hath the happiness to be now governed To speak truth his Actions have fixed the Kingdome in the highest point of glory that many ages have seen his Prudence Valour and Justice do shine with so much splendour that without doubt they are sufficient to teach the Laws of Government to all other Princes He never affected any Title but that of Just because he made choice of Justice for the rule of all his Actions knowing that it was the most illustrious perfection in all Kings that it was it which rendered their Majesty most venerable That it was it which gave a good successe to all their enterprizes and lastly that this was it which was the strongest Prop of Peace But we should offend against that very Justice if we should deny hâ—m the Title of Great which his Scepter gives to him The Title of Invincible which his Valour hath merited the Title of August which his vertue hath acquired the Title of Conquerour which Fortune her self hath bestowed upon him His dignity maketh him the greatest of Kings his Power the strongest his Conduct the wisest his Treasuries the Richest and his Vertue the most just We have seen some Clouds arise which have seemed to obscure his light but they have onely
served to set off with advantage the wonders of his Conduct and he hath ever dispelled from us all those Tempests of Mis-fortunes which have threatned France He hath the Honour to be Son to a Father to whom a thousand ill strious acts have acquired the quality of Great And I think it may be said with truth if Fortune dâ—id set limits to Philips Conquests that there might be some subjects for his Son Alexander to shew his courage on Heaven did also set bounds to the glory of that grand Prince in suppressing civil wars that our Lews the Just might have occasion to triumph over Heresie and curb in the Ambition of the house of Austria In prosecution of these two designs he began to overcome as soon as ever he knew how to mount on Horse-back That he replanted the Standard of the Cross in Bearn that he disarmed Heresie over all the Kingdom that he hath so often made the Spaniard and King of Hungary to let go their Holds and that he forced them to relinquish the design which they had so long projected of universal Monarchy Heaven seems to have made a Bargain with him that he should overthrow whatever resisted him that his actions should be as so many miracles and that his reign should be full as happy in the obedience and love of his Subjects as illustrious by his victories and triumphs Which being so how can we pass by so many glorious Actions without publishing his Wisdome and Generosity were not that not onely to deny to his Valour the praise it justly vindicates but even to deprive Posterity of an example whereby it might learn what no books of Policy can teach It is not fit to publish the secrets of a Prince but it is just to declare his vertues And if the first be forbid by the Laws of Secrecy the acknowledgement which is due to their merit and the zeal of the Publick good obligeth us to the secoâ—d This is the principal reason which hath invited me to publish the glory of his reign and I would condemn my Pen to perpetual silence if it had been mute on this occasion so necessary will it be to those who shall govern France in future Ages to follow those footsteps which he hath left behind him I confess I am not able to find words equal to the greatness of his Actions but I had rather want words then acknowledgements for my King and affection for my Country but I shall nevertheless hope to acquit my self so much the more fortunately as the heroick Actions of great Princes have often rendred those eloquent who have undertook to write them A Prince who would signalize himself by an extraordinary conduct ought to chuse Ministers who are sufficiently able to assist him with their counsels and to put them in execution For the better choosing of whom I think it convenient to observe with T. Livy that there are three sorts of them The first Eminent who are able to govern all by their own discretions and who have a Prudence vigorous enough to advise of themselves whatsoever is necessary for Government without being beholding to others who see all penetrate into all judge of all and whose Genius is strong enough to bear up the weight of the greatest affairs The second may be called Indifferent who have not sufficiency enough to judge of all things or to execute them but have a good capacity to apprehend the judgements of others in their Counsel and so to govern affairs by their directions that they are often times successefull in the greatest enterprizes The third and last have so little Judgement that they are neither able to manage affairs by their own or the advices of others whence it happens that they are apt to commit very deplorable faults and to put all things into Confusion Of the first rank ought a Prince to choose his ministers if he would design any great attempts or carry them on to a good success If he himself too be of this number they will bring wonders to passe if he be not he hath so much the more need to have persons of this temper neer him For God who hath naturally subjected little things to great seems to have given Letters Pattents to eminent spirits to govern if not by their Authority at least by their Counsels the rest of Mankind It is a dangerous fault to choose Ministers at a venture and for that reason Aristotle blamed the Athenians who chused their Magistrates by Lot it being absolutely necessary to elect them by Prudence and still to prefer the most capable The Proverb saith Ex quolibet ligno non fit Mercurius a Sowes Ear wil not make a Silk-Purse and true it is that not all are proper for all affairs Men must be fitted to their Commissions least they not having abilities proportionable do not onely ruine the most glorious designs but withall make them end in great mis-fortunes If men have never atchieved any thing greater then States and Empires surely they cannot do any thing more glorious then to govern them well and since Causes ought to be proportioned to effects it is necessary to imploy great Persons in great places That sight which should pierce into the remotest Objects should be the sharpest That Arm which should throw furthest ought to be strongest that light which should shine in many places ought to be liveliest and generally all causes which should have most force in their operation should have most vigour in then power Which being so ought not the understanding of a Minister to be quicker then that of others seeing be is to dive into truths His Memory ought it not to be stronger seeing it ought to preserve more Species ought not his Soul to be more capable seeing it ought to be more Universal ought not his Wisdome to be greater since he must comprehend more reason and ought not his Prudence to be more perspicacious seeing he is obliged to provide for the greatest and most important affairs An ordinary capacity of mind is sufficient for the guiding of a private life but he who hath the charge of governing a State ought to surpass all others in the strength of his Genius God who is the first reason and mover of Nature may be his example in this kind and of necessity who so doth serve next under him in the Administration of a Kingdome ought to be indued with a more vigorous wisdome then others that he may be as the understanding Soul in a civil Society and a guider of all others motions by his own Councels Not to follow this rule were to put all into confusion and disorder and one of the greatest vanities which is under the Sun saith the Spirit of God in the Scriptures is To place Fools upon the Tribunal and to leave Wise men standing upon the ground It were to set a Sailor to the Helm and the Pilot to the Oar it were to commit the guidance of the Primum mobile to the
at that time they had no other honour but that of being issued from the County of Abspurg in Switzerland Besides Princes allyed by marriage commonly joyning their Forces together do not a little help to defend one another upon an occasion and even to favour those enterprizes which either of them shal make to increase their power Lewis the second well knew how to break off the Match between Charles Duke of Burgogn with Margaret daughter to Richard Duke of York and Sister to Edward King of Enâ—lâ—nd which would have joyned the English Forces with those of Bâ—rgogn by demanding that Princess for Charles his brother though he had no intention to marry him to her he being too too prudent to match a Brother so inclinable to Rebellion with an enemy so Potent as she was It is true if the Aliance of France with England was then thought to be disadvantagious to the good of France yet now that which may be concluded on with them is of so much the greater concernment because having nothing more to do then to ballance the house of Austria it could not gain a greater advantage in relation to that design then by this means for this being one of the powerfullest Kingdomes in Europe will turn the scales to that of the two Crowns with which it shall bee joyned in Alliance France cannot hope that England would upon any consideration of marriage whatsoever relinquish their own particular interests seeing Soveraigns have nothing which is dearer to them but it will have good reason to beleeve that it will never invade us unless provoked by honour or some great Consideration and on the contrary that they would assist us with a good will in such enterprizes where they could receive nothing but Glory After all Fâ—ance will have this benefit to hinder their being leagued with our enemies who joyned with them might much damage us and it is advantage enough to avoid those mischiefs which would follow if it were left undone and by that means to prevent the uniting of our enemies with them The Cardinal knew That that Minister who hath a care of the Church interest draws down a thousand blessings from Heaven upon the State Accordingly he did particularly imploy himself to get as much liberty as possibly he could in England The Earles of Carlisle and Holland came with confidence that there could not be any great strictness used in that particular but imagined as their Master did that the diversity of Religion which was in France would induce them not to be too earnest only of an Assurance that the Princess and those of her retinue should have free liberty to exercise that Religion whereof they made profession but the Cardinal quickly told them That the King his Master being more obliged by divers Considerations to procure greater advantages to the Church then the Spaniard they ought not to hope that he would be satisfied with less then they He represented to them that his Majesty being the eldest son of the Church and bearing the Title of the most Christian King would be much blamed if he proceeded upon other terms besides that this Alliance could not be concluded without the consent of the head of the Church That it would be ill received at Rome if it should be proposed there with conditions less favourabâ—e to the Catholicks then those which were granted to the Spaniards To which for the present the Embassadors replied That the King their Master had not procured the Parliaments consent for this Alliance with France and breaking off that with Spain but in consideration that they would not have been so strict in requiring so many favours in behalf of the Catholicks and withal that it was held there as a fundamental Law not to grant them any freedomes by reason of many great inconveniences which would in time happen to their State The Cardinal was not wanting to reply that he was well informed neither the King or Parliament were induced to break with the Spaniards untill they were convinced that their Treaty was onely feigned and that they had other designs then of giving the Infanta to the Prince of Wales and as for what related to the Peace of the State he answered that the liberty which was granted to the Catholicks could not trouble it seeing experience hath evidenced it on a thousand occasions that there is not any thing which doth more stir up People to Commotions then the restraint which is imposed upon the exercise of religion That that is it which incites people to shake off the yoke of their obedience and that never any thing but mis-fortunes have followed that Prince who would force men in that beleef which they had a long time imbraced That in truth Religion might by fire and sword be destroyed and rooted out before it be fully setled in the soul but after that it will be so far from being changeable by force that rather on the contrary violence will but ferment and fix it so much the more because those things are more difficult then the care which ought to be had for their conservation That in effect this Maxime was verified in France where the liberty which was granted to the Hugonots by the Edict of Peace had converted a far greater number then all the rigours of punishment and war These reasons were so strong that the English Embassadours found themselves unable to answer any thing against it But it was not sufficient to perswade them the King of Great Brittains consent was needfull It cannot be denied but there were great hopes of obtaining it considering his particular inclination he himself being well disposed to be converted and that he was also satisfied in Conscience concerning the principal difficulties in the Catholick Beleef and had permitted the Arch-Bishop of Ambrun sent at his intreaty by the King to sound him upon some other points to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation to above twenty thousand Catholicks in London indeed it was apprehended a little hazardous lest the Parliament should not consent to it they having a great power in the resolution of affairs This difficulty induced the King after the Cardinal had informed him of it to send the Marquess de Effiat into England in the quality of an extraordinary Embassadour to negotiate all the affairs which related to the marriage In his instructions were particular orders to indeavour to perswade his Majesty of Great Brittain to like well of those reasons which the Cardinal had imparted to his Embassadour and moreover to tell him in particular that considering the Parliament was composed of Protestants and Puritans he ought to suspect them on this occasion that himself being party against them there was no apparence of any reason to delay that which concerned the Catholicks Interest Moreover that it was dangerous for a Soveraign to use violence towards his subjects in matter of Religion seeing that it teacheth to despise life and who so despiseth his own life is master of
any other mans of what condition so ever he be That this constraint is repugnant to the safety of Kings of which in History are many examples especially in these latter ages These reasons were very considerable but withall the Marquess D' Effiat followed them home with such address and vigour that they made the same impressions upon the Kings as they had done upon his Embassadours minds who indeed did much contribute by their Letters to bring it to a resolution Articles of Marriage between the King of Great Britain and the Princess Henrietta Maria of France THe Negotiation was so fortunate that the King consented to all those Articles which were demanded in behalf of the Catholicks and accordingly his Majesty gave command to his Embassadours to accord it and on the 10th of November they were signed by them with the Cardinal upon these conditions That the Kings Sister should have all manner of liberty to increase the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion together with all her Officers and their children that to this purpose she should have a Chappel in every of the Kings houses a Bishop and twenty eight Priests to administer the Sacrament Preach Gods Word and doe such other Offices as their Function required That the children which should be born of this marriage should be brought up in the Catholick Religion untill the age of 13 years by the Princess That all the Domesticks which she carried into England should be French and Catholicks chosen by the most Christian King and they dying she might take others into their place French and Catholicks by and with consent of the King of Great Brittain Moreover that both the King of Great Brittain and Prince of Wales his son should bind themselves by oath not to attempt by any means whatsoever to make her change her Religion or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it and should promise by writing upon the faith and word of a King and Prince to take order that all those Catholicks as well Ecclesiastick as secular which had been imprisoned since the last Act made against them should be set at liberty That the English Catholicks should not be any more hunted after for their Religion nor constrained to swear any thing contrary to the Catholick Religion and that such seizures of their Goods as had been made since the last Act should be restored to them And generally that they should receive more liberty and favour in respect of the Alliance with France then had been promised them upon the Spanish Treaty This was as much as could be desired for the present in behalf of Religion until the Princess who was indued with all the qualifications both of Body and Soul which could render a Princess beloved should have acquired a good power over King James his spirit and the Prince of Wales her husband and so finish the remainder which the King expected both from her zeal and behaviour with the more confidence because Ladies have a great hand over their husbands and Father in Law when they are once intirely loved by them Politique Observation THere is good reason to hope for the Conversion of a Prince from the Princess whom he marries Women have so natural an art to perswade men and to lead them to what they desire that there is hardly any thing impossible for them to do Their beauty alone hath such strong charms that they imprint in the soul by their eyes all the affections they have a mind to and the Love wherewith they are cherished gives them so great a power that if they have never so lâ—ttle ingenuity one cannot defend himself from their perswasions and if it be thus true in general it is not lesse in the particular of converting their Husbands or the People who are subject to them History is so full of Proofs of this nature that one must be altogether ignorant if he knows not that the divine Providence hath divers times made use of their means for this glorious purpose Thus Clotilâ—a daughter to the Duke of Borgogn was the occasion that Clovis one of our first Kings her husband imbraced the Christian Religion and banished Idolatry out of his States Iâ—gâ—nd Sister to Childebert King of France being married to Hermenegild King of the Gâ—ths converted him to the Holy Châ—istâ—an Faith Chieâ—umte daughter to the King of Merâ—e in England married a King of the West Saxons made him become a Christian and she her self a Saint Thâ—â—dâ—linda wife to â—â—gâ—lulph King of the Lombards perswaded him and a great part of his people to lay by their false Gods and to live under the Lâ—ws of he Gospel Gizel daughter to Hâ—nry Duke of Bavier and Sister to the Emperour Henry the first being married to Steâ—hâ—n the first of that name King of Hungaria made him and his whole Kingdome resolve to in â—race the Fâ—â—th of Jesus Christ and thus many others of the like examples do verifie that Qâ—eens have ever had a great power in this particular and the spirit of God which hath made use of them for such glorious effects saith The unbâ—lieving Husband shall bâ— sanctifiedly the believing Wife Heaven it self fights for them in such occasions when they labour for his glory besides it cannot be denyed but that their Rbetorick is perswasive that their accord do some time passe or currant and undeniable reasons that their words are charms and that their addresse is able to master the greatest courages In the midst of this diligent care which the Cardinal took for the Interests of Religion and the State his Prudence was not forgetfull of any thing which might bee thought in favour of the Kings Sister It was agreed in respect of eight hundred thousand Crowns which his Majesty gave her in marriage that she should renounce all successions either Paternal Maternal or Collateral which might befall unto her and accordingly after she had received leave from her mother the Queen Mother so to do she did renounce and the King of Great Britains Embassador did ratifie it that in future no such pretensions might arise to trouble the quiet of the Kingdomes as formerly had been Withall he took such tender care of all advantages for her that she could not suffer any inconvenience by any accident whatever It was agreed upon by his care that the Prince deceasing without issue the mony should be totally restored to her to be disposed of according to her own will whether she did live in England or in France That if he had children by this marriage there should onely be two thirds of her Portion returned the other being moveable that the last twenty of the third part should be made a yearly rent to her during her life that her Dower should be eight hundred thousand pound sterling por annum returning French mony at sixty thousand Crowns rent which should be assigned to her in Lands and Houses one of which should be such and accordingly furnished that she might make
her usuall residence there That the King of Great Britain should be obliged to treat her and her Family with that Port which was fit for one of her quality that there should be fifty thousand crowns in Jewels presented to her by the King of Great Britain as a marriage favour which should remain to her and hers as well as those which she then had as also such as she should have in future That she should have the free disposal of Benefices and Offices in those lands which should be given her in Dower and that one of those lands should be a Dutchie or an Earldome that it should be lawfull for her in her Widdow-hood to return into France whether she had children or not that in case she should return the King of Great Brittain should conduct her at his own proper charges to Callis with such honour as should be fit for one of her quality That her house should be furnished with such dignity and should be filled with as many Officers as any Princess yet had or as had been accorded to the Infanta of Spain upon the late Treaty which had been proposed Briefly that for the assurance of these conditions he of the two Kings who should be deficient to accomplish what belongeth on his part to do should be bound to pay four hundred thousand crowns to the other as a penalty for breach of them This was as much security as could be had for the present but one thing is not to be forgotten which was that all the Treaty all the promises given and taken and all the Acts which were concluded on passed in the Kings name as the Person to whom the marrying of the Princesses of the Bloud did really appertain and which he might do according to his own pleasure and upon such conditions as he should think fit whereas they are onely concern'd to give their consents both to the Persons and Articles which are resolved on Custome may raise obstacles against marriages and make them void if there bee any defect of following the usual order which is prescribed The Popes have found by the Canon Law that they have this Power Particularly Alexander the third who when a Bishop asked him the Question whether Marriage between the Children of two Gossips were allowable answered him yes in case the custome of the Country did permit it But I shall say moreover that the same Pope hath declared that there might be such Customes in France which might annull marriages though on the other side those of Rome may license them According to that answer which was made to the Bishop of Amiers who desiring to know if a marriage made with a Eunuch were good was answered that the general custome of the French Church was to dissolve it and he was contented so to permit it though the Roman Church used the contrary It is the Custome of France that no Princesses or Ladies of great quality whose marriages may be of concern to the State may marry but by and with the Kings order and consent The second Race of our Kings furnisheth us with an example very remarkable in the marriage of Judeth Widdow of Edmulph King of England who being married without the consent of Charles the Bauld with Bauldwin grand Forrestier and afterwards first Earl of Flanders he declared the said marriage to be nul by the Prelates Clergy of France assembled at Senlis though she were at her own disposal by her first marriage and royalty though Pope Nicholas the first would have pickt a quarrel at it and have confirmed it Some one perchance not well informed may suppose that this Pope wanted courage but there is no reason for it seeing he had spirit enough to excommunicate Lotharius for marrying a second wife leaving his first though his Clergy at Merz and Calogue did favour him to constrain him to quit his last Wife and to receive his first as also to dispossess two Bishops who had Abetted the disorder the true reason is he knew that the Custome of France did not permit Judith to re-marry without the Kings consent The third Race affords us another proof reported by a Historian who deserves so much the rather to be credited he being generally known for one of the enemies of France It was the marriage contracted by Proxy between Maximilian and Anne of Brittain It 's true it was not consummated as that of Judith was but because it was concluded without the consent of Charles the Eighth one of our Kings His Majesty making use of his Power declared it Null by reason of that default In fine it was allowed for naught and both parties remained Free Maximilian afterwards marrying Margaret of Milan and Charles the Eighth married the same Anne of Brittain and no one doubted the validity of either of the marriages If these examples evince to us the Antiquity of this Custome and how the Church hath allowed of it we cannot suspect or doubt but that they are grounded upon just reasons seeing the marriages of persons of such quality are of great importance to the State and ordinarily are the originals of Peace or War and serve for a Stair-Case to such who aspiring higher then they ought raise enterprizes against the Soveraignty as Cornelius Tacitus hath observed it doth therefore rest safely to bee concluded on that the Princesses of France cannot lawfully marry without the Kings consent So that neither men or women who have had them in their possession did never make a difficulty to promise either by Oath or any other assurance that they would not contract them in any marriage without their consents and approbation Philippes Auguste took security of Mahaut Countess of Flanders that if it should happen that she and Eude the third Duke of Burgogn should separate she should not re-marry without permission Philip Earl of Namur promised the same King that he would not marry Jane or Margaret of Flanders his Neeces whose Guardian he was without his consent Jane Countess of Flanders promised by a particular instrument unto St. Lewis the King that she would not marry with Simon de Montfort but with his allowance Jane daughter to Philip of Burgogn being delivered to King John by the Treaty between him and the Earl of Savoy amongst other things it was then concluded that she should be married where his Majesty should think fitâ—â— provided it were not to the Daupâ—ine his eldest son And Francis Duke of Brittain ingaged by a Treaty with Charles the Eight not to marry either of his two daughters without his advise under the penal forfeiture of two hundred thousand crowns of Gold and for the greater security he bound unto him the principallest Towns in his whole Dutchee The Deputation of Father Berule to his Holiness to obtain a Dispensation for the above-mentioned Marriage THe respect wherewith the King had ever honoured the Holy Father made him resolve with the English Embassadours in the first Article of the Treaty That in
Cardinal could hardly have imagined how much it was to be wished that the Sieur de Marillac would have rebated some part of that unquiet and rebellious spirit of his which he manifested during those troubles in relation to that reservedness and moderation of which he was known to be master when he had no other Office but that of the Requests and Councellour of State which moderation of his gave good cause to hope that his riper Age had totally extinguished that sedicious fire which had almost consumed him in his younger days Politique Observation SEeing there must of necessity be limits and Bounds in that distrust which is had of persons chosen to serve in publique affairs as also that it is a great fault to trust every one and a greater to trust none or to remove a person from the Goverment whose reputation and conduct seems to ingage a Trust in him so on the contrary the confidence which a Minister hath of a person who hath the repute of a great vertue though peradventure there might have been some miscarriage in her former conduct is no slight testimonie of her owne integritie A depraved Nature can beleeve no one hardly himselfe whereas a vertuous oble disposition honoureth such as have the reputation of being fincere and Loyal with so much respect that there need no great labour to make them be credited I cannot more properly compare distrust to any thing then to those Poysons which Phisitians sometimes use in their Medicines which administred with discretion and by weight do cure the most dangerous sicknesses whereas given in a little excess they presently kilso doth distrust it is one of the best supports in a Ministers conduct if he useth it moderately and on the other side if too much made use of it causeth a thousand disasters both to the State and the Minister himself Hee who is too distrustful hath never any quiet hee never looketh on any thing but it disturbs him no one cometh neere him but hee suspecteth it is with some ill design if any one salute him with a little more then usual respect he presently fancieth such a one will cheat him and vertue it selfe passeth for Hippocrasie in his opinion And if by this means hee createth a Hell to himself his suspitions too are offensive to all who have any manner of conversation with him I passe by those inferiour persons who do oftentimes render great services to the State and yet being denied the liberty of presenting themselves do at last hate the chief Minister when they think themselves dis-respected On the contrary confidence puts the mind in great repose gaines affection from all the world induceth to imploy all such as are able to do service with Freedome and many times maketh enemies themselves to change their designs and to prosecute instead of persecuting his interests The Romans were not sullied with this diffidence for they never made any difficulty to re-place those again into their Offices whom they had formerly removed They recalled Camillus whom they had banished made him Dictator honoured him with the Consul-ship and General of the Army under Marcus Lâ—vius command whom they disgraced And the Emperour Augustus instead of punishing Lucius Cinna who whould have attempted upon his person had such confidence in him that he not onely did not distrust him but advanced him to the Consul-ship and by that manner of proceeding so won upon him that he was ever after very faithfull and very affectionate to all which concerned him Mens inclinations are not irrecoverable and they who have heretofore been incendiaries may turn to be faithfull servants Whence it comes that the Rule which ought to be followed in distrusting of men is that it be not with excesse not totally and absolutely to lay by and reject all who have been culpable of evil management but to examine the true cause of their disorder whether their fault were committed by inclination or accident if the occasion which induced them be removed or not and whether there be good ground to beleeve that their vertue hath been set right and amended after their bad disposition judging so much the more favourably of those who are reputed vertuous because the integrity of a Prince and his principal Minister of State is judged by the Qualities and Conditions of those Officers whom they imploy but withall still retaining a power to curb their evil conduct if they abuse that confidence which it had of them The Garde de Seaux d' Haligre is advanced to the charge of Chancellor of France by the death of Monsieur de Sillery FOrtune having made way by the disgrace of the Marquess de la Vieville for the advancement of these two Councellors of State death would also take its turn to shew its power giving occasion by the decease of Monsieur de Sillery to advance Monsieur Le garde de Seaux de Haligre to the charge of Chancellour of Franch This great man was laid a sleep in his Tomb after he had been known for one of the prime spirits of his time both in matters of his Counsel the Seal and his own particular importment whence it happened that the disgrace which befell him not long before by those bad Offices which the Marquess de la Vieville did him who was not able to indure that any mans discretion should over shadow him was but a Triumph to his vertue He was removed by the Artifices of that Minister to go spend the rest of his days at his house of Sillery that he might be eased of the trouble of the world He made known both to his confident friends who visited him and to such with whom he held an inter-course by Letters that this change wrought not upon his Constancy and that his disgrace did not at all alter the temper of his mind He told them that he had alwaies held it for a maxime to consider Accidents by their true cause which is the divine Providence and seeing that no man ought to repine at that which he is forced to suffer it were but reasonable to conform our wills to those orders which are established here upon earth that he was not ignorant how that huge multitude which follows those men who are in great places doth not follow so much their persons as their fortunes and that the solitude wherein he now was made him find it so by experience that he did not think he had the fewer friends in having so few Visitants that in fine he in-joyed a great liberty such a one as he had never tasted in his most honourable imployments that the sweetnesse which he found in it invited him to lament their condition who were still bound to such Slaveries And that lastly the preferred his disgrace before the highest dignty It was a middest such prudent meditations that he entertained himself near a whole year in great content from the Court untill at last death came to put a period to his days but
Assembly very remarkable of the three States in which it was resolved to make the Treasurers render an accompt and to intrust the disposal of the Publick Money into the hands of the Ecclesiasticks and Noble Men who it was hoped would manage them with more Fidelity In fine a Commission was granted to the Abbots of Marmostier and Corby and they had joyned to them for Counsel four Bishops and four Knights Pierre des Essars Treasurer of France was then clapt up in Prison and severall Financiers condemned to pay great Fines The Affairs of the Valtoline AFter the declaring what Empires Death and Fortune exercised during this year in the State the prosecution of Affairs ingageth me to inform you of what passed in the businesse of the Valtoline but that I may write it with more perspicuity I think it necessary to take the rise of this Affair and to observe to you that the Valtoline is a Country scituated at the foot of the Alps not unlike a great Ditch separated by the high Mountains from the Grisons and those which are on the Coast of Italy It is not of very large extent not being above twenty leagues in length and one in breadth but is very fertile and of great importance serving as a Gate to the Spaniards and Venetians to bring Forces out of Germany into Italy as well to defend as to increase their States The Venetians were not ignorant of it when they were imbroyled with Pope Paul the fifth Anno 1603. they made a League with the Grisons who are natural Lords of it to have free passage through it as their occasions should require though France had the onely Power to dispose of it according to the Treaty made with them by Lewis the 12th and renewed by Henry the Great Anno 1602. during the time of his own life the life of the present King and eight years after his decease Which Alliance with them gives great offence to the Spaniards which caused them to make another League with the Grisons to whom the same Passages were assured for the safeguard of Milan However after a long Treaty made in the year 1631. these two new Alliances were turned topsie turvey and that of France re-setled it is true it was not for any long time because the Venetians having been at variance with the Arch-Duke Ferdinand and the house of Austria sent Secretary Patavin to the Grisons who contracted another league with them which made the Spaniards re-assume those former intelligences of theirs insomuch that there were two parties formed amongst them that of Plauta for the Spaniards and that of Deslia for the Venetians which kindled such a fire as could not be extinguished to this present day The difference was such that from the year 1617 to the year 1621. there were nine insurrections among them in which sometimes one party sometimes another had the better of it At last the Valtolines annoyed by the Injustices and Extorsions which the Protestant Grisons used over them and otherwhiles pretending that they would abolish the Catholick Religion from amongst them they made a general revolt and at the perswasion of the Governour of Milan massacred all the Protestants they met with In July 1620 the Grisons could easily have chastised them for this cruell act whereas they to secure themselves from the revenge which they expected had recourse to the Governour of Milan who glad at heart to make an advantage in this occasion was not backward in sending them souldiers and building them Forts in their Valley The King being then ingaged in re-taking those Towns which the Hugonots had gotten into their possession could not succour the Grisons with his Armies but however he sent the Marshal de Bassompiere extraordinary Ambassadour into Spain to require and in his name to demand that the Valtoline might be restored and all things re-placed into their former state and condition The Marshal took extraordinary paines to procure it and at last obtained it and accordingly it was signed at a Treaty in Madrid in May 1621. on condition that certain great Liberties might be accorded to the Catholiques there and with a Proviso that the Cantons of the Swisses and the Valtolines should incline the Grisons to consent to what had been agreed upon But the Spaniards proceeding with little Faith to execute the Treaty procured the Catholique Cantons by their mony to deny their consents which one thing being deficient they would put off the whole execution of the Treaty and moreover made one at Milan with the Deputies of the Grisons and two others with the same Grisons and the Archduke Leopold by which they got great advantages in those Countries and so kept to themselves the power of passing any Forces thorough that Country This Procedure made the Duke of Savoy very jealous as also the Princes of Italy and Germany which were not interessed in the designs of the House of Austria and having made their complaints to his Majesty his Majesty who is as much concern'd for them as the Grisons concluded a Treaty of Alliance with the Duke of Savoy and Republique of Venice in February 1623 for the executing the Treaty at Madrid and the re-establishing the Grisons in their Soveraignty of the Valtoline This League made the King of Spain suspect that they began to smel the Usurpation which he had made so that ghuessing he should find a hard task to preserve it â—he offered the King to put all those Forts which the Governour of Milan had built in deposit in Pope Gregory the fifteenth's hands and those of the Holy Seat to be by them kept until the conclusion of the Treaty which should be made to end all those differences The King could hardly be drawn to agree to to the deposit both because there was no need of any other Treaty then that of Madrid as also by reason of the liberty of passages which the Spaniard would keep However his Majesty being pressed unto it by the Pope consented to it upon condition that all those Forts should be demolished within three months during which time the Articles of Accommodation should be agreed on at Rome The Commander of Sylleri was then Ambassador at Rome for France and the Duke de Pastrane had the same charge from Spain and both having received power from their Masters to treat and negotiate this Affair there were divers Proposals made France never made any difficulty of according to any thing which might contribute to the exercise of the Catholique Religion in the Valtoline or for security of all such as made profession thereof But they would never agree to those demands which the Spaniards made concerning the having of Passages with so much peremptoriness During which time Pope Gregory the fifteenth dyed and Vrban the eighth being set in his place after his first entrance upon the Popedom proposed new Articles of Accommodation which comprised as much as could be of advantage for the Church and Catholiques which were readily accepted
to by France but as stoutly rejected by the Spaniards for that it did not grant to them the enjoyment of the Passages Their Refusal surprised the Pope but he being made by some of their Ministers who had represented to him that those Passages were the least recompence which they could pretend to in lieu of many Millions which they had expended for the defence of the Catholique Religion in the Valtoline His Holyness proposed to them to grant them passage for their Souldiers into Germany and Flanders in behalf of the War which they should make against the Heretiques but upon no other occasion whatsoever To this the King would in no wise agree because to have granted them free passage there upon what occasion soever were to give them the whole end of their design which was to unite the Estates which the House of Austria hath in Germany to those in Italy as we shall â—lswhere declare and by that means to expose the Princes of Italy as a Prey to the Spanish Ambition more especially the Venetians who should that thing be assented to have good cause to complain of France Besides that Article was quite contrary to the Treaty at Madrid for the execution of which this Treaty was onely intended That withall the King was in a League with those of Venice and Savoy and had engaged his Word his Honour and his Faith to resettle things in their former state It is true the Commander of Sylleris had been surprised by the Spaniards and had consented to those Articles wherein the demand of those Passages was included but however had not signed them and the King disowned them and declared that he having done it contrary to his order he was not bound to ratifie it and principally seeing he himself too had not assented to them but after he had understood of the disgraces which had befallen the Chancellor his Brother and the Sieur de Pisieux his Nephew Politique Observation IT is very dangerous for a Prince to sit still and see another invade his neighbours for certain Passages or Countries which may lay his States as it were hedge by hedge and especially if those places may serve for a In-let or Door to give succours to his own Allies such a thing were to give him leave to turn his weakness into strength for that united States are stronger then when disunited Great Rivers whilst they are in small Brooks are fordable by every one and are not feared at all until all their waters run in the same channel and divided Estates may easily be surprised whereas if united they are capable of giving jealousie to their neighbours as also to make attempts upon them It is a common saying in Philosophy Vis unita fortior united Power is much stronger than when divided into several particulars Sertorius evinced this to his Army for a Truth by a witty Invention he commanded two Souldiers to pull off a Horses tayl both which he chose for the purpose of a different humour and strength the one of them weak but ingenious the other strong but rash the latter in obedience to Sertorius command took a whole handful of the Horses tayle and tugging with all his force could not pull it off the second took a quite contrary way he pull'd them off hair by hair until he quite made an end whence Sertorius took an occasion to exhort his Souldiers never to separate themselves either in a Fight or upon a March he told them they had seen that united Forces are hard to be vanquished but easily overcome if disunited If this reason be sufficient to warrant a man from permitting an Invasion in any Country it is the more necessary to be prosecuted when it serves for a mutual passage for France to assist its Allies and to receive succour from them for that these Passages are of as great concernment as the Allies themselves for once being lost Allies can neither give or receive any succours at all That Prince who suffers them to be usurped exposeth his ancient Allies to be made a prey and cuts off one of his own armes wherewith he might have defended himself For this very reason it is that our Kings having often discoved the Spaniards designs of invading Savoy have presently been on foot to defend it as the usual Gate of Communication between France and Italy which once lost they knew that all the Princes of Italy would quickly be reduced to the mercy of the Spaniards seeing they could not be assisted by France which hath ever been their Protectrix as also that France if occasion were could not receive any succours from them The Deputation of the Sieur de Bethune to Rome as Ordinary Embassador and the Revocation of the Commander of Syllery THe Commander de Syllery being thus surprised the King was obliged to call him home and to send in his place Monsieur de Bethune a man of great judgement and reputation to whom he gave expresse order to declare very resolutely to the Pope that he would never consent that the Spaniards should have passage in the Valtoline and to beseech him in his Majesties name that he would use his authority to inforce the execution of the Treaty of Madrid that according to the rules of Justice the Grisons might be restored to that which had been usurped from them both in the Valtoline as also in the rights of the League at Caddee A little after his departure his Majesty received advice that the resolution of denying those passages was approved of at Rome so he dispatched one to him upon the way that he might every day be more resolute and that hee publish it aloud to all the world to stop the Spaniards mouths who made people beleeve that at last wee should give ground and accord it to them The Sieur de Bethune being arrived at Rome acquitted himself so worthily of that which was give him in charge that the Pope no more doubting of his Majesties resolution told him he would forthwith discharge himself of the Forts in the Valtoline The Sieur de Bethune was for the present satisfied with it and gave notice of it to the King But upon receiving his Majesties further pleasure upon that particular he very briskly told his Holiness it would be a thing of very ill consequence to deliver them into the Spaniards power seeing if it were once done a breach between the two Crowns were not to be avoided That it were no lesse against the Interest of Religion to surrender them to the Grisons who were Hereticks and that the best expedient which could be taken was but by the By he proposed it onely as from himself either to raze them as by the Treaty of Madrid was agreed on or to leave them to the Valtolines themselves seeing there might be an easier agreement made with them then with any others The Pope found himself so intangled that he knew not what to resolve so that the businesse had been Wyer-drawn into a great
entred without any resistance but he having first given the Allarum to the Town he who commanded the Fort had the leisure to put himself into a Posture of defence and to shut the Gate but the Sieur de Soubize did not long keep the Town in his power for the Duke of Vendosm then Governour of Brittain hearing of it presently sent to all the Nobility of the Province with order to bring all the men they could every one of which came with great diligence The Duke of Vendosm comming Post found that the Sieur de Querrollin entred into the Fort with store of Souldiers Victuals and Ammunition The Duke of Rets and Brissac came at the same instant of time as also those Gentlemen who were in a condition thereabouts and the chief amongst them being in Counsel together it was concluded to build a new Fort just over against the old one with intent to batter the Ships of the Sieur de Soubize and to sink those with more ease which he should attempt to carry out of the Port as also to assault the Town in six several places The Fort was finished in a trice and a Battery presently Planted but as soon as ever the Town should have been assaulted both he and his Souldiers forsook the place Withall to bring the design to a good passe they played with their shot day and night upon the Ships where he was and the Cannon did such execution that he was forced to hoise Sail which he did by the help of a dark night and a strong wind which carried him over the Cables that were overthwart the Port though the Cannon indeed sunk the best of the Duke of Nevers Ships and forced four of the greatest on Shore at the mouth of the Port which were taken and in fine he sled towards Rochel who were not behind hand as also the whole body of the Hugonots to disown it by their Deputies and by their Declarations which they sent the King Politique Observation IT is a dangerous Deficiency in Governours of Provinces not to keep good watch and ward in times of Peace upon places of importance especially on the Sea-Coast and such States as are subject to be agitated with Civil Wars For what neglect is committed in this point doth much help and assist those who would imbroyl things and who may come by Sea upon a sudden to surprize them Holy Writ tels us That they of the Tribe of Dan being informed that the Inhabitants of Laish were secure and suspected nothing went assaulted them took their Town without resistance put them all to the Sword and burned their City Did not Francis the first upon his expedition into Italy and by the surprize of Villa Franca teach all Governours of all Places that there is no consideration whatever can exempt them from alwaies being upon their Guards and that it is without reason that they think themselves secure either by the strength of their Fortifications or by the far distance of their enemies For Prospero Collonna who commanded that Town and making merry without the least suspicion upon confidence that the King was far enough off from him was surprised by the Sieur de Palisse which he heard not of before he saw him in his Quarters It is true he himself might be excused in regard his Sentinels were taken and that some of the Inhabitants held Intelligence with the Sieur de la Palisse but however the whole misfortune was laid in his dish though he was a brave Commander yet he was much blamed it being not permitted to a man of that condition to say I did not think I was in any danger For this very reason it was that Iphicrates one of the Athenians most renowned Captains would have his Army alwaies upon their guard or in a posture to fight during times of Peace in the same manner as if in the heat of War and he answered some who misliked his curiosity that one ought alwaies to suspect who would not be surprized Indeed vigilance is one of the most necessary qualities for a Governour of a Place he ought to esteem that the honour which he hath in commanding to be but a glorious servitude That in Commanding all he is bound to watch for all that he remember Governments are called charges and that the name of Charge which he hath ought to teach him that it is a burthen committed to his Prudence and that the place which is intrusted with him is not barely recommended to him but he to the place to be guarded and conserved with his best care Anno Dom. 1625. EVERY one takes delight in the Spring time to consider the Face of the World when as the hand of God guides the Sun a little nearer to us to behold that fair Star establishing a serenity and calmnesse in the ayr before troubled with Tempests to see the Earth replenished with a thousand Ornaments of Beauty before languishing and quite decayed by the bitternesse of Winter and to view Plenty introduced in the room of Barrennesse which the Hoar Frosts and Snows had left behind them But how much more delightfull was it to look upon France presently after it had pleased his Majesty to advance the Cardinal to the Government of Affairs who like a Sun which should be the greatest instrument of his glory began to re-assume his ancieat Splendour and to dispel by little and little those causes of Civil Wars which did every year renew themselves in the State to set bounds to the ambition of strangers and to establish such an order under the Kings authority which is not onely the happiest but most Illustrious of all other Kingdomes The increase of glory which his Majesty every day gave to this Minister did serve to augment his courage and raised new lights in his Soul subtilized his Prudence and furnished him with occasions to demonstrate to the World that he was amongst those Ministers of whom History gives us such commendations to be as the Cedar amongst the Hysop He could not be enough admired seeing his whole life was nothing but a Publick imployment and who absolutely renouncing the idle voluptuousnesse of several other Favourites who seem to think on no other thing then to indulge themselves with those favours which fortune presents to them had his mind without any intermission still affixed upon high designs tending to the glory and Grandure of his Master He knew that immoderate unseasonable delights did rob Ministers of State of a thousand fair opportunities That it is impossible to serve the Publick and injoy the pleasures of this life he made open profession he had none but such as were necessary for an honest diversion and certainly if pleasures could not bewitch him interest nor profit could never Charm him or get any power over his Will Honour was the chief aim which he proposed in all his actions which he sought for in his Masters glory and he scorned all profit which did keep him off from it But that
which from the beginning gave the greatest admiration of all to his conduct was that imitating that manner of operating used by the Divinity which is invisible as his Essence There were every day wondrous effects of his Prudence brought to light before any resolutions were heard of or before any Orders taken were perceived whereas before there was not any thing concluded on which did not make more noise then the effects We shall proceed to consider the particular in the Processe of this History and I shall satisfie my self with laying down this positive ground That the King having given him the Honour of all his Trust after he had known the eminency of his Genius the wisedom of his Counsels his fidelity not to be shaken the dexteriousness of his Conduct which hath nothing parallel with it he likewise totally gave himself up to his Majesty Politique Observation A Minister is obliged in the same manner to make his Masters greatnesse and that of the State his principal aim and end he ought to remember that Kings are the lively Image of the Divinity That then Ministers are the Suns which their Kings glory doth form for the good of their People As God hath created that Star which over-rules the day to shew us here beneath one Ray of his infinite Splendour and to be the Authour of all those blessings which are communicated to us here below but ought he not to know before he attain the honour of the imployment whereunto he is arrived that private Interest which doth serve to inrich Families is the greatest enemy of State in the Soul of a Minister and that the Administration of a Kingdom ought to be done as the Tutillage of Orphans which is granted not for the profit of the Guardian but of those persons who are intrusted under his Tuition Glory is the onely thing which is permitted him to aspire to and how can he hope to atchieve that without transacting many things which may give a Reputation to his Master and his own Ministration The Cardinal d' Amboyse lost a great part of his glory in Italy by preferring his own before his Masters Interests The Reputation of a Minister cannot be eminent unlesse he be intire to the Prince whom he hath the honour to serve He who is truly generous expects no other recompence for his Actions then the honour and satisfaction to have done them Also he cannot be ignorant that Virtue doth scatter such rays as make her venerable in the sight of all men and in this consists in the height of glory Particular between the King and Cardinal for the good of the STATE MOnsieur le Cardinal knowing there was nothing more pernicious to Kingdomes then the want of Generosity in Ministers who content themselves by living in a lazy Peace in which time they give leave to strangers to increase their powers and instead of cutting off the Causes do onely skin over disorders in the State did not imagine it sufficient to keep things in their former indifferency but brought the King to apprehend great designs towards the procuring that ancient lustre once again to France which it had in the beginning of its Empire It is natural to a man to be more apprehensive of those dangers which are nearest and as it were at hand upon him then those which are further off though they be of a worse consequence and at this passe had things been a long while together Whereas the livelinesse of the Cardinals Soul which penetrates into the Ages to come presently discovered to his Majesty the dangers of this nature and made him apprehend the other the more easily in regard his Majesty was not ingaged in them but onely by the weaknesse of those who had the management of affairs He made it quickly apparent to him that they who shew themselves so over-affectionate of Peace do by little and little weaken and decay the State without being aware of it that they do mollifie the Courages of the people by a sloathfull repose who by such waies are exposed to the violences of strangers who have in the mean while exercised themselves in Arms and acquired force enough to make an attempt upon their neighbours His Prudence imitated that of a discreet Physitian who that he may perswade his Patient to take such things as may be convenient for his sicknesse discourseth to him the causes of his indisposition and then leaveth in to himself to judge if they be not proper for him Sir said he one day to his Majesty in a particular Counsel though a King who looks after nothing more then quiet hath reason to bestir himself when he finds his Ministers have brought his State into disorder because there do every day arise to him new causes of discontent yet he who seeks Glory ought not to be much troubled at it for that such disorders are the Ground-works upon which he may raise Trophies as marks of his Prudence and Generosity so your Majesty need not be at all troubled for those defects which have happened to your Estate by the faults of those whom your Majesty hath imployed who though they have been very affectionate to your service have not however had Souls high enough to second the Generosity of your intentions You may easily remedy all this according as you have designed there need only wel to know the Causes and to apply such remedies as may be agreeable and the State will soon be in safety Your Majesty may command me any thing for that I dedicate all my cares and all my indeavours to you and I cannot have any greater pleasure then to sacrifice my life to your glory And seeing you do me the honour to hear me discourse what I think to be most considerable in the State of Affairs I shall not imagine my self deceived if I shall tell you that I have observed four things which are the principal Causes of the weaknesse and disability of this State The first is Forraign and is nothing but the unbridled Ambition of the Spaniard which makes him aspire to the Monarchy of Europe and carries him on to attempts upon your neighbouring States which are as the out-skirts of the Kingdom of which too he hopes to be one day Master when he shall once have fortified himself upon the Frontiers and made it destitute of succours from its Allies The other three are Domestick and at home which serve for supports to all Rebellions and Revolts which are like a Lyon bred up in the Kingdom from whence nothing but mis-fortunes can arise The second is the excessive licenciousnesse of the Grandees who do so much detract from your greatnesse by so much as they assume to themselves more then they ought The third is the want of disciplin'd Troops who should ever be on foot to oppose any enterprizes which may be made against your Majesty or your Allies The fourth is the want of considerable Foundations in the Treasury to commence War upon occasions and to
supply them as long as need shall require I suppose that these are the original Sources from whence do flow those most dangerous mis-fortunes which threaten France and I imagine if your Majesty can but drayn them up there is nothing more to fear But on the contrary all sort of Prosperity and Glory to your Majesties Crown much to be hoped for The Attempt which the Sieur de Soubize made upon Blavet whilest you were succouring the Grisons testified sufficiently to your Majesty that those of their Party would take all advantages whensoever your Forces should be entertained in Forrrign parts Those Civil Wars which the Princes do yearly renew are those which reduce your Majesty to that weaknesse that you cannot enterprise any thing abroad nourishing the people in disobedience and giving means to the Grandees to partake of that honour with your Majesty which is onely due to your Majesties Scepter In the same manner the Usurpations which the House of Austria makes upon all the neighbours of France will in fine give them means to usurp that too at least strenuously to attempt it if your Majesty maketh not timely opposition In fine the small number of exercised Companies which are ordinarily on foot and the small Revenues in the Treasury do reduce your Majesty to that impotency of resisting strangers abroad or revolts at home Therefore my chief advice is that your Majesty would give orders accordingly and doe perswade my self you will soon see France change its countenance and become as terrible to strangers as they have boldly offended it This Counsel was a rare and strange effect of his Prudence which had discovered the true causes of France mis-fortune The King whose Soul is truly Royal understood the sageness of it and having discoursed with him more at large he resolved to do accordingly as we shall in the prosecution of this year Politick Observation THere is no one sign more certain of a decaying State then to see a Minister take no other care then to make it subsist in a lazy Peace for as States ruine themselves by Wars rashly undertaken so they weaken themselves by idleness The greatest Monarchs which are governed without some high designs of inlarging themselves have never continued any long time without mis-fortune and that fair weather in which one strives to keep them is a Presage of a dangerous turn They who think on nothing but Peace do by little and little unawares weaken them and reduce them to impotencie then soften and alter the temper of the couragious youth by idlenesse and want of Imployment and by this means leave them for a Prey to Forrainers who make themselves strong in Arms. Have not heretofore the Romans entertained Wars with their Enemies knowing it to be needfull to keep their Souldiers in breath and to prevent growing sloth which commonly breeds greater inconveniences with it as also to vent the violent heats of the youth who wanting imployments fly out into Rebellions and Civil Wars It is said to bee for this reason that Edward the third concluding the Treaty at Bresigni would by no means comprehend the Treaty of Britain And that Philip the Fair made his Son John passe the Sea that he might exercise his Arms. And who knoweth not that if Henry the 2d after the Peace Anno 1509. had imployed the French Arms abroad with strangers and opposed the Ambition of the House of Austria by carrying his Armies out of France the State had not been so afflicted with Civil Wars which were upon the point of destroying it It is not the Property of humane Affairs to subsist long in the same degree and who attempts so to conserve it designs an impossibility States like those who float upon the Waters are in continual motion and that Minister who hath not courage enough to raise a State to a higher Pitch of Glory shall soon see it unravelled to nothing when he would stop there he will find it sliding back How can a Kingdom be kept in the same Condition when all its neighbours have their Arms in their hands to go still onwards and seeing whoever is content to see Forrainers increase their Power shal soon see himself exposed as a Prey to their Ambition That Minister commits a great fault who doth not consider what is within the compasse of a State seeing the Grandure of a Soveraign doth not onely consist in his own Forces but in the ruine of his enemies and that his greatest Power is in their greatest weaknesse He ought not to be lesse circumspect in opposing any Forraign Usurpation then in eying his Masters own subjects and to keep them in obedience who neglects one or t'other shall soon see his master exposed to dangerous storms his authority despised his power weakned by the strength of strangers and his Kingdom assaulted by his enemies New Orders sent to the Marquess de Coevures to prosecute his Conquests in the Valtoline WE have seen about the end of the last year the resolution which his Majesty took to assist the Grisons oppressed by the House of Austria and to send the Marquis of Coeuvres to them with an Army to recover the Valtoline I shall now proceed to add that looking upon those just considerations which I shall now tell you proposed by the Cardinal to his Majesty necessitated the dispatching several commands to the Marquiss de Coeuvres to advance and prosecute the conquest so happily begun The Marquis not to lose any oportunity took time by the forelocâ— and making advantages as the conjuncture of affaires did offer and according to his Majesties orders and instructions he reduced in the three first moneths of this yeare all the places were they never so little considerable which had been seized upon in the Valtoline as also in the Avenues the Fort of Rive only excepted bearing a great respect to the Popes Ensignes which were never so much as touch'd He began this conquest about December in the last yeare by the taking in of Planta Mala and Tyran and in the beginning of this he prosecuted it with so good success that every place was under his Majesties obedience After the reducing of Tiran the Army drew towards Fondrio which Town surrendred at first summons but the Castle was fain to be battered with the Cannon and a breach being made they were obliged to force it and carry it by assault which they did with such advantage that there were only six of the Kings souldiers killed in it This strook such a terror into the Towns of Morbeigne Travona and Orbino that they sent their Deputies to render themselves But he following his course towards Bormio a Frontier of Tyrol he assaulted it and found more resistance then in any other place whether it were because the place was well fortified or because they within had resolved to defend it he took the paines to plant some Cannons upon a Battery and to make a breach for an assault but they seeing themselves a small
number and that they wanted several necessaries for a long siege rendered themselves upon composition The Sieur d' Harcourt Marshall of the Camp was sent by the Marquis to make himselfe master of Chiavenue whilest himself was at Travone which he forced after a long siege so that there only remained the Fort of Rive toward which he advanced the Armie but it was expedient first to passe by Campo where the Spaniards had taken up their Quarters and to force them out of it The resolution was taken to fight them and orders given accordingly which the Spaniards perceiving they clapt some Regiments into Campo to fortifie it and seeing our men come on they sallyed out about 200. paces from their workes and received them with all the markes of a resolute courage but without any advantage for that ours assaulted them so strongly and couragiously that without longer holding the businesse in suspence they forced them to retire in disorder and being desirous to prosecute the point of their victory they would still have gone on but were met with by fresh Spaniards who beate them back to the foot of the mountaine but with little successe too for ours being presently seconded killed many of them put the rest to flight and followed them 500. paces on the other side of Campo The Marquisse who knew his men were used to pillage and that victories ought not to keep an Army in negligence and security presently sent de vaux Ayde de Camp to rally the French together who were dispersed up and down but this could not be done so soon but that the Spaniards being ashaned of their flight return'd and fell upon them killed some and put the rest into disorder However it is true this advantage lasted not long for our men fought so stoutly that the Spaniards lost more men then wee and resolved to quit Campo the day following and to retire themselves to Rive Their successes were very happy and they who would know the true cause of them must understand that though a very great share may be attributed to the good conduct of the Marquiss and to the valour of his souldiers yet the Cardinal deserved the greatest prayse who advised to this enterprise who contrived the meanes and removed all obstacles and began it in such a time when all the Emperors and King of Spaines forces were before Breda and who were perswaded wee would not have attempted any thing upon these Forts they being in the Popes hands with whom the Spaniard had so wrought that he should not part with them either by terrifying him that they would relaps into the power of the Grisons who were Hereficks or by giving hopes that in the conclusion there would be some means of accommodation found out but all was to keep them in their own power Politique observation HE who guides and directs great enterprises by his Councils hath more share in the glory of them then they who execute and act them It is Prudence which prevents an enemy and taketh him at unawares which diverts his Forces and which knoweth how to fight and with such advantage that he is easily overcome Hereupon Guicciardin saith in his History that the Prudence of one great Personage in a State doeth more then all the Arms of the world and Philosophie teacheth us that counsel is the most heavenly thing in all the world that is it which renders men most like the Deity whose property it is as the Apostle saith to do all things by the Counsel of his will T. Livy being much of the same mind saith he hath often heard it reported among Souldiers that who so knoweth best to command deserveth the first place and who so to obey the second place It cannot be denied but that there is as much need of executing as giving good advices because if there were no one to put them into action good Counsels would be to no purpose but withal it must be concluded That Counsel is so much the more excellent in that it is the Child of the first and chiefest vertue which is Prudence whereas action the effect of it is the Child only of force which is much beneath it The Sea-men indeed are in continual motion in their Ships to given order for several things somtimes labouring to turn about their Sayles and Cords and anon mounting up into the Bound-house to discrie the enemy by and by to stop some leak in the Ship where the water breaks in and thus they have much more labour then the Pilot whose mind though is in more agitation then their bodies he working in his thoughts and judgment to keep all safe from the storms and Rocks to guide her home without being wraked by those operations of his which are so much the more noble then theirs by how much the acts of the Soul surpasse those of the Body Who can without injustice ascribe more honour to those who execute an enterprise then to him who by the fulness of his Soul first contrived it digested it by his Prudence found out means by the power of his judgment to set it on working removed by his ingenuity all such obstacles as might oppotse it foresaw all difficulties in it and gave necessary orders for the carrying of it on to a happy successe To speak truly it cannot be without robbing him of that which justly belongs unto him But who can doubt of this truth after he who amongst Kings was accompted the wisest and whose Pen was guided by the Holy Ghost the Author of Truth hath said it Wisdome is more to be esteemed then force and a wise man deserves more honour then he who is esteemed valiant The Pope seemes to the Cardinal de la Valette the Sieur de Bethune to be very angry that the King should attempt upon the Forts in the Valtoline which were in his keeping THE Pope was very much troubled at the first news which he heard of those succours given to the Grisors by his Majesties Armes leagued with those of Venice and Savoy for recovery of the Valtonine The Sunday following he was seen in his Chappel to be very mellancholy and cloudy he made heavy complaints to the Cardinal de la Vulette that those Forts in his Custody should be assaulted being garded by his Ensigns testifying to him a great desire he had to see the Sieur de Bethune that he might tell him how much he resented it The Sieur de Bethune hearing of it sent to demand audience not so much to give any satisfaction to his grievances as to discover his disposition which anger would lay open sooner then any thing and to fortifie him against such discourses wherewith the Partakers of Spain would endeavour to exasperate him As soon as the Pope saw him he told him he could never have imagined that the Arms of France would have fallen upon those of the Church but his Holiness was not long unanswered the Sieur de Bethune telling him That the King his Master was
Protestants were ingaged in the same League though in truth there was onely the King Duke of Savoy and State of Venice comprised in it They called it by the name of the Protestant League but with so little truth that there was no appearance of it and lesse reason had they to call theirs the Catholick League seeing they had on their party the Elector the Princes of Upper Saxony the Dukes of Luneburg the Landgrave Lewis de Hesse de Armstadt and the most part of the Lutherans of Germany so that all that did not favour their Party must needs passe for Hereticks By which one might beleeve they would place even God himself amongst this number because he appears sometimes contrary to their designs They declared every where that their onely intention for their parts was to settle the Catholick Religion in the Valtoline and to root out Heresie though that Combination and Cabal which they kept up fomented and which gave them most advantage was headed by Rodolph Planta and several other principal Hereticks of that Country Neither did they stick to say that the Catholicks were oppressed in the Valtoline by the Grisons But they went not away without a reply made to them which was this that the Catholicks both Spiritual and Temporal were never ill intreated but when they contrived Combinations against the State and when at any time there were any Protestants discovered to have a hand in any such Cabals they were equally punished with the rest without any respect had to their Religion To be short they indeavoured to beget in the souls of all People Compassion and Pitty in behalf of the Valtolines though for the most part those Officers which they entertained of the Crisons were Hereticks desiring to make People beleeve that in truth they were troubled at the exercise of the Catholick Religion But besides that this Proposition was quite contrary to the truth any one might easily know that all Magistrates were indifferently chosen either Catholicks or Hereticks and that the exercise of Religion was absolutely free so that it was easie to answer them that look upon those Magistrates who were established by Soveraigns before any consideration could be had of what Religion they were as Gods Lievtenants and as the Apostles have taught us in their Holy Writ and by their deeds no one had any cause to complain of them at all and thus all their Reasons tended onely to surprize peoples understandings who were weak but were discovered by all who had never so little understanding to be contrivances forged in the fire of their Ambition and indeed they themselves discovered the Fraud when as his Majesty had proposed to them a most certain way for the assurance of Religion and the Liberty of Catholicks which they refused to accept of as to the Valtolines or to lay down their Arms. And thus did they use their utmost indeavours to impede the late King Henry the Great from obtaining his Absolution from Rome after his Conversion though they every where Proclaimed that the design of their Army in France was onely to oblige him to become a Catholick Politique Observation IT hath been a usual trick amongst Ambitious men to cover their designs with a cloak of Religion So in the Heathens time the Governours of the City of Rome after they had to no purpose used their utmost indeavours to hinder the People from being elected into Offices had at last their recourse to Religion and made them beleeve that they having consulted the Gods on that affair were assured by them that to communicate the Honours of the Republick to the Commonalty were to prophane them which being so saith T. Livy they forthwith desired them to recede from their pretentions they feigning that they did it more in order to the Wil of the Gods then of their own particular Interest They well knew that the people were much addicted to Religion and that it were so much the more easie to surprise them upon that accompt they having but a little knowledge of the Interest of Princes the genuine reasons of State or of Religion it self Thus Ottho desiring to get the Empire was not contented by his pretending a great Treason to speak aloud his Affection to the Emperour Galba but moreover told the Souldiers the more to inflame them that the Gods had declared to him by a remarkable Tempest that his Adoption of Piso was agreeable to them After all these fetches can onely surprize silly people they who are raised never so little above the ordinary sort are not ignorant that in point of State-dissimulation they ought more to regard their actions then their words They learn by experience that such kind of People cannot be better compared then to Coyners of salfe money who daub over their base allay with Leaf Gold to hide the falsenesse of it But Princes are now so accustomed to see through their disguises that they are no more to be over-reached by them and that without being stopped by the murmures of the people they surcease not to take up Arms for the defence of their Allies Intreagues of the Spaniards with the Hugenots THere need no more to proove that Religion served only as a mask to the Spaniards to hide the injustice of their designes then the bare intelligence which they had with the Heretiques of this Kingdom of France which when undivided hath been alwayes so potent that it hath impeded the cours of their proceedings and therfore it was that they endeavoured to make parties amongst them as soon as ever they were drawn off towards the Valtoline Those great losses which the Heretiques continually had had for some preceding years in Bearn and Languedoc alwayes kept them waking especially after the Peace of Montpellier they well perceiving that those small Routs which they had suffered did threaten their party with an utter destruction The Spaniards finding this disposition amongst them were not backward to foment it and laboured very much to get the Sieurs de Soubize and Rohan who were the only eminent persons to command their arms Their designe took effect These two Brothers being met at Castres to consider on such Propositions which were made to them on their behalf about Autumn in the foregoing year resolved to rayse those of their Party the one by Sea at Guienne and the other in Languedoc The attempt upon the Fort of Blavet otherwise Port St. Lewis of which wee have already spoken about the end of the last year was an effect of that resolution as also the endeavours of the Duke and Dutchesse of Rohan began about the same time in Languedoc to draw in more Towns into their party This Dutchesse that she might use her utmost dilligence went most commenly by torch-light in the night time in her Coach which being in mourning and withall furnished with eight black Horses served rather to strike a terror into the Country people who were not used to see such spectacles then to gain any
be concealed from him which once comming to his knowledge he ought in a trice to dispatch forces to that very place where the Insurrection is designed to be The onely sight of them may perhaps break the neck of the whole design and if not so yet they will at least prevent the enemies Troops to joyn together and wiâ—l cut them in pieces one by one before they will be in a capacity of attempting any thing whatever Without thâ—s diligence he will soon find the State and his own reputation exposed as a Prey An Eye watching over a Scepter and the Lyon King of Beasts who sleepeth not but with oyen eyes were the Hieroglyphicks which the Egyptians made use of to expresse fore-sight and to teach Grandees that it oughâ— to be inseparable from their Authority if they would not have their people exposed to great mis-fortunes both by Domestick and Forraign Wars The Sun which governs the Elementary World in the highest Heavens goes every day from one end of them to another that hee may make all here below sensible of the Effects of his Influences and that Minister who hath a State in charge ought to imploy all his cares all his mind upon every City upon every Province and indeed upon the singular houses of every great man that he may know what is done there and apply a remedy to their contrivances Me thinks they of Syracuse gave a notable example of this kind of Conduct when they had received intelligence that the Athenians would war upon them and that they already were upon the Sea with a Puissant Fleet making towards the Coast of Sicily Hermocratâ—s a great States-man was not backward in exhorting them to give necessary Orders for their defence and to presse the Senate accordingly Whereas Athenagoras on the other side descried it as much and shewed them sundry reasons why the Athenians could not arrive to the end of their design and demonstrated to them that it was impossible indeavouring to disswade them from making any preparation of War But the Senators somewhat wiser then himself followed Hermocrates his advice and resolved to give necessary Orders for defence that they might not afterwards be forced to do it in a huddle or to continue in the danger They began to discusse the business that in case the news of the Athenians Fleet were true it would then be needfull to make some preparations if it were false those preprrations would no whit dis-advantage the City And that last of all it is better to suspect then to slight dangers but not to shew the least Fear by doing any Action unbecomming a Generous Courage The Duke of Rohans Attempts in Languedoc with the Process in the Parliament of Tholouse against him and all his Adherents ABout the same time in the end of April the Duke of Rohan having contrived several Cabals in the Hugonot Towns of Languedoc began the Warre and got together about two thousand men near Castres the chief place of his Retreat and where he had a full Power by means of those Consuls whom he had procured to be elected He gave out that the Rocheloiis had taken Arms and sworn a League with the Churches of his party that he might by this pretence get a like Interest in some other Towns which he had an eye upon and accordingly he went to Puilaurens Ruel Soreze St. Pauls Leviate Briteste and made the Consuls swear to the Confederacy afterwards came before the Gates of Lavaur to surprise it but his design took no effect The Cardinal having sent out Orders from the King to the Governours of the Provinces to fall upon him as soon as ever he should appear in the Field The Count of Carmain Governour of Foix was presently upon his skirts and impeded not onely the Progress of his Rebellion but also getting into Ruelle and Soreze after the other had forsaken them he so dealt with the Consuls that they confessed their fault and protested not to take part with him any more And as the Authority of Parliaments on such occasions ought to uphold the Courages and Fidelities of those who Conduct the Kings Armies so that of Tholouse was not wanting to command the Souldiers who were assembled with the Duke of Rohan to separate themselves and to give Orders to the Nobility and Commonalty to fall upon them to forbear all sort of Commerce with those of Castres and to translate the Royal and Ecclesiastique jurisdictions and the Receipt of the Kings Monies unto the Town of Lautrec with command to all the Judges and Officers to come thither as well to prevent the Kings monies from falling into their hands as also to preserve Justice in its Integrity and to diminish the Force and Power of that Rebellious City The same Parliament too granted an Arrest for the seizure of all the Goods any waies belonging to those who were revolted both to punish them and deter others who were ready to follow them The Half divided Chamber of Beziers half Hugonots and half Papists did as much and declared according to the Kings Edict of the 25th of January the same year the said Duke to bee guilty of Laesa Majestatis to be a troubler of the Publick Peace as also all his Abbettors and Adherents and Prohibited both Cities and particular persons to hold any communication with him and injoyning all his Majesties Subjects to fall upon any Troops that should injure them to cut them in peeces and to pull down the Houses and Castles of such Noble men as were of that Faction But the Order which the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to send was more powerfull then all those others for the preventing the further progress of this Rebellion seeing it was accompanied with an extraordinary diligence The King sent a Commission to the Marshal de Themines whom his Majesty sent to those places to observe what passed to raise such Troops as were already in the Province and to advance such others as might form the Body of an Army which might cut off the growth of this Rebellion in its Cradle The Marshal had the Marquess de Ragny and the Count de Carmain for Marshals of the Field and that no longer time might be lost he soon after came to the place where he had designed the Rendezvouz for the whole Army and upon his way forced the Castles of Blauc and Dovac which served for Retreits to those who were revolted After the Companies were assembled together and a review taken of the whole Army he made his Forces before Castres to Plunder the Country The Sieur de Ferrieres who commanded the Rebels horse made a Salley upon the Marshal as soon as he came within view of the Town but they were forced to turn back again with more hast then he came out and not onely so but himself and three or four more of his own party were lest wounded upon the place The Pioneers and Plunderers played their parts under the Protection of the Army which
to fight gave the signal and fell upon them the Seamen were so dexterous that they got the wind of them in lesse then two hours there were above two thousand shot made and though the night came on yet the Fight ended not for the Duke perceiving nine of the greatest Ships retiring towards Rochel pursued them with such good successe that hee came up with them about day break and two others of their biggest Ships were not able to get off for want of water and so stuck on ground but long they did not so continue before they were taken It is true those of the Army who were got upon the Orelop and having killed all they met with the Souldiers who were in the Hold set fire to the Powder and blew up all above with such force that the Splinters of it were carried a quarter of a League off three of the Kings Ships were burned with it and above three hundred men lost amongst which were the Count of Vauvert the Sieur de Ville Neufeu and Veilon a Captain of Holland This accident did much take off from the content of the Victory yet it cannot be denied but that it was glorious enough for the happinesse of France in reducing the Rebels to that passe that they could not any more make any attempts by Sea Thus the rest of their Vessels which were of no great consequence retired some to Rochel and some into other places according as the Wind did drive them but never durst afterwards appear any more These things thus ended the Duke of Montmorancy landed at Oleron where he met with no resistance the Sieur de Soubize having withdrawn himself into England so that the whole Province was setled in quiet both by Sea and Land of all which his Majesty was very certainly informed who received the newes with much joy Politick Observation WHatever joys or delights Fortune insinuateth into those who revolt yet it is usually seen that all their designs end in ill success Experience hath made it often manifest that such Crimes seldome go unpunished and that Heaven hath used to sacrifice them to example They cannot more properly bee likened to any thing then to those high Mountains the points of whose Rocks seem to hreaten Heaven and which sending forth store of Clouds out of their Bosomes seem to obscure the light of the Sun though at last they are all dissipated by that fair Planet of the day who making those very same Clouds into Thunder-bolts causeth them to fall down upon them for to chastise their Insolency And is it not the same thing with Grandees who revolt and Rebell After they have made some attempts upon the Authority of their Soveraign are they not in fine ruined and brought into extremities by the Power of his Armes who takes occasion to crush them to peeces with that Power which they would have usurped themselves and did not of right belong unto them History abounds with exemplary Proofs of this Truth the many that are would spoil the design of quoting two or three onely But for the greater illustration of it I shall say thus much the injustice of a Cause is almost an infallible sign of an ill successe seeing Heaven doth commonly confound what Man hath wickedly built If at any time they shall become so powerfull as to secure themselves from the hazards of Battels yet they can never obtain a remission from Heaven They who attempt to grow great by unjust means will in fine meet their utter ruine God doth peradventure suffer them for the punishment of States to obtain advantages for some time but at last the violences which they Act fall upon themselves and they become a just subject for their Soveraigns Revenge The Arrival of Cardinal Barbirini in France as Legate from the Holy Chaire for the Affaires of the Valtoline WHilest the Fire of this Civil War was burning up of Languedoc The Cardinal Barbarini Legate from the Pope arrived in France and came to Marseille where he was received with great honour as also at Lyon according to the Orders sent by the King He came to Paris the one and twentieth of May and his Majesty caused his entrance to be made with the most Pomp that hath been seen for a person of his condition I shall not need insist on the relating that he is bound by the Laws of the Kingdome before he Officiate the Function of a Legate to present the Brief which the Pope hath given him for the imployment to the Parliament of Paris which is a Custome so ancient that I shall omit speaking any more of it but I shall observe that the Pope having ommitted in the Brief to give the King the Title of King of Navar which could not be denied to him without Injustice the Parliament refused to acknowledge it and obliged him not to make any further procedure in the businesse untill it were amended The Legate comming to Paris alighted at St. James de Haut-pas where the Clergy of the City the concourse of the Court and other Officers to the number of twelve thousand went to salute him and receive his Benediction After this the Prelates of Paris came to do their respects to him there was a little dispute in what habit they should appear before him the Legate desiring they should be in their Rockets and Camail covered over with a Mantlet as a mark that they had no power in his presence but the Prelates not being able to stoop to this Order by reason it was contrary to the Rules of the French Church it was concluded in the middle way between both to give some satisfaction to the Legate that they should go so habited to salute him and that they should accordingly accompany him in the Cavalcade to Nostre-Dame where being come they were to take off their Mantlets but all was done under a Proviso of saving their ancient right The King sent the Duke of Nemours the Sieur de Bonnevil the Introductor of Embassadours and several other Lords of great quality to receive him at his first arrival At night Monsieur the Kings Brother waited on him with a great number of Lords and saluted him with extraordinary respects and one his entrance accompanying him gave him the right hand The same day he had Audience from the King where nothing passed onely Complements but the next day he proposed what the Pope had given him in charge hee exhorted the King in general terms to Peace he urged his Majesty to restore things in the Valtoline to their former State as they were before the Army of the confederated Princes entred into it and beseeched him to grant a Cessation of Arms in Italy His Majesty answered to these three Propositions that he was ever inclined to Peace and that he would still be induced to it provided it were for the Publick safety and honourable for him and his Allies That as to what concerned the Valtoline the Treaty of Madrid made but a few years before
against them The knowledge he had of her inclination still to conserve that power to her self was a great impediment to his work And the King in whose hands the onely supream power resides was so much the more jealous of it for that it is ordinary with Grandees to be suspitious of their powers and that with so much the more reason for that Justice doth not permit that one should divide the command with them The Cardinal meeting with things in this conjuncture used his utmost industry to overcome the Queen Mothers inclinations being assured that it would be afterwards easie to dissipate those suspitions of the King He insinuated into her soul with all sweetness and address the truth which ought to be the foundation of their good correspondence letting her see that she ought not to think it any strange thing that the King should desire to be Master or that all Affairs were revolved by his order for that by his birth the Laws of the Kingdom did give him that Authority which no one had any right to deprive him of He used indeed his utmost address to impress this truth in her letting her see that she ought not to pretend to any part of it That the King quitting all his suspitions would give her more then she could wish seeing he was so naturally inclined to pay her all manner of respects The Queen Mother who did then much esteem of his counsels did beleeve him and she received such advantages by it that by letting his Majesty see by her conduct that she did no longer think of the Government he restored her into so absolute an Authority that she had all sort of power in the management of Affairs This was a very great advantage procured to her by this grand Minister and which surpassed all those favours which he had at any time received from her Majesty The State too did not receive less profit by it for that this good correspondencie which united the Affections of the King and Queen Mother did put an end to all those Cabals which had formerly divided the whole Nation so that the Forces of it would not now fly out any more into parties but remain entire to oppose the Ambition of Strangers The Cardinal that he might the more confirm this Union and make it the stronger perswaded the King to take Father Suffren for his Confessor who had been so for a long while to the Queen Mother assuring himself that this good person whose soul was so affectionately inclined to Peace replenished with Piety and voyd of Ambition being the Depository of the secrets of their Consciences would not be a little conducing to the dispelling of those little suspitions which might arise between them and that he would have somwhat the more power in regard women are naturally addicted to be perswaded by their Confessors Next to the Queen Mother Monsieur was the most considerable person in affairs as also the most capable to raise Divisions in the Kingdom as many Princes of his Place and Birth had done who not being able to stay for command untill the time prescribed by the Laws both the Nature and the Kingdom run out at the perswasion of those who were near them to seise on the Government The Cardinal therefore was no whit less industrious to tye him too unto the Kings Interests There was no great need of any extraordinary diligence to bring it to pass Justice having infused into him with his birth all those inclinations and dispositions which were proper for him to have towards his Majesty All which the Cardinal very well knew Neither was he ignorant That Princes of his condition are usually carried away from their duties by those who are attending near upon them so that he likewise made himself sure of the Colonel d' Ornano who had the honour to be nearest to his person and upon whose advice Monsieur did more relye then any others Now knowing that this soul naturally ambitious was not to be captivated by other tyes then those of Greatness he perswaded the King to bestow on him a Marshals Staffe of France conceiving that this Qualification would force him to become his Majesties very faithful servant Monsieur the Prince had the honour to be the first of those of the Blood Royal and the Cardinal thought it no lesse expedient to gain him and satisfie his humour by giving him a part in Affairs and the content which he might pretend to in his Interests He had a great conflict with the Queen Mothers spirit but at last with a handsom address he let her see that there could be no certain quiet and repose in the State without a good understanding between the King her son and him and that it was to contribute to his own greatness not to leave the Prince in those discontents whereunto he had been reduced and which might in time carry him on to the making of Cabals and raising of new emotions But whatever reasons he could then alledge she would not be induced to assent to his coming to the Court nevertheless the Cardinal so dealt with the King that his Majesty in some Letters to him gave him extraordinary expressions and testimonies of his Favour sometimes by asking his advice as occasions should present as also by taking a particular care for the expediting of his Affairs which was accordingly effected and the King writing to him assured him of his kindness towards him and desiring his opinion of the Affairs of the Valtoline of the Hugonots and the War of Italy By this he received an entire content and satisfaction so that from thence forward he began to order himself with more affection to his Majesties Inclinations then formerly he had done This strait union which the Cardinal tyed in the Royal Family was an assured foundation of the Nations Peace and cut off all hopes that any troublesome spirits might have to embroyl it Politique Observation THat Minister who would attempt any great designs abroad is bound to settle all at home by a strong uniting of the Royal house The harmony of the prime Qualities is that which preserves our bodies in a convenient health If one should assault the other the Natural Justice is violated and the Union dissolved which once so the whole frame falls to nothing Who knoweth not that the Union of Grandees especially those of the Royal Family is the most sure foundation of Peace and Welfare to a State They may not be disjoyn'd from their King neither may any one of them attempt upon his Crown but Justice will be offended and their Union broken which once so the State is soon exposed to manifold dangers and misfortunes This was the opinion of Misipsa in Salust and Cyrus instructing Cambyses his own Son advised him alwaies to be in friendship with his kindred and to give them such advantages as may content them because it will make him be well beloved by his Subjects who imagine that a Prince who doth not
the more oblige them to do it for the entreaty of him who may enforce is a greater tye then his command And is it not very reasonable that as all the parts of the Body even the most noble do contribute to its conservation so all the members of a State should doe their utmost to preserve it and to establish the glory of it The Emperour Gratian ordained That every one should serve on publique occasions and first of all addressed himself to execute it not pretending any exemption to due to the priviledge of his dignity and Plato saith No man but ought to obey necessities seeing the Gods themselves submit to them And admit that Ecclesiastiques should deny or make any difficulty to assist the King on such occasions might they not with reason be reproached as the Emperour Dioclesian once did a Philospher who petitioned him to hold him excused from some Levy which was layd upon the rest of the people Thy request quoth the Emperour to him is contrary to thy Profession for that thou pretending to overcome thy Passions and to tread under thy feet all that which the world delighteth in doest however suffer thy self to be possest with covetousness So Ecclesiastiques professing to be Imitators and Disciples of Jesus Christ who recommendended no one thing more then Poverty and who prohibited his Disciples to heap up Gold and Silver would do an act much contrary to their profession if they should pretend to be exempted from those charges which their Kings are forced to lay on the rest of their Subjects in any urgent occasions Troubles in Lorrain hapening upon the Will of Henry Duke of Lorrain IT remaineth that I should now write of some Affairs which passed about the end of this year in Lorrain and which have such a dependance on the concerns of France that I may not let them slip Henry Duke of Lorrain a little before he dyed finding himself without Sons did by his Will invest his eldest Daughter Madam Nicole whom he had married to Charles de Lorrain eldest Son to the Count of Vaudmont his younger Brother giving her to understand that Lorrain and all that which belonged unto it did really appertain to her and that Charles her Husband had no right to it but onely in consideration of her However the Count de Vaudmont desirous to preserve it to his Son in case he should outlive his Wife pretended himself to be heir to the Dutchee by virtue of the Will of Reynard King of Sicily and Duke of Lorrain his Great Grandfather dated the twenty fifth of May in the year one thousand five hundred and six which untill then he had never heard of by which the said King foreseeing the ruins which usually happeneth to great Houses by subdividing those possessions which once belonged to them had incorporated the Dutchees of Lorrain and Bar the Marquisate of Ponta-Mouson and the Earldom of Vaudmont and constituted his eldest Son Anthony late Duke of Lorrain sole heir of the said Soveraignties and Lordships willing and ordaining that his descendents should succeed him from Male to Male gradually and one after another and that the Daughters should not at all pretend to it He left in division to Claudius his youngest Son the possession of Guise Elbauf Aumalle Mayenne Joinville and several others which he had in France substituting and ordaining his Heirs Males for ever to enjoy them and excluding all Daughters The original of the Will was very authentique and Copies of it in divers places to be had There was moreover an Instrument of Approbation made by the States of the said Dutchie assembled for that purpose after the decease of the said King upon the thirteenth of February in the year fifteen hundred and eight before Madam Philip of Gueldres Queen of Sicilie Dutchess of Lorrain and Bar who declared they were contented to conform themselves to the said Kings Will. Now the Count de Vaudmont supposed that upon consequence of this substitution and order thus established by Will and confirm'd by the States himself was the onely and true Heir of Lorrain and that his late Brothers Daughters could pretend to it but that they ought to be married to persons correspondent to their Qualities At last he declared by a publick Instrument that in consideration of his Sons marriage with Madam Nicole his late Brothers Daughter he was content to dispossess himself into the hands of his said Son and that he did invest him with it requiring that he should be honoured and obeyed in that quality by all his States which he renounced to him in his behalf and that after his decease they should descend to his next Heirs Males excluding all Females and still preferring the eldest who were to give the youngest Pensions and the Daughters Portions according to the Honour of the House The King though somwhat concerned in this agreement did not oppose it but esteemed it as frivolous it being free for him not to take any notice of it because it was not presented to him for a ratification though the curious spirits of the time who are pleased to discusse the Interests of States not at all concern'd in them but onely by the faithfulness of their Affection did talk diversly of it Some maintaining that the Will of Reynard the second upon which the Count de Vaudmont grounded his pretensions was absolutely voyd as also the Contract of disseisure They alledged for their chief reason that it was contrary to the Laws and Customes of Lorrain and Barr observed in the Successions of those Dutchies and Lordships which ever preferred the daughters before the Males who were far removed and secondly that it was contrary to the Laws and Customes of France made at Orleance in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty and at Moulin in one thousand five hundred sixty and six which prohibit such substitutions for ever but restrain them to the second degreeâ— Besides the institution which was passed if it should so stand it would follow of consequence that the substitution in behalf of the Males for ever could not be vallid especially in relation to Barr and that which depends on the Crown of France where his Majesty ought to be considered not onely as common Soveraign but as Lord Paramout to whom belonged the cognizance of causes of Appeal and to whom Faith and Homage ought to be paid as also service with and against all others it being not allowed to a Vassal to alter without the Kings authority who is chief Lord the nature of the Fee against the Order established by Custome Thirdly they added for the confirmation of their opinions an example very considerable which was this It had been concluded and agreed upon in a Treaty made at Guerand in the year one thousand three hundred sixty and four between John the valiant Count de Montfort afterwards the Fifth of that name Duke of Brittain son of John Count of Montfort of the one party and Jane Dutchess
infinitely obliged to him But as to the Treaty they desired they might send their Deputies towards his Majesty to represent to him the difficulties which did arise in their acceptation of the said agreement by reason of the alteration of Justice seeing the Magistracy and Authority was given into the hands of the Valtolines They accordingly sent their Deputies to make their complaints but after they were once fully informed of the Justice of those reasons which invited them to accept of the Treaty seeing otherwise it would be impossible to preserve the Soveraignty of the Valtoline to them or to defend themselves from a perpetual War with the Valtolines who being under-pâ—â—â—pped by the Spaniards would never submit to their longer government of them as also that the Soveraignty of Justice was well payed for by a great sum and that themselves too might be chosen into the Magistracy as well as the Valtolines they did at last accept of it and were content to receive the Treaty So the Sieur de Chasteauneuf continued on his journey towards Switzerland for the satisfying of his Majesties pleasure who had commanded him to induce the Cantons both Catholick and Protestant to accept of the Treaty seeing they had not a little contributed to the recovery of the Valtoline by those Troops which they had sent thither and that it were not amisse to ingage them in the execution of those Articles of Peace for that they might be very much assisting towards the preserving of the Valtoline in that condition as had now been resolved on To the Catholiques he represented that they had great reason to be satisfied with it seeing the Catholique Religion was established so firmly in the Valtoline and to the Protestants he alledged that considering the Soveraignty was maintained to the Grisons they had reason to rest contented accordingly the Catholicks resolved to subscribe to it and to perswade the Grisons to do the like And the Protestants after some difficulties at first being shortly after assembled at Aran resolved likewise to imbrace it excepting as to what concern'd Religion and delivered their Declaration at the same time to the Sieur de Chasteauneuf And thus the Treaty being accepted of all hands that were any wayes concerned in it there remained onely the putting it in execution Politique Observation AN Embassadour who is imployed to make a Treaty of Peace is chiefly bound to represent to them with whom he treateth the great inconvenicences unto which thich they expose themselves by continuation of the War For as Interest is the onely rise from whence all the motions of Princes do flow so he need not doubt but that Interest too will lead them to any thing if he finds a means to perswade them that War will be prejudicial to them He ought not to be unmindfull of letting them know that a Prince may not either with Justice or Prudence make a War but onely that he may obtain a most certain and advantagious Peace as also that that Prince who would continue a War after a Peace is offred to him with those two conditions annexed is as unreasonable as an Artificer who after he hath given his work the best most curious form that it is capable of should however still continue his care and pains to perfect it though unable to give it any other or better form then he hath already done This once done it behoveth him to tell them in words tempered both with Prudence and Courage that the successe of War is uncertain and that many Princes have fallen down from their great hopes and victory into misfortunes and losses That the divine Providence hath often permitted those Princes who are over obstinate for the continuing of Wars to be rebuked with disgraces and shame That the Holy Scripture giveth us a notable example of this truth in that of the Tribe of Benjamin who refusing these overtures of Peace which were made to them by the rest of the Tribes when they intreated them to abandon the Gibeonitâ—s who had offended them were shamefully overcome and their Cities Pillaged That many having given way to their Ambition to perswade them to the Conquest of their Neighbours Have seen their own States exposed as a Prey to their particular enemies That many things appear easie in discourse which are difficult to be put in execution That they are not the most generous Princes who suffer themselves to be led on with Passion to inlarge their Borders but they who imploy their powers with prudence and equity That a Prince hath glory enough if he can but give his Subjects the means of injoying that felicity which is the end of the Politique Government which happiness being linked with Peace he ought not at any time to refuse the accepting of it when proffered with advantagious conditions In fine he will make a great impression upon their Souls to incline them to conclude a Peace when to as he shall discourse to them that Princes who are ambitious of their neighbouring States are like unto hunger starved appetites who never satisfied but desirous to devour all do weaken and destroy their natural heat by the excesse of those meats wherewith they fill themselves and that in the same manner it is with those who not contented with that state and condition whereto their Birth or Fortunes had assigned them suffer themselves to be hurried away with an insatiable desire of usuâ—ping upon others and in fine onely weaken and impoverish themselves and their Subjects by a continuation of Wars which layeth them naked to the cruelty of their enemies inforceth them to leave their Lands untilled squeezeth from them all their means towards the Contribution of the War and sometimes too casteth them into rebellion when as once they begin to be weary with the violences of the Souldiery and adding to these misfortunes the constant attendants upon War the want of all those good things which are so plentifully injoyed with Peace it wil be a most efficacious means to cause them to lay down their Arms and to accept of that peace which is so offered to them Prosecution of the History IF it was a businesse of some difficulty to perswade the Allies to accept of the agreement it was no whit lesse troublesome to execute those Articles which had been concluded particularly for demolishing those Forts in the Valtoline The two Armies could by no means be drawn off untill the Forts were slighted which was no small charge to the two Kings as well as to his Holiness who had carried six thousand men as far as Milan whence is followed that it was treated both in France Spain Rome Milan and Valtoline in what manner it should be done and so many difficulties did arise that it was November before any thing was resolved on and the execution of it deferred untill February in the year one thousand six hundred twenty seven The Treaty was to this effect that the Forts should be restored into his Holinesse hands to
to present to his Majesty the Ratification of the Articles of Peace which it had pleased his Majesty to accord to them the year last past were accompanied with those of Rochel who came in their behalf to offer their submissions and to beseech him that they might obtain the same grace and favour which had been granted to the rest of that party It is true they did not so much repent for their Rebellion as they were sorry for those inconveniences which the Kings Army had put upon them then commanded by the Marshal de Themines who succeeded the Marshal de Plessis and who pressed so close upon them that they could not peep out but in danger of being taken For that they no longer had the liberty of injoying their Goods and that all their Traffique was spoiled Affliction doth at last open the eyes of those Rebels whom insolency and ambition had but lately closed up of which they gave assured proof by those earnest intreaties which they made to his Majesty to forget the Rebellion of which they had been guilty The same reasons which invited his Majesty to shew his Clemency to the rest of that party did also perswade him to do the like to them of Rochel as also the Cardinal hinted one more to him somewhat powerfuller then the rest There had then been newly discovered a Combinatiyn between divers Princes and Lord of the Court as shall be anon declared and amongst others one of their designs was to ingage Mensieur with the Hugonots Party so that if Peace had not been granted to Rochel as well as to the other Towns and Cities it were the ready way to let open a door for War and to give those Rebels the more means to execute their designs by a high hand for it were an easie matter by the means of this one City to raise all the party And last of all this great Minister laid down before his Majesty That the English being as they were picking a quarrel with us to which they were inclined would upon a word speaking find Rochel ready to let them into France These reasons of State were of great weight and fit to be considered of which his Majesty being sensible he did at last grant the City of Rochel the favour which was desired and the Cardinal was not a little diligent to watch that this Peace were not concluded upon such shamefull Articles and full of basenesse as formerly they had been The King consented that the Town should be delivered into the hands of the Corporation on condition they kept no Ships of War that they observed those Orders for Traffique which were established in the rest of the Kingdome That they should restore to the Ecclesiastiques all the Goods which had been taken from them That they should suffer the Catholicks to live freely and quietly in the exercise of the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion and in the injoyment of those Goods which appertained unto them That his Majesty should leave what Garison he thought fit in Fort Lewis and the Islands of Ree and Oleron onely promising that out of his bounty and goodnesse he would settle such a course in it as those of Rochel might receive no trouble by it either in their Commerce or the injoyment of their goods These Articles were agreed on about the beginning of February and the next day the general and particular Deputies ratified and confirmed them thinking themselves happy for having obtained this end from his Majesties Bounty By this years injoyment of Peace among the Hugonots his Majesty did with the more ease detect and break the designs of those who were factiously bent as also he assisted his Allies in Germany he eased the people and went on labouring in the means for restoring of that happinesse and glory which had been so long wished for in the Kingdome I shall onely adde that his Majesty for the surer execution of the Treaty sent Commissaries to Rochel who were received there with great honour Those of Rochel having sent their Deputies to Surgeres for the establishing the exercise of Religion and setling things into such order that there were very great hopes of a true Obedience and long Peace had not that people been extreamly much inured to Rebellion Politique Observation ALthough the Rebellions of subjects force a Prince to punish some for an example yet prudence doth oblige him sometimes to dissemble it and to give them peace when as there is any fear of a greater mischief to follow by any new revolt which joyning their flames with the former might endanger the putting of the whole into combustion It could not be any weakness of heart or necessity to which as an Antient saith the Gods themselves are obedient will force him to it It is no fault to fear when as there is a just ground for it but it is rather a great piece of prudence and a vertue without which there is no enjoyment of happy success in war any long time together of this Marcellus heretofore gave us a good example when as Badius that he might acknowledge the favour which Hanibal had done him in saving his life and giving him back his Ransom made the most part of the inhabitants of Nole revolt against the Romans in the Battle of Cannes This Captain seeing the conjuncture of Affairs did oblige him rather to allay then exasperate used his utmost power to regain Badius by assuring him that if he would but return to Rome those wounds which he had that day received would bring him great rewards Badius was much taken with the generousnesse of the Message and Marcellus the more to accomplish his design sent him a very goodly Horse and five hundred drachma's of Silver which did so oblige him that he was ever after very loyal and faithfull to him so that from that time forward he would never inflict any punishment upon those who were revolted It was more by Prudence then by Force that the Romans became Masters of the Universe A discreet Minister ought much rather to induce his Master to accommodation on such occasions then to hazard the State in any eminent danger by too much stiffenesse in resolution for the punishing of those who are revolted when they are upon the point of having a strong assistance by which means they may hazard the successe of the War An Edict against Duels JT was no small happinesse for France to be thus at Peace abroad and with the Hugonots at home but the Cardinal could not imagine it sufficient if not setled amongst the Nobility who were every day cutting one anothers Throats in Duels It was impossible to perswade them by any reasons that it was one of the greatest parts of glory for a wise man and a Christian to overcome his own emotions of anger and to forgive his enemies So this great Minister insinuated into his Majesty who was already zealously desirous of Justice That nothing was so contrary to the Law of God and
the welfare of his own State as Duels in which there every day perished many of the Nobility and which hath been alwaies known for one of the greatest Incendiaries of France It was no hard matter to perswade him to stop the further course of it by the terrours of those punishments included â—n an Edict against all such as should bee found guilty of the breach of it The Edict contained that all such as should for the future fall into that crime either challenging or challenged should be ever after deprived of all their Charges Pension or other gifts notwithstanding any letter of favour or grace which they might procure or obtain either by surmise or otherwaies and that in case they should afterwards attempt any thing against those who should be placed in their Offices they should presently be degraded out of the Nobility declared not to be Gentlemen but Yeomen and punished with death And besides that a third part of their Goods should be confiscated That the person who carrieth a Challenge should under the Penalties abovesaid be banished three whole years That all such as should assault or fight with one another upon any occasion should be proceâ—ded against and punished as if the design to fight had been premeditated That all such as should fight out of the Kingdome should be punished in their Goods during their absence and in their persons after their returns in the same manner as if it had been committed in France And lastly that such as should take with them either a Second or Third should be punished with out more a do with death As also all such who should the second time carry any one a challenge for Duel These were the chief punishments included in the Edict and upon the publication of it his Majesty took a solemn oath not to she any favour to those who should break it and commanded his officers that if it should happen that his Majesty might by importunity be drawn to grant any pardons for it they should take no notice of it and enjoyned the Marschals of France to have a great care in ending any difference which might arise between the nobility giving them authority that in case any should refuse to give that satisfaction which should by them be injoyned they should presently besides those punishments of imprisonment and such others as might be inflicted on them be forth with degraded of their nobility It was however much to be doubted lest those who should be challenged and did nâ—t fight would be esteemed as cowards but to prevent that disorder his Majesty did also by the same Edict declare that such refusal to accept of any Challenge should be esteemed as a mark of courage generous and prudent conduct and deserving to be imployed in Military commands and hee did likewise promise by oath before God that he would reward such as should forbear to accept of any such challenges Politique Observation PRinces may not permit Duels without partaking in the Crimes of them for who so hath the Authority in his hands and maketh not use of it to punish those offences which are committed against the Laws is no lesse guilty then they who are the absolute Authors of such misdemeanors The people do not only violate the Law in the persons of their Kings but the Kings themselves in not punishing the offenders are guilty of the same crime How unjust is it to leave Duels unpunished seeing they are condemned by the Judgment of God when he said his Blood shall be spilt that spilleth the Blood of his Neighbour And under the new Law who so shall take the Sword in hand shall perish by the Sword I may safely say there is not any Crime so enormous as this for the man who commiteth it taketh that Authority which God hath reserved to himself according to that saying of Saint Paul to the Romans Vengeance is mine and I will repay it And it is not only an attempt upon Gods prerogative but also one of the greatest miseries that a Common-wealth can be afflicted with For as a great losse of Blood extinguisheth the vigor of our bodies maketh our faces become pale and rendreth nature weak and languishing So likewise is it with Duels which draw out the most couragious Blood of the nobility in which consisteth the Chief strength of the State which mightily impair the force of it exstinguishing the lively colours of its beauty and bringing it into a languishing condition And if the State be injured in it those particular persons who perish in such combats are much more exposed to many unhappinesses for with the life of their bodies they likewise lose that of their Souls by the losse of which the utmost they can hope for is to become objects of Gods Just vengeance who is seldome wanting to punish even those who escape with the victorie with some notable chastisement unlesse they pacifie him by a true repentance For can it be otherwise then very displeasing to him to behold his workmanship so destroyed which cost him so much and to see such Souls ruined by the enemy which have heretofore invited him to shew such effects of his power and such miracles of his love and all for their sakes The cause of this misfortune is no other then a false and damnable tenent which finds wayes to perswade men that it is glorious to be revenged and that to suffer an injurie unpunished by their Swords is a great losse to their Honour But can there be any reason to think an Action honourable which is so contrary to God's Laws It cannot be denied but that the nobility do draw there Chief glory from their courages but there is a great difference between this vertue of generosity and the Passion of Revenge This same vertue is no fury and transportation of the mind to things against both humane and divine Laws But it is a vigorous resolution commendable in a generous Soul which maketh him despise dangers especially when his Prince commandeth him to fight against the enemies of the State Valour hath it's limitation as all other vertues and who so goeth beyond those bounds falleth into the extremity of vice whence it hapened that Agesilaus said according as Plutarch reporteth it That valour ought not to be regarded if not accompanied with Justice Now that which is shewed upon private authority is it not quite contrarie to it Reason obligeth a man to overcome himself at private and particular quarrels just as he would his enemies In Common-wealths well governed Revenge is an Act savouring of a Brute Socrates once answered a certain man who beat him If I were an Asse I should run upon thee too but being a man I must endure it with patience Is there any reason or sense to fix honour upon an Action prohibited by God and forbidden by nature Honour would be but ill grounded if it had any dependance upon an unruly passion it cannot be linked to any thing but vertue and none
but they who are overswayed by passion do pretend to attain it but by vertuous wayes The Condemnation of a Book composed by Sanctarellus the Jesuit WHilst his Majesty was using these just and prudent means for the establishing of Peace in the State There did arise very great disputes in the University of Paris especially between the Doctors of Divinity and all about a certain book composed by a Iesuit one Sanctarellus by name which treated of the power Popes had over Kings which book had been approved by their Chief President by his Holinefs Vicegerent and by the Master of the Holy Palace His Doctrine was very strange teaching that Popes had a Power of direction or rather correction over Princes that they might not onely excommunicate them but deprive them of their Kingdomes too and absolve their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance whether it were for Heresie Apostacy or any other great publick Crime whether it were for the insufficiency of their persons or for their not defending the Church and that his Holinesse might at last give their States to such as he should think fit They who were clear sighted attributed this work to the Spaniards Ambition which useth all devices to stir up commotion amongst their neighbours and fish their own ends out of the troubled Waters and who did at that time chiefly aim to draw the hatred of all Christendome upon the King by reason of the succours which he had given to the Grisons and Hollanders and of some assistance which the Princes of Germany who were oppressed by them did hope for from his Majesty These tricks of theirs are so ordinary that it might easily be concluded this in particular was shot out of their Bow and that it was onely a piece forged in the Fire of their Ambition But that we may not be longer stayed upon the consideration of the promoters of so strange an opinion I shall only add that for the present it made a great noyse amongst the Doctors and was opposed by several books which were then set out and that the whole Body of divinity did condemn it some indeed of the old league seemed to favour it But the Parliament which is the depositarie of the Kings power that they might not let his Majesties Authority rest Idle called the chief of the Society of Iesus before them and obliged them to sign a Declaration by which they should condemn the said Book and to cause another of the like to be subscribed by all the Provincials and Rectors and by six of the most ancient of every one of their Colledges in France and so ordered the said Book to be burn'd by the Hangman with prohibition to the Stationers to sell any of them That the Kings of France may not be deposed by the Pope IT is very often no lesse important to prevent the offending of the Regal Authority by the publishing of any pernicious Doctrine then to oppose any violences which are offered to it by Arms. In my opinion he spoke very learnedly who likened this authority to the apple of the eye which may not be touched though never so little but the whole man is suddenly troubled and hurt by it for to say truth it can hardly be expressed unto how many inconveniences a State is exposed when once the authority is entrenched upon or shaken though it be but a very little But would not that Magistrate be very much to blame who should suffer that the authority of our Kings should be brought under any other power which might despoil them of it Were it not the only ready way to open a gate to the revolts of Grandees who would find means enough to embroyle the State as often as they pleased if the people might but once be perswaded that the King were guilty of any great sin uncapable of ruling suspected of heresy or a favourer of heretiques were it not the ready way to furnish the ambition of strangers with a pretext for entring upon and invading the Nation when and as often as they would or had power so to do Besides what appearance of any reason were there to tollerate so dangerous at enent and which all the Fathers of antiquity have condemned as erroneous which too was but now late risen up again in these last ages and in the time of Gregory the seventh who first attempted to make it vallid The King never ceaseth to be King until he be deposed by him who first constituted him to be King or unlesse he falls under those conditions which his first Constitutor hath declared should be the means he would use to throw him down from his authority Our Kings are only appointed by the hand of God He hath made use of their courages to set the Crown upon their heads and God hath not appointed that either Apostasie Heresie or any other Crime should be the condition which should shake them out of their Authority for that both good and bad do equally raign as we have heretofore said and by consequence they cannot be deposed but by God himself nor can they be deprived of their Authority for any crime whatever Besides if they could be deposed by Popes it would necessarily follow that the Pope must be superior to them in Temporal Power for that such deposing must needs be the Act of a superior Iurisdiction now the Popes are so far from being above them in this particular that rather on the contrarie the most ingenious and able writers of antiquity have confessed that they are inferior to them Pope Gelasius writ to the Emperor Anastasius Polagius the first to Childebert one of our Kings and St. Gregory to the Emperor Mauritius and that in such express terms that their meaning cannot be questioned The most moderate of them who uphold this error cannot maintain against these reasons the power of dispossing Kings which they ascribe to the Pope they say indeed it is not an absolute and direct power that they have and that they do not so much excercise it in despoyling them from commanding as in dispensing their subjects from their oathes of allegiance which they had made to them But how frivolous is this evasion For the Popes cannot dispense with divine right and the obedience from subjects to their Princes is commanded by divine right in an hundred express places of Holy writ But I shall passe farther on and say that it is not in the power of a King to bring himself under such a condition as that their subjects can be discharged from their duties and oathes by any means or way whatsoever for they may not do any Act which is prejudicial to the Regal Authority entrusted in their hands but they are bound to leave it entire not maymed to their successors Whence it hapned that Philip the Long intending to make a Treaty with his subjects of Flanders granted to them for their security of his observing the league that they might rise against him and withdraw themselves from
things to that passe that they might have none above them but God to Pray too The other was to form so powerful a Party amongst the Princes that they might be able to give the Law to his Majesty to constrain him to banish the Cardinal and to compel him to be ruled by their directions This Cabal consisted of a great many persons which as it could not be done but with a multitude so there wanted not some who spake very rashly of it There were divers reports spreadabroad of what they intended which were published though whisperingly with a great deal of insolency and at the same time it was known that a Favourite of Buckingham's said openly in England That there was so great a Faction contriving against the King and carried on by Monsieurs Councellours that all the Catholicks of the Queens house might be driven out without any danger and Heretiques placed in their room though contrary to the Articles of marriage There were some two of the Bourbonnois ingaged in this Combination who talked so openly and confidently that notice being given of it to the King and his Ministers it was adjudged that they intended to carry things to extremity and that it would not be much amiss to give Commission of Enquiry to the Vice-Seneschal of the Bourbonnois to make enquiry of the truth who gave a great light of the whole matter by his informations It was likewise discovered that Madam de Cheâ—â—reuse being discontented that her private intelligences with the English Embassadour were so publickly taken notice of did not a little promote the undertakings by her animating of Monsieur the Grand Prior and Chalais to execute it both which were ingaged by love to her as also that the Colonel de Ornano abusing Monsieurs goodnesse and the credit which his place gave him did absolutely divert him from the marriage which his Majesty had so earnestly desired should be celebrated The Cardinal on the other side having been acquainted that Louvgry who was one of the cabal being deeply in love with a Lady of quality had discovered to her the summe of their design and amongst other things had assured her that Chalais was one of the chief instruments in the enterprise he resolved to go passe away some time at Chailliot in Chalais father in Laws house that he might the better make use of his prudence to discover more particulars of the business His design took effect and as there are few things in his wish which the greatness of his prudence cannot accomplish it is said that he found a device to learn several things from Chalais own mouth and that he assured him both of his own assistance and his Majesties favour in case he should do that which was desired of him in this business of discovery He likewise found out how the Colonel d' Ornano was the Ringleader of the Plot hurried into it by like for fear lest if Mounsieur should marry his Princesse would assume to her self those advantages which he then had over his Spirit That their chief end was to unite all the Princes so close together that they might enforce his Majesty not to remove any of them from the Court and with all to permit them to live in the same licentiousness that they had a long while formerly enjoyed That to this effect they endeavoured the breaking of the match between Monsieur and Madamoiselle de Mâ—ntpensier and to bring on that of Madamoiselle de Bourbon which would more neerly ingage Monsieur to their Interests or else to perswade him to marry some other stranger Princesse which might be a means to shelter and defend their designs by the Forces and assistances which they might reasonably expect from such a family That this once effected they intended the Count de Soissons should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier that the Houses of Guise and Bourbon might be united together and in this manner they would in a moment huddle up together almost all the leading potent persons of Court It was no small advantage for the Affairs of the State to know that end this Cabal did drive at The Cardinal was not defective in acknowledging the services which Chalais had done in that particular and he might certainly have made very great advantages by it had he not relapsed into former contrivances and designs Politique Observation IT is a very great Imprudence to ingage in any Faction against the Prince of State under hope of not being discovered It cannot be denied but most ill-doers do believe their disorders will lye concealed For who would commit them if he thought he should be detected But who knoweth not that there is a certain blindness which attendeth on sin like a thick curtain spread over the eyes of the Soul which obstructeth the seeing such things as are most in themselves perspicuous and hurrieth the mind into excesse of Rashness Whosoever will suffer himself to be reduced by the Error must of necessity be ignorant of what the Son of God hath said in the Gospel That there is nothing hid which shall not be found out nor nothing how secret soever but time shall discover God who over-ruleth Kingdoms and watcheth for their conservation will not permit that those Plots and conspiraces which are contrived against them by some particular persons should remain concealed and it oftentimes so fals out That Justice being guided by his Providence causeth the very Authour himself to become the discoverer before he be aware of it All great secret is a great Burthen to the Bearer and experience hath often shewed that it is almost impossible for a man to keep it any long time without disburthening his Breast of it If perchance a man hath the power to bridle his tongue from discovering it yet can he never forbear the discovery of it by some Actions which will speak it to those of understanding And truly it seem God permitteth it so to be for the glory of innocence under whose Laws few would enforce themselves to live if Treachery had discretion enough to conceale it self Aristole did judiciously answer him who demanded what was the most difficult thing in the World when he said that it was to conceal that which was not fit to be made known since no man could be thought capable of keeping a secret but he who could indure a burning Coal upon his Tongue Indeed whatever is once known to three persons is quickly after made common to all for that each of them having an itching desire to speak of relateth it to his friend and so from one to another it comes to be published According to which History too hath recoreded many wicked designs closely contrived yet at length brought unto light Plutarch saith that in the Cyprian War one Aristocrates chief of the Messenians was the cause of their being cut in peeces by a notable peece of Treasons into which the desire of rule had ingaged him and that twenty years after it pleased God to permit
punished according to their deserts and to take off any pretext for their making of Factions in the State should they but arrive to the end which they proposed to themselves he resolved to beseech the King to give him leave to retire himself from the Court He could not be reproached for this Act without injustice seeing the discontent of all those Factious persons was onely grounded upon the Power Authority and Glory which he had acquired for his Master and the good Order and Government which he had established in the State Great and Noble Souls cannot endure that Envy her self should have the least occasion to detract from their Glory and accordingly he testified to the whole Nation that he did not at all consider his own Interests Now that hee might the easilier obtain his request of with-drawing himself and that he might the better dispose his Majesty to grant it he entreated the King being then at Fountainbleau that he would give him leave to passe away some few days at Limours by reason of some indisposition which he found growing upon him which the King gave way to and being there he was visited by Monsieur what resentments soever he had for the Marshal de Ornano's imprisonment as also by Monsieur the Prince of Condy whom he had perswaded the Queen Mother to Caresse notwithstanding all her aversions from it that he might ingage him in his Majesties interests and divert him from taking part with those of the Cabal From thence it was that Monsieur the Cardinal writ to his Majesty beseeching him that he would be pleased to let him withdraw himself He presented to him that for his own part he never had any other designs in his service then his glory and the good of his State but was now extreamly much discontented to find the Court divided upon his occasion and the fire of dissention ready to flame out and all with design for his ruine That he would little esteem his life if imployed in his Majesties service and for the good of his Crown but that it could not but trouble him to see himself basely Butchered in the midst of the Court as it was almost impossible for him to avoid it he being every day attended by a multitude of men whom he knew not and not having any one near him who could defend him from any violence which might be offered to him that in case his Majesties pleasure were such that he would command him to continue neer him and in this danger he would most gladly obey him without the least repugnancy because there was not any thing which he would prefer before his Majesties Will. But the confidence he had that his Majesty could not take any delight to behold him ending his dayes by such a death to which he could not be exposed but his Majesty must remain injured and offended did oblige him to think good to retire himself from the Court He added that his want of health too which was much impaired by that great concourse of people with which he was dayly over-pressed did make him beleeve he could not long hold out in the management of Affairs and that his Majesty had so much the more reason to grant him his request in regard his weaknesse would in a little while make him uselesse in his service He writ to the same effect unto the Queen Mother and begged her to imploy her Power with his Majesty to obtain his requests But their Majesties were so far from having the least inclination to admit of his retirement that on the contrary the King openly declared he would never give his consent to it he being sensible enough of those great happinesses which he had procured to the Kingdom already of that credit and esteem which he had raised his Arms unto amongst strangers of the submission to which he had reduced the Heretiques of the good Order which he had established in the Treasuries and of the great height whereunto he had advanced the Authority of his Scepter The Queen Mother too considering over and above these reasons which were not unknown to her what a losse it is to a State to be deprived of a grand Minister how usefull the Cardinal was to her Counsels and Interests at the same instant resolved to oppose his removal so that it was by their common advices concluded to command him no longer to think of absenting himself and to let him know that his services were too well known to procure an assent for his departure and lastly that he need not be afflicted at the sense of those wicked designs which were contrived against him nor at the inconveniences which he suffered in point of health for that it were easie to remedy both one and t'other Monsieur the Cardinal who prefers nothing in respect of their Majesties will and pleasure submitted all his resolutions accordingly The King too that he might provide for the safety both of his life and health assigned Guards to him who were to wait on him every where and defend him from any attempts of his enemies he commanded the Sieur de Folain to have an especial care that his health were not prejudiced by the multitude of people who made addresses to him but that entrance were onely permitted unto such as had occasion to speak with him about some urgent Affairs These Provisions of the King were so many certain testimonies of the good Will which his Majesty did bear towards him and I think that the honour he got in this Action was more considerable then all the rest for by it he evinced to the whole Nation that hee was not tied to the Court but onely for his Majesties service and that his own particular intrests and concerns were not valued at all by him Politique Observation IT is impossible to prevent that the splendour of an extraordinary vertue honoured by a Prince with a great power should not raise up the Envy of those who have never so little Ambition in them The Sun doth not more naturally attract divers vapours from the earth which afterwards become Clouds and darken his light then a grand Minister doth ordinarily see his own merit and the greatnesse of his Genius draw upon him the hatred of the Grandees that they make use of factions and divisions against him We have elsewhere said that Fortune was never yet seen to defend them from this infelicity and I shal now adde that the cheef and ready way for great men to exempt themselves from the blame and the troubles which envy may stir up against them is to manifest that their medling in affairs of Publique concern is free from all manner of self-interest which may easily be done by their desiring to withdraw themselves from the trouble of Government to lead a private life This moderation will stop the mouths of the most imbittered men who after this cannot find any thing to object against the power wherewith they are honoured and are forced to convert their
hatred into admiration Lucullus finding that the glory of his Triumph had laid him open to the hatred of some leading men in the Common-wealth withdrew himself from the management of Publick affairs to spend the time in studying of Arts but he was instantly intreated by the wiser sort not to follow his own inclinations in that particular and at such a time for it was not unknown that he was only able to curb the ambition of Pompey And Augustus as Suetonius reporteth did often desire to quit the Empire when he found how difficult it was to deal with the people of Rome The Pope St. Gregory the Great in the like manner knowing that the course of his life did offend many persons who could not indure that his example should oblige them to live retiredly and reservedly and had designed to chuse another Pope in his place he declared to them that he for his part should be very much afflicted to find any storms arise in the Church upon his score and that he would much more willingly surrender the Government then see any Schism arise amongst them But this his modesty and humility represented him so venerable a person that those very men who did not resent his Government were obliged to acknowledge the greatnesse of his worth Lastly although it be commendable in a great States man to make shew of such moderation to the end he may silence that Envy to which he is exposed yet a King is bound to make some difficulty in ascenting to his retirement on such an occasion No Counsel can better bee followed then that of the wise man who said he who hath found a faithfull servant ought to cherish him like his Soul and to esteem him as a brother and it cannot be denied but that to deprive a Kingdome of the assistance and guidance of a Soul highly generous and understanding were to take away the Sun from it and to fill it with horrour and confusion The Imprisonment of the Duke de Vendosm and the Grand Prior of France his Brother at Blois IT had been little to the purpose barely to have imprisoned the Marshal de Ornano if some others too of the chief Complices had not been secured and especially the Grand Prior who was much to be feared he being a person of greater abilities to carry on a design then all the rest His Brother too the Duke of Vondosm was not to be neglected considering the intelligence which his Majesty had but newly received of his indeavours to withdraw the people from the obedience which they owe to his Crown That he had caused himself to be called Monsieur the Duke without any other Title That he had commanded this form of Prayer to be used in the Church Pro famulo tuo duce domino nostro That he had sundry times attempted by money to corrupt the Sieur de Cange then Lievtenant of the Castle of Nants That he felt the Pulse of the Nobility the Parliament and Chamber of Accompt that he might the better fortifie himself in the Province an intelligence which ought so much the more to be looked into in regard two brothers do not usually enter upon any great design but by a joynt consent that some pretensions they might have though weak ones upon Britain and that nothing doth sooner ingage great men in the Factions of a Court then Ambition Now although it was very needfull to arrest him yet it was difficult to be done in Brittain by reason of the great Power he held there so it was thought fit to withdraw him and ingage him to wait upon his Majesty upon some pretence or other No way was imagined to be more expedient for it then to work upon the Grand Prior by feeding him with hopes of the Admiralty concerning which he was to treat with the Sieur de Montmorancy or at least by perswading him that in case that charge were taken away as it was then intended he was the onely man who should have the Commission to discharge that Office These Proposals were made to him with so much addresse that they made sure of him and absolutely convinced him that there was not any suspicion in the least of him and the King going to Blois where it was not known that he intended to passe on any further his Majesty told him how glad he should be that the Duke of Vendosm would come to him so hee presently tooke upon himselfe to goe to him and to perswade him to come and pay all signes of obedience â—o his Majesty Some have said that hee being doubtfull lest his Majesty had already conceived some apprehensions against the Duke of Vendosm did demand assurance for his bringing him to his Majesty at Blois and that his Prudence returned such an answer which though it obliged him to nothing yet it gave the Grand Prior satisfaction enough to ingage the Duke to undertake the journey I passe my word to you quoth the King as is reported that he may come to me and that he shall have no more hurt done him then your self though for my part I cannot but much doubt of this particular passage but true it is he went from the Court and shortly after brought the Duke his Brother with him to Blois where his Majesty received them with so many embraces and endearments that they could not in the least suspect the resolution which was taken for securing of their persons Before I proceed to the manner of their being taken I cannot but observe how very recessary it is that the Chief Offices of the administration be supplied with persons of courage as well as of Integrity The King sent for the seal to the Lord Chancelor Haligie the very same day that the Grant Prior went to fetch the Duke of Vendosme The Honestie of his Minister was not unknown to all the world but it could not be denied that his mind was low and full of fear which he did sufficiently make appear wen as upon the taking of the Marshal d'Ornano he had not the courage to justifie his Majesties counsels in that particular before Monsieur although the thing it self were one of the most important accidents that had a long time happened for the good of the State This passion of timerousness is a very improper quality in a supream Minister of Justice who is bound to make head against all wickedness and not only that but also to use courage and force to resist and overcome it this was it which obliged his Majesty to take the seal from him and to intrust it with the Sieur de Marillac superintendent of the treasury whose loyaltie was then in great credit amongst all well affected men and who had testified a great deal of resoluteness in the dispatch of those affairs which presented themselves unto him The super-intendency was bestowed on the Monsieur d'Effiat whose judgment and discret conduct was well known in sundry occasions particularly in the late affair of the Match with England
not resolved to put up such a wrong who after he had tried all fair means to get satisfaction done to him would if not granted use all lawfull means of what kind soever to procure it These replies were so just and resolute that in reason they should have produced those effects which were expected But the before recited Passages had so exasperated Buckingham that he obstructed the procuring of that satisfaction which France did so earnestly expect Politick Observation IT is very unseemly that a Kings Officers should perswade him to be worse then his word onely to satisfie their own Passions It were the ready way to subjugate the glory of the Master to the Will of the servant and to suffer the least Stars to eclipse the splendor of the Sun who have no light but what they borrow from his rayes Private affections have ever been hurtfull to publick consultations as Titus Livy recordeth neither was his judgement to be questioned when he said there are cereain Clouds which do darken the Soul and make it like a dis-tempered eye which seeth all things far different from what they really are The word of a Prince is a sacred pledge and his glory is linked with it The Minister who is to see it performed is obliged to effect it with inviolable respect much lesse not to abuse it for his own particular anger and Passion How can it seem lawfull for a Minister to obstruct it by so prophane an abuse when it is not permitted to a King himself to recede from it though the good of his State were never so deeply concerned in it Good Princes as Traian saith are more bound to perform what they promise then to effect what themselves desire so that it is not permitted them in a Treaty to be worse then their words under pretence of the publick good or to say their Counsel doth imagine the contrary to be more proper or that the necessity of their affairs doth require it If once a Prince should do so he would ever passe for a Prince without Faith which is the greatest misfortune can betide them and thus Mimus Publicanus saith he who hath once forfeited his Faith hath nothing else to lose because all the Goods and Honour of a man depend thereupon It is indeed fit to consider of Treaties with deliberation before they are entred into but when once a Prince shall have passed his word to observe them there cannot then be any starting hole to creep out at It is a shamefull excuse for them to alledge they did not think of it Bias saith they cannot make no lawfull excuse for he that loseth the credit and glory of being esteemed faithfull hath a more considerable damage then if he lost the thing which he promised After Cinna had sent for Marius he made a question whether or no he should receive him but Sertorius understanding he had sent for him told him it would be unfit to propose it to him for quoth he the obligation of Faith doth not allow of the consideration of what is once promised But certainly it is a very great abuse to the Majesty of a King to break his Oath for by it he doth seem to mock God whom he invoketh as a witnesse of his promise Cicero saith in his Offices that an Oath never ought to be broken and the Egyptians punished Perjury with death because they who were guilty of it did not onely violate the worship of God but broke faith which is the greatest and strongest tie of humane society The Traffique at Sea established DUring all these civil and forraign broyls the Cardinal was intent upon repairing those losses which France had sustained in the late Wars and upon setling such an Order in the three States that happinesse might succeed their miseries and abundance those wants which they had undergone in this he imitated the wise Physitian who having recovered his Patient maketh it his work to restore his former strength There onely wanted this one thing to the compleating of it That they upon whom the executing of his designs did depend would lend their assisting hands to it Now Commerce at Sea being one of the chief Fountains of a Nations riches he made it his first care to settle that in a safe course which his Majesty having assented to he gave notice of it to the Undertakers and that he should be glad to see them enter into Companies and Partnerships assuring them that they should have all possible assistance from him and that he doubted not but they might in time receive as great advantages by it as the Hollanders did by that which is setled amongst them or as the Spaniards did from the Mines of Peru. There wanted not divers who were ready to adventure on such a design Montmor in the name of one hundred others presented to the Councel Articles of establishment for a Company to Traffique both into the East and West by Sea and Land He proffered in their behalf to raise a stock of six hundred thousand Livres and that the moyety of the profits thereof should stil go towards the increasing of the said stock That he would expend the sum of six hundred thousand Livres in building of ships and setling the ground-works of their Trade These Proposals were very advantagious his Majesty approved of them and commanded the Cardinal to conclude upon the Articles with the Company So they had divers Priviledges and Liberties granted to them in regard of Forraign Wars and the Wealth which followeth Traffique as also in consideration of the accruement of power and shipping by Sea which was no slight matter for that the Spaniards English and Hollanders had become very potent at Sea by this means and have often thereupon fallen in upon our Coasts at their own pleasures The Cardinal withall perswaded his Majesty at the same time to lay out a great sum of money to buy Ships both at Amsterdam Denmark and other places of France to defend themselves from the like incursions Politick Observation TWo things chiefly are necessary to render a Kingdome flourishing Government and Commerce and as without the former it is impossible that it should long subsist so without the latter we find it want many things important to the life of man and that the Nation cannot attain unto any great riches Those Politicians have deceived themselves who measure happinesse by vertue alone and think that all their cares and dangers whereunto they expose themselves are to no purpose We are not now in those times when men lived on Acorns dropping from Oaks or when the Fruits of the Earth were the greatest delicacies without art or labour Many more things are now require to entertain 〈◊〉 â—…en heretofore and the neglect of Commerce were to deprive ones self of them by lazinesse And admitting it were not so have not sundry Philosophers used Traffique as a means to attain the experience of many excellent things Solâ—n amongst the Athenians rendred himself capable of
the State into Factions They also proposed to his Majesty to admit into his Council a certain number of Gentlemen to bring them up to do him the more service by the knowledge which they might get in State affairs and in conclusion they gave his Majesty most Prudent Counsel concerning the ordering and decreasing of the taxes for the suppressing of divers useless Officers for the redemption of his Lands which were in Mortgage by paying them in whose hands they were the monies lent upon them or full Interest out of the account of the Revenue to settle an order in the Treasury to prevent all future relapses for the settlement of Commerce both by Sea and Land for the distribution of charges as well millitary as others which have dependance on the Chief Officers of the Crown it being improper that they should be bestowed by any but the King himself And these were the Chief things then brought into debate before them and resolved on So their was a Paper drawn up of those things which they proposed to his Majesty the most part of which appeared so reasonable and judicious that they have ever since served for Maximes and a Rule for the Goverment of the State The Cardinal having put them in practise one after another as fast as ever the Civil warres the Factions at Court and the attempts of the house of Austria upon France and it's Allyes would give way for it Politique Observation HE who would settle a discomposed Kingdom must resolve upon the course whereby to do it with the advice of the States or at least of them who have gotten a great reputation of by experience in Affairs by their qualities and conditions or the great understanding they are Masters of On such an occasion divers have had recourse to an Assembly of States which because they are ordinarily accompanied with confusion by reason of the multitude besides the great expence which they draw on I should think it much more proper to make use of a selected Assembly who are the only persons whose opinions serve for guides to the rest now no one can doubt but that their advices will be very necessary for a State on such an occasion for that those great persons are like so many twinkling starres whose counsels are replenished with so much light that they soon make their Judgments of with is fit to be done to shine forth Not to need Counsel is to be more then man and not to make use of Counsel in affairs of concern is to be lesse then man God is not contented only with overuling the Elementary World and to make it fruitful in all kind of Science by the influences and light of the Sun but he hath imparted some share of his Luster to the other starres and hath asigned so considerable a proportion of work to them that every one reputeth them in part to be the universal causes of all sublunary things so it may safely be said too that God creating a Minister in a Kingdom whose Souls he replenisheth with any extraordinary part of understanding doth not however forbear to bestow some light upon others too though peradventure inferiour both for sufficiency and quality that they may contribute with him to the General good by the particular knowledge which he may infuse into them and by the Counsels wherewith he may inspire them And if their advices may be of use in a Kingdom they cannot be lesse advantageous unto a Minister on such an occasion in which the angring of divers persons cannot possibly be avoided There never yet was any reformation for the publique good but many particular private persons were angred at it They who Judg of all things by their own private Interest are ever discontented and conceive no little ill will against that Minister who is guided only by his own will and direction Whereas if it were done by those whose wisdom is esteemed and whose Prudence is respected it would silence all men and make that sweet and easie which else would be bitter and insupportable It is very dangerous it for a Minister to undertake great enterprises upon his own head only For good successe is not inherent in any man seeing all are subject to Deficiencies in Actions and inconstancy withall it is not to be doubted but that the greatest part judging of things by the event would charge him home with blame if any misfortune should happen How many great men who promised themselves high matters have seen the successe fall contrary to their expectations and have been exposed to the disgraces of their King and People for their ill successe which might have been secured too had they but proposed their designs and taken good advice upon them in a Counsel of the most considerable Grandees in the State Hee who attempts nothing without good advice secures himself from any ill accident whatever Tiberius thought in no derogation from his honour to acquaint the Senate with every affair though never so little considerable Anthony the Debonair never took any thing in hand either in Peace or War which he did not first communicate to several wise men protesting that it was more reasonable to accommodate his opinion to their advices then to oblige them to follow his Will The Sieur de Baradas removed from Court ABout this time was Baradas removed from the Court a person who had been much in favour with the King He had been the first Gentleman of his Chamber and chief Querry of his Majesties little Stable And as great favours puff up the mind and destroy the judgement of many if not qualified with a great underâ—â—anding he did so much forget himself that he would oftentimes make himself Master of the Kings Will and interpose in matters of concernment in which he had neither ability or authority His Majesty was much grieved at it being a Prince who did not delight to see that they whom he favoured should abuse themselves and be defective in that respect which is due unto him but it one day fell out that he being too importunate to perswade his Majesty to bestow a very great place upon a certain Kinsman of his who must of necessity be dayly attending upon his Majesty being a person too whom his Majesty did mislike his Majesty resolved to deprive him not onely of his Offices or Charge which he held neer his person but of that extraordinary familiarity wherewith he had formerly honoured him and accordingly commanded him to retire to his employment in little Bourbon of chief Querry an Office of no small advantage But as nothing is so displeasing to Favourites as to find themselves cast off he was so transported by it that he suffered himself to be deprived by despair of that little judgement which he had There need no other indiscretion be alledged but that one thing which he did in his Majesties Chamber when the Governour of Souvre came in thither whom he supposed one of the causers of his
to lose these hopes sent amongst the Deputies the Sieur de Blancard a person of quality to procure a quick dispatch they had many fair promises made them and a confirmation of whatever had formerly been resolved on so that the Revolt was now concluded on It was so much the easier to obtain those succours for that of late England had conceived some ill designs against France It much troubled them to see the Hugonot Party and those of Rochel reduced to greater weaknesses then ever and they took so great a share in their Interest that one of the Chief Ministers of State there said in full Counsel that it was less considerable to his Majesty to lose Ireland then to suffer Rochel to be taken by the King of France Withal Buckinghams particular Spleen which carried himself and swayed most of the great ones there did not a little encrease it who were all mad to be dealing with France so much do Courtiers follow the inclinations of Favorites We have in the former year laid down the causes of his particular hatred I shall now only add the resentment which he took at his Majesties denial to let him come into France was that and only that which incensed him to that height But the Cardinal foreseeing what effects that refusal would in reason produce advised his Majesty to permit him to come to the Court assuring him that it would be easie to raise some advantages out of that earnest passion which he had to come thither and that at last he could only end as Icarus did who perished for aspiring too high Yet however the Queen Mother seconding the Kings resolution for his non-admittance she became Mistres of the Counsel which so exasperated Buckingham that he vowed shortly to come into France so well attended that they should not be able to deny him entrance Madam de Cheureuse who was discontented too and then in Lorrain did not a little blow the Coales of his passion and serve to nourish his anger but as it would have been more to his discredit then Honour to have openly declared it so he wanted some pretences to cloak it He pretended that the King of England his Master had been surety for the performance of those promises which the King and his Ministers had made to the Hugonots upon the conclusion of the Peace Now the Chancellor having told their Deputies in presence of the English Ambassadours that though the King could not be induced to assent unto the demolition of Fort Lewis yet that they might hope for it from his Bounty in Time in case they lived within the bounds of a due obedience These hopes would he needs have passe for absolute promises and for Articles agreed on with Ambassadours and in prosecution of them he would fain have it be believed that the King his Master was bound by way of caution to see the demollishing of it put in execution He had likewise the boldness to let the King know from his Master of Great Britain by his Ambassador that he was likewise ingaged to see the performance of a certain Declaration made to the Hugonots by the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charlton Extraordinary Ambassadours then at that Treaty in which they had construed the Chancellour Haligres words in that sence as was most agreeable to the Hugonots and all that they might ingage them the more unto their Interests and not want a pretence to imbroyle things when ever they had a mind to it But it was absolutely denied that the King of England did ever become engaged to see those promises made to them of Rochel performed or that he had been treated with or his Ambassadours in any sort whatever But on the contrary it was represented to them how it was not forgotten what message his Majesty then sent to the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charleton by the Duke of Cheureuse and the Bishop of Mande which was that in case they should pretend to intermeddle in the Treaty the King would not give his consent to any thing but if upon condition that the King of England would engage to assist him with a strong Fleet to compel the Rochelois if they should fall back from their duties This had been told them once and again and that plainly enough as also confirmed by Monsieur the Cardinal so that their pretences of the King of Great Britains being Pledge for Performance of those Articles granted to the Rochelois were groundless as also that frivolous pretext of making use of the Earle of Hollands and the Lord Charleâ—ous Declaration which being a thing of their own drawing and done as best pleased themselves was of no value However it was one of the chiefest Arguments they made use of in their Declaration to justifie their Arms when they entred upon Ree And the Duke of Buckingham manifested to all people that his only design was to protect the Rochelois and reformed Churches of France though it was not unknown that his private Spleen was the true cause of his design yet he was cunning enough to dissemble it to the King of England and pretend assisting of the Rochelois and withal to assure him that the whole party of the Hugonots would revolt and upon the arrival of his Fleet put such and such Towns into his hands that he might set on foot his old pretences upon France and enter upon it with security and advantage Upon these scores the King of England laboured very industriously for the rigging out of his Fleet all April May and June not at all discovering his design though both his Majesty and the Cardinal were not so ill informed but that they perfectly knew it was prepared for France Politique Observation KIngs when they have a mind to make a war never want pretences to disguise the injustice of it however it is an absurd rashness to ingage in any without urgent necessity I like well of T. Livius Judgment who saith war is then Just when it is necessary and that Arms are never attended with Justice but when there are no other hopes but from them And who can think otherwise of it seeing war is followed by all sorts of miseries War it is which ushers in disorders and evil customes which taketh away the lives of the Innocent which bringeth the Rich into want and which generally banisheth all the pleasures of life to set up troubles and afflictions So that a man can hardly fancy any thing more to be deplored then war from whence it followeth that who so begins it without absolute necessity may be well compared to those Chymists who administer such potions to their patients that they thence suffer more griefs and pains then from their sicknesses and diseases A wise man will abstain from war saith Xenophon though he have some reason for it Craesus did ever prefer peace before war if onely for this reason because in war Fathers did burie their Children against the Laws of Nature The He Wolf is so
with reason declared by giving him his eldest Daughter to wife that she should be the true Inheretrix of his States and that he should only enjoy them in her right He also made his entry into Nancy with Balls and publique rejoycings in his Court and all that he might celebrate with the more Honour his arrival to the Crown of Lorrain hereupon he pretended to do Homage to the King in his own name for the Dutche of Bar as appertaining to him in Fee and not in right of his wife but he therein met with greater obstacles then in that of the Bishop of Verdun It was presently given him to understand that he had not a little offended his Majesty in that he had upon his own head assumed upon himself the Investiture of Bar and not expected his Majesties introduction to whom the Soverainty did belong That he had expedited all letters Patents in his own name without mentioning that of the Dutchess his wife for that no vassal hath any thing by descent in his Fee until he be invested by his Soverain to whom he doth Homage That he gave a just ground to be disseised of it if he should possesse himself thereof before he were lawfully introduced That he had also committed no small fault when as he attempted to alter the quality of Tenure of Bar and so create it Masculine whereas the Chief Soveraign could only alter the nature of Fees and dispence with Customes The inconsiderate and lofty humour of this Prince was such that he could have wished he had not been dependant on any other and gave him not leave to consider the Justice of these reasons he answered those Ministers with whom he treated that it being indifferent to his Majesty whether the Homage of Bar were Masculine or Feminine he imagined that Râ—ynard King of Sicily his great Grandfather had lawfully constituted it upon the Males in exclusion of the Females and that in consequence it was become his own right that he was ready to pay unto his Majesty that homage which is due unto him and lastly he added that in his judgement he had no power to annul the right which he had acquired He made use of the Duke de Châ—ureuse who made many journies too and fro to make his argument passe amongst the Ministers for good and some others too which being inconsiderable I shall passe by But he was ever told that his Majesty had reason enough and interest withall to oppose that an Homage dependant upon his Crown might be altered in quality that the Customes of Countries and succession of States were not at all altered seeing such changes are reserved in his onely power and in no other whatever That he ought to know the Customes of Bar were never changeable but by his Majesties permission and moreover on condition that they were confirmed by the Parliament of Paris That he could not be ignorant how the custom of both Bar and all those lands bordering upon the Rhine did grant the succession to daughters in exclusion of any Males descended from a second Brother they beâ—ng daughters of the eldest and that he had so much the lesse reason to change this custom without the Kings Authority in regard this one Article was of greater concern then all the rest that such a change was contrary to the fundamental Laws of Lorrain and that he debarred the Dutchesse his wife of the right which indubitâ—bly belonged to her Now as he could not possibly make any satisfactory answer to these objections so he was forced to return without doing any thing at all in it onely he procured some time to make out his pretensions and to furnish himself with Titles and Reasons to second and uphold them Politique Observation THE wisest Politicians have thought it dangerous to the good of the State to alter any Laws without urgent occasion or unlesse the change carry some great advantage with it Aristotle saith it makes subjects slight rules and powers and doth much diminish their Authority Thucydidâ—s hath gone a little further thinking it safer and more proper inviolably to continue the Laws of a Country though ill ordered rather then set up new ones and better in their place St. Austin saith that as in sicknesse it is good to continue the use of those medicines which till then the sick person had used so likewise it is the effect of a great discretion to preserve the observation of those Laws which had formerly enough in them to remedy any inconveniences in the State Which if true of Laws in general is then much more necessary in Fundamentals which have been the establishers of a State seeing they are no lesse conducing to its preservation then the Foundation of a house for the subsistence of it To speak ingeniously such Laws are the Pillars which uphold Authority and as a building if the Foundation be undermined and shaken soon falls to the earth so a State too quickly comes to ruine if those Laws upon which it is established once come to destruction or alteration For this reason Adrian ordained that no one should intraduce any new Customes into Rome Plato in his Common-wealth prohibiteth the changing of any thing in it even Childrens-play for novelties alter manners and bring antiquity into dis-esteem a thing of great consequence I should like well of the alteration of some rules of Justice because the manners of men are variable and the punishing of Crimes too may admit of change according to the disposition of men and times But it is not the same thing in fundamentals which rule the government and which settle the election which God hath made of a Soveraign which do authorize the order established by former Princes for the ordering of the people and which are the known rules for the preservation of the common good indeed such ought no more to be changed then the Laws of nature for both are equally founded upon Gods Law He it is who divideth the earth amongst Nations who establisheth Kings families and inheritances so that without his will no alteration may be intraduced to change those Customes which have been anciently in use The Dutchess of Orleans death upon her lying in of a Daughter THE King was much troubled soon after the Duke of Lorrain's departure for the Dutchess of Orleans his Sister in Law We have in the former yeart related how many broils the marrying of this Princess did raise at Court and how most of the Princes of Christendome indeavoured to hinder it now we are come to wonder at the blindnesse of Grandees who turmoil themselves in extremity who move heaven and earth by their broils and all for those things which death and the inconstancy of humane affairs cause to vanish in a moment The marriage was concluded but more for discretion than love in his part yet God so blessed it that Love had quickly united both their affections very strongly notwithstanding all the indeavours or devices of Monsieurs Favourites
protect the execution of Justice Besides they have by so doing a great and notable advantage to themselves in abating the insolent and ambitious pretensions of those who would usurp their Subjects rights and become terrible to their neighbours by their too great power If this rule be worth consideration in general it is much more to be observed in respect of the rights which may befall his Majesties Subjects in Italy where it is absolutely necessary to prevent the increasing greatnesse of the house of Austria They have already become Masters of the greatest part of Germany and there is not any more certain way to ballance their growing power then by Alliances with the Princes of Italy by finding out some means to set foot in their Country be it either by gaining some of their States as divers of our late Kings have attempted or by establishing such French in them as want not pretences to them and which might be able to let in the Arms of France when the Princes of Italy should have occasion to make use of them and there is no doubt but the Princes of Italy would be very glad to see the Arms of our Kings in their Country opposing those of the Spaniard whom they hate because they fear To speak the truth it is an action which doth beget both glory and affection in those who shall succeed the honour which is to be atchieved in so doing will shine thorough all parts and render them venerable amongst all strangers The Marriage of the Prince de Rethelois with the Princess Maria the Inheritrix of Mantua UPon the news which his Majesty recived by the Marquesse de St. Chaumont that there was little hopes of Duke Vincents long life he concluded it to be very necessary that he should use his utmost indeavours to make up the Match between the Prince de Rethelois and the Princesse Maria as also to procure that he might be declared the Successor to the States of Mantua and Montferrat after the decease of his Father the Duke de Nevers The Cardinal by his Councels seconded his Majesties judgement and that with the more eagernesse in regard the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan did both begin to declare their pretences This made his Majesty resolve upon sending away the Marquesse de Saint Chaumont into Italy The Instruction which he received was onely of two particulars in which he was to bestir himself The first was in his Majesties name to make an end of those differences between the Duke of Savoy and Mantua to which end he was to passe by Turin to dispose Duke Ferdinand to the making of some other overtures for their accommodation and then to propose them to the Duke of Mantua to see if any conclusion could be had withal to let them both know that a good correspondence were not amisse for the good of their States in regard their enemies by their divisions would be furnished with opportunities to make attempts upon them The second was to labour very earnestly with the Duke of Mantua for the concluding of the Match between his Neece and the Prince de Rethelois and that he might be declared successor to his States after the decease of his Father the Duke of Nevers At that present it was the easier to be effected in regard the Pope had solemnly protested he would never grant a dispensation of his first marriage He was also commanded to shew unto him that as this marriage was of great advantage and benefit to the Duke of Nevers and Rethelois whom he loved by assuring them of the succession so it was not lesse necessary to defend and secure himself from the attempts which the Spaniard and Duke of Savoy might make upon his life and State for that they did already begin to discover their intentions against him He was farther Commanded That if Duke Vincent should chance to die whilst he was near him then to animate in his Majesty name the Chief leading men of the States of Montua and Montferrat by all arguments of reason and perswasion to preserve the liberties of their Country to keep the faith obedience which they did owe unto Monsieur de Nevers as their Lawful Prince and to declare him for successour to Duke Vincent according to the usual Forms of those Countries and lastly to assure them that his Majesty would protect them against any Forces that should molest or trouble them that himself would invite the Pope and all other Princes of Italy to joyne with them in defence of their liberties These were the Chief Instructions in the Marquis his Commission In order to them he went to the Duke of Savoy to perswade him to some agreement with Mounsieur de Mantua He told him how the report went of his being in league with the Spaniards for the deviding of Montferrat But the Duke seemed to be angry at it and wondred that after the having done such good Offices to his Majesty be should imagine such a thing of them Yet he did not disown his apprehensions of the advantage which he might now take during Duke Vincents sickness to regain that which did belong to him in Montferrat adding withal that it would be much more for his Majesties Interest if it were is his hands rather then the Spaniards and that at last in case he were joyned with the Spaniards yet it was no more then his Majesty himself had done seeing they sent him a Fleet to Rochel But the Marquis that he might lay the foundation of an agreement proposed to him to renew the Treaty which had been between the late Duke Ferdinand and himself as to that which was in dispute between them in Montferrat all the answer he could get was this he demanded fifteen thousand Crowns rent for his pretentions there and twenty thousand for the Damages he had sustained for want of execution of his promises made of marrying his little Daughter with the Cardinal his Son By these his unreasonable demands he evidenced that he only sought an occasion to justifie his breach with him and the Marquis finding after divers other conferences had with him that there was no good to be done made no longer stay there but went to Mantua he came thither so opportunely as if Fortune had lead him by the hand for within five dayes after his arrival there the Duke dyed He found that the Marquis de Strigio had disposed the Duke with a great deal of addresse to all that could be desired That he had stirred him up on the designs which his Enemies might set on foot both against his life and State to declare by his Letters Patents the Duke de Nevers his only and Lawful successour in all his States and the Duke de Rethelois his Livetenant General ordering him to marry his Niece the Princesse Marie before his decease and to cause the Governours of all strong places faithfully to keep them for the Duke de Nevers There wanted indeed a dispense for the marriage
but the Duke sent in all hast to demand it of his Holyness When the Marquis de Chaumont came thither It was not as yet arrived but hourly expected and though it was not brought but only a very few minuts before his death yet the Marquis of Strigio who knew how necessary it was for the State of affairs told the Prince de Rethelois and the Princess Maria that they must forthwith marry or else be assured never to enjoy the States of Mantua It was a business of so great importance that it would admit of no longer consultation so that it was concluded and married they were about nine in the night on Christmasse Eve the marriage was consummated and not long after the news of Duke Vincents death was brought unto them This accident was of very great concern to the Duke de Nevers Who without it might perchance never have enjoyned the Dukedom of Mantua At that present he was in France but hearing of it he took post and about the end of January came to Mantua where finding all things according to his own desire he took proffession of the State and the Marquis de Chaumont return'd back to France He passed by Thurin and used new endeavours to perswade the Duke of Savoy to an accommodation but it would not be yet he served the King in this occasion by withdrawing divers of the Nobility of Dauphine from the Duke of Savoy's Army who had ingaged themselves with him not knowing his design was upon Montferrat which the Duke hearing of was much offended and told him it would not be safe for him to stay any longer in Turin Politique Observation THat Prudence which obligeth all Soveraigns to provide against such accidents as may trouble the present State of their affairs doth equaly direct them to make sure of such remedies as may prevent the future disturbance of their Peace and quiety which cannot safely be effected without the assurance of an Hair to succeed Augustus affordeth us a memorable example in this particular who governing an Empire not Hereditary would however joyn with himself some one of his nearest kindred in the conduct of affairs to the end that ingratiating himself with the Senators Souldiers and people he might by that means seem to deserve the Soveraignity For this reason it was according as Tacitus hath well observed that he finding himself destitute of Sons and that Fortune had taken from him first Marcus Agrippa and afterwards Cajus and Lucius his Nephews advanced Tiberus who though he had a Son then grown up he caused to adopt Germanicus to the succession of the Empie and this he did as the Historian observes that the Crown might be assured upon divers supports By this means he cut off the Senators hopes of reforming the State into a Republique and from his Enemies the means of aspiring to the Crowns Adrian in the like manner seeing he had not any Sons which exposed him to the fury of some ambitious mind or other who for the Empires sake might be perswaded to attempt upon his Person adopted Antoninus and also required that Antoninus should in the like manner he having no Sons neither nominate two more successours as Dion hath observed in his life and all this was with intent that they who were to succeed in the Empire might be alwayes ready to receive it and to prevent his Enemies from attempting against his person in hopes to obtain it for themselves To how many misfortunes have they who have been defective in this Care exposed their Countries Jane the second Queen of Napels dying without nominating her successour d' Anâ—ou whom she had once named being deceased before her left her Kingdome cruelly torn in pieces by War and him whom she least of all desired to inherit after her It is very rarely seen that a Kingdome changeth its Family without great wars and that Prince whom God hath not blessed with Children will find many attempts made upon his person whence it follows that he who would secure his Life and State from misfortunes ought betimes to appoint his successour to keep him near to him with Honour to instruct him in all affairs but not to admit him unto the partaking of the Soveraignity for that were to cure one evil by a greater seeing the ambition which usually attendeth young Princes might perchance ingage him in some ill design to be master of it before his time Cabals of the Duke de Rohan in Languedoc and the Succours wrought by means of the Duke de Soubize his brother in England for the Rochelois THE Duke de Rohan was by his brother assured of the English assistance and long before their landing in Ree he did nothing but contrive Cabals in Languedoc that he might place Consuls for his own turn in the Hugonot Towns and engage considerable persons in his private interests Presently after their landing he openly declared himself strengthned his party with Men perswaded some places to rise and sollicited others to do the like He gave them great hopes of high and mighty advantages by the inundation of strangers and he provoked them the more by insinuating into them the ruin of their Religion and divers other imaginary evils That he mâ—â—ht the better strik these Panick fears into them he sent them a Manifest filled with all those specious apparencies mentioned in the beginning of this year But may it not be said that he imitated those Pirates who seeming to instruct the course which Ships ought to keep in the Sea set up Lanthorns upon the tops of Rocks to draw Pirates thither and so to wrack them For thus did he lay before the sight of them who were sufficiently enclined to â—action diverse seemingly fair reasons of the preservation of their party and Religion by which means he drew them into that revolt and engaged them in those misfortunes which have since been the cause of the ruining of their Towns and of levelling their Wals and fortifications with the ground Now that he might the more strictly bind the Hugonot towns to his designs he â—ound means to make an assembly in the Viâ—e d'Vsez where diverse of their Deputies met together and as he had no lesse eloquence then courage he perswaded them to whatever he had a mind to They approved of those succours which he had negotiated in England as just and necessary they commended his prudence and zeal and gave him a thousand thanks for it But this was not all They assured him not to enter into any Treaty of Peace with his Majesty without the King of Englands consent and his own in particular Hereupon they deputed some of the most seditious of their faction to go to the Towns of Languedoc and Guyennâ— withal they writ to those of Dauphine and Vivarez to encourage them to unite with them for the good of the cause They drew up a form of oath to be sworn by the Consuls the Governours of Towns Lords and Gentlemen who would engage with
of it said the place would assuredly be taken if he went not in person to releeve it and that it might so happen that his presence might save it and therefore that it was better to hazard this latter then to leave the former without remedy preferring his honour and the publick good before the particular consideration of his person The same courage carried his Majesty to the most glorious and honourable design that his good fortune with that of France could lead him to undertake which was forthwith to depart Upon the third of April he set forward from Paris and arrived at Rochel on Easter-munday Upon his arrival the Artillery both of the Forts and Ships saluted him and his presence so revived the Army that every one redoubled his courage and affection to behave themselves with resolution There were but the Marilacs and those of their faction who were troubled to see him on the Theater of his glory but the Laurels which his Majesty gathered there did serve to set forth unto what mis-fortunes a Prince is reduced when he is councelled by passionate advisers Politique Observation ONe of the most dangerous qualities that he who is Councellour to a King can have is to suffer himself to be transported with envy hatred anger or any passion whatever Wise Council is an affect of Prudent reason and it can be no longer Prudent when it is once darkned with the Clouds of some irregular motion The Irascible power being once master of Reason doth so obscure it that maketh men see no objects in their true colours and that Passion carrieth it away where ever it pleaseth with the same impetuousnesse as a hot metled horse draws a Chariot into Precipices that it is impossible to stay him It is reported that the Flowers of Egypt being watered by the vapours of Nile which are for the most part gross and earthy yeeld not any smell and it is no lesse certain that a Statesman with how great a Genius soever he be indued is no more capable to give good Counsel after he hath once given himself up to envy or hatred His Passion maketh him quarrel with truth it self and to approve of those Councels which are most prejudicial to the State that he may satisfie his own self-will The disgraces of others are his delights Factions are his joys and the ruine of those whom he would destroy is his sweetest and most pleasing spectacle neither is he concerned at the rise or fall of any one so he be satisfied in his own particular To this purpose the Poets feigned that Hercules being transported with anger knew not his wife or children insomuch that he tore them in pieces But how many other true and assured proofs doth History afford us That of England tels us how the Duke of York Henry the Eighths Favourite being dis-affectionate to Spain alwaies gave his Master advices in prejudice of Charles the Fifth and on the other side being full of good will towards France perswaded him to such resolutions as might continue the friendship which was between them Antiochus his Favourites being incensed against Hannibal caused him to be banished from the Counsel though he were a person very necessary and usefull to him In fine he who is mastered by Passion onely thinks of satiating himself for the obtaining thereof he disguiseth the disloyalty of his Counsels with so many fair glosses and specious colours that he may draw his Prince to that end he aimeth at by this means if his Prince have any confidence in him he will easily deceive him and quickly dead him into those mis-fortunes which he will soon perceive but too late to get clear of them All Soveraigns are not so fortunate as the Pisans who refused to make a War against the Florentines being invited thereunto by the Arch-Bishop of Milan for that Francis Gambacortij gave them to understand he onely advised to it out of hatred to the Florentines and not out of any advantage to their interests The Rochelois are summoned by a Herald to surrender to the King THe King being returned to the Army caused the Rochelois to be summoned by a Herald to surrender but their minds and answers were full of insolency so that his Majesty bended all his thoughts to make preparations for the fighting with the English Fleet at their first comming Divers Lords and Gentlemen of the Nation came from all parts to the Army for this occasion and to partake of the glory of his Majesties Arms every one of them were on fire to be ingaged with the English and the Rochelois that they might obtain a second victory against them Now it being expedient that he who commandeth an Army should exactly know the condition and number of his forces that he may the better resolve upon that which is necessary to be done the King thought fit to make a muster and to take a strict view of the Army He caused them to muster in his own presence which was no small satisfaction to him especially when he observed how dutifull they were and how well Disciplined not stragling up and down as formerly they were wont to do all which was an effect of the Cardinals admirable care Conduct and Prudence The Order which he had caused to be observed was this every eight days there was a muster of all the Souldiers every Regiment having a Commissary appointed to it to whom the Souldiers pay was distributed and not to their Captains as formerly had been the custome By this means the Captains were deprived of the power of mustring any foisted hirelings and every week there was an exact number of the Army that new recruits might be sent for if occasion did require This alteration you may imagine did much trouble divers Captains especially such as preferred their own Interests before his Majesties glory but it cannot be expected how advantagious it was to the Kings service who thus reviewing his Army found it composed of nineteen Regiments of foot and eighteen Troops of Horse besides a very great number of Volunteers insomuch that they were five and twenty thousand men compleat The King likewise took a view of all his Vessels and finding them to be in good order and enough to secure the Channel from the English he began to be impatient to see them appear that he might make them pay for the rashnesse of their attempts and signalize his own forces by a second Victory Politique Observation ONE of the chief cares a General ought to have is that he keep his Forces in good order that none of them run from their Coullors or muster any hirelings It is a businesse of so great importance that oftentimes Victorie dependeth on it as at Pavie where the ill successe which befell Francis the first is by divers Historians attributed to the defect of this particular for onely looking over the Commissaries Roules he thought there had bin full as many Souldiers as were there listed upon which the fight was begun but
of Clemency mercy used towards poor vanquished Creatures ought no longer be esteemed a vertue but a necessary means of salvation I should add one more reason out of Polybius his History which is good deeds are a Chain of Gold which do much more fix and establish the interests of Kings then those of Iron and if Religion seem to invite them to practice it neither doth reason of State any whit lesse what was it which tied the Celtiberians so strictly and affectionately to the Roman interest but that generous and noble Act of Scipio the Affrican who restored a noble Lady his Prisoner to her husband without doing her any violence or injury and returned him all the Gold which had been brought for her ransome Did not Cyrus gain by his handsome treating of Cresus after he had vanquished him Did not that tie up the hands of all Greece who would out of the great affection they did bear to him have highly resented any injury done to him The Roman Senate did much blame their Consul Popilius for his rude treating of the Genois and commanded reparation to be made them because they esteemed the honour of a Victory not compleat where it was attended with any cruelties or rigours Those Princes who are good to their Prisoners and those whom they have vanquished are not onely commendable but delightfull to those they rule over The Romans having reduced Capadocia to a Province diminished the Tax which they used formerly to pay unto their own King because they knew that the clemency and sweetnesse of their Empire would invite others to submit to them with the lesse reluctancy and resistance His Majesties Declaration for estblishing of the Catholique Religion in Rochel IF it be glorious to overcome it is no lesse important to take such care as may confirm the Victory To this purpose his Majesty before he left Rochel published a Declaration comprehending that order which he would have observed there for the future both to establish Religion and to prevent this people from relapsing into their former Rebellion This Declaration contained that the exercise of the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion should be freely exercised there both in the City and Government of Aulnis that the Churches which had been lately destroyed thereabouts should be re-edified and restored to them in whose possession they formerly were together with all their appurtenances that a sufficient maintenance should be given to such Curats as had not means to live on out of those lands which belonged to the Town-house That the Religieux de la Charite Les Religiouses Hospitalieres should be re-established in the Hospitals of the Town to attend upon all sick persons That a Crosse should be raised in the Castle-yard at the foot of which an Inscription of the taking the City should be inscribed and that every first of November a Procession general should be made to give God thanks for his mercies that the Church-yard consecrated in the lands of Corcille where those of the Camp who died during the siege had been buried should still he conserved to that use that a convent of Religieux Minimes should be built there who might pray unto God for them and perpetuate the memory of the thing this is that which his Majesty did for thanks-giving to God and the consolation of the Catholick party in the Town The Course his Majesty took to keep Rochel in Obedience IF his Piety were so admirable in that particular his Prudence was no lesse in commanding all such things as were necessary for the preservation of the Town in its duty He deposed the Mayor who had fomented the Rebellion with such insolent stubbornnesse and discharged the Shrivalty and Commonalty of the Town without hopes of restauration He ordained that the most seditious persons of the city should forsake it and amongst others Gâ—ison Mayre Godâ—â—ray Salâ—breâ— and Deserbrâ—â—res not so much as excepting the Dame de Rohan who was carried to Niort by the Sieux de Lannay Lieutenant des Gardes des Corps Next he revoked all the Priviledges and Charters heretofore granted to the City He commanded the Walls the Rampards the Bastions and the rest of the Fortifications to be razed and the Ditches to be filled up leaving only the Tours de St. Nicholas de la Ghaiâ—â— de la Lantern standing with that part of the Wall towards the Sea to preserve the Town from Pyrats He further constituted and appointed that no stranger should have a house or family in the Town without his Majesties permission had and obtained or that any Heretiques should return to their former dwellings To be short he ordained for the better keeping them in their obedience that there should be an intendent of Justice in the City Country and Government of Aulnis who should see the execution of his Ordinances and have an eye to that which concern'd his service all which was inserted in the said Declaration He then commanded the inhabitants to be disarmed and that certain Regiments should remain in the Town until it were quite demolished After all these things thus appointed he returned to Paris where he was received in great magnificence the Companies of the City making Orations unto him But I passe by the particulars of those Ceremonies and confine my self to my design of writing nothing but what relateth to the Government of the State Politique Observation HAnnibal was discommended for not knowing how to pursue a Victory when obtained and that Soveraign doth little or nothing who after a reducing of those Rebels that attempted to shake off the yoke of their obedience neglecteth to fix and settle them by all necessary orders and rules for the continuation of them in their duties His orders ought to be proportioned to the quality of the vanquished who if they be Rebels ought to be treated in another manner then such as were under another Government It ought likewise to be remembred whether they who are vanquished be of the same Religion with the Conquerour and in case they are not then to establish divers such persons there who professe the same with his own and this he is obliged to by Prudence as well as Piety It being an assured remedy of weakning a people if they be divided and that a party be made sure of amongst them The ancient Kings of Aegypt did wisely tollerate and establish all sorts of Religion in their Countries and Kingdomes to the intent the diversity of opinions might dis-unite them from any Revolts On the other side if those whom a Soveraign overcommeth be his own natural Subjects he ought not totally to destroy their Cities and Towns for that were to weaken his own power Which is the same thing that Craesus perswaded to Cyrus when he had been vanquished by him do not quoth he I beseech you destroy the Towns of Lydia for by it you will not destroy me but your self to whom by right of Arms they now belong but however this rule admitteth
to forsake their false and turn unto the true Religion and in case they become obstinate to punish them by the Ax. Heresie is a Crime laesae Majestatis Diviâ—ae and as Heaven hath endued them with no lesse Authority to punish those offences committed against God then those against their own persons so it cannot be doubted that they have an absolute and Just power to punish Heresie with all the severity that it deserveth But however discreet Princes have alwayes used much moderation in this particular because they ever conceived violent means were proper in the first growth and when it might quickly destroy Heresie without any likelihood of its springing up again but that being once spread abroad and increased Rigors and Severities would more fix and confirm it besides the confusions and disorders which would follow in the State by such cruelties and punishments It should seem that for the confirmation of this their judgment the Son of God prohibited his Disciples from picking out the Tares from the wheat which grew together in the field and were hard to be divided it being most certain that it is full as difficult nay no lesse impossible to exterminate Heresie when multiplyed without great confusion even to the State where it is and some trouble to the true Church it self But granting all this to be so yet the Laws of Prudence do not allow of at least whilst a Prince may avoid it that he should grant them any Towns or Places for the excercise of their Heresie for that were to divide his Kingdome to nourish an Enemy in his bosome to foment a Rebellion against himself and to furnish them with arms and means to cut his own throat It is also to give advantage unto strangers who are still fishing in troubled States and hindreth a Prince from assisting his Allyes when their necessities and his own Interests invite him to it and in fine it were to expose himself the true Church and Professors of true Religion unto a thousand affronts and tyrannies That Prince who allows them but weapons submits himself to greater troubles the he is aware of but he who employeth his power to destroy them doth an Act not onely of Religion and Generosity but also of great Prudence and discretion The Kings departure on the fifteenth of January in the year one thousand six hundred twenty and nine towards Piedmont THe same day that his Majesty went to the Pallace to publish his Declaration Ordinances and to cause the Power which he had comitted to the Queen his Mother to be read he likewise departed out of Paris towards Cazal But I may not passe by the observation of a singular act of Prudence in his Majesty who had already advanced the most part of his Forces to Auvergne under the command of Monsieur de Thoyras immediately after the taking of Rochel that be might every day draw them neerer and neerer to the place where he intended to make use of them insomuch that he lost not one hours time upon which he knew the successe of affairs did often depend His Majesty desired to go by the way of Bourgogne and Champagne as well to avoid the sickness which was very hot upon the Road of Lion as also because he had not as yet passed by the Towns of Troyes Dion or Chaal us Where he made his entrance with great Splendour and Magnificence shewing the people by this what respect they were obliged to shew unto him Politick Observation WIse Polititians have not thought it proper for a King to let himself be often seen by the subjects yet they have all concluded it fit that he should visit at least once the principal Cities of his Kingdome This gives them an acquaintance of the people whom they are to governe and the magnificence with which they are accompanied makes impressions of obedience in the thoughts of their subjects Which magnificence doth so much the more contribute to beget respect because the people are often guided by their own sences and Kings ought not to neglect occasions of making themselves reverenced and esteemed The Sun is venerable in our eyes by reason of his lustre and Splendor and with the vulgar nothing doth breed so great a reverence towards the persons of their Princes as the pomp where with they are accompanied whence it comes to passe that many have been of opinion that a King ought not to make himself be feared yet none ever thought but he was obliged to use all means to beget a respect and obedience toward him Humility is a virtue which in this particular is to be dispenced with because the meanuess of his train or reception could diminish the respects of his people and for this reason it is that God hath obliged them to enforce that honour which is due unto them and to maintain themselves in a State correspondent to their Majesty in reference whereunto the wisest Kings would not permit any to approach near their persons but with great respects and seldome would appear in publick but when with great attendance The ancient Kings of the Persians Medes and Judians required their subjects to salute them prostrate on the ground Amongst those of China they are adored like Gods others are served upon the knee and suffer themselves to be seen but seldome and then with great Ceremony too and men do the more readily reverence them in regard God Almighty hath stamped his image upon them for their greater honour and that there is still something in their face that speaks them more than humane The Duke of Lorrain comes to visit the King before his departure and promiseth after his return to come and do him homage for the Dutchy of Bar. WHiles the King was at Chaalous the Duke of Lorrain came thither to wait upon him hoping that by his bare complements civilities he might satisfy his Majesty without doing homage for the Dutchy of Bar which was in his possession by the death of his predecessour The King had often called upon him to do his homage knowing that as God had put the crown upon his head so he was by it obliged no lesse to preserve the Authority which he had given him over stranger Princes then over his own subjects The Duke refused it not but pretended that the Dutchy of Bar belonged to him in chief as also that of Lorrain by virtue of a certain Salique Law which had been likewise confirmed by those of his Family and was yet to be seen amongst his old Record and thereupon would do homage in his own name and not in his wifs to whom really it belonged The King who could not endure injustice would not permit that the Dutchess his wife who had put the Ducal Coronet upon his head should be so dealt with but resolved that either shee should do the homage or he in her name Upon this account it was that he came to assure his Majesty he would suddenly after his return acquit himself of the
hundred and thirteen when they absolutely opposed him and that the most he could expect was some paltry Town whereas adhering to his Majesty he would find means to induce Monsieur de Mantua to let him have Triâ— and other handsome places to the yearly rent of fifteen thousand Crowns That withal he disobliged the Princes and extreamly much wronged himself by favouring the growing greatness of Spain in Italy upon which they had already testified but too great a design That Cazal would give him great advantages and that he had the more reason to be suspâ—tious of it himself he being so near a borderer upon Milan and that the Spaniard having drawn him off from France would quickly invade his territory as being assured himself alone could not resist him It were much to be wished that we knew the Cardinal ' whole discourse in this conference or that I could discribe the gracefulness and authority with which he spoke But that not being I shall content my self to say that it is impossible to defend ones self against his discourse when he undertakes to perswade any thing his words being accompanied with certain charms which in a little while force a surrender It is not possible long to deny him his discourses are replenished with such an I know not what sweetnesse which insinuateth it self into the heart his gesture and complasance do no lesse second his discourse and they ought to be esteemed for such as the best wits have confessed it was impossible to defend themselves from him whatever promises they had made of sticking close to any resolutions of theirs contrary to his desires Politique Observation ELoquence is an ornament so much the more necessary for great States-men in regard they are obliged more then others to perswade diverse things to the people and those Grandees with whom they treat The Roman Prince of Eloquence saith It is Rhetorick which raiseth men above beasts and I may add that it iâ— Eloquence and a volubility of discourse gives a States-man great advantages over those with whom he treats Prudence teacheth him good counsels and the wayes to obtain his ends but Eloquence is that which gives him the perswasive power so that in some sence it is the soul of Counsels Rash Eloquence would do him no good it being like counterfeit Gold glisters indeed but is worth nothing and a mute prudence where there is a defect of good expression is of no great use but is like a fair statue whose proportions and sculpture are admired by every one but cannot speak whereas Eloquence and Prudence joyned together work miracles The Ancient Sages saith Cicero who have established the foundations and Laws of the most famous States as Lycurgus Solon Pitâ—acus and the like were equally endued both with one and the other with prudence for the invention of those just Laws which they published and with Eloquence for the perswading the people to receive them It cannot be denied but that Eloquence was one of those qualities which did insinuate into the peoples belief that Doctrine which Jesus Christ preached seeing the Gospel it self recorded it where it is said that the sweetnesse of those words which came from his mouth ravished the people with admiration And who can doubt of the power which Rhetorick hath on mens minds seeing that tongues were the first Arms given the Apostles when they were sent abroad to preach Indeed there cannot be an handsomer ornament added to the dignity of great Ministers then to discourse well nor really stronger Arms to their Prudence Their affairs will continually lead them to treat with Grandees who must be satisfied with reasons which when well expressed are the more perswasive They must know how to appease to mollifie or provoke passions by the addresse of their discourse according as occasion requires Is it most certain that naked reason is commonly weak whereas clothed with the ornaments of Rhetorick it captivateth the soul insinuateth into the most unreasonable cureth the disaffected softneth the most obdurate hearts reclaimeth the most irregular actions and in a word exerciseth an absolute empire over the will The Athenians were not ignorant of it when being oppressed by Alexanders Arms to deprive themselves either of their Captains or Orators they chose rather to banish the former than the latter preferring the Gown before the Sword Eloquence in the person of a States-man is then most powerful when accompanied with affability and complasance for these virtues rendring his person as well as his reason agreeable do insinuate themselves with such power and charms that it is impossible to hold out against them Prosecution of the History THE Prince of Piedmont had promised to return the next morning with the Duke of Savoy's ratification but however he came not his perswasions not having that power over the Dukes reason as the Cardinals had over his He only sent the Comte de VerruÌ„e with Complements and Civilities in stead of a positive resolution The King was not satisfied with it and Monsieur the Cardinal who is in nothing more sensible then that which concerneth his Majesties glory took these delayes of the Duke of Savoy with a great deal of regret and Impatience So that his Prudence telling him there was no more time to be lost he sent word unto his Majesty that the next morn by day break he would secure the passages who unwilling to let the attempt be made without him told him he would make one of the patty to which end he presently took Horse and accordingly having taken order and given instructions concerning the main Body of the Army then neer him he came away about ten or twelve at night and march't four leagues in so great a darknesse that he was forced for the most part to walk on foot yet at last he came to Chaumont where he met the Marshals de Crequy Bassompierre and the Schomberg with the Cardinal contriving every thing for the assault and for carying of the Baricadoes upon the very first break of day which they were all resolved to do notwithstanding the snows the wearinesse of the Souldiers and the fight it self which could not be but furious in regard the Duke of Savoy had laid his choysest forces for the guarding of those passages which of themselves were so strait and strong that a hundred men might defend them Politick Observation IT is no lesse advantagious than seemly for a Prince to give Orders in his Battels and to appear in his own person to see them executed as well by his example as command I say it is seemly in regard Kings have not received their swords from the hand of God onely to devolve the charge and conduct of their Armies upon their Captains Their crowns are not bestowed on them so much for the honour of their own persons as to oblige them to maintain and encrease by the prudence of their counsels and the force of their Arms the glory of their States they are like the Sun
for whilest they who are possessed with it indeavour to execute their wills upon persons in power upon the least resistance they she out into extremities and by force attempt to repel force but who are more prone to revenge then women their natural fearfulnesse doth the more easily ingage them because they attribute the most part of their faults unto some neglect or dis-esteem They have not wit enough to dissemble those many defects which are in them though it were most for their advantage especially in such miscarriages as happen more by their weaknesse then malice Their Soul is offended at the least touch whereas great personages ought to know that it is more glorious to pardon then to punish Briefly the irresolution which they discover in all their actions and which they cannot for their lives hide is the cause of a thousand disorders especially when any one ingageth to follow their advices and directions now they counsel one thing and by and by another then they know not what to resolve and the least difficulty they meet with maketh them change a thousand times over Not but that they have a reasonable Soul as well as the greatest Princes that have governed on the earth but are as it is said of the Flowers of Aegypt alwaies soaked with the vapours of Nile which being grosse and earthy are the cause that they do not yeeld such fragrant smels as those in other Countries just so their Souls being troubled with a thousand Passions which proceed from their weaknesse and violence are unable to produce such generous Counsels as those of men who are endued with a stronger and more vigorous constitution I could alledge several other reasons but I shall content my self with that saying of God himself speaking by the mouth of Isaiah the Prophet The Government of women saith he is one of those afflictions wherewith heaven punisheth Mankind and that other amongst the Verses of the Sybils A Womans Reign shall be esteemed as the overthrow of the whole world Prosecution of the Subject THE King both Prudent and Just would not condemn Monsieur where he was not guilty and yet that he might give some satisfaction to the Queen Mother and not diminish the Authority which he had committed to her in his absence by a dis-owning of her he resolved on a â—edium which was this he sent the Comte de Noient unto Monsieur then at Orleans to tell him that his Majesty would be very much pleased if he would send unto the Queen Mother to beseech her to let the Princesse be freed from the Boys de Vincennes and at the same time he writ to the Queen Mother that she had done discreetly to hinder Monsieurs marriage for which he thanked her and assured her he could not willingly consent to it Whilest she was against it onely he desired her to deliver the Princesse from the Boys de Vincennes in case Monsieur should desire it of her This was as respectfull and satisfactory as the Queen Mother could have desired for the King did not condemn her proceedings but seemed to beleeve her information that Monsieur would have married the Princesse Maria without his Majesties permission and did moreover so confirm her Authority that he would not of himself order the Princesses being set at liberty but referred it to her whole dssposalâ— and desired she would rather not do it unlesse at Monsieurs intreaty Yet notwithstanding all this those who got the Mastry over her soul were become so dexterous in putting into her such thoughts and motions as were proper for their own interests and designs onely that they perswaded her this answer of his Majesty was a disguisement and not ample enough to justifie her Procedure and that it was in some kind a disowning of her They who were the craftiest amongst them durst not openly as yet accuse Monsieur the Cardinal unto her or â—ot contributing his utmost power in the procuring her a full satisfaction in this businesse lest they should have split themselves upon that Râ—ck which they designed for his destruction but they insinuated unto the Queen Mother that it had not been much amisse if the Cardinal had perswaded his Majesty to send the Princesse Mari out of France without any more ado because now Morsiâ—ur might still watch his opportunity and marry her By this they knew that no Logick could so soon learn the deducing of consequences as that of a Womans choiler and ambition which can quickly do it without teaching and thus it cannot be imagined what and how many contrivances and devices they made use of to incense her against the Cardinal who in the mean while imployed his utmost both of Prudence and Justice to hide the violence of her Proceedings Politique Observation VVHen it happeneth as oftentimes it doth that Ministers are to redresse the disorders committed by Grandees who are persons tenderly to be dealt withal they ought to follow the example of the wise Pilot who though the Wind be contrary yet he so ordereth his Sails by turning and winding too and fro that he neverthelesse goeth on in his voyage It is with them as with Mettals the noblest are the most flexible and if they want discretion and addresse to bend and comply when occasion is they will be sure to meet with enemies who will stick upon their skirts If there be any Ulcer in their minds they must never open it with Iron unlesse there be first of all some soft cotten tied about it though in a case of extremity I must confesse they are bound to make use of fire and Rasors to cut and burn out that which corrodeth within them or grateth without them Great freedom of speaking the naked truth is not proper in a Court or amongst Grandees with whom all kinds of devices and Artifices are to be used for the disguising of it nay some disguise it how you will do not willingly love to hear it The respect which is paid unto them in this kind is not so much a bare complaisance or simple submission as an effect of a good judgement which knoweth that their discontent doth often raise great broils in the State which by this means are prevented because it keepeth them from anger and allayeth any of their heats and emotions When Ministers are as oftentimes it happeneth to treat with Women who are persons of quality and concernment in affairs they ought to remember there is no way to satisfie them but by doing whatever they desire good or bad their Souls being uncapable of bearing a denial how just and reasonable soever when as they are once bent upon it wherefore it is not safe to discommend their Proceedings unlesse they have a mind to have their eyes scratched out But at last Prudence doth oblige them to do that which is fittest and most proper to be done so that having once done that which is just and reasonable they ought to sit still and leave the rest to Gods Providence who is
madnesse thus to run into the Arms of France's sworn enemy and to uphold a Rebellion against his own Country But with what Justice could Spain pretend to protect such Rebellious Subjects and thus openly to maintain Heresie What was now become of Religion that specious Cloak of theirs which had so often been the stalking horse to their ambitious designs Did he not herein evince to the whole World that his pretended zeal and counterfeited devotion was onely a Vail to cover the injustice and violence of his designs seeing he did not stick to maintain Heresie when it served to support his pretences He was no long while deliberating upon the giving this assurance to the Duke of Rohan for that he clearly saw if his Majesty did once absolutely overcome the Hugonot party or reduce them to an inability of raising any more broils that he would then soon bound in his Ambition and force him to renounce those designs which he had so long contrived against France and our Allies because if France should but once unite and become one he would then find him self prevented in all his designs against them nothing of good successe could in reason befall him and besides there was no way left to secure himself from these and many more mis-fortunes Politique Observation JT is not lawfull for one Prince to support the Rebellions which another Princes Subjects raise against him seeing he is no lesse bound to deal justly with his neighbours then with his own Subjects If Equity doth not bound in his Ambition God who is the Judge of all Kings dealeth justly with him if he be whipt with the same Rod and as there is not any Crime in a Subject so bad as that of Rebellion so neither can one Prince do a greater out-rage to another then by protecting it seeing it is that which woundeth the very heart of a State and disordereth the most powerfull Spring by which Soveraigns govern their people Justice is without doubt the strongest Pillar of Kingly Government that which makes them long to Reign that which secureth them from forraign enterprises and the strongest Bulwark to defend them as the wisest of Kings hath said in his Proverbs and it may be truely said that that is it which renders their Government exempted from the Dominion both of Time and Fortune That King who offendeth another inviteth him to retaliate the like and he who supporteth a Rebellion enforceth him who is so injured to arm himself with fury that he may repay him in his own kind and thus both a the ingaged by this means in one anothers ruine God Almighty doth sometimes indeed permit the Ambition of a Prince to obtain great successes against his neighbours for their punishments but although he doth permit it to be so yet he doth not approve of it That which is unjustly got will not long last unlesse preserved by Justice Kingdomes are said to be like Tortoises which as long as they keep within their own Precincts are safe and secure but in danger when once they are abroad And I do verily believe that that which hath made the French Monarchy of so long a continuance is because it never yet carried its Forces without its own bounds unlesse for the just defence of its Allies or at least to preserve that which belongeth unto it It hath imitated the River Nile never over-flowed it s own Banks but it inriched those places where it passed Whereas they of the house of Austria ambitious of assaulting other Countries are now assaulted by every one and receiveth notable decreases of its power though it hath been but of a few Ages and they find that ancient saying to be true to their losse That although Earthly power doth promise an escape for all Violences whatever yet Heaven doth never grant any long duration of it His Majesty Summoneth Privas HIs Majesty being well acquainted with all these Passages concluded that it was not fit any longer to suffer the Insolencies of the Heretiques but that they ought to be prevented before their assistance from Spain were yet come unto them This made his Majesty depart from Suze with some part of the Army directly towards Privas the Capitol Town of the Vivarests which place he resolved first of all to chastize for the Rebellion of the rest this having been the chief Fire-brand of the Rebellions which had happened in sixty years last past but in the interim there being little or no credit to be given unto the Duke of Savoy's promises who made no reckoning of his word but when it stood with his advantage his Majesty thought good to leave the residue of the Army at Suze with Monsiâ—ur the Cardinal for the better securing of his victories and gave the Marshal de Crequy full power to command all the Souldiers who were designed for Italy after the Cardinal had repassed the Alyes Not long after to the same purpose the three Regiments of Villeroy Rabarac la Grange were sent into Mâ—ntâ—errat who were quartered in Nice de la Paille Agoui Pouson and other neighbouring Places under Command of the Sieur de Thoâ—ras then Marshal of the Camp that in case either the Duke of Savoy or the Spaniards should attempt any thing those forces might be in a readiness to make head against them Politique Observation THere ought not to be any Tye more indissoluble between Princes then that of Treaties but seeing there is little Trust in them by reason that most Princes are apt when they have any mind to it to raise pretences whereby to break them it is therefore great prudence so to conclude them if possible that a Prince be not alwayes necessitated to keep upon his Guard With a Prince who hath formerly used to break Treaties and Leagues this care ought to be the greater seeing he who hath once been worse then his word ought ever to be suspected A Minister ought to know this for a certain Truth that most States have ruin'd themselves in the abundance of their coâ—fidence That this is it which hath been the inlet to so many disorders and that he who is the least distrustful is the easiliest surprised and ruined He ought to be like the Lion who sleepeth with his eyes open and so to be upon his Guard even after the conclusion of a Treaty that he be not within the reach of a surprise Dâ—strust is the Motheâ— of good successe whereas Credulity and the Confidâ—nce which one man hath or another serveth most commonly to ruine This sanâ—â— Frankness of believing every one is very prejudicial It cannot indeed be called an offence because it is grounded upon the esteem of others but surely it is a great deficiencie when it mâ—keth any one live in a secure neglect It seldome happens that distrust brings any daâ—ger with it Princes are the more obliged not to rely at all on the promises or words of any one because they have only interest for their end and make it their profession
very unsafe for the Publique affairs to advance persons of this temper into high employments Ambition is commendable and deserveth to be cherished when it excites generous Courages to great Actions for the getting of Glory but that which leadeth men to obtain the highest dignities by all nay by any means whatever is as much to be discommended in it self as it is pernitious to the publique good They who are once over-powered by this passion think on nothing but how to advance their Fortunes they are not concerned at any mishaps in the publique provided they obtain what they aime at in their particular affairs what care they to put the State into disorder and trouble if they encrease their own power by it There is not any one person in the whole Kingdome how advantageous or useful soever he be to the General and Publique good whose ruine they will not procure if they apprehend his downful may serve for a Foot-stool to their own advancement The more power they have the more dangerous they are for an accesse of Authority addeth fuel to their fire They care not though to whole world perish so they may but arrive to that pitch which they propose to themselves If any obstacle encounter them Oh! they are all in fury against him whom they suspect to have occasioned it and if they see their fall inevitable it is their proud pleasure to see all fall with them Princes not necessitated by other considerations take a good Course when they bestow honours on them whom they know to be more faithfol to the State then Passionate for their own particulars and on such who study not so much to grow great as to obtain that glory which doth inseperably attend on vertue The King after the taking of Privas prosecuteth his Victory into Languedoc and gains great advantages by it THE siege of Privas being ended his Majesty designed to advance into Languedoc and to visit some other of the Hugonot Towns Those whom he could not reclaim by fair means he resolved to do by force He had already commanded the Chiefest of them to be forraged which had been done accordingly as Montauban Castres Nismes and Millaut and the Marshal d'Estreè being gone to make the Forrage about Nismes had cut off a good party of their Forces who sallied out to hinder him The King no sooner advanced but the Towns of Gorce Vallon Vaguas Sainct Ambroyse and many other of the Sevennes returned to their obedience So without loosing more time he wenâ— before Alâ—ts which he besieged The Duke of Rohan had used his utmost art to perswade the Towns-men to be courageous and had sent them Souldiers there being only two hundred in the Town which was very strong by scituation and Art but as ill luck would have it for those whom he sent it was their mis-fortune to be most of them cut off before they got to the Town which was thus They attempted in the obscurity of a very dark night to break through the Kings Army they had wounded the first Sentinel but the second discharging at them gave the Aâ—larum and the Cardinal who never sleeps but when all is safe came thither in a moment at the head of two hundred Horse and charged them so resolutely that the darkness of the night and the lightness of their own heels was their best security some were however taken and put to death This defeat of their succours and the sad example of Privas wrought upon them in the Town so that they resolved to yeild and accordingly they sent to begg his Majesties pardon which was granted with liberty for the Garrison to withdraw where they pleased This happy successe was of great advantage unto the Kings Forces and did so perplex the Duke of Rohan that he could not tell how to steer his course Some who were well affected unto his Majesties Interests gave notice of the trouble in what Monsieur de Rohan then was and the Cardinal who is sure never to loose any the least occasion of serving his Majesty found means so to work on him that he got him to submit unto his Majesties mercy he represented to him how rash he was in supporting this revolt That nothing but mis-fortune could arrive to him in particular by it for that his Majesty was fully resolved to cut the wings of heresie and Rebellion That he ought in reason to be satisfied with the excercise of his Religion as also those of his party and that returning to his duty he might in time hope to receive those honours which were due to his Birth The Duke hereupon went privately unto his Majesty promised in future to continue Loyal and protested to live in an exact obedience The King freely pardoned him on condition that he should spend some years out of the Kingdome Now he being the head of the party his repentance could not be so closely carried but that many began to perceive it and follow his steps Divers Deputies of the principal Hugonot Towns came in and did the like The rest being allarumed by the happy successe of his Majesties forces fearing to become Subjects of their fury and rage disposed themselves to accept of peace and made divers Proposals for a general accommodation which were brought unto the Cardinal but thought unworthy for the King to grant But the Duke of Rohan having made his accommodation though as yet not publickly known perswaded his Majesty to give him leave to call a general Assembly of the Deputies then at Nisms to be kept at Anduze which was approved and being there met the Duke so dealt with them that they were a little more reasonable in their demands then formerly The Cardinal observing his time so wrought with them though of a fiery harsh and stubborn nature that what by his presence and discourse he at last overcame them insomuch that they relied on his onely word which was that they should have the free exercise of their Religion and enjoyment of their goods Whereupon they resolved to beg his Majesties pardon and to submit themselves to his will and pleasure withall they were contented that their Fortification should be demolished according as his Majesty â—hould command to take off all occasions of any future revolts and to give Hostages for the performance of their promises The King pardoned them and Proclamation was made of the favour his Majesty had granted them which was to the great joy of his Subjects in general and particularly to the satisfaction of the Hugonots themselves Politique Observation THere is no better way to prevent Civil Wars then by disabling those who are discontented from fomenting a party or at least to make sure of their Loyalties And when once a Revolt is on foot no surer way to dissipate it then by winning those who are the Leading men amongst them There ought to be great care had that such men grow not great in the State or if they be already then ought they to be tied
he sung the Te Deum assisted by all that could throng in as well Catholicks as Hugonots so much were they delighted to behold him and indeed his sweetnesse his agreeablenesse his Civility and the Bounty which his word and behaviour testified to all the World did not a little captivate them and charm their courages Thence he went to alight at the lodging which had been prepared for him where the whole Town waited to receive him he entertained them with such familiarity and freedome that they could never enough be satisfied with his sight And that I may the better describe the content they took in beholding him give me leave to add this one thing that never any one yet saw him but loved him He gave so discreet Orders for the Government of his Souldiers that not a man had any cause to complain of Rudeness or abuse for he severly punished the leaft insolency whatever which did not a little please and content them of the City They would gladly have kept him loâ—ger amongst them but his time drew on and he had not now any other affair to detain him in those parts he having â—ettled alâ— things in Peace to the great Glory and happiness of his Majesty and the whole Kingdome that he provided for his return to his Majesty who desired even to longing to see him that he might take order for the affairs of Italy which began to be re-imbroyled Politique Observation ARms are not all the means for the obtaining of victories Prudence hath some if the victory be nothing but the attainment of that end for which a War is began and provided that a man once Master his design what matter is it whether it be by one or t'other It is the end that is all in all So that he who overthrows a City or wins a pitched Battail is not the onely man according to Quintus Curtus who is victorious but he may justly be likewise termed a Conqueror who by his Prudence forceth them to surrender and lay down their Arms. In the History of Italy we read of a great Contestation between the French and Italians concerning the Battail of Tar each of them ascribing the victory to his own Nation The Italians they pretended they were Masters of the field because their Quarters and Bagage were safe and whole whereas they had pillaged all the French even to the Kings Tent The French on the other side pretended they had the better of the day because they only lost two hundred men and the Italians left three thousand behind them and were also forced to quiet the field and passe over the Tar and that which was more then all the rest was they had obtained that end for which they began the fight to wit for a free passage to return into France and foâ—â—his reason iâ— was adjudged that the French indeed had the better of them it beâ—â—g certain that the Honour of a victory doth not alone belong to him who hâ—th killed most of his Enemies or indeed hath lost fewest of his own but likewise to him who in conclusion of the fight obtains that end for which he began the Battail Besides 〈◊〉 esteem those victories which are got by prudence much more to be commendeâ— then those which are got by Force of Battails in regard the one is aâ—â—chieved with little noyses with safety and without diminution of the strength or losse of mens Lives whereas the other doth obtain but the self same thing by a way quite contrary that is fuâ—l of trouble danger losse and expence Those Victories which are atchieved by Force have Violence for their Chief cause whereas those which are obtained by Prudence have the Rule of all other vertues for theirs and besides who will not more esteem these then the former if only because there is lesse bloud spilt Tygers who delight to shed bloud may perchance rejoyce to see the earth dyed with 〈◊〉 But true Honour and Glory which proceedeth from sweetness and humanity cannot but abhor such sights which are so far from being accompanied with real Honour that rather on the contrary nothing can be more ignoble or unnatural Prosecution of the History AT this time France was happy indeed having overcome that Monster called Heresie which had been long conquering The Power of France was now become the greater in regard it was not divided as heretofore within it self Those Forces which had of late so often drew their Swords within their own Country were now at Liberty to be employed abroad in defence of the Allyes of the Crown The house of Austria was no longer such a Bugbear neither was there any fear of discontented persons Who formerly with the help of fifty thousand Crowns could raise a civil War at their own pleasures Those great Taxes did now cease which were of necessity to be kept on foot whilst the Kingdome was governed at randome Those Expenses which the State was forced to bear for the suppressing the Hugonots in Pensions Fortifications Garrisons Colledges and the like were now layed up The King was absolute Master of Poictou Guyenne Languedoc and Dauphinè which formerly he had only at six and seven But how much then was the whole Nation beholding unto the Cardinal seeing the King had principally made use of his Prudence and Courage to bring all these glorious things to passe as his Majesty himself had often published and declared in his letters and on many other occasions There cannot be any reasonable indifferent Judg but will conclude he deserved all monuments both of Honour and Glory and that such as should be ingrateful for these his services or attempt to procure him any displeasure ought to be punished with shame and confusion But alas that Passion of Private Interest like a thick vail which takes away the sight would not let those of the Cabal neer the Queen Mother behold his deserts and the praises which were due to him But on the contrary led them to take advantages by his absence to invent new devices and contrive sundry Artifices whereby they might incense that great Princesse against him If the King acted any thing not agreeable with her humour presently some one or other would acquaint her with it and add It was the Cardinals doings When once they perceived that she began to be jealous because his Majesty did no longer follow her Counsels which indeed were not much to be commended they were never quiet until they had entertained her with some discourse to that purpose which might blow the Coals of her passion and discontent If at any time she could not presently effect whatever she designed then the Cardinals power was to be lamented either by words at length or perchance because that was not at all times permitted by the language of their Eyes no lesse powerful than the other I should be too to long if I should describe all their tricks But who could endure that they should thus employ their time whiles he
invaded the Territory of Meyâ—nfield where he made great havock and not long after surprised Coiâ— and made a Garrison of it without regard had to the Publick Faith and without any care of this outragious dealing with a people who had nothing to do with him Politique Observation JT is a very unjust act in a Prince to force those Passages which are in his Allies Countries It is an act full of hostility not to be used but toward an enemy I condemn it for unjust according to the judgement of the Thessalians who when they opposed themselves against Brasidas desirous to passe through their Country to fight against the Athenians told him as Thucidâ—des relateth it That he who forced a passage without their knowledge to whom it belonged did an unjust act Every one that hath power in his hand ought not to exercise it in out-rages and violence against his neighbours seeing he hath onely received it from Heaven for his just defence The Romans were hertofore much commended for that they never invade any Country no not their enemies without first proclaiming a War so far were they from seizing upon any thing which belonged to their friends If the Romans did at any time pretend to any thing which was their neighbours they sent their Embassadours to demand it if within three days after demand made it were not delivered they denounced the War neither then did they enter upon them but after many Ceremonies which are described in Titus Livy But that we may not go so far back did not the Heralds of Florence and that not above three hundred years since declare War against their enemies with Ceremonies much after that kind Those ancient forms indeed are now no longer in use but yet that Prince who seizeth upon any Passages or Towns without it cannot be considered but as an Usurper But ambition is now grown to that passe that it is enough be the means what they will so they serve his designs without considering that divine Justice throws down whatever is founded upon injustice that as the Laws of man do punish private Thefts so God the judge of Kings will chastise their usurpations that they who indeavor to grow great by violence will at last meet their own ruine in a greater and that the greatnesse which is obtained by injustice cannot long last though force uphold it for the present Prosecution of the History THe Comte de Merodes having taken Coir and knowing that the Sieur Mesmin his Majesties Embassadour with the Grisons had imployed the utmost of his industrie and prudence which by his employment he was bound unto for the keeping of those people in that friendship which they had promised unto France and for the confirming them in their resolution of denying the Passages to any whatever who should attempt against his Allies surrounded his lodging with Guards and seized on his Papers without any regard to the Law of Nations which declare the persons of Embassadours to be sacred and forbid that any outrage or injury should be done unto them Politique Observation SEEing Embassadours represent their Masters persons they cannot be affronted without great injustice by any Prince who is not in open War with him He who doth otherwise breaks that Law which is so generally received among all States and injureth the person of his Master He is guilty of an outrage seeing their persons have been alwaies esteemed inviolable and as Tacitus saith it is rarely seen among enemies that Embassadours are ill treated Besides how unworthy a thing is it to affront such persons who can neither defend nor revenge themselves but onely dispute it by reason All that can be done toward an Embassadour from whom one hath received an injury is to license his departure without permitting any injury to be done unto him Thus did the Romans to the King of Persia's Embassadours they gave them eleven days to depart out of Italy with order to tell their Master that the Consul Publius Licinius should shortly be in Macedonia at the head of their Army to whom he might hereafter send his Embassadours if he had any thing to propose to them and not put himself to the trouble of sending them to Rome where they should be no more received They likewise ordered Sp. Carilius to conduct them out of Italy to their ships as Titus Livy reporteth And the late King Henry the great whose conduct may serve for a President to other Princes hath shewed us a rare example of that respect which ought to be used toward Embassadours when he discovered that Tassas Dom Balthasar de Cuniga his Successour Embassadours of Spain held intelligence with Haste and Merargues he had more regard to the Law of Nations then to their sedicious practises which in reason might have passed for acts of hostility To injure or imprison an Embassadour in times of Peace cannot be done without injustice neither can there be other reason for it then for the satisfying of some ambitious and rash pretences The Sieur de Sabran is sent Embassadour to the Emperour SHortly after the Comte de Merodes had been thus active amongst the Grisons his Majesty who pretended not to uphold Monsieur de Mantua with an high hand but only to satisfie that injustice which obliged him to preserve his Allies thought good to send the Sieur de Sabran his Embassador to the Emperour upon the businesse of the Treaty of Suze His principal intent was to acquaint him with the sincerity of his actions and designs and to obtain if possible at his recommendation that Monsieur de Mantua might be reinvested in the Dutchy His Majesty for the preserving of the Peace of Italy would not make use of that advantage which his Arms gave him at Suze or the opportunity of divers Princes of Italy who proffred him their assistance but would have been glad to have continued it by paying this civility to the Emperor The Duke of Mâ—ntua had discharged his duty when he sent the Bishop of Mantua to demand his instalment and the King could not imagine that his intreaty wined to the others submission could have been refused seeing that the same Laws which require the Princes depending on the Empire to demand it do likewise oblige the Emperour to grant it at least without the prejudice of any other in case there be several who claim it which in processe of time ought to be examined by the usual ways and the Laws of Justice To this purpose was the Sieur de Sabran sent to the Emperour Whiles he was yet in his way he received new orders to wit that he should complain unto the Emperour of the little respect which the Comte de Merodes had shewed unto the Sieur de Mesmin his Majesties Embassadour and of his violent proceedings among the Grisons by seizing on the Passages of Steir Pom du Râ—in the Towns of Coir and Meyenfield and all this without declaring the War but at that instant when he began it and that he
after he had kindled so great a fire betwixt so great Princes Politique Observation THat Prince who hath raised a War between two others more potent than himself cannot fix upon any resolution so inconvenient for himself as that of becomming neuter though he have no part in the broile yet it is prudence to declare for one or other How much more reason then hath he so to do seeing â—â—e first raised the War It is offence enough against the other to have raised the War and though he should then sit down and be quiet yet he would nevertheless be looked upon as an Enemy he cannot possibly prevent it but that one of them should be revenged for he hath provoked both him against whom the War is who will be ready enough to call him to account for it and him whom he hath engaged to make the War because he withdraws from him when he hath put him into danger but admit he had not raised the War yet I look upon neutrality as very dangerous he had much better run the hazard of overcoming by declaring himself or to fall with a neighbour who may afterwards help to re-establish him then to be reduced by an inevitable necessity of being oppressed by him who shall get the victory and perchance by both of them The Example of those of Sienna may serve to confirm this Counsel who after they had remained Neuters in the War of Italy were in conclusion pillaged by both parties by which they gave a just ground to King Alphonsus to say that it hapned to them as it doth to Lodgers who lye on the second floor who are troubled with the smoak of those beneath them and the noise of those above them Aristenus Praetor of Achaja and Lucius Quintus Consul and Captain of Rome found that Counsel to be very ill which Câ—â—omidon the Macedonian Ambassador had given to the Achaians that was he advised them to remain Neuters as to the War between the Romans and King Philip The first of them not enduring he should call Neutrality a middle way said if it must be called a way it was a very useless way seeing the best successe that could happen could be of no advantage to them but would at last expose them for a prey to the Conquerour Perchance he may avoid this storm if he can manage his words and actions so circumspectly as absolutely to perswade them that he is neither enclined to one side or the other a thing which I imagine to be impossible because his most indifferent actions will raise some jealousie or other each judging of him as he pleaseth at least he cannot avoid but that his Neighbours will forsake him when he is in necessity in the same manner as he neglects to assist them For Neutrality doth provoke both parties the stronger because he imagineth his greatness obligeth the rest to joyne their forces out of respect with his and the weaker because being not defended he thinks himself wronged And this is not good either to defend himself from Enemies or to preserve his friends Perchance he may imagine to save the charge of keeping some forces in the Army of his Ally but yet every Prince is obliged to entertain Forces in his Countrey to hinder both one and the other from invading him The Sieur de Leon sent Ambassador into Zwizzerland HIS Majesty was advised presently after the news of the Comte de Merodes that the Spaniards were making of parties amongst the Swizzers and endeavouring to gain the Catholick Cantons Whereupon his Majesty sent the Sieur de Leon Brulant Ambassador towards them to assure them of the affection which he still had for their interest to exhort them to continue in that alliance which had been for many years between them and to perswade them to preserve that correspondence which was between their Cantons as also to preserve the Cantons their Neighbours and Allyes from the oppression of the house of Austria He was not wanting to acquaint them what devises had already been used to divide them from the Grisonâ— which was the inserting of a clause in the treaty of Madrid by which it was provided that the 13 Cantons or the Major part of them should see the performance of the Articles of the Treaty and at the same time to contrive under hand that the Catholick Cantons should not consent to this warranty and to perswade the Grisons that those Cantons had fain off from their interest the design being by sowing this darnel among them to weaken them by division and consequently to enable themselves the better to seize upon their Forts and passages and last of all he represented to them by very evident reasons that the Spaniard had design to sow the like division amongst their Cantons to the intent he might also seize on their passages which he had already sent letters to demand and that therefore to secure them from this danger the more important to them in regard all their force consisteth in the good intelligence of their Cantons and that of their Allyes they were obliged to be careful that no division were cast amongst them by any propositions which should be made and also to take up Arms to assist the Grisons not onely because they were part of their Common-wealth but to keep off from themselves the like mis-fortune wherewith they were threatned The Sieur de Leon negotiated this affair with a great deal of prudence and made them see their interests by such lively reasons that they resolved in an assembly at Soleur held the 5. of August to preserve themselves in a strict Union and to write unto the Emperour that if he did not restore the Grisons to their first State they would then joyne themselves with the most Christian King to be revenged of the injury he had done them This Resolution gave the Spaniard an alarum who presently sent Cassate to destroy it and disunite the Protestants from the Catholicks who are Masters of the principal passages They employed their continual cares to that end and being more considerable amongst them then we are by reason of their commerse and trade with Milan they so prevailed that at last they changed their minds and we were forced to be contented with the raising of some Troops which were to stay in their own Country to guard and defend the passages against the Imperialists in case they should attempt to enter Politique Observation SEeing the Laws of prudence advise us to raise advantage as well from our Enemies as friends I cannot be blamed if I observe from the practise of the house of Austria who after they had disunited the Grisons from the Swizzers endeavoured to raise division amongst the Swizzers themselves that the best means to weaken ones Neighbours to seize on their Countries or at least to make use to their passages as occasion shall serve without their being able to prevent it is to raise some division amongst them The good intelligence of a people is
the principal strength of a Kingdome and their dis-union is the cause of their ruin whence Lycurgus assured the Lacedemonians that nothing could so much contribute to the encrease and preservation of their State as an invincible courage against their enemies and an inviolable concord among themselves The devise which Philip of Macedon made use of to overcome the Precians was the fomenting of some differences between them he assisted one part of them against the other and so long preserved the division between them till at last they were both easily to be overcome and who knoweth not that that which heretofore brought France into the power of the English was onely the division which the house of Burgonie and several other Countries had raised within it The Stars which are in an ill aspect cannot but produce very ill consequences here below so likewise when confederated Provinces shall begin to look awry one upon another and with animosity they cannot but endanger one another The stateliest Palaces are soon ruined by little cracks and the greatest people by small divisions I might insert here that the greatness of the God-head consists in its unity and that if it could be divided it would not be infinite Thus that which renders a State invincible is concord and that which destroyeth a Kingdome is division that same thing too that it doth in publick it doth in private families The House of Austria entereth very strong into the Duke of Mantua's Country THE taking of Coir and Meyenfeld was the Gate by which War entred into Italy For the House of Austria presently after the taking of Suze sent two Armies into Montferrat under the Marquis Spinola The Spaniard had caused the said Marquis to quite the Low-Countries and to come into Italy His first business was to set all things right between his Master the State of Gâ—noa which Common-wealth was upon the point of revolting He came thither in July and used his utmost to make a good Intelligence between them and indeed he was so successful in it that he did the Spaniard one of the best pieces of service that he had ever yet done The next thing he did was to store up great quantities of Corn a Comodity very necessary in those parts for the entertaining of any War though never so little by reason of the Scarcety in that Country He declared every where that his Master desired Peace but it was only until his Forces were got together and that he was in a condition to begin the War for as soon as ever he found himself provided he entred into Montserrat took some small places and amongst the rest Pontdesture and made his approaches towards Cazal but would not absolutely lye down a second time before it until he saw an impossibility for France to relieâ—e it The ruine of the Hugonot party did not a little stagger him for that now his Majesties forces were at full Liberty to march out of the Kingdome but he conceived us to have been so weakned and entangled by the divisions which those of the Spanish party had raised in the Kings Family as also by the very doubt in which the Cardinal himself was that his Majesty would not be perswaded to repasse the Alpes Winter now comming on that he hoped by this means he might effect his design and the sooner seeing Canzal and Mantua were assaulted at the same time which would so surprise us that we could hardly tell which we should first assist For the German Lutheran Armie led by Colalte had entered into Mantua at the same instant that he did into Montferrat and thus instead of the Justice which the Emperor had promised the Sieur de Sabran and published by a Declaration wherein he undertook to restore it to the right owner the Army Committed such cruelties as are incredible burning and pillaging Churches wiâ—h greater violence and fury then ever the Iconoclasts did breaking all Crosses Images Saints and what not The Souldiers would commonly tye the Images with Cords and so dragg them up and down sometimes they would throw them into the water profane the consecrated Plate ravish Women and Maydes and fill the whole Country which mourning and blond in short they made it apparent that that Cloak of Religion which they so boast of in Germany was only a Pretence to cover their Ambition This great violence seconded and upheld by Force of Armes gave them the Libâ—rty of overrunning almost all Mantua most part of the Natives flying from them a as heretofore they had from Alaricus and Attila by which means at last they came up to Mantua it self and besieged it But Colonel Duranâ— had gotten in a liâ—tle before them with a thousand expert Souldiers well commanded and Monsieur de Mantua had likewise drawn in thither the choysest of his own men so that the Spaniard resolved to sit down before the Town though their Army was equally pestered with the Plague and Famine which at last forced them to retire yet before they went off they committed the most infamous peece of treachery was ever yet heard They made several propositions of Peace and Monsieur de Mantua seeing how willing they were of an accomodation consented to a Truce of three hours During which and in confidence of their faith he opened the Port Fort-Bourg which is on t'other side the Bridge now they more regarding their advantage then the Fidelity which ought to be inviolable between Princes after about three thousand of them were got in seized on it A Treachery very strange but as few base actions succeed well so that served them but to small purpose for Colonel Durand made a Sally out upon them during which there was a Trench raised and Cannon planted on it which Commanded all the Fort-Bourg by which means it came unserviceable to the Imperialists Politique Observation THE faith of them who Command Armies hath been ever esteemed sacred He who once breaketh it looseth his Honour And indeed if there were not an obligation to keep it to what passe would things come There could be no security in Treaties One Prince could not trust another and in Leagues every one would be catching at all advantages which he should find A General ought to respect nothing more then his Honour now there is not any one thing which can more obscure it then Infidelity which breaketh the Justice of Military Act which gives a Liberty to do any unreasonable thing and converts War into Pyracy He who would have his Souldiers be true to him must be Just to his Enemies Neither may he recede from one single word passed to them Besides he is so much the more bound to the observance of it as it is of consequence to them Stratagem are allowable but they must be of War not Infidelity The Romans were such strict observers of this particular that they placed the Image of Fidelity next to that of Jupiter in their Capitol to the end every one might respect it as
difficulty of the Passages any whit divert her but from Paris shee soon followed him by the perswasions of the Chancellor Marillac who after he had made himself Master of her will and mind would as willingly have rendered himself Dominus factotum in his room who had placed him so near her Majesty Politique Observation ANger is a Passion which forceth a man to undertake any thing nay all things It is a Torrent which bears down whatsoever doth resist it and its Rhetorique is so perswasive that there is no difficulty whatever which it will not break through and make appear feaseable to those who will but lend an ear to its Reasons so there be but any time fix't in which it may arrive to take that revenge which it proposeth it self Anger is most Industrious and Vigilant upon every oportunity of offending those whom it ayms at and there is not any thing which it will not patiently endure so that it may arrive to the end of its designs Anger too as it hath no fellowship with Prudence but a great friendship with boldness which makes it hope and attempt the levelling of Mountains so it doth frequently tumble those whom it possesseth into those pits and snares which they had provided for others Anger hath alwayes its eyes and thoughts fix't upon the end of its designs not once considering the difficulties dangers or wickednesses which accompany the means of obtaining its desires And it is apparently seen that the minds of those who are once transported with this Passion reflect on nothing but how they may quench that fire with which they burn concluding there is no other water to extinguish it then the ruin and downfal of those whom they hate and maligne little imagining that a Remedie of this quality will consume them in a worse heat and render their disease the more tormenting In fine it is most of all dangerous in great Personages because the designs into which it transports their courages are not alwayes conformable to the good of the State And by reason they have more power to execute their revenges which induced an Antient Writer to say they ought to have so much the lesse of this passion by how much they have more power This Anger being but a simple poor fault in private persons is like a Thunderbolt in the hands of great men which overthrows every thing without any the least consideration or thought that they are subject to other Laws then those of their own violent humours Stars that are highest move slowest And Grandees ought so much to moderate their emotions and ebullitions of choller by how much their qualities and conditions are more eminent then those of others The Duke of Savoy would not perform the Treaty agreed on with the King THE Prosecution of this History compels me to look back on the Cardinals expedition of which we have already said that it was about the end of the foregoing year As soon as he was arrived at Lions he would not lose any longer time but after he had writ to the King that it was not expedient for his Majesty to venture himself considering the extreme ill season of the year he presently dispatched the Sieur de Servient Superintendent of Justice in his Majesties Army towards the Duke of Savoy to inform him that he was come with forty thousand men with design to assist the Duke of Mantua and to defend him from the Spanish oppression His Highness was obliged by the Treaty of Suze to joyne his forces with those of the King for the preservation of that Prince and of the Liberty of Italy and but a very little before he had renewed those his promises to the King by the President of Montfalcon who had assured his Majesty in his behalf that he would advance ten thousand men and keep his Marts well provided with necessaries for the Souldiers and all this that he might be as good as his promise The time was now come in which he must declare himself and reduce his words into Actions The Cardinal commanded Monsieur de Servient to presse him to it in the King's behalf The answer which the Duke of Savoy should have made if he had proceeded with that faith and truth which ought to go hand in hand with the Promises of all confederate Princes had been this that he would not go one tittle lesse then his word but instead of that fair and clear dealing his first answer was that he did totally disown the President of Montfalcon without the least shew of a readiness to execute his promises which gave evident causes of suspition that he held Intelligence with the Spaniard and of which there had been former notice and advise given from other hands Politique Observation THe words of Princes ought to be as inviolate as the Sanctuary Whatever consequence they apprehend in their affairs is not a sufficient ground for their double dealing but they ought to blame their own fore-sight It is as dishonourable for them to say I did not think it as it is glorious and noble for them to keep their words That Prince cannot be thought faithfull who will break his promise upon what occasion soever it be which whosoever doth deceiveth and cheateth himself for that the truth and faith of Grandees gives then as much power and credit as their Swords It is esteemed by the most wise to be a good Store-house or Armory when a King can assure himself of the assistance of all other Princes which he may safely do so long as they are reputed faithfull But when any Prince becomes faithlesse it is lawfull for every one to break with him who first breaks himself He who hath been once treacherous is for ever looked on as a Coward the onely going back from his word being an assured sign that his fear of others is that which makes him abandon his own Allies A couragious Prince will keep touch with his very enemies and it is neither fear nor necessity that can divert his gallant resolutions whilest it is his maxime that if Prosperity obligeth him to this high point of vertue Adversity doth it in a more particular manner The Gallantry and Valour of Attilius Regulus was much esteemed of by all the Ancients who returned willingly to the tortures of his enemies rather then he would break his Parole once past unto them But the Duke of Savoy is not so well Principled and being in league with the Spaniard thought perhaps he would as little regard his word as they do it being grown a Proverb amongst them that the Wind drives Words and Feathers yet in it he will find himself much mistaken and that to his own very great disadvantage as well as in his many other tricks artifices and designs of amusing and deceiving the Cardinal Proposals made by the Duke of Savoy to the Cardinal Richelieu FIrst of all it was proposed to the Sieur de Servient that a conference might be had if it were thought fit
prudence or intelligence to discover and detect him nor force and power to punish and chastise him Prepositions of Peace made by the Nuntio Pauzirolo on the Duke of Savoy's behalf to the Cardinal Richelieu ONe other device the Duke had by which he verily imagined to surprise and allay the Vigilance Prudence of the Cardinal incausing his troops to advance together with the Artillery and Ammunition which was to send him every day new Propositions of Peace sometimes by the Nuntio Pauzirolâ— who had no power to conclude any thing otherwhiles by Mazarini another Lord of his Court but never consenting to the Kings demands without which he knew his Overtures would never be admitted The King was positively desirous to have the Passages free and open for him to succour the Duke of Mantua as often as need should require and the Duke of Savoy as peremptorily denied it alledging that the Emperour never would consent that the Princes of Italy should undertake his Protection with and against the whole world and that the Spaniard never would give way that he should entertain any French Troops in his service which were however very needfull for the surety of his Estate it being impossible for him to raise a sufficient party in his own Dukedom The Cardinal long before had sounded the vanity of all these propositions which did no way prevent his care of giving all necessary Orders for the carrying on of the War never would he stop his ears to any Proposals of Peace but used his utmost indeavours to obtain such conditions as without them the King neither would or could with his honour quit his Arms. And indeed had a Peace been concluded without such terms it had been but of a short continuance for that it had onely given opportunity of time to the Spaniard and the Duke of Savoy to fortifie the Passages and render themselves Masters of the Dukedom of Mantua with the greater ease a design which France could not brook though the hindrance and prevention of it was at that time most difficult to bring to passe Politique Observation MOst certain it is that by how much a War maketh a State to be lamented by so much Peace is to be wished for and imbraced Peace is the most sweet bond of humane society the delight of nature the nurse of good Laws of Order and Policy it peopleth Desarts and maketh the Land fruitfull every one finds it the more agreeable by its being accompanied with safety and aboundance On the other side War is a fatal source of mis-fortunes the desolation of Countries the demolition of Cities the destruction of Nations and the cause of all sorts of miseries There are I must confesse two Occurrences in which War is better then Peace The first when that Peace cannot long last for who can imagine that a man would take any great care to obtain that which he doth verily conclude will be as soon lost Such was Archidanus his advice when he disswaded the Lacedemonians from making a Peace with those of Thâ—bes in Isocrates opinion wise Princes make a War for the procuring of more certain and established Peace to their estates and Countries and they indure without regret the troubles of a War that they may the longer enjoy the Tranquilities of a Peace and most certain it is that the Arms which are in the hands of a wise Prince do much contribute to ferment and fix it Besides the most wise men have ever preferred War before Peace on all such occasions where no accommodation could be made but to the prejudice of the Kings honour or estate Peace is not to be wished for but upon honourable conditions not onely because the Glory of a Prince is to be preferred before all things but because without this he hath but a slender assurance of any thing it being apparent that whosoever doth patch up a Peace with any confusion or disorder will quickly be the first that shall break it to recover his lost honour and reputation As you may find in T. Livius the Carthaginians did after the ratification of the Treaty upon the first War with the Romans The Revictualling of Cazal AFter all this jugling the Cardinal was forced to break with the Duke of Savoy but his Courage was still governed by his Prudence though he did not beleeve that the Kings enemies would accept of those very conditions of Peace which themselves proposed Now the reason why he would not so soon break off the Treaty was because he would cast the blame on them and their party and that the Kings Army might appear with more Justice on its side who had prosecuted their desires or Peace so long as they might with their Honours endeavour the obtaining of it moreover that by this means he might pierce into their designs as also to revictual Cazal which he could not have done should he have fallen out with the Duke as soon as there was an occasion offered for it For though the Duke had not force enough to carry away the Victory from the Kings Army he had however sufficient to hinder the transport of any releef to Cazal without which the Souldiers there could never have endured the Siege and for which Spinola had began his preparations and to skirmish with them in Piedmont and there to hold him play untill his enemies had began the Siege and fortified themselves in their Trenches which would be in a short time impregnable As soon as Cazal was thus victualled and that he was not able to procure an honourable Peace his Zeal and Courage for his Majesty was not then longer able to break the insolencies of his enemies which till then his Prudence and discretion caused him to passe by and take no notice of at all Politique Observation IT is not alwaies fit to break off a Treaty of Peace as soon as one dispairs of concluding it But I think it very expedient and a matter of great concernment to prolong it as long as honourably one may provided he get any advantage by it And as Salust in his Oration of Philippus against Lepidus hath well observed a man ought principally to have a care that in Treaties he do not testifie his desires of Peace with too great an Ardour or Affection because that were an assured sign of fear and weaknesse the knowledge of which gives a considerable advantage to ones enemies Though in a Treaty of a Peace a Prince reap no other benefit then this one to wit the sending abroad with more liberty his intelligences into his enemies Quarters under pretence of Conferences there to find out his enemies designs yet the advantage were not despicable In this Overture the Cardinal was not behind hand with them in any of these particulars for there passed not any day in which he did not send to visit the Duke of Savoy by persons both of great quality and judgement well knowing that men so qualified are capable in their negotiations not onely of knowing
Execution The Motives which invited the Duke of Savoy to cast himself into the Emperor and Spaniards party BEfore I proceed any farther I am obliged to appeal unto all men even those who have the least sparks of Justice is them to condemn that envious Quill which makes open profession and endeavours with Calumnie to sully if it were possible the Glory and Splendor of the Cardinal whilst truth doth not furnish him with any one subject of that nature to work upon It is said by him the Calumniator I mean that the Duke of Savoy had never with drawn himself from the Kings Interests had not the Cardinal being mis-informed of his Person and proceedings despised and in effect forced him to cast himself upon the Spanish party much contrary to his own will and inclination But what Was the continual and daily sending to him Persons of the best ranck and quality of the Army with all imaginable proffers of Peace a despising of him Were those many Conferences with the Prince of Piedmont and those extraordinary Civilities done to him which would have wrought upon the most savage disposition a despising of him Was the Passing by of a thousand tricks and delayes for a whole Months time in which the whole Army had like to have been ruined by him and yet not to fall out with him a despising of him Was the sending of the Siour de Servient the very day before the absolute breach to desire him with all earnestness not to ingage his Majesties Arms in this extremity only for having once refused to see him a despising of him Was the delivery of so great a quantity of wheat at Nice and the Permission of carrying as much as he pleased out of Bresse Burgogn and Dauphine a despising or deceiving him Was the having pay'd before hand for the wheat and provisions a despising and deceiving him Was the having pass'd his promise to him for the according to him the Valley of Tizery and the Bridge of Gresin a despising and disesteeming of him Was the proffering to him of what Souldiers he pleased to go for Genoa and to make good his pretensions there a despising him Was the deferring to enter upon his Territories for 3 Weeks or more though he had given just cause for it as soon as ever the Cardinal came to Lions a despising or deceiving him There need no more then barely to open ones eyes and a man shall soon behold the falseness of this Calumnie which this unworthy Pen sets down under the vail of his usual disguisements but without the least truth or proof at all Politique Observation MAlice is like a Serpent which turns the fairest Flowers into the ugliest Poysons and verifies the truth of that antient saying Honor is the Mother of Calumnie There are no actions how just and honourable soever which it will not attempt to bespatter with some base unworthy mis-representation No Innocence can be secure from it's Violences It cannot more aptly be compared then to those looking glasses which never represent the true Ideas of the face It maketh molehils appear mountains It fretteth and vexeth at vertue it self and will raise its Batteries to demolish it and though it come to be convinced of their Innocencie whom it persecuteth yet it thinketh willfulnesse and obstinacy in its wickednesse to be more honorable then vertuous repentance The Phylosophers have given a good Character of it when they liken it to a black and thick cloud which hinders and obscures the light and exercises of Reason Hence it comes to passe that as all Bodies represent themselves to our sight for others and quite contrary peradventure to what they are if look't upon through clouds and in disorders so the most commendable and worthiest Actions will appear and passe for low and unmanly if considered through the Perspectives of Malice and hatred and revera it makes lyes and Impostures passe for Realities and Currant truths High and generous Souls are unconcerned at the backbitings of Envie and do not cease to continue vertuous notwithstanding all her detractions They know that not only Malice but Envy too hath alwayes endeavoured to defame the greatest Personages and ablest Ministers of State and that good men cannot believe any of their false Commentaries without doing an injury to themselves that this Monster is easilest overcome by scorn And that the Integrity of their undertaking is their Bulwark and like the Sun dissipateth and dispelleth all those clouds and storms which would obfuscate and diminish their Splendour and in fine maketh them Triumph and Glory over the Malice of their Enemies Prosecution of the History AFter this resolution the Cardinal appointed a place where there were two Fords which he had given notice of about the 17 or 18 of March for a Rendezvous to the whole Army where he might draw into Batalia a good part of the Army and likewise gave order for the planting of six pieces of Cannon in two Batteries in places very proper for it upon the Rivers side by which means the Forces of Savoy which had seized the passes were compelled to retire whilst the Horse march't over the Fort in Squadrons and took the field giving the foot Liberty of marching over in file upon Boats prepared for that purpose And thus he made it apparent by this Excellent disposure and order that his Conduct was as much to be esteemed in Execution as in Counsel Politique Observation THE Passing of an Army over a River is a Theater where the Conduct of a General is more taken notice of then upon any other occasion because a whole Army not being able to march a brest but only file by file and by little and little it is no difficult matter for their Enemies to cut them off as fast as they come on unlesse good order be taken to prevent it So Timoleon defied the Carthaginans in Sicilie upon passing the River Crimesus The most proper order that can be in such occasions is first to choose the Fords so that the Horse may march over by Squadron to make way for the foot which cannot passe but upon Boats and that in small numbers that thereby they may rallie and bring themselves into Order whilst they stand the first shock of their enemies A Squadron of choise Horse is most proper to bear the first brunt upon such occasions it being a hard matter to break or disorder men who are stout and lusty well ranked and lockt as it were one within t'other Indeed nothing can so much conduce to the passing of an Army over a Ford or River as a good Battery of Cannon which forceth the Enemy to retire from their violence and fury and giveth them leave and issure to passe with more ease and to put themselves in Batalia before they come to any fight at all The Siege of Pignerol THere could not any thing be thought on which could mend the care and order of the Cardinal in his affair The Army indeed had not the
Politique Observation NOthing doth more alarum the common people then the noise of new impositions they think it is to take away their lives at least to make them insupportable if you do but diminish a little of their subsistance which is the reason that the poorest of all are most prompt and ready for sedition they being desirous and greedy of novelties and as Tacitus in his Annales hath observed they have more to get then to lose by such revolts and turmoils Every one indeed ought to pity their poverty but the obedience which is due to Magistrates and the recessity of contributing to the publick charge renders them culpable without excuse Those who lead them on and incite them to their mutinies ought most principally to be punished for that they are the Broachers and Authors of all the mischief Thucydides speaking of the resolution which was taken by the Athenians to put to death all those of Mytilene who were able to bear Arms and to keep the rest in slavery by reason of the Rebellions which had been raised amongst them saith Justice doth not tie up a man from punishing the heads and principals onely It is not at such a time proper for a Soveraign to make his Clemency appear which is one of the best Rays in his Crown He ought so to pardon offences that he do not by it give way to or allow of that liberty which the people assume to themselves who will be quickly quelled if their Ringleaders be but punished To pardon all were an excessive liberty and would breed a like licentiousnesse and to chastise the most culpable is an effect of Prudent Justice Impunity authoriseth licentiousnesse and seems to give them leave to run into the same lapses and 〈◊〉 too much rigour and severity is enough to cast a Nation upon desperate resolutions and extremities It is a good way of reducing them to their due obedience by sending some grave personage amongst them as T. Livy hath observed whom they hold in some esteem and respect because Reputation and a good beleef is as the Soul of all other Reasons for that very cause it was as the same Author reports it that the Romans sent T. M. Torquatus unto Sardigna when they were upon the point of giving up themselves to the Carthaginian Protection The quick and timely dispatch of such person is of great consequence too for that Rebellion are like flames which do increase every day more then other if there be not great care to extinguish them in the beginnings The Monsieurs return to France THe King went to Troys and there rested some time as wel to satisfie the resolution which he had taken with the Cardinal of seeing his brother who after the conclusion of the accommodation about the end of the year last past which we have already spoken of retired to Nancy and testifying to him his hearty affections by all ways of lively demonstrations and of which there could be no just cause of suspicion seeing his Majesty had so frankly both pardoned him and augmented his Pensions 〈◊〉 we have already declared The Monsieur arrived there the 18. of April and in hâ—s Company besides his own retinue came divers Princes and Lords who were thâ—â— at the Court and had been sent by his Majesty two Leagues out of the Town to meâ—â— him He alighted at the Queen Mothers lodgings and the King stood expecting of him in the Court and received him with so great a testimony of joy and friendship that the Monsieur attempting to bend one of his knees to the ground his Majesty would not in the least permit or give way to it but imbraced him so long and ardently that one could not but conclude his Majesty loved him as his second self and very passionate he was to find that they were united in their thoughts in their wishes in their wills in their designs and even in their very recreations so that their faces seemed to be as it were glewed together The Court was filled with joy and these endearments continued all the while that the King continued at Trâ—yâ—â— so that there was great reason to hope that nothing would be ever able to separate 〈◊〉 make a breach between them had not those who had rendred themselves masters of the Monsieurs inclinations and humour rallied all their indeavours and artifices to confound and destroy it thinking perhaps they should become the more considerable by keeping them at a greater distance and raise more advantages to themselves by their divisions Politique Observation NAture hath implanted certain roots of friendship in the Blood which doth bud and spring forth upon any meeting after a little breach or falling out provided that hatred have not altogether seized upon the Spirit The Branches of Trees are not so easily rejoyned in their natural places whilest as yet time hath not strengthened them upon the Gardners binding of them up as the minds of persons to whom God hath allotted the same Parents are re-united into that love and affection which is natural to them if a Series of years hath not as yet confirmed them in their hatred and dis-respect of each other And in this the power of Nature is very much observed and the truth of their opinion made good who say that nature with our births doth infuse and inspire into us affections and inclinations to love those objects which she doth oblige us to seek after And as the Creator of the World hath imprinted in light bodies a certain disposition of mounting upwards and to others which are heavy an inclination which forceth them by nature to tend towards the Center of the earth so hath she likewise planted in man a certain affection for those of his Affinity as well as for those objects which are proper for him so that he can neither check his eyes or curb his heart but he shall find some sentiments of love in his spirit hence it comes to passe as we see that kindred love and that tenderly one another upon their first meeting though they had not known one another before this procedure making it apparent that their affection began not to be so much in their spirits as to entertain by the presence its object for that they had not differed to love but onely because they had not seen one another before The King committeth the Government of the Army in Champagne and of Paris to the Monsieur THat the King might the more oblige the Monsieur to preserve himself in his duty not onely of respect but of friendship he was not barely contented to have given him those large testimonies of his hearty affection but sent to him two Commissions the one for the commanding of the Army in Champagne the other to govern not onely the City of Paris but the adjacent Provinces in his Majesties absence whose affairs called him out of the Kingdome Politique Observation JT is great wisedom in a King to preserve and increase as much as in
him in the conduct of the most important affairs of the Kingdome them the Reformation and re-establishment of the State did not fail at the end of the foregoing year to represent to his Majesty that it was not only important but almost necessary to take away that power of Sale and consequently to suppresse the Troict Annuel upon which it hath it's principal dependance And his Majesty did so much the more approve of his resolution because he found nothing in the Cardinals Counsels which was not as admirable as profitable to France Politique Observation THE Sale of Offices is one of the greatest mischiefs in a State Ambition never faâ—ls to raise them to an excessive price which causeth that al the Honours of the Kingdome serve rather for a recompense of riches then of vertue It takes away from Kings the power of chusing Officers which are the Organs whereby Justice is distributed to their subjects it casts the greatest Courages into despair when they find themselves reduced to Poverty see others occupy the place of vertue and that the most glorious Actions to which they could aspire shall not be able to raise them out of the dust Is not that it which gives subsistance to such a number of Officers who-instead of serving do but oppresse the people Is not that it which hinders the suppression of a great number and reducing of them to a smaller which might be the hundreth part of what now are and yet sufficient for the Kings service and the good of the people With how many pensions doth it overcharge the Kings exchequer and the sum which is imployed in their pay is it not immense But this Sale of Offices is not only a charge to the Publique since particular persons suffer extreamly much by it The hopes they conceive of the continuation of the Droict Annuel incourageth them to buy their Offices at so high a rate that the very richest are beggard by it If they continue any long time in their Offices the expences to which they are tyed to live with some Splendour undoes them and their Children are so far from drawing any advantage from it that they are commonly left if not in absolute poverty yet in much want Many are constrained to sell them off during their lives for the accomodation of their families and to divide the money among their Children and it is as much as any if he be none of the richest can do to maintain one of his Children in the succession of his Offices leaving all the rest in a necessity of living below their qualities The suppression of the Droict Annuel in regard of the Officers of Iustice re-established by the King THese just considerations being represented to the King by the Prudence of the Cardinal induced his Majesty ever since the beginning of the year to suppresse the Droict Annuel in relation to the judicature which are more considerable then the rest that so by little and little death might extinguish a great part of the Offices and take away the venality without any great prejudice to the Officers themselves For he had resolved to allow the Survivances to those who had long lived in their charges with Honour Or if they were taken away by death to grant their Offices to such of their Children as should be found capable or in case they left none able to manage them to cause that such as should succeed should allow some recompense unto them thus restoring to the State by little and little the accomplishment of its perfection But these Officers made so great instance to his Majesty for the Continuation of the Droict Annuel being therein like the sick who flatter themselves in their diseases and will not apprehend the danger to which they expose themselves that he was obliged to continue it for 9 years longer but burthened with such extraordinary charges that they would find difficulty to pay them whereby they might enjoy the favour granted to them by the Declaration made in June and be staggered another time to desire the continuation of it The King would not absolutely discontent the Body of Officers who do at this day constitute the greatest part of his Kingdome But his Prudence sound it fit so to burden this condition that the greatest part should renounce the benefit which he accorded them to free themselves from the charges Besides the immense expence of the War did incline him to this resolution for his supply Necessity obliging to do that which otherwise he would not do Politique Observation IT is with men as with the sick We must not administer neither to one or t'other the remedies proper to their disease without regard to the disposition of their humour because they may sometimes be so stirred in the discontentments which they receive that their sickness would rather encrease then receive any abatement The most commendable Counsels which are given upon the General consideration of affairs become oftentimes hurtful by reason of some circumstance which may happen The most that can be done in such occasions is to put the business into such a state that that which is needful to be done suffer but a simple delay conserving still the liberty of executing counsels in a more favourable time It hath been often seen that States have been cast into extremity and sedition by attempting any unreasonable reformation It is not of smal importance to content the Officers when they are so numerous as they are in France They are they who keep people in obedience who have power to enforce obedience to the Laws They are the Directers of the civil Government in all Towns and by Consequence the commotions which might be stirred up in their breasts by any extraordinary discontent though taken up upon a false ground would be as dangerous as a violent heat which doth seize upon the Heart the Liver or any other vital parts The Kings return from St. John de Morienne into France A Little while after his Majesties arrival at St John de Morienne he was seized on by 2 or 3 fits of a Fever which gave occasion to the Cardinal to doubt lest his Majesty might fall into some more dangerous sicknesse And as one never ought to hazard the Person of a King who is the Soul of his State the heart which distributeth the Spirits of life by the Arteries unto all parts the Liver which giveth nourishment to all and the principal of all others good fortune so the Cardinal entreated his Majesty with so many instances to retire himself from that abode which was neer hand infected all over with the pestilence and return to Lyon where he would find a good ayr and ease from those great Cares which the War had ingaged him to take upon himself that at last he did accordingly resolve to return and arrived there about the beginning of August The Cardinal in the mean time could not think of quitting the Army so soon foreseeing that should he have gone with his
Wars yet they are necessary to oppose themselves against the incursion of Forrainers And a Sage Politician that he might avoid the inconveniences of civil Wars followed this example which the Cardinal hath given to all Princes and which preserved France in the happiness of a long Peace by keeping Troops still on foot who were still ready to suppresse any insurrections which might arise and not suffering them to be vanting in other Countries and amongst our Neighbours The taking of Mantua by the Imperialists PResently after the Imperialists were become Masters of the field they resolved to attaque Mantua either by surprise or an orderly siege and they address't themselves with so much the more readiness to execute their design because they knew that a great number of the Souldiers in Garrison there were much discreased in several losses which they received upon divers assaults that the Plague had killed above 25000 in 3 months Aldringuer and Galas looked out all those Places where they might make an assault which was the easier for them to do they having good intelligence in Mantua by the means of Guastale who pretended to the Dutche before the Duke of Mantua as we have declared about the latter end of the last year They understood that it might be surprised upon the Bourg side and St. George's Bridge by a Trench which was upon the Lakes side where no great Guard was kept for that the Place was thought to be â—naccessible and few there were who durst attempt it because of two Trenches made upon the Bridge and certain chains reaching to the Gate and the new Tower so that no boat could passe there for at least half a mile downwards However there they resolved to surprise it by means of certain Souldiers who were clapt in there upon the design of assaulting the Town in several places at the same time that they should enter This enterprise was accordingly executed under favour of the night about the 18 of Italy an hour before day with so much violence and courage that all the resistence which the Duke of Mantua and the Marshal d' Estrée could make and they did all that could be expected from valiant men on that occasion was to no purpose and could not defend them from being compelled to render themselves upon composition after they had behaved themselves stoutly in every place that was capable of defence Politique Observation THere are hardly any Towns which are not lyable to surprises Breda a place extreamly strong was surprised by Prince Maurice by making use of a Boatman who using to carry Turf into the Castle filled his Boat with armed Souldiers covered both above and beneath with Turfs who by this means entred upon the Castle and made themselves Masters both of it and the Town being seconded by Troops and Companies who expected to be let in Watchtendone upon the River of Niers was surprised by a Bark full of straw in which Mattheo Dulchan and 13 others were concealed and one Souldier who used to guide in the straw who being known to the Sentinel desired him to lend him his hand to help him out and so drew him into the Water giving oportunity to the rest to land undiscovered to seize on the Corps du Guard and to kill the Souldiers on the Bridge where they let in Henry de Bergue who was neer at hand to second them with 400 men Thus one might produce many the like examples it being difficult for a Town to be so fortified on all sides that it cannot be surprised in some place or other The Causes of the taking of Mantua THE losse of Mantua is principaly attributed to three causes The first was Guastale who gave Intelligence to the Imperialists from within so that they were not only well informed of that Avenue which was inaccessible to men who were not acquainted with the condition and quality of the place and what courses they ought to take to arrive there by the-Inhabitants themselves but were also seconded by some of the Inhabitants after they were once entred The Venetians bore another part of the Blame by reason of the long delayes which they used in revictualling of Mantua for the last convoy which they sent could not enter the Imperialists having stop't up the Avenues as also for that they defferred the raising of their Troups it being certain that had they made their levies and advanced at the beginning of the year they might have taken all Imperial Garisons and cut them in pieces whereas they stayed until the new German Army came and their Souldiers being al unskilful and not trained up the Wars it was not difficult for the Imperialists to defeat them to make themselves Masters of the field and to take in all the little holds thereabouts The Duke of Mantua is somewhat blamed too for not being careful enough to reinforce his Garrison with fresh supplies at the same times that the sickness decreased them whatever instances the Marshal d' Estree used to him from the King to that effect The neglect whereof was the cause that the Enemies found not men enough in the Town to oppose their fury or beat them off which doubtlesse might have been done had there been barely a thousand men in it Politique Observation IT is too great an excesse of bounty and very hurtful to a new Prince who takes possession of the Estate by some extraordinary change which may clash with the minds of the people to permit those to live in liberty under him who have pretended to the same Government and may peradventure hinder him in the enjoyment of it To do so were to leave fire amongst straw which wil soon raise great flames and he may be very sure his Country will not long continue without troubles The rules of Tyrannie oblige him to put such a one to death and declare to us that to take away his State and not his life were a cruel pitty But not regarding those the Laws of Justice which permit him to restrain him of his liberty exempt him from all blame for that his possession being just he is obliged to make use of all his Authority to preserve his State by all warrantable means and wayes whatever Besides when there is a Question of setting an Army on foot he ought not to be a little careful of preventing his Enemies and their designs We have already declared how necessary and profitable celerity and a dexterous dispatch is in warfare and no one can doubt but that it is a great piece of Prudence to fall upon our Enemies before they have assembled their forces to assault us For besides the infallibleness of a good successe the Victory doth mightly augment the courage of the Souldiers and the custome of overcoming is one of the greatest advantages which can be thought upon in all enterprises which are afterwards to be attempted Above all the keeping of necessary Souldiers in a Town which the Enemies have either invested or made their
which he had often been accused So that it was but reasonable to destroy these ungratefull wretches who would have ruined the Genius of France by accusing him of Ingratitude It is an ordinary effect of the Divine Justice to cause those evills to fall upon them which they would pull down upon him and to permit that they become really culpable of those crimes which they would falsely lay to his charge Politique Observation THere is no injury so unpardonable as ingratitude which renders men so much the more blame-worthy for that they are impeached by good Offices An infamous life hath three steps first to forget kindnesse secondly not to recompence them the third to render evil for good The first is the effect of a great neglect The second may sometimes proceed from a want of ability But the third can proceed from no other cause but a black deformed malice So though the first cannot be excused yet it may be born with The second was in so great detestation by the Egyptians that they caused such as they found culpable to be proclaimed by the City-Crier to the end that no one might afterwards do them any kindness thinking it very reasonable that he should lose all his friends who had not been carefull to retaliate like for like to him who had obliged him But the third hath alwaies been had in so great an abhomination by all men that they thought only death was fit to expiate it that the earth might quickly rot such an execrable creature as it had brought An ingratefull man is worse then a Traitor a Traitor being only to blame for having fallen back from those promises which he was tied to by his Parole But an ingrateful person is not onely deficient to what he was obliged to perform by promise but by the obligations and favours which he had received At least the most moderate of men could never indure it seeing they are like those vapours which the Sun having exhaled from the earth do indeavor to obscure his splendour They deserve to be punished especially when their treacheries are prejudicial to the good of a State as here they were when they attempted this destruction who next to the King was the greatest prop and support of the Kingdomes Felicity Is not the attempting to destroy such a Minister who is the first instrumental cause by which he hath arrived to so high an accrument of glory as striking at the very person of the King himself I should much blame that Minister who would indeavour and make use of his power to obtain a Remission for such a Crime There are some injuries which it is noble to pardon and there are others amongst which I rank this for which the Publick Interest requires vengeance Mercy is not contrary to Justice but Justice is governed by Mercy which serves forâ—ts guide Too great Lenity breeds too great Licentiousnesse and makes both the Prince and Laws to be little esteemed of It is more noble in a King to pardon then to execute the rigour of Justice but it must be to such persons whose Imprudence may not augment their licentiousnesse of doing evil and whose Crimes arise rather from their weaknesse then from black detestable Villany A Treatise of Peace between the Emperour and Duke of Mantua DUring his Majesties sicknesse and their beginning of these Intreagues the affairs of Cazal were finished upon the Treaty aforesaid The Duke of Savoy Mazarini and Colalte received news from Germany that the Sieur de Leon who was employed by his Majesty for a Peace to the Emperour had concluded a Treaty and shourtly after the Sieur of St. Estienne brought it to Generals with Letters from the Sieur de Leons and an expresse promise from the Emperour that he would install the Duke of Mantua in his Dutchy and Marquisate of Montferrat with consent that the Town Castle and Cittadel of Cazal should be delivered into his hands This was as much as could be desired for the foundation but the circumstances how to do it were difficult it being agreed by the Treaty that the Emperour would invest the said Duke only within six weeks and that fifteen daies after he would withdraw his Arms out of Mantua and the King of Spain his from Cazal and other places of Montferrat This did much trouble the Generals because this Article did much oblige them to remain in Italy two moneths longer with the Army before the Spaniards would leave Cazal which stay they could hardly make because the Plague was very rife in the Army and they had victuals but for certain days these two reasons would infallibly force them to break up before half the time were elapsed which should they have done the Spaniards might with ease become Masters of Cazal who had not subscribed to it with their usual designs because they had liberty to hold the advantage they had got whenever the Treaty should be brought These just considerations were debated by the Generals who believed his Majesty would never ratifie it so they resolved not to regard it but to march with the Army with all speed before Cazal The Spaniards being inform'd of this resolution were so much surprized by their apprehensions of the first stock of the French who at the first onset fight like Lyons They presently sent back Mazarini who had brought them the news to assure them that they would observe the Treaty of Peace and that to put it in execution they were content to permit the importation of a whole years prouisions into the Cittadel of Cazal But the Generals having once heard that they began to be in fear concluded especially the Marshal of Schomberg that they should presently advance to Cazal thinking that their appearance only would force the Spaniards to quit the Siege forthwith without staying till the end of the two moneths which was accorded by the Treaty Politique Observation IT is very difficult to Treat a Peace which may have an assured end in a place far distant from Armies whilest they are enemies Great distance maketh many things be unknown in point of particular Circumstances and of the present State of the Armies which do many times hinder the execution of what is resolved on It is with those who transact affairs at a great distance as with Astrologers who do contemplate here below the Stars of Heaven perceiving only that which is most apparent in them without being able to observe many particular Qualities So those see nothing but the Lump of businesse and are most commonly to seek in the particular and present disposition of affairs without the exact knowledge of all which nothing can be certainly resolved on which shall surely be put in execution It is good to sound at a distance the inclination of him with whom a man doth treat but when it once comes to resolve on particular Proposals a man ought to know every particular passage if that be omitted there doth most commonly happen some one thing or another
great men when they are once perswaded it is necessary for the preservation of their Authority There is not any thing but only power which advanceth them above other men and they are easily led by it to ruine every one whom them conceive to hurt them But above all women are most subject to this fault in regard they are weaker and more wedded to their Passions then men are The natural levity of that Sex makes them passe with little adoe from the extremity of love to that of hatred not being able to keep a medium It is enough to ingage them not to do a thing if you do but earnestly entreat them to do it especially if they be but a little provoked to anger Such entreaties as are made to them when so affected cause them to passe from that of Anger to Fury and when they cannot dis-allow of the thing which is entreated of them yet it is enough to deny it if they love not the person who desires it Rigour hath a greater Empire in their Wills then Submission And they whose Souls seem to be more heightned then others are so much the more to be feared they having more mettle then conduct it is impossible ever to root out of them any jealousies which they have once conceived and their humours are so fixed in suspicions that it is almost impossible to defend ones self from them by lawfull means If the beauty of their countenances give them an almost absolute dominion over the minds of men yet the weakness of their Sex doth subject them under the commands of all and every Passion especially that of hatred from which it is impossible for them to dis engage themselves after they have once given it admittance into their breasts Although I look upon all Queens as exempted from the major part of their qualities by reason of the particular assistance which they receive from God who considereth them as his own Images here beneath yet it is very rare to find any who are not liable to that violence which is inseparable from their Government And this is one of the reasons upon which Aristotle groundeth that saying in hâ—â— Politiques that they are not proper to govern States In regard Clemency is known to be one of their chiefest Pillars It is also most assured that such as are born with a more generous temper then others are the more to be scared for being unable to direct with Prudence they fortifie themselves with rigour and become inflexible towards those of whom they have conceived the least suspicion Monsieur the Kings Brother disapproveth of the Queen-Mothers Intreagues MOnsieur Brother to the King was not ignorant that the Queen-Mother was in the quality of a subject as wel as in that of Mother to his Majesty and that therefore she was bound to obey him in every thing which absolutely concern'd the good of his Kingdom so that he could not approve of her opposing his will and pleasure neither was he backward of testifying his dislike of it to the King The discourse which he made of it did give no little satisfaction to his Majesty who was resolved not to let pass any opportunity which might conduce to the firm establishing of him in his due respects especially seeing Monsieur himself had confirmed him in it by his protesting to the Cardinal that he loved him as a person whom he thought necessary for the good of the State Yet we know that the favourites of great Personages do sometimes pervert their best inclinations and are the common instruments made use of to divert them from their duries therefore the King concluded it very fit to make sure of Coigneux le Sieur de Puy-laurence Monsigot whom Mansieur principally confided in he knew there was no chain which could tie the major part of such people stronglier then good Offices and accordingly he resolved not to wave or let slip any time to advance them and to hold them off from being gained by such as were already ingaged in any Faction His Majesty caused three hundred thousand Livres to be given to Monsieur de Puy-laurence that he might buy the Dutchy of Anville He granted to Coigneux an Office of President au Mortier of the Parliament of Paris with hopes of a Cardinals Cap which his Majesty had also writ for to the Pope Monsignot had fifty thousand Livres for his share and each of them received these gifts with such handsom actions and expressions of thanks that they made a thousand protestations of preserving and continuing their Master in a strict intelligence and obedience to his Majesties will and pleasure Politique Observation IT is very important for a Kings service to make sure of those in whom the Princes of the blood do most confide It is the only means to keep them within compass and they are only able so to dispose them for that they do make such impressions upon their spirits as shall carry them when and where they please to incline them Princes commonly are notwithstanding the greatnesse of their Souls which they receive with their birth more addicted to their pleasures then their affairs whence it happens that they do not give themselves time enough to examine of what qualities any things are or whether fit to be ingaged in or not but remit the particular care of that to those whom they confide in and are contented when things come to be acted if they do but hear them tell them they are good and they had rather suffer some disorders in their houses then lose a quarter of an hours passe-time These are they who share the government with Princes whiles they impose on them the burthen and so divide the honour of commanding thinking on nothing but delights and supposing that as their births hath created them the chief in the State so Fortune cannot but be propitious to them for the obtaining of whatsoever is necessary to give them a continual subsistance It is for this reason it cannot be doubted that it were necessary to keep their Favourites obliged very strongly to the Kings service and to be dependent upon his Majesties will and pleasure that they may be made use of as occasion shall present themselves for the good of the State In Spain none are allowed to the Kings Brothers but such as are belonging to the Kings themselves which are changed too very often lest a long continuance in their service might in time beget too strong a confidence and draw them off from the first ties of their obedience For this reason it is that there ought no great deliberation to be had for the removal of such from them who are experimentally known to ingage them in affairs prejudicial to the good of the State for the great compliance in permitting them a longer continuance neer them will soon produce very dangerous effects Their removal peradventure may seem harsh to Princes but it is better they should be displeased then the whole State be indangered
worth made him very undeserving Politique Observation I Have formerly said It were requisite that the Favourites of Princes should be nearly tyed to the Kings Interests that they might be carried to whatever his Majestie should desire of them and now I shall add that it is not less then necessary to prevent their troubling of the State for that the most part of such Civil wars have hapned by their means But there are great obstructions and difficulties in the encompassing it seeing that it is not somtimes in the power of the greatest Ministers to retain them in their duties what-ever advantages are prepared for them And as eating doth but excite the hungers of starved stomacks so those Riches which are given to them do but make them more ambitious of other and greater It is the humour which doth possess most Princes Favourites and is the cause which doth often engage their Masters in great Broyls The most violent storms which turn all things up-side-down are formed only out of Clouds drawn up by the Planets into the highest Region of the Ayr and the greatest Revolts which have troubled the quiet of the people and ruined whole Kingdoms have proceeded from those suggestions which Princes Favourites the Stars of the State have raised in their minds from whence they often get nothing but mud and dirt Hath not the last age made it evident here in France in the time of Henry the third when as the Duke d' Alençon had not gone out of the Court but by the perswasions of Bâ—ssi and Semier and some others his Favourites who were troubled to see the government of Affairs in the hands of some who would not give them leave to do what they pleased And if we look back a little more shall we not find that Lewis the eleventh whilest he was Daulphine had not withdrawn himself the first time from Charles the seventh his Brother but by the advices of Chaumont and Boucicaut and their Partisans who could not enoure to see that his Neece the fair Agnes and Villiquier should have so absolute a Power Our own times have furnished us with examples enough to prove this truth which are so well known to all men that I need not trouble them or my self to relate them I shall only add this that as Goldsmiths have a certain strong water to separate Gold from Silver though incorporated by the Fire that they seem to be the same Body So the Favourites of Princes have certain Arts which the malice of the Court teacheth them the power of which is so great that when they please they will divide a Mother from her children a Brother from a Brother and generally all whom Nature or Friendship had joyned together in so strict a league that one would have reasonably imagined nothing could have been able to have made a separation Monsieur 's resolution to leave the Court. VVHen Coignenx had once perswaded Monsieur by his subtle devices to leave the Court he gave him no respite until he had put it in execution That his departure might be with the more noise which might serve for a Beacon to put the whole Kingdom in an uprore he found a trick to perswade him that it would be an act of courage in him to go quarrel with the Cardinal in his own house before he went off and to declare to him that he would be no more his friend but that he would take the Queen-Mothers part against him Accordingly Monsieur went to him and told him so But the Cardinal who knew such things could not proceed from his goodness which rendred him not only the least evil-doer but indeed the most obliging Prince of the world answered him with nothing but respects and civilities Assoon as Monsieur went from him he got into his â—oach and went directly to Orleans without taking leave of the King The Queen-Mother seeming to be surpriz'd at it presently sent notice of it to the King then at hunting who was much troubled at it though he could expect little good from the base dispositions of Monsieur's servants of all whom his Majesty had been fully informed though he could not imagine they would have carried things to such extremities considering the great gratifications he had bestowed on them and those several protestations of inviolable fidelity which they had but so lately made unto him When his Majesty return'd from hunting he alighted at the Cardinal 's and gave him such singular testimonies of his favour that they were able to obliterate any apprehensions of Monsieur's proceedings His Majesty promised he would protect him with and against all and commanded him to be the more confident of it in regard he was bound in honour to preserve him from whom he had received such signal services That if any did him an injury it was his Majesty whom they did offend and he would so take it as done to himself From thence the King went to find out the Queen-Mother to whom he could not dissemble how much Monsieur 's departure did displease him and the just ground he had to suspect that she had a hand in the counselling him to it of which for the present she endeavoured to clear her self though shortly after it was found to be but too true by that strict intelligence which was between them and by those letters which they writ to the King having one and the same sense and expression As also by Monsieur's own discourses to the Ladies at Orleans when they asked of him the reasons of his so sudden return not that the Queen-Mother was ever satisfied with Monsieur or he with her but that there was a means found out to perswade them that if they would but closely unite themselves they would be the better able to drive on their own Designs and induce the King to ruine the Cardinal the only thing which they desired Politique Observation THough the Ring-leaders in a State be of different humors and inclinations and though they be much divided by the emulation which they bear to one another yet they do easily re-unite that they may if possible increase their own Powers by destroying that of their King Experience sheweth us that fire can naturally incorporate most different mettals as Gold and Iron The fire of Ambition is no less able to unite the minds of Grandees when it is once proposed to trouble the Kingdom One hath not obtained the Pension or Boon which he desired another could not get his kinsman into a Benefice as he attempted and another thinks he deserveth to have a greater hand then he hath in the government of affairs or could not procure the Office which he aspired to and these are those several discontents which they have received in the diversity of their designes and which run them up to that pass that they become unsatisfied with the King or his principal Minister not at all considering that there are several other concerns besides theirs in particular which oblige by necessity that
those things be granted to others which they would so fain procure to themselves This general discontent is enough to unite them together and to engage them in that one designe of a revolt They know there are two waies to attain to greatness Prudence and Power when they once perceive that all the devices of their Will or to speak more properly all their Deceipts are not able to raise their greatness to that pass which they desire they presently fly to the latter imagining in themselves they might get more by it then by the former They cannot be ignorant how that many of their Predecessors have bee shipwrack'd on the very same score by which they pretend to raise great advantages to themselves and as the minds of most men abound rather with hopes then fears so they fancy to themselves that Fortune will be more favourable to them then others and upon this account it is that they do often associate themselves together not with intent of putting State affairs into a better posture as they pretend but to advance what in them lies their own private Families and Interests at the cost and charges of the Publike I shall liken them to the first qualities which not holding themselves in a good correspondency for the preservation of the subject whereof they are compos'd do unanimously conspire and contrive the ruine of it for in the same manner do they instead of keeping up and maintaining the State by their Prudence and Authority of which it is their honour to be chief supporters they employ them to divide and ruine the people forcing the Prince to contribute to the means which are necessary to oppose their violences The Queen-Mother rejoyceth at Monsieur's Departure AFter Monsieur's departure the Queen-mother became more resolute in her eagerness against the Cardinal and believed that his going away would be very advantagious to her They who flattered her and blew the Coals of her Passion perswaded her that half the Kingdom would quickly be up in Arms and proffer their assistances to Monsieur in what-ever he would employ them That several Towns would revolt That Monsieur 's discontent alone if once known abroad would raise a war on every side and that amidst this confusion the King would think himself very happy could he but prevent the ruine of his Kingdom by submitting to that of the Cardinal She withdrew her self from being at any counsels to which she had but lately before used to go and seemed less solicitous in dissembling her discontents What pity was it to see a Kingdom exposed to so imminent a danger of being totally subverted by Civil wars and all to destroy him who for eight yeers together employed his whole time both day and night to settle it in its former glory What Injustice was it to repay the Cardinal's services with such Ingratitude What a confusion was it to see a Mother and a Brother revolt against their King and all to satisfie the Hatred and Ambition of their Ministers The King endured it with the greater displeasure because he understood that Forreigners had sowed these Tares under hopes of kindling a fire which should constrain him to withdraw his Forces from Italy abandon â—he assisting of his Allies or at least to submit to shameful conditions of Peace for which purpose they were just upon meeting in Piedmont His Majesty was not to seek in the knowledge that Queens are not exempted from punishment when they contrive troubles in the State that is if the quality of Mother did exact the respects of a Son from him that of a King did oblige her not to prefer any consideration before that of the good of his State and in conclusion that he ought to use all diâ—igent means to break off the intelligence which she held with Monsieur and those who nourished his mind with discontents There was no more certain way then to assign her some Town to live in a little distant from the Court to disperse here and there those who abusing her goodness did foment the fire of dissention in her soul and to place near her some one endued with Discretion and Power that she might not in future attempt any thing against the good of the State The Respect wherewith the King did alwaies honour her was such that he could never resolve to use any violent remedies but at the very last cast after he had tryed all others to which end he resolved rather to leave her then that she should leave him and accordingly he removed to Compeigne imagining that the sharpness of the season would invite her to continue at Paris after his departure and that in this small separation she could not any longer divide the Court into Parties as then she had done There were likewise other devices found to draw off some of the most factious from about her that their absense might afford some opportunities of calming her spirit It were to have been wished that she had rather according to his Majesties pleasure resolved to have lived in quiet at her Palace of Luxenburgh whilest his Majesty was out of Paris then to have followed the Court where her presence countenanced the Faction which she had there contrived Indeed the King verily imagined she would the sooner resolve so to do because she had declared she would intermeddle no more in any affairs neither appear at any Counsels so much did the Cardinal's presence afflict her whereas she instead of comporting her self to this fair and sweet way was guided by the perswasions of those who ruled her spirit and who induced her to resolve to carry on her anger to the utmost extremity and to follow the King every where assuring her that at last the people would all rise and that from thence she might undoubtedly find some expedient to perswade his Majesty to consent to the Cardinal's Banishment or Ruine This procedure of hers did absolutely intrench upon his authority as if he could not have commanded her to quit the Court and it served only to provoke the Kings anger and to force him to deal more rigorously with her then otherwise he desired to have done Politique Observation HOpe is that Root which doth long nourish the Thought of Revenge and without which the most generous persons lose their Courages and fall into despair instead of prosecuting their designs No one hath so well described the qualities of that which is without reason as the Ancient who said it is the dream of those who are awake and whose minds are mastered with this Passion To speak truly just as Dreams fill the mind with Chimera's which have no other being then in our Fancies so an ill-grounded hope fills our Courages with illusions and imaginary contentments by representing such things which are absolutely beyond our reach as if they were subject to our wills and desires it flatters our thoughts with a vain belief that there is not any impediment possibly to be met with in our enterprises which we
shall not be able to surmount and though at the very instant a storm be over our heads yet it assureth us that it will not last long but that a calm will soon follow If we are to begin a war it makes us see an Army already in the Field which nothing can resist If any enterprise threaten us with miscarriage it perswadeth us that we shall soon see some alteration in affairs setting before our eyes the examples of many who have been raised out of great misfortunes to greater glories and honours Thus it is this same Hope which fortifieth the most dejected Courages animates the most astonished men with new souls and recruits the resolutions of them who were even languishing Have we not seen it serve for an Anchor to the most miserable to keep them firm in all Tempests when they have been upon the point of being overwhelmed and for a North Pole to guide them to their desired Haven Hope is that which preserveth necessary vigour for the executing of hazardous designs our own Wishes never last so long as Hope doth for we soon disclaim our Designs if we once believe they will not take effect It hath alwaies been known for the Mother of Valour and for a vital Spirit which animateth the heart to great attempts The charms of Hope are very powerful but they are also dangerous and much like the Egg of an Aspick which is very pleasant to look on by reason of that diversity of colours wherewith Nature hath been pleased to paint it but within it is full of deadly poyson of which time brings forth a most venemous serpent For if in Enterprises there be nothing so dangerous as a mis grounded Hope yet the pleasure wherewith it entertains our minds in matters of Revenge is very dear to us and makes us pay high Interest for it It is the miserable man's Treasure and somtimes too it is an addition to his miseries It is not enough that a hope be conformable to our desires but it ought to be laid by when it is grounded upon the assistances of some persons who are easily to be ruined or upon an Insurrection of a people who every day change their resolutions whom a little fear disarms and who this day love him whom but a little before they could not endure at all The King entreats the Queen-Mother to desist from her Intreagues THough the inflexible stubbornness of the Queen-Mother was able to provoke the most patient Courages yet the goodness of the King could not be overcome by it Whilest she was at Compeigne whither she followed his Majesty he still made new attempts to surmount her resistance He was not backward to let her daylie see by his frequent conjuring her and that with a great tenderness of heart which did evidently convince to her that he neither wanted Respect or Affection for her that she would much oblige him if she would but recede from the evil advices of those who lived about her and who only desired a separation between them for their own Hatreds or private Interests He proffered to her to set the Marillacs at liberty if her content depended upon it though otherwise they had deserved to be punished and indeed he valued nothing in respect of her affections He often beseeched her to love the Cardinal for his sake and made her see that she was obliged to it seeing she knew better then any one how beneficial he was to the State and that he had alwaies faithfully served him He was not deficient to let her perceive That the grief which this great Minister had to find himself in her disfavour was a most pregnant testimony of the affection which he had for her service and that he did sufficiently oblige himself to an eternal fidelity by those publike acknowledgements of the Favours which he confessed to have received from her goodness and that all her eagerness against him could not obliterate the remembrance of them and at last that he might pretermit nothing which might move her he caused new perswasions to be made to her by the Sieur de Chasteauneu'f Lord Keeper of the Seal and by the Mareschal de Schombergh that she would be assistant at Counsels and recede from those underhand Intelligences which she might have with Monsieur But they could procure no other answer then that she was weary of medling with affairs and that she would not have any more to do in the Counsels testifying apparently by this answer that positive resolution which she had taken of following the wicked Designs of those who had engaged her so that after all these endeavours the King was only touch'd with uncomfortable grief that he could work no more upon her but his sorrow was accompanyed with this satisfaction that he had omitted nothing which might properly conduce to the obtaining of his Designe Politique Observation AS there is nothing which causeth greater misfortunes in a Kingdom then Divisions of Princes of the Blood so there is no greater care ought to be had then for prevention of such differences Physitians have alwaies hopes of life whilest the noble vital parts are uncorrupted but they once tainted they look for nothing but death and the greatest Politicians have been of opinion that no very great misfortune could happen to a State whilest the Princes of the Blood who are like the vital parts live in that decorum and obedience which is due to the King But on the contrary they begin to fear and distrust if once they see them falling back and dividing Parties into Factions against their King's Authority But more especially because their disorder is attended with confusion at home and gives great advantages to strangers abroad Other heads of Revolts are easily wrought upon by satisfying their own private interests But it is a hard matter to unite those of the same Blood after a defiance shall have once seized on their minds From hence it is that Micipsa in Salust saith the greatest force of a Kingdom doth not so much consist in Arms or in the richnesse of Treasuries as in the good intelligence of the chief Nobles which can neither be subdued by Arms nor corrupted by Monies but especially in the friendship of Brothers whose Blood ought to render their union indissolvable The Kingdom of Cyprus had not been ruined as Justin relateth it but onely by the dissentions of two brothers The whole East had not been subjected to the Roman yoke but by the mis-understandings of those Princes who ruled in those Countries And no other misfortune made way for Pompey to make him Master of Judea then the contention of Hircanus and Aristobulus who in envy of one another pretended to possesse the Crown Philip well knew of what consequence love between brothers was when as beholding the small kindnesse between his sons Porseus and Demetrius he so often commanded them to love one another representing to them that Eumenes and Attalus at the beginning were so small that they were
persons ought to be respected As the very greatest are not exempted from those punishments which the Laws have enacted for the Factious so their enterprizes ought to be cut off and destroyed the sooner by reason they are more to be feared then others on the score of the power which they have to work upon the minds of people It is true â—â—e means which conduce to it are very dangerous and on such occasions it is that a great Minister of State ought to testifie his zeal and generosity by taking the power out of their hands who abuse it as Arms from a mad man It is necessary to resolve upon one of these three things so to reconcile them that they may rest in a true â—riendship which is almost impossible at least very difficult amongst Grandees who are once offended with one another And this way ought not to be chosen but after a long time of consideration that the assurance of it may be of some continuance The second is more rigorous and withall more certain which is to take off the lives of the Factious to which however I should not advise but in case of extremity and after all other means have taken no effect by reason of the respect which is due to the Royal Family I esteem the third and last to be most agâ—eeable which is to banish them and take away from them the means of doing any more harm They who are so dealt with cannot with Justice complain of it seeing they have deserved it It is unreasonable to suffer such persons to remain in a Court who make open profession of comptrolling their Kings Actions of blaming his Conduct of setting limits to his Authority of raising Wars and revolts in his State Princes though of the Blood Royal are not exempted from Obedience and Subjection to the Laws of the Kingdom It belongeth not to them to give Orders for the government of affairs That Prerogative is inseparable from the Crown and they who would design the assuming such a power to themselves by other ways then those of his Authority deserve to be catechized as Rebels Do we not all know that that which heretofore brought this State into the danger of falling into the Spaniards hands was the too great condescention of Henry the third towards Monsieur de Guise who was but a stranger Prince too Certainly France had not been exposed to those extream mis-fortunes which it hath suffered had he but had the good luck to have held his hands from those enterprizes The resolution of the Councel for the Removal of the Queen-Mother ALthough the Cardinal did very well know the reasonablenesse nay the necessity of seconding his Majesties inclinations to the Queen-Mothers removal yet such was his modesty and so prevalent over his own discretion and interest that instead of so doing he on the contrary rendred his often entreaties to his Majesty that he would be pleased to give him leave to withdraw himself from the Court He represented to him how that peradventure the Queen-mother might thereby be appeased and induced to leave the State in peace and quiet and that for his own part he should willingly suffer himself to be thrown into the Sea to save the Vessel provided only that his Majesty would preserve him in his affections and not remove him out of any dislike either of his Fidelity or Services Nor did he this as being ignorant of the obligation which lay upon him by reason of the place he held in affairs of truly acquainting him with every thing which concern'd the good of his State but onely that he might let his Majesty perceive how little he regarded private concernments in this occasion Nor that he did not much esteem the honour which his Majesty did him by intrusting him in the first place of the Administration but onely because the respect which he did bear to the Queen mother surmounted the consideration of his own greatnesse Not that he wanted heart in his persecutions and afflictions for it was well known the greater resistances he encountred in the Cabals and intreagues of the Court did so much the more whet his Courage and Resolution insomuch that they could not at all move much lesse shake him but only because the greatest courages are most temperate it being sometimes more generous to destroy then preserve ones self In short not that he wanted affection for his Majesties service seeing nothing could more sensibly have touch'd him then to have been deprived by his removal of the means and opportunities to serve and defend him from the unjust attempts of those who perverted by their wickednesses the minds both of the Queen-mother and Monsieur but only that he could never with a good will be withdrawn from doing her all service who had the honour to be mother unto his Master How really was his advice any whit necessary to perswade his Majesty to remove her Her own Actions bespake her unto his Majesty and shewed him in words at length that it was not fit she should any longer continue at Court untill that time and truth had opened her eyes These were the true reasons which induced the Cardinal to desire his Majesties permission to withdraw himself But his Majesty who well knew how great a losse such a man might prove unto his State seeing many Ages did hardly produce his Equal and how that he had made the same use of him that God doth of the Sun that is to dissipate all those storms which might arise not only refused to grant his request but on the contrary weighing the great services he did him the remarkable advantages which France had enjoyed since his promotion to the Administration as also the condition in which affairs now were in respect of the disorders and confusion into which the Queen-mother endeavoured to bring them And lastly comparing the present state of things with what they were upon his first entrance into the management of them he no longer deliberated on this particular but absolutely resolved to desire the Queen-mother to passe some time away from the Court All the Ministers of State were of the same opinion unwilling belike to fall into the sin of Treason against their King to render an unjust respect to the Queen-mother every of them considering that she had no just ground to complain either of his Majesty or them but only of those who had ingaged her in such wicked designs as made her longer stay at Court incompatible with the good of France Politique Observation AS the end of all Government is the good of the State so all Kings are obliged especially to have a regard unto that as being the Center unto which all their Actions should tend and to avoid all such things as would divert them out of that way In vain do they attempt or begin any great or glorious enterprises if any by-respect to those of their Blood or the consideration of their own pleasure be able to put a stop to
induce the Queen-Mother to yeild unto his Majesties Will and Pleasure The Marquis de Sainct Chaumont came divers times to her from his Majesty to assure her that he could no longer permit her stay at Compeigne All which produced nothing but new heart-burnings in her mind and great lamentations at her Imprisonment which in its self was but imaginary seeing she had not any Guards upon her disposed of the keys of the City and went abroad where-ever she pleased This procedure of hers could not but provoke his Majesty neither indeed could it be longer endured in a State where Obedience is the Foundation of Government so his Majesty resolved to dispatch unto her the Mareschal de Schomberg and the Sieur de Roissi who were known to be both prudent and respectful to the end they might deal clearly with her telâ— her the truth which till then had been forborn and discourse at length unto her the disorders of her carriage of which his Majesty till that time seemed not to take any notice notwithstanding the shew which she made of her innocence Accordingly they dealt ingeniously with her represented to her that the King was well informed of those many Cabals contrived against his Authority and Glory that he likewise knew Monsieur's departure first from the Court and then out of the Kingdom was an effect of her only Counsel Lastly that there was not any one in the Kingdom how great soever who could pretend to a Right of imposing a Law on his Majesty for the choice of his Ministers and that his Majesty could not but think it extreamly strange that she above all others in particular should so press him to destroy the Cardinal seeing she knew better then the whole Nation that there was not any person in the Kingdom who had done or was more able to do service to the State then he To be short that she had no such great reason to complain that she was forced to live removed from the King there being not any Law in holy Writ which require children alwaies to live with their Mothers especially when they are of age to dispose of their own good but that it s found written in divers places which command Kings to be obeyed as God's Lieutenants upon earth that his Majesty had just reason to be offended he having so often sent to her to withdraw her self from Compeigne and she having as often slighted it nor could she pretend any excuse for her so doing seeing his Majesty had offered her the choice of any other place to dwell in that they were obliged to tell her that this her disobedience was not to be endured in a well ordered State neither that it were just for his Majesty to put up this resistance of hers that it was the ready way to force him to use her with more rigour and Monsieur de Schomberg did not stick to tell her that it had been his own advice to remove her from the Court so prejudicial was her presence to his Majesties service These discourses so full of Truth and Prudence should have opened her eyes and discovered his Majesties goodness unto her who was satisfied only with a short removal of her for such reasons as have formerly Imprisoned nay condemned divers great Princes to death whereas her mind was so charmed by their devices who had ingaged her in this Cabal that instead of disabusing her they only added extremities to the excess of her choler Politique Reflection ALthough great men should more especially be informed with â—he truth of things seeing their affairs which depend on it are of greater importance then others yet however the most part of them do not much love her she seldome comes within their Courts but naked and if perchance she appear in their presence they turn about from her as if they could not endure to see her They desire things should be related to them as they would have them not as they really are It is very dangerous to find fault with any of their Actions which they undertake in confidence that they are well-beseeming their greatness If any one presume to debate their Designs by discovering the naked Truth to them he will presently be esteemed but an ill servant for his pains whence it is that the most part of their attendants unwilling to run the hazard of displeasing them do not discourse to them of any their affairs but so as they think may be acceptable to them they find by the daylie experience of others both past and present that this complyance of theirs is the most assured supporter of their Fortunes and a far greater prop to them then Truth her self Those Princes who are of this humour never well counsell'd there being but a few who would willingly for their sakes renounce their Fortunes especially seeing by telling truth they should get nothing Such counsels as thwart their Passions are either esteemed extravagant or as proceeding from a naughty servant They are for the most part like that unjust Judge who demanded of our Saviour what Truth was but would not stay to be inform'd Great and many are the inconveniencies which by this means happen to them for those specious appearances of Truth with which they are deluded are like to those Lamps set out on the tops of Rocks by Pirates which insteed of a Harbour entice the vessels to their shipwrack whereby they make a prey of their goods An Ancient Author saith That the greatest pleasure of the mind consisteth in the knowledge of Truth But it ought to be understood of a soul free from Passion and which only prosecuteth the Laws of Justice And the Rule of the Wise says Happy is the Prince who is so disposed and who knoweth how to esteem those who counsel him freely without disguising the Truth for they and only they are the real supporters of his State and greatness Prosecution of the History THis behaviour of the Queen-Mother's seemed incredible considering the goodness which she had hitherto made apparent in her conduct neither indeed could she possibly have fallen into such disorders had she not been lead into them by those very persons in whom she most confided Such and so great was their wickedness that wanting sufficient reasons and inducements to entice her to their own bends they sought for some amongst the Stars and were so bold as to cast the King's Nativity and foretold her that by the Position of the Heavenly Signs his Majesty could not long live which being so the Laws of Prudence obliged her to side with Monsieur that she ought in reason to look on him as the Rising Sun who would shortly sit at the Helm and whose favourable influences would be necessary for the upholding of her greatness This foundation being thus laid it was no hard matter to perswade her in her Passion that she need not much regard the Cardinal for the King once ceasing to be he would of consequence lie at their mercy These were the vain
for a King without Conduct who had vanquished the English in so many encounters taken Rochel forced the Alps twice relieved Cazal suppressed his Rebellious Subjects bounded in the ambition of the house of Austria setled religion in divers Provinces of his Kingdom secured the Pope from the Spanish oppression gave peace and liberty unto Italy by his Victories became the Arbitrator of Christendome and whose Arms strangers did apprehend with fear and terrour It cannot be said of him but that he was the most couragâ—ous in his undertakings the most Pious in his Conscience the most Just towards his Subjects the most Daring in any dangers the most Prudent in his Councels and the most deservedly to be admired for all his Actions that ever yet reigned over us Have we not all seen how his zeal and courage for Religion hath ingaged him to expose his person the most flourishing years of his time his Nobility his Treasures and in some kind to hazard his own State and all to abate the Insolencies of the Church's enemies It might indeed have been said that some other besides him had atchieved all those glorious Actions which we dayly see before our eyes provided any enterprise had been done without him Had he not in his own person ordered Battels had he not personally appeared in sundry dangers and had he not been actually assisting at all his Counsels to resolve what orders were most proper to be followed But the one is as visibly apparent as the other and he who would beleeve their aspersions must necessarily be born among the Antipodes All Europe was so sufficiently convinc'd of his Majesties rare and divine endowments as not to suffer themselves to be surprized by the calumnies and devices of such wicked imposters and all such as have had the honour to know though but a little of the Conduct of affairs have had ground enough to admire those great lights of Nature and particular blessings of Heaven wherewith his Majesty was stored by means of which they who were of his Counsel have seen him take such expedients as could not but be so many marks of an extraordinary Prudence Politique Observation IT is a misfortune for a King to be exposed unto slanders Let a Princes actions be never so glorious yet Man is naturally so averse from Government that he is hardly to be restrained from evil speaking against him who rules over him not excepting God himself as may appear in the particular behaviour of the Israelites But however it cannot be esteemed for other then a monstrous ingratitude thus basely to reward the great cares which he undergoes for the publick good neither can it be denied but that such reviling whereby the reputation of his glory is endeavoured to be eclipsed ought to be severely punished and especially when it tends to raise troubles in the State It is much more just to honor the actions of a Soveraign with respect then to asperse them with blame which cannot but be rash and inconsiderate unlesse accompanied with a most exact knowledge of all his designs besides those Calumnies which are laid to their charge are so much the more dangerous in regard that admitting they do not drive men into a distrust of him yet do they undeniably diminiâ—h that confidence which his Subjects would repose in him That Lye which is reported with asseveration does commonly leave some impression in the mind behind it though it beget not an absolute beleef Reputation is a Treasure which Kings cannot sufficiently esteem this is it which makes them venerable not that it adds to their vertues but renders their vertues more conspicuous not that it gives perfection to their abilities but sets off their splendour and this splendour is it which maketh men more obedient and subject to their Wills and Pleasures Opinion governs the whole World and gives Princes themselves Authority in their very Thrones Experience hath told us that we are not apt to credit a truth if reported by a Lyer so likewise no one will easily subject himself to a Prince who is commonly reputed for uncapable of Government being once in dis-repute he may cease to hope either for obedience or respect he loseth with his honour all the Love which was formerly payed unto him and fear will not long stay after the losse of Love Which being so no one can doubt of the Justice nay absolute necessity of inflicting exemplary punishments on such as have the boldnesse to offend their Soveraigns by their Calumnies He who doth not chastize them doth expose himself to eminent dangers for that men having once heard him ill reported of take the lie for a truth if the Authors remain unpunished and thus consequently he will fall into scorn and run the hazard of losing both person and estate And as he who puts one injury incoâ—rageth others to do him more and greater so it may well follow that the same party having first offended him by words may take the boldnesse next time to do it by deeds The King is carefull to justify the Cardinal by his Letters and Declarations ALthough small aspersions raised against a Prince ought not to be chastized with too much severity yet when they tend to the destruction of his Authority and the troubling oâ— his State the greatest rigour is but little enough The Emperour Theodosius did one day upon the score of a fiction raised against him answered as became his Clemency saying If he who scandaleth his Prince doth it by way of Pastime he should scorn it if by ignorance or folly he should pity him if he did it out of Malice he should forgive him Which is only to understood of small injuries such as are not prejudicial to the State and which indeed deserve rather a Princes Scorn then his Anger whereas those others deserve to be punished with severity Whence it follows that no one can doubt but that these Libellers ought to undergo the rigours of Justice their absence having secured them and his Majesty satisfying himself only by setting forth the nake sincerity of his Intentions and the justice of his Proceedings in his Letters and Declarations His Actions indeed were a defence to themselves being accompanyed with so much honour and glory that there was not any aspersion but vanished at their presence But it cannot be expressed with what care his Majesty was affected in the Cardinal's behalf how solicitous he was to vindicate him for he had not only not the least thoughts of abandoning him to the malice of his Calumniators but he rather undertook to justifie him to the life upon all occasions in his Declarations and Letters which he sent unto the Parliaments of Provinces to the Queen-Mother and Monsieur He needed not any Mediator with his Majesty for that he knows better then any other person the solidity of his Counsels the Fidelity of his Zeal the Justice of his Intentions the Generousness of his Courage and the Moderation of his Conduct The greater reason
this But without making of comparisons it shall only suffice to say this complaint was ridiculous seeing the Cardinal had at that time only two places which were of any importance and his Kindred as many whereas some great Houses of France had more Besides what cause of Jealousie could there be seeing he was every week twice or thrice at least with his Majesty and still brought with him a surrender of his Offices it being in his Majesties power not only to dispose of his Charges but of his Person likewise He had indeed over and above the Government of Bretagne But how Was it not at the earnest intreaties of those of the Country who considering themselves to be invironed with Ports concluded that he could most effectually establish their Trade by means of his Superintendency upon the Sea which had been much decayed during the late Governours times because of the frequent differences between them and the Admirals of France each of them pretending to command upon the Sea coast That which made these factious exclaim more loud then all the rest was because his Majesty had discharged some Governours from their places and committed them to him But what Was not his Majesties so doing a piece of great Discretion when he foresaw the ruine of the Kingdom by the little obedience of such Governours who having the possession of Towns and Places in their Families a long time together would hardly be perswaded they were beholding unto his Majesty for continuing them unto them but would presently fly out into Rebellion upon the first noise of any insurrection Hereupon his Majesty resolved to punish them according to their deserts and deprived some of them of their Offices and Governments with intent of bestowing them on such persons of whose fidelity he was well assured as upon those of the Cardinals Family who were never seen to intermeddle in any Cabal against his Majesties service and who knowing the honour of his Majesties favour to be the only support of their Fortunes were careful of not being ingaged in such Designs as might make them unworthy of it The advantage which this alteration brought with it was soon after apparent for how would it have been if one had continued Governour of Brest if another had kept his Government of Brouage and if Calais had not been dispossessed of its Commander would they not have served for so many Citadels and Magazins to countenance all Revolts which they designed And what I pray is become of all those places which were entrusted with the Cardinal or his Allies Have they not continued in their Obedience to his Majesty and those who engaged the Queen-Mother and Monsieur in their differences could not dispose of any of them according to their own desires And that indeed was the only and chief motive of their complaints Politique Observation NOthing gives greater tranquility to a State then the disposal of Governments into the hands of such persons whose affection and fidelity are well known unto their Prince The experience which France hath so often had hath been too sad to be forgotten seeing the most part of Civil wars nay of Forraign too had not been broached but by the defect of Governours more solicitous of their own Interests then of their Masters glory and service Few are the Grandees who are not discontented if they have not Governments conferr'd upon them nay if they have not some kind of assured settlement in their Commands that their Authorities may be greater A King therefore is obliged to be the more inquisitive whether with their Gandeur they have loyalty and zeal for his service otherwise it were only to give them the means of combining one with the other to raise Factions and to diminish the Soveraign by advancing their own private power Admit they be discontented 't is without cause for no one hath any right to prescribe a Law to his Prince how he shall chuse such persons as he is pleased to employ in his service It is prudence not to regard such discontents they are inconsiderable when the publike Peace is in question A King cannot distribute his Governments with more discretion then by intrusting them with such persons whose loyalty is impregnable and who he is assured will never interest themselves with any party but his own if any Division should arise Now of whom can he better be assured then of such a Minister of whose fidelity he receives daily testimonies and who when he sees him brings with his Person all the Governments and Charges which have been conferred upon him As for those related to him seeing they absolutely depend upon him and that their Power is as his own dependant upon his Majesties good favour they are equally obliged to be faithful For this reason it is that the greatest Princes have not only not been backward to bestow the chief Governments upon them but have looked upon it as a thing very necessary for their service Touching the distribution of Governments I add That a King is obliged what he may to displace those persons who have enjoyed their Offices any long time unless he be very well assured of their fidelity they are so used to hold them when long continued that the fear of losing them doth oftentimes engage them in some Faction which gives them hopes of a longer continuance Besides when not received by his Majesty but his Predecessors they are the sooner ingaged in a Faction because they think not themselves beholden to him for them Withal in processe of time they get so absolute a Power that somtimes it exceeds their Masters it being usual that long command is accompanyed with pride and insolence Hence it is that in the most politique States their Governments were never but temporary Rome lost her Liberty by continuing her Magistrates too long in their Power and Caesar could never have mastered his own Country but by acquiring too great a Power over the souldiers by his long command The Cardinals Riches not to be envied NExt of all these factious spirits would have the Cardinal 's possessing of his Majesties favours to pass for a great crime although his free humor acquits him to every one from the guilt of covetousness and concludes him to be so naturally generous that he values not all the goods of the world but only in order to the well disposing of them The place which he holds under his Majesty in the State necessitateth him to great expences and without them sure it is that both he and all those who are in the same employment would fall into dis-esteem and that inevitably unless they be accompanied with some splendour and extraordinary magnificence else how should they cause his Majesty to be obeyed Those charges once defrayed the rest he doth employ in good uses to the poor oâ— some actions becoming his virtue and bounty Ought his moderate estate to be envied who hath done so great services for France We have in our times beheld a
young Prince whose name is fatal to this Crown enjoy more profits then he at four years old we have seen a Treasurer of the Exchequer buy himself out of a disaster by giving the King two millions of Livres which was but a sixth part neither of his estate We have know two Jewellers enrich themselves with between four and five hundred thousand Crowns during the Queen-Mothers Regency Is it not then unjust to complain of those favours which his Majesty hath conferred upon him and wherewith he hath alwaies assisted his Majesty in the wars when the monies of the Exchequer could not be brought in time enough Is he as rich as the Prince of Kemberg the Emperour's Favourite at this day who of a private Gentleman of Styria hath gotten five hundred thousand Crowne per annum in two Provinces which his Master gave him opportunity to effect permitting him likewise â—o gather Contributions from the Imperial and Hans-Towns and causing his expences to be defrayed by his own Officers which could not but exceed an hundred thousand Crowns per annum The most part of the Cardinals Revenues are in Church-livings which are no waies chargeable to the people and ought the lesse to be envied to him in regard he hath deserved them and much more from the Church by his services and that he employs them for the relief of the poor with honour not prodigality in his own Family We shall not find that his moveables would amount to so much as those of the Cardinal d' Amboise did at his death To conclude could his services be rewarded with money his actions have made it apparent he deserves much more His chief end was only to have the glory of serving his Master neither did he regard such low recompences He hath often refused gifts which the King hath proffered him and the greatest care he took for money was to see his Majesties Treasures well ordered when as before they were squandred away in frivolous gifts and superfluous expences little tending to his Majesties glory So that since his coming to the management of affairs there was less expended then before though there was a necessity of maintaining continual Armies both at home and abroad Politique Observation RIches are the least rewards which Kings can bestow upon their Minister for that in themselves they are the least of all other goods Can any one deny Kings to be much indebted to their Ministers seeing they are the most worthy Instruments of their glory and that by their endeavours it is that they effect such exploits as render their memories immortal For how much are such riches beneath such great services They are Fortunes may-games and only useful to pass away the necessities of life most commonly they bring more care then pleasure with them and are equally common with the greatest persons and those who never obliged the State by their services to reward them The Geese of the Capitol were well fed at the expence of the Common-wealth because by their noise they discovered the surprisal which the French intended A Dog that set upon certain sacrilegious men was maintained at the Publike charge An Horse that carried his Master out of danger was for ever freed from labour And shall not a grand Minister after the rendring most signal services to his Master and Country be rewarded with more then common advantages I may add that it is necessary for a great King to confer great benefits upon a Minister whom he hath found faithful and couragious in those things which relate to his service whereby he may give him more authority and power to go through with all sorts of enterprises tending to his glory The greatest genius hath occasion of them to make himself potent in affairs and without them his vigour will be feeble He is compelled to stifle a thousand noble exploits in his thoughts for want of means to bring them forth It is well if he be indued with generous inclinations but if impotency assault him it dis-incourageth him Besides the affairs of the world are so disposed and mans thoughts so fixed that all yeild and give place to riches They may all and do all amongst men and we see them acquire as much credit and authority to their owners whereas they who are destitute of them are inconsiderable To wave these acknowledgements due to Ministers who is ignorant that Royal Majesty attracts no less glory from liberality then justice One of those perfections which render God most worshipful to men is his Bounty that inexhaustible fountain of all good things which like the Sun disperseth his favours like so many rays upon the earth and is as beneficial as active The gifts which Kings bestow carry with them as much credit as profit to the receivers they bind the affections of their servants not by their worth but as so many testimonies of good will the greatest Bond which ties them to their service Liberality in a King is properly termed magnificence they being obliged to do great good and nothing is more beseeming their Majesties then bestowing great gifts The perfection of the work is an assured mark of perfection in the workman whence certain it is that God acquired more glory when he created men and angels the chief workmanship of his hands then when he made other creatures Equally true it is that that which makes the riches of Kings more admired is the establishing of some great Families and our Ancestors did not acquire greater glory of being rich and â—iberal then by the greatnesse of their Favourites Houses which remain as so many monuments of their magnificence Prosecution of the Subject IT is an ancient judicious saying that as Roses grow upon Thorns so truth is ordinarily made to appear amongst the sharpest calumnies for they that find themselves concern'd are compelled to discover it for their own justification so those factious spirits who indeavouring to offend the Cardinal abused the goodnesse of the Queen-mother and Monsieur makes me take notice of those truths which their malice constrains me to publish But as they did not with only two accusations cease from their reproaches we shall have occasion to discover the rest of their falsities They would have the World believe that this eminent Minister of State had so great a dominion over the Kings spirit that his Majesty gave an absolute credit to all he did and was wholly moved by his influences and that all affairs depended on his Empire over him But all Europe knew sufficiently that his Prudence and Generosity equalled his justice and these seditious people seemed like those that shoot against Heaven and see their Arrows fall back again at their feet Nay I am confident they themselves had not that opinion of his Majesty they being in their attendances too near his person to be ignorant how impossible it is to draw him to any resolution without strong and pertinent reason and that Heaven hath so enlightned his spirit that he can discern
any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies it cannot be without danger and somtimes loss to their Countries whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful no one will think of invading them Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body yet it standeth in need of those others and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs hath so established them that they have all occasion to make use of one another This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Alliances but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms that he begins to be terrible On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors because contracting an Alliance with such they not only augment their own Power but weaken that of their enemy and make him incapable of further mischief It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy to take a care that he hath not two for their power being united will be more terrible Thus the Comte de Chaâ—olois son to Philip Duke de Burgogne was very sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third and the less able to hurt him His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen In order hereunto the Sieurs de Moleres de Razilly and de Chaalar were sent to the King of Morocco that an Alliance might be contracted with him and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Barbary He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs that they were well received The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral At â—heir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides and two Companies of Souldiers The King gave them present audience and with as much honour as they could wish so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions whose liberty was presently granted the King of Morocco not taking any thing for their ransom to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty It is true indeed he accepted a Present of Stuffs worth an hundred thousand Livres which the King sent to him â—et his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Master would send unto him to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspondency with him The next thing under consideration was the articles of alliance for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries which was presently accorded the substance of it was thus that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass should not in future be made slaves nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods according to their usual custome that for the better continuing their correspondence Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States but on condition not to exercise their Functions unless only to the French The Treaty was signed and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls at Morocco Male and Saphy In fine The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country Politique Observation IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable the gains being greater and more just That of the Land how advantagious soever seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent and somtimes more and that without giving the least cause of complaint Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable and great States vastly rich and abounding with all sorts of commodities There is another reason which rendreth it the more important and that is Princes being bound to make themselves powerful as well by Sea as by Land which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness for it renders them the more redoubted It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea unless a provision of Ships be made to secure them otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element is the more feared by his Neighbours in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land in case they should presume to offend him Cosmo de Medicis first Duke of Tuscany and the ablest Politician of his time said That a Soveraign can never gain an high repute unless he joyn both those Powers together which are to a State as the Arms to the Body This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable were they but deprived of it they would soon grow weak and poor but maintaining that Power as they do in a good equipage by a long tract of time they want nothing but are capable of undertaking great expeditions Hath not this enabled the Hollanders though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men to sustain the whole power of Spain What makes Gâ—noa so rich but this power by Sea And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories and we know that our late King Henry le grand whose Prudence was no less advantagious to this Kingdom then his Courage was extreamly desirous to settle it in France after he allayed those storms of Civil War to which end he gave order unto the President Janin when he was treating with the Hollanders to learn of them what was necessary in that particular The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Monsieur out of the Kingdom his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instruction of their Processe and to chastise those who were found guilty was not willing to let it fall into their cognizance He well knew that Kings ought not to expose their authority to be dis-respected as his would have been if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders should neglect to prosecute them as was much to be feared they would Those
before the Ambition of any Soveraign unto whom they are only rued by the bonds of Friendship Should they do otherwise what could they reasonably expect from so profane a scorn but the inflicting of that curse wherewith God threatned Solomon for not preserving his contracts with him nor observing his Commandments viz. That he would pluck away his Crow and give it to his servant The King taketh the Archbishop of Treves into his Protection AT the same time the Sieur de Charnace made several journeys unto the Elector to represent unto him the same considerations which he had offered unto the Duke of Baviers and Elector of Cologne his Success with him was better then with the other two because he found him in a great Alarum The Swedis were at his Gates and the Spaniards had already seiz'd upon his chief City of Coblen with divers other places of his State insomuch that he had only Hermestine left in his own disposal He had then sent the Sieur de Scoâ—k Gentleman of his Bed chamber unto the King of Sweden to secure himself from that storm which most threatned him but his reception had been none of the best in regard he had not only furnished his own State with Souldiers and made great contributions towards the supporting of the League but had lately taken the Castle of Stolberg and slain a young Comte de Solms with two of his Trayn and his Letters too were none of the most respectful All the answer this Gentleman received was That he should advise his Master to keep his Purse well provided to satisfie all those guests who were coming into his Country That for his part he was not unmindful of the Treaty of Alliance made with France which engaged him to preseve all such Catholique Princes in the enjoyment of their Estates who should accept of the Neutrality which he should not fail to perform when the Elector should adhere unto the conditions of the said Treaty which obliged him to come off from the Emperors party the which if he refused he knew how to compel him to render him an account thereof as all the rest of his Associates This answer seemed very high yet indeed it was but reasonable seeing he promised all fair usage if he became Neuter and observ'd the conditions contained in the Treaty France Could more favour be expected from a Prince against whom one committeth acts of Hostility Now the Elector being naturally fearful was so surpriz'd that be expected the Swedes every hour at his Gates and the same usage from them as the Bishop oâ— Wittsbourg had already received so that he resolved to cast himself into his Majesty's Arms who undertook to make his peace with the Swede and to protect him from all violence Not that he wanted to say the Truth any affection for the House of Austria it being easie to read his inclinations in his very looks but because he knew in cases of Necessity no one is obliged to assist another to his own prejudice especially if it cannot be attempted without exposing himself to the danger of a manifest ruine These were the chief reasons which induced him to shelter himself under his Majestie wings and although his Proposals proceeded not from any good will to France yet they were such as were too important to be refused viz. That he would surrender part of his Towns lying on the Borders of this Kingdom unto his Majesty That he would retire himself unto Trives and there deliver his person as a gage of his Fâ—delity These Proposals were the more considerable in regard his Majesty having him in his power and the Electors of Saxony and Brandebourg at his disposal it would be impossible for the Emperor to get his Son crowned King of the Romans and King of Hungary and this made his Majesty the more willing to receive him into his Protection and to perswade him to sit as Neuter in relation to the King of Swede Politique Observation ALthough Neutrality of it self carrieth little assurance with it it being frequently observed that he who becomes Neuter seeth his Country exposed as a Prey unto the Conqueror yet the case is much altered when his Neutrality is countenanced by the protection of a great Monarch who being his Neighbour secureth him from all danger I should hardly advise a Petty Prince to put himself under the defence if a King far distant from him because in case of an Invasion his succours cannot without difficulty arrive unto him and if they come at all it will be unseasonably and too late for his defence Every one knoweth that an Army in a long march disbandeth of it self and those few who hold out to the end have more need to rest then fight Hence it is those Protections our Kings have embraced in Italy find such ill success Lewis the XII undertook the protection of John and Hannibal Bentivogli who vere both thrust out of Boulogne when it was least suspected neither was there any means to prevent it Octavian Fregose put himself under the same protection but all would not keep him in the Dutchy of Genoa Pisa threw it self into the hands of the French but was deserted it being impossile to dispatch Forces timely enough to defend it Otherwise it is in the protection of a Prince living under the eye of a great Monarch nothing is so easie as his assistance and such a King is in honour bound to defend such a Prince with and against all men that no inconveniency betide him The Law of Protection obligeth him who craveth it to pay all honour and respect unto his Defender and that with such submission that in case he recede from his devoir it may become lawful for his Protector to seize upon his State and on the contrary his Protector ought to undertake his defence and secure him from the oppression of any other whosoever That which rendereth the Protection of a Neighbour Monarch to be valid and full of safety doth most especially consist in the prudent Government of him who is protected as when he doth wisely observe and regard the Laws of Neutrality which are neither to assist or provoke either party in so managing his affairs he giveth no occasion of offence and if the prevalent power attempt against him his Injustice will appear the greater because a petty Prince is not obliged to declare himself when his ruine is in danger His Conduct indeed cannot please either party neither can it reasonably offend either which if so neither can with reason attempt against him whereas if he declare himself against a great Prince lying on the skirts of his State his utter destruction will be unavoidable The King sendeth the Mareschals de la Force and d' Effiat into Germany THe Catholique Princes had no sooner proposed to become Neuters but the Cardinal whose eyes are alwaies open to see and Judge of what is fit and proper for his masters glory advised his Majesty to send a strong army into
Goncales de Cordoue MOnsieur perceiving the Spring to come on and the time for leading Armies into the Field draw neer resolved to leave Bruxelles and joyn with Dom Gonçcales de Cordoue who expected him at Treves Before his departure he took leave of the Infanta at a publick Audience who after he had been re-conducted by all the great Lords of the Court unto his Lodgings sent him a Present to three Coffers which bespoke her no lesse magnificence then noblenesse of mind The first was of perfumed Leather imbroidred the Lock Key and Arms of Gold enamelled within were two suits very rich the second was of crimson Velvet embroidered fill'd with very fine linnen and the third was full of all sorts of sweet meats She likewise presented him with a Suit of Arms and two handsom Horses fitter for shew then use neither was she unmindful of gratifying the chief Gentlemen of his Retinue some with Rings some with Diamonds and others with Chains of Gold having Meddals of the King of Spain hanging at the ends of them Monsieur being once departed from Bruxels made his usual speed towards Treves whither Dom Gonçales de Cordoue was advanced with design to fall upon the Palatinate as he pretended and there to establish his Masters affairs which the Swedes had much disordered but in truth to invade France with Monsieur which was most probable The King of Spain had dispatched him from Court about the beginning of January with Commission to command the Army in the Palatinate and Order to go into France as an extraordinary Embassadour to indeavour some way of accommodation for the affairs of Germany and from thence to go unto the Arch Dutchess who should give him instructions for his further procedure Accordingly he came to Paris and thence went to Saint Germain en Lare about mid March the King being then there His Majesty treated him with a great deal of splendour and caused his Musquetiers to exercise before him that he might see how dextrous he was to imbattle an Army and to lead them on to fight with more judgement then the ablest Commander in his Kingdom The next thing he did was to visit the Cardinal by whom he was very civilly receiv'd but having never seen him before he thought to surprize him and in his discourses upon the affairs of Germany to make him swallow shadows for real substances But his Eminency let him perceive that the Emperors and his Masters designs were but too well known and that it was but a trick â—o perswade the World that the War of Germany was a War of Religion and not of State so that in conclusion he saw his devices were eluded and that there is not any Fetch able to circumvent the prudence oâ— that grand Minister Hereupon he made no long stay at Court his design thither being for other ends then to receive bare complements and civilities yet in going off he committed one Act absolutely contrary to the custom of all Embassadours viz. his refusing of a Sword beset with Diamonds which with the Scabbard was worth ten thousand Crowns sent unto him from the King for a Present shewing by this Action that having left Spain to trouble France he would not receive any Present which might oblige him to lessen his ill will Not but that he was soon payed in his own coin and that by the Sieur de Guron who was the presenter of the Sword for Dom Gonçales his Secretary coming to him and offering him some Present from his Master was told that he would not receive any thing from a Minister of Spain who had refused the Liberalities of his Master and that it was hard to surprize him at Paris as at Cazal After he had continued some few days in this Court he departed towards Bruxels and from thence having received Orders from the Infanta went towards Treves in expectation of Monsieur who came to him about the end of May. Dom Gonçales received him with all imaginable honour went to meet him with the Spanish Nobility entertain'd him and his retinue at Supper with a great deal of splendour and in fine left his own lodgings unto him Treves was the Randezvouz for the forces of Dom Gonçales of the Comte de Mâ—rode of the Comte de Embden had he not been diverted Monsieur was in consultation with them hoping he might carry most of their Forces into France but they let him see how the Spaniards have not yet lost their old custom of promising much and performing little to such as expect relief from them The King indeed had by the Cardinals perswasion taken a good course to divert their designs viz. by giving them work enough in Germany and the Low-countries so to keep them off from invading their neighbours For just at that nick of time it was that the Hollanders by his advice went and besieged Maestry with so potent an Army that the whole force of Spain and the Empire could not possibly relieve it Dom Gonçales found himself necessitated to draw thither that one affair being work enough to imploy his utmost force so that Monsieur was necessitated to be satisfied with such few men as could be spared and to dispatch the Sieur de Fargis unto Spain there to negotiate a greater assistance in the interim he advanced towards Nancy hoping to supply this defect by the forces which he expected from the Duke of Lorrain Politique Observation IT is great Prudence in a Minister of State having once discovered that the designs of a Forraign Prince are to foment and support Revolts in his State to cause an enemy to encounter him that being a most infallible way to break his resolutions for most certain it is every one will sooner bestir himself to quench the fire which burneth his own house then to kindle a fire in his neighbours Prevention and Diversion are too great advantages in War saith Alphonsus de Arragon thus did the Syracusians procure the Lacedemonians to invade the Athenlans whereby they might prevent their sending of succors to Nice in Sicily Thus Hannibal advised Anâ—iochus to go and Forrage the country of Philip to the end that finding new work for his Forces he might be disabled from sending them to the Romans to fight against him and thus Avitus a Roman Captain invaded the Country of Tentari to hinder them from assisting the Ansibarians with their Forces To provide great Armies for the defence of a State and for the suppressing of an insurrection is not all no there ought to be prudence and discretion in the management of affairs and to make a strong diversion is as necessary as to fight well Besides Prudence is of so much the more advantage in regard by such diversions it weakneth those who revolt reduceth them to exigencies and inability of doing any thing considerable and in fine maketh them easie to be overcome wheras without it it would be a hard matter to secure any thing from their violence The Indictment of the
Lacaoniâ— as is to be seen in his Institutions A sentence indeed it is deserving to be set up where-ever Kings make their usual residence whereby they may be out in mind of the advantages which happen to a State by the due observation of the Law All things saith he which pertain to the well government of a State we ordered by the Constitutions of Kings whereupon who so would walk wisely shall never fail if he propose them for the Rule of his Actions A King is called the living Law of his Country implying the lise he infuseth into the Laws and that his commands do chiefly rend to inforce the observation of them Whatever severity he useth in this particular is commendable because it is a means to secure his State from those disorders which are repugnant to the publike good and though he should be severe he cannot possibly be though violent because it is only in conformity to the Laws unto which violence is absolutely contrary It were to be wished that a Prince would be careful to reward the services done either to his Person or State but on the other side he never ought to let the Laws fall into dis-esteem especially those which keep the people in obedience and which serve to secure them from oppression Indeed to what purpose do the Laws command and injoyn punishments to be inflicted on such who infringe them unless Justice putteth them in execution Were not this to put Arrows into a Quiver from whence they can never be drawn It were to make the Magistrate an immoveable Statue a Chimera which only serveth to fright people in Ballads or to still little children but vanish at a time of need without effecting that for which they were established in the world The Duke of Lorrain recommenceth the War THe Duke of Lorrain having only made his peace with the King at Vic with a resolution to recommence the War upon the first fair opportunity did verily believe he had now fallen upon a fit conjuncture of time considering how affairs then stood and how Monsieus was inclined whereupon he began to raise men and to fortifie some of his Towns The King was fully inform'd of his Designs by divers intercepted letter the undubitable witnesses of his ill-will and which convinc'd his Majesty beyond all his fair words which be sent unto the King to keep him off from securing the Frontiers of the Kingdom Some there were written by his Father others by the Princess of Falsbourg which did not only assure Monsieur of Forces in Lorrain but withal did seriously invite him to stick close to his Interests and to put himself into a posture to gather the Crown of France which they positively said would shortly fall of it self into his hands Othersome from the Sieur de Puy-Lourens unto the Princess of Falsbourg in which he assured her that certain designs of great importance then contrived were infallible Besides that the Cardinal's penetrating sight which pierceth into the secrets of Princes Cabinets had discovered all those devices from the correspondence they held in the Kingdom his Majesty had just reason to transport his Forces into Lorrain to toâ—â— out that Duke and to over-run his Countries But the Cardinal who never adviseth the making of a War unless when it is impossible longer to continue peace was opinion That his Majesty should do well first to send the Sieur de Guroâ— unto him to complain of his unjust proceedings to endeavour to disswade him and to make a more full discovery of his intentions and the order he designed to prosecute This advice pleased his Majesty wondrous well and the Sieur de Guroâ— was dispatched towards the Duke who salute him from the King hiâ— Master and theâ— represented to him that he could not sufficiently admire that having made a league with his Majesty but four or five moneths since wherein he positively engaged to break off all correspondence and intelligence between himself and Monsieur the Kings Brother as also the enemies of France he should so quickly contrary to the Agreement sollicite Monsieur to come unto Nancy and invade the Kingdom of France and not only so but likewise negociate both the Emperor and the King of Spain to assist him with Forces for that end and purpose knowing that his own would only serve to augment the glory of France This Discourse grounded upon undeniable Truths touch'd the Duke so to the quick that he was at a non-plus neither could he alledge any thing in justification of himself but by adding new impostures which did the more evidently declare his wicked intentions and peradventure more to the life then a confession of his disloyalty But that was not the only time they discoursed together nor were those the only reasons wherewith the Sieur de Guron endeavoured to divert him no he laid before him his Majesties clemency particularly know unto him in the Treaty of Vic where his Majesty found him at a loss in great distress without hopes of relief from the House of Austria and in a condition unable to defend himself or his State yet would not his Majesty prosecute the advantages he then had Then that he might somwhat terrifie him he represented to him sundry reasons to perswade him to believe that the King would easily destroy any Forces which should invade the Kingdom which once effected he for his part would be exposed to an ineâ—â—â—able mine for that his Majesty was then bound by all reasons what ever to revenge the injuries offered unto his Crown and State That the might well believe his Majesty having done his business both with the Spaniards in Italy and the English at Râ—… his few Forces would easily be scattered upon the first view of his Majesty's â—â—dry These reasons were so just and weighty that a wiser Prince and less pâ—ssio◠〈◊〉 against France would easily have been perswaded to relinquish the War But such was his blindness and so great his vain hopes that he could not be drawn to any thing Not that he did then openly declare himself but putting off his answer from day to day delayed the time so long until Monsieur came to enter into the Kingdom with his Sword in his hand and not so only but continued to make warlike preparations from whence it was easie to be seen that he was little inclined to peace and quietness The next thing hereupon which his Majesty did was to command the Mareschal d' Effiat to advance with his Army into Lorrain where be intended to be in his own person well knowing that the presence of a Prince doth not a little encourage the Souldiery of France His Majesty likewise ordained that the new raised Forces should march towards the Frontiers and there expect until he had dispatched an Affair of great concernment which then called him away The securing of Calais was a thing extreamly necessary the Governour of which place had been gained by Monsieur's Cabal and engaged to serve him and his
in obedience and defend them from oppressions Kingdomes saith Plato are then well governed when the guilty are punished The Lawyer saith that the chiefest care which a Governour of a Province ought to have is to dreseree Peace to which end he must purge the Country of those who are likely to create troubles by punishing them according to their demerits in a word private men propose the well-ordering of their families for the end of heir businesse and so ought Kings to prefer nothing before the good of their Kingdomes It is the property of private men to be solicitous of private concernments and it is the duty of a King to regard nothing in regard of the publick good Mosieur de Montmorency's Death THese were the just considerations which moved the Parliament of Tholose after processe made against him withall legal proceedings to condemn him to be beheaded by their sentence of the 30. October But before I proceed to the execution I cannot but observe the Fortitude and Piety wherewith he received his death The Cardinal de la Valette fore-seeing no probability of saving him beseeched the King would be pleased to allow him a Confessor the better to dispose him to receive with submission the sentence of the Parliament His Majesty was easily intreated to admit therof being glad to contribute any thing towards the saving of his Soul by making his body an example of Rebellion which favour although it be not usually granted to persons indicted before their sentence be passed yet his Majesty gave oder to the Marshal de Breze to conduct Father Arnoux Superior of the Jesuits particularly desired by the Duke of Montmorency and to charge him to assist him day and night for so long time as he should thing fit and requiâ—te for his consoation The Father went to him and found that God bestowed may Graces upon him in order to his well-dying to which end he desired to make a general Confession One thing did somewhat trouble him which was this he beleeved that to acquit himself of this pious duty there would be longer time required then was probably left for him he supposing as accordingly it was that they had resolv'd to sentence him the next morning whereupon he earnestly conjured the Father Arnoux and the Sieur de Launay to go and acquaint his Majesty that he beseeched him to bestow the next whole morning upon him that he might the more deliberately and without molestation look back into his Conscience that he might make such a Confession as might cause him to die without inquietude of mind and that he should take this for one of the greatest favours he had ever received from him The King condescended thereunto and his Piety being no lesse resplendent then his Justice he readily granted him that liberty commanding that the sentencing of him should be deferr'd for one day and also permitting him to communicate although contrary to the use for persons in his condition He ended those holy duties which once passed over he employed the afternoon in making his Will according as his Majesty had permitted him wherein he bequeathed unto Monsieur the Cardinal one esteemed for the rarest peece of France being a Picture representing Saint Sebastian dying and beseeched him to believe that he died his servant The morning following he was called unto the Palace to be examined at the Bar where be answered unto all Interrogations such submission and generousnesse that he discovered no other fear of death but with what is natural to the greatest courages and at the same time that he went out of the grand Chamber the whole Court the Lord Keeper being President condemned him to be beheaded in the place du Salin as guilty of High Treason in the highest degree The Sentence was pronounced to him with the usual forms of Justice which when he heard he told the Commissaries how he thanked them and the whole Company beseeching them to tell them in his behalf that he receiv'd the Judgement from the Kings Justice as a sentence of Mercy from God After this his thoughts were altogether taken up in disposing of himself to die like a Christian And having shewed all imaginable proofs of so dying he was executed in the Court of the Town-house where his Majesty commanded it to be performed though he was not intreated to bestow that last favour upon him Politique Observation TO pardon every one is a cruelty more dangerous then to pardon no one this only injureth the nocent but that the innocent seeing it exposeth all men to great misfortunes This only destroyeth particular families whereas that is commonly the occasion of the breaking out again of civil Wars which were thought to have been quite extinguished by Clemency but do then indanger the absolute ruine of a whole Kingdom by their second eruptions Now amongst those many which deserve to be chastiz'd the chief heads of a Revolt ought to be punished much rather then the hands and feet which were but accessaries thereunto It is the order prescribed by Justice and in effect it is more equitable to punish those who are the original and true causes of evil then those who could hardly defend themselves from following their violent motions The greatnesse of their qualities may not priviledge them from the punishment due to the hainousnesse of their Crimes although the faults of common mean persons are usually pardon'd by the too too great indulgence of Magistrates On the contrary if at any time Ambition transporteth them into seditions it likewise rendreth them much more culpable and consequently more deserving of punishment then the least and most obscure persons of the Kingdome Their lapses are not only equal and liable to the inflictions provided for other Subjects but they are the more notorious by how much their quality is more conspicuous because their exorbitances are of a more dangerous consequence Every one is more concern'd at the Eclipses of the Sun then those of other Stars because such are commonly attended by sad events so the crimes of the chief leading men in a Nation are more to be regarded because their effects are more to be feared then those of private men The revolt of a mean Gentleman is seldom capable to raise any great troubles in a Kingdom but that of a Governour of a Province or some chief person in the State cannot happen without carrying great misfortunes along with it It is great Prudence in such occasions to follow the councel give by Thrasibulus to Periander who sent his Ambassadours to him desiring to be inform'd how he might happily govern his State He carried them out into a large field and discoursing to them of things indifferent he cut of the highest ears of Corn and then told them they should acquaint their Master with what they had seen him do and how that was the best advice he could give him Periander understood the meaning and well concluded that the only means to rule in quiet was to cut off
of every thing which seemed necessary for the establishing a secure Peace in France every one supposed that the wings of those who favoured Monsieur's Revolt had been so clipp'd that it would be a long time ere they could flie into such disorders All good Frenchmen were touched with such joy as they who having been long weather-beaten by a Tempest at Sea do at length safely arrive unto their wished Haven But those joys were short lived the Sea being quickly covered with Fleets scouring up and down which threatned France with a furious storm The Sieur de Puy-Laurens and some others who carried any sway in Monsieur's Councels had only perswaded him to reconcile himself unto the King with design to ingage him in some new Revolt as occasion should present and in hopes to make a more advantagious use of it towards the obtaining of their pretensions then they had done in Languedoc they were not long without a pretence to palliate their intentions Monsieur de Montmorency's death should be the ground of his leaving the Kingdom They suggested to him that his intreaties having been so ineffectual and unconsidered in the saving his life who was a person of such neer concernment to him he could not think himself over secure of his own freedom in case there should be any suspicion upon him that however it was a strange affront put upon him in the sight of all Europe seeing he had not credit enough to save a Gentleman who had adventured his life and fortunes for his interests At the same time they gave out that his life had been promised unto Monsieur upon his accommodation whereas on the contrary the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez did never give him any such assurance that having failed in a particular so much concerning his honour his Highnesse could not make any longer abode in France Now although all of that Cabal did jointly conclude to carry him out of the Kingdome yet they could not agree upon the place whither to carry him The Sieur de Puy-Laurens who was passionately in love with the Princesse de Phalsbourg proposed Lorrain the place where his heart was and advised him to retire thither it being a thing due to the Princesse Marguerite and there being no such powerfull invitations to carry him into any other place The rest found but little safety in Lorrain by reason of the Dukes weaknesse unable to secure their retreat or stay there but were of opinion that Monsieur should retire into Cazal where they assured themselves the Marshal de Toiras would receive his Highnesse and where he might live secure from all fear The little assurance of safety which Monsieur foresaw in Lorrain did somewhat touch him but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens insinuating to him how easily he might retire from Nancy to Bruxelles in case his Majesty should seem to incline towards any expedition against Lorrain in consideration of him and how that he would alwaies be received there his birth rendring him considerable swayed his former resolutions and made him incline to that side so powerfull was his credit with him although the rest represented to him that he would find lesse security by casting himself into the hands of the Spaniards then in any other place whatever that they might perchance entertain him with honour but that it was to be feared he would not long continue Master of his own liberty or that he might have the freedom to get off when he should most desire it The resolution of departing being concluded Monsieur went into Lorrain in November and for the more specious pretext of their relapse they presumed to write unto the King persisting to abuse his name and pen how that the preservation of Monsieur to Montmorency's life and the procuring of his liberty having induc'd him to submit to whatever his Majesty was pleas'd to impose the taking off of his head being a person so dear to him was so publique an affront and slight that he could no longer indure it and withall that it was impossible he should longer continue in France without giving cause to suspect he had made his own accommodation with other intentions then of obtaining that favour of which he was still fed with great hopes Besides that he could expect little satisfaction for his own person seeing his requests and intreaties had been so little considerable in the executing of him whose life was equally dear to him with his own and whose death he could not digest without great dishonor This was the substance of the Letter whereunto there need no other answer but that the Duke of Montmorency having been condemned by one of the most famous Parliaments of the Kingdom for a Crime which could not be let passe without punishment unlesse to the very great detriment of the State especially after himself had sent seven Couriers to assure his Majesty of his fidelity after he had conspired with Forraigners to destroy the Kingdom after he had almost totally raised one of the chiefest Provinces after he had been taken in the head of an Army with his sword died with blood in his hand actually fighting against his Majesties service after he had somented divisions in his Majesties family and committed several other enormities as hath been declared there was little reason to expect his pardon and as to the other part that it was improbable his Highnesse should consent to the Treaty made at Beziers only in order to obtain Monsieur de Montmorency's pardon when as he was absolutely forced by necessity to submit thereunto having not forces enough to defend himself Such was the reply which the King sent unto him wherein he testified to the whole World how he never offered any just cause to those of his royal blood to separate themselves from him or to be deficient in paying those respects unto which nature and his Majesties affection did not a little oblige them Politique Observation VVHatever refusal a Prince receiveth from his King yet he rendreth himself inexcusable if his Passion transport him beyond his duty He ought to recollect unto his memory how that no one in a well-govern'd State can impose the Law on his Soveraign but that every one ought to submit his own private to his Princes Will. There are in a State as in the Soul superiour and inferiour powers and as the law of Nature hath ordained the weaker faculties give way unto the stronger and more able so the Grandees of a Kingdom are obliged to stoop under the Laws of their Supream Prince and to comply with his Will without any the least contradiction What but Death can be expected from that body whose particular Members refuse to execute those Offices which are injoyned them by the Head And what can be looked for from a State where the Nobles flie out and deny obedience to the Soveraigns Decrees This were repugnant to the Order of Justice nothing but misfortunes could attend it It matters not whether they alwaies
meet with their particular satisfaction seeing a King is obliged to intend the publick good not the requests of his Grandees The Sun which presideth in the Heavens doth not alwaies shine and smile on the earth as we would have him but as he is obliged in order to the universal good so he withdraweth himself at certain hours and who so should be discontented herewith would it not appear unreasonable Are not Kings sometimes necessitated in consideration of their State to with-hold their favours and to deny their pardon for certain crimes which otherwise they would not scruple to grant And were it not too too little submission upon such occasions for a Subject to fall off and to flie out into extremities Reasons of State are often so visibly apparent that there need nothing but a privation of passion to behold and force a confession that it were imprudence not to prosecute them but admit there were no such evincing arguments yet no man can justly complain against his Soveraign in regard reasons of State are for the most part kept secret Antiquity did observe a custome very mysterious which was this they placed a Sphynx over the Portals of their Temples to teach the people they ought not to enter they but with submissions such as should as it were lock up their bold curiosities from inquiring into the mysteries which they adored it being more proper humbly to reverence divine things then to pry into them with a needlesse Inquisition I could wish the like Statues were placed at the Gates of our Kings Pallaces to teach men of all conditions to receive their Commands and Laws with obedience cheerfulnesse and submission without examining the reasons of them which ought by them though unknown to be esteemed for good and just especially seeing at last their Will ought to be a Law to all their Subjects and that it is a kind of Rebellion as it were to contradict it For my part I think it likewise a great prudence not to inquire into the motives reasons or inducements of their Wills because Ministers might thereby be obliged to discover Truths not proper to be known as happened at Florence in the time of Cosime de Medicis who being extreamly pressed by a Florentine to tell him the reason why he had refused him an Office whose Predecessor had been hang'd for ill discharging it at last told him after many importunities that he did it because he feared he would likewise be hanged as the former letting him see by this answer how he knew him to be like enough for his wickednesse to dance in the same rope So a Prince expressing any discontent for punishing of any Grandee who had ingaged him in a Rebellion and earnestly pressing to know the reason of such rigor might be answered that it was done for fear he might draw him a second time into the same snares It is alwaies safer for Princes to dissemble their discontents and cheerfully to submit unto their Soveraigns Will then to expresse any dislikes which only serve to bring them into distrust to raise suspicions and spies upon their actions and to hinder their receiving of any more favours whereas by their seeming to be well satisfied they preserve themselves in their Soveraigns good opinion and in a condition to reap abundance of advantages And Guichardine in his advices saith that he had oftentimes obtained his ends by dissembling his discontents with those who else would never have served his turn and that he had receiv'd such friendships and favours from them as he could not have expected had he discovered any dislike Certain Bishops of Languedoc deposed from their Charges THe Duke of Montmorency had acquired so great credit in Languedoc that he not only drew off divers men of quality from his Majesties service but several Bishops also and perswaded seven or eight to subscribe unto the Declaration of the States some recanted what they had done and became conformable to what his Majesty had ordained in his Declaration but othersome stood out in their Rebellion amongst whom were those of Alby and Vsses who had delivered their Cities into Monsieur's hands of Nismes who would have done the like of Alets and Saint-Pont well-willers to the Rebellion either by raising of forces or provisions to be sent to places already revolted The Arch-Bishop of Narbone President of the States had not been defective in indeavouring to divert them from their designs representing to them how contrary it was to their profession which tended to procure Peace and to shew examples of obedience unto others And why Gentlemen quoth he one day in a full Assembly speaking unto them and why would you add fuel to the fire already kindled in this Province or assist those who indeavour to subvert the State or why will you dispence with the service you ow both the King and people to assist those who contrive wickednesse Will you be the men who shall make this place a Theater of bloody Tragedies Why do you not consider that the designs in which you have been ingaged tend only to serve some discontented persons of the Court to come and extinguish the fire-brands of their Ambition in the blood of our Diocesans and to fight out their quarrels upon our very Altars Have ye not heard how that Forrainers are at the Gates of the Kingdome and ready to invade us Think you they will not fall to divide the spoil in case they obtain any little successe And shall this Province become a Conquest where Rebels and strangers shall have so much as their Swords will intitle them unto Have ye forgot the disasters which the Church suffered in these parts during the Civil Wars Would ye be willing to see your Altars prophaned your Goods destroyed your Church Ornaments plundered the Portions of the poor rifled and the Priests of the whole Country flying from their Cures into places of Safety And admit these Heavenly considerations should not affect you how can you countenance the revolt of this Province where his Majesty hath destroyed Heresie restored Peace Liberty and Glory to the Church of which she had so many years been deprived Can you forget how his Majesty came personally into those very places wherein you now countenance Rebellion with his Sword in his hand for our defence what dangers he attempted how often he grapled with our enemies and to what hazards he exposed himself that be might re-establish us in our Functions and the free injoyment of our Goods Can you think on these things and not remain firm in the obedience you ow unto him Behold an opportunity of obtaining great glory is now presented by God in us It is in this occasion God hath injoyn'd us to shew forth that loyalty and submission by him so often recommended unto his Apostles whose successors we have the honor to be This is it unto which I cannot sufficiently invite you yet you may herein gain honour and happinesse and more then that too if
desired not to live but to serve his Majesty that he dayly begg'd of God that his services might be the boundaries of his life and that his health would soon be recruited since he found his Majesty in so good condition After this they retired two hours in private together to consider of divers affairs which his Majesty would not conclude without him after which his Majesty returned to Paris Politique Observation EXtraordinary honours are justly due to great Ministers of State as the only lustre of their fair attempts The joy of their return from a long voyage hath often invited the people to go forth and meet them and to render them all imaginable respects Thus Pompey returning after he had been some time detained at Naples by a dangerous sicknesse the greatest part of the Romans marched out of the City the ways the Port and the streets were so full that there was hardly any Passage Some were offering sacrifice for his health others feasting and making merry in sign of joy some march'd before him with Torches and others strewd the way with flowers Thus likewise Scipio returning from Germany where he atchieved glorious exploits every one long'd to see him return triumphing to Rome that they might render him the glory which he deserved yet because the Triumph was not a custom to be granted to such who were neither Pro-consuls nor Magistrates the Senate could not resolve to grant him that honour neither did he desire it but on the other side it is observed in History that there never was so great a concourse of people in Rome as at his return either to see him or to testifie their acknowledgements they had of his services by their going out to receive him I will passe a little further and add that justice and prudence do oblige Kings to joyn with their people on such occasions and so render extraordinary honours unto their Ministers either for the more ample acknowledgement of the services they have receiv'd from them or for the more countenancing of them in the execution of their commands or to incourage others to be affectionate to their service Acknowledgement is a Virtue requisite both in Prince and people and seeing the service done to a State is of no lesse advantage to a Prince then to his Subjects he is no lesse obliged to testifie his gratitude if these proofs of his good will confer a great honour on those who have served him himself receives no mean advantage thereby because the Nobility who are extream sensible of honour will not then sticke at any thing which may tend to his service and the Agents of his Will have more credit and authority to execute his Commands It there any thing more glorious said the great Chancellor of Thiery King of the Goths then to deserve praise and approbation who by reason of their Soveraignty are not to be suspected of Flattery Surely no the honour which they confer upon any one proceeding from the favourable Judgements which they give of his actions and their authority permitting not them to be guilty of adulation Which if true as doubtlesse it is there is not any thing then which doth more incourage Nobility then the glory wherewith Princes honour their servants nor is there any thing which doth more impower a Minister then the carresses which his Prince bestoweth upon him they confer no lesse credit upon their Ministers then their stamps do on their monies Tiberius one of the wisest Roman Emperours did well understand the importance of this maxime in the honours which he bestowed on the Consuls those chief Ministers of his Will when he went to receive them at the Gate of his Palace at such time as they came to sup with him and waited on them back again when they took their leaves Ferdinand King of Spain the man who layed the foundation of that great power which this Monarchy hath since obtained was not to seek in it when as Gonzalve one of his greatest Captains returning to Burgos after having rendred him such important services as are well known to every one he went out to receive him with such honour as cannot be exprest Neither was the manner of his entertaining Cardinal Xinimes lesse remarkable for he seldom spake to him but bare headed and sometimes received him upon his knee He well knew that the honour wherewith he acknowledged his services did animate others to follow his example and gave that grand Minister so powerfull an authority to execute his commands that there was not a person of what condition soever durst oppose him A dispatch sent to the Hollanders to hinder the Treaty IT being of great concernment to prevent the conclusion of any Treaty between the Spaniard and Hollander his Majesty bent his chief care to take order accordingly Indeed it was at that time a matter of so great concernment that the Fortunes of most Princes of Europe seemed to depend thereupon and so much the more circumspection ought his Majesty to use in regard of the Procedures of the Spaniard who had contrary to form permitted the States of the Provinces obeying the Low Countries to negotiate the particulars of the Treaty with the Hollanders and the advantagious proffers by him made to obtain it gave great cause to look about lest they might be induced to assent thereunto Neither was it unknown how that he designed the League once concluded to assist the Duke of Orleans with an Army as also the Duke of Lorrain to invade France and to send the residue of his Forces unto the Emperour the better to curb the Swede and to prosecute those advantages he had lately obtained against them The Cardinal who pierceth into the depth of their pretensions was industrious to fortifie his Majesty in the resolution of preventing the conclusion of that Treaty in order to which he likewise made him certain Proposals well-becomming the acutenesse of his more then humane spirit He committed the management of that negotiation unto the Sieur of Charnace who was newly returned from Germany where he had given such sundry proofs of his prudence amongst divers Princes that his well-acquitting himself of that imployment could not be any ways suspected I shall not say any thing concerning his instructions onely this the Orders contained in them were so many incomparable effects of the Cardinal to whom nothing was impossible but I shall passe on to the addresse which he used in the execution of it so happy I say it was that he obtained all that could be desired After having pass'd the usual Complements in his Majesties behalf to the Prince of Orange the Governours and Deputies of the States of Holland he told them that his Majesty was very solicitous of such a League which may conclude their differences in an happy peace but not finding any likelihood thereof in that now proposed unto them he was pleased out of his affection and good will to their interests to send him unto them to communicate such
one as powerfull as himself who may raise advantages by it and peradventure to his prejudice The Embassie and Negotiation of the Sieur de Feuquieres to the Queen of Swede and the renewing the treaty of Alliance between the two Crowns THe Cardinal representing unto the King how the affairs of Germany were no lesse considerable the those of Holland his Majesty resolved to provide accordingly and made choice of the Sieur de Feuquieres to negotiate those concerns with the Allies of this Crown The experience this Gentleman had acquired in other considerable imployments rendred him no lesse deserving of this then the addresse and dispatch which he shewed in proving those Orders which were delivered unto him and it was the more needfull to make use of such a man as he was in this German affair in regard it concerned the curbing in of the House of Austria's Ambition who were become very powerfull by usurping the Protestant Princes States who were feared by their neighbours and would have been a terrour to France it self could the have prosecuted their advantages His Orders were chiefly three the first was to testifie to Christina Queen of Swede daughter and heir to the late King in the person of the Chancellor Oxenstern and all the Princes of the League of Leipsic what care his Majesty took in their interest the Passion he had to see them restored who had been despoiled of their Estates and how ready he was by assisting them to afford them the means of securing their late victories The second was to re-unite them and confirm them in the resolution of prosecuting the designs of the League by a new Treaty of Alliance And the third was to take such course for the management of the Wars that their Armies might want nothing but might be alwaies ready for action The Princes had resolv'd about the end of the last year to hold a Diet a Hailbron upon Nekar to conclude upon the affairs of the War by a common consent and there it was where the foundation of all was to be layed The Sieur de Feuquieres took Post the fifth of February that he might the sooner get thither but the Cardinal knowing such like Assemblies are commonly full of confusion unlesse each of them in particular be predisposed to reason perswaded his Majesty to send him to the Courts of divers the chief among them the better to insinuate unto them how much it concern'd them to continue in Union He receiv'd Orders accordingly nor was it of small consideration because he could easilier dispose them one by one then in a multitude nor was he defective of comming with the first unto Hailbron to prevent those whom he had not yet seen and to confirm the others in their resolutions and being arrived the first care he took was to testifie the singular and constant affection which his Majesty had for the common good and to assure them that they should receive indubitable proofs of it upon any fair occasion The next thing he did was to illustrate what great assistances his Majesty had contributed to their part what monies he had sent to the Crown of Swede and the Hollanders the strong diversions he had made in Italy in Lorrain and other places the great Armies he maintained in his Frontiers to assist them if occasion should require the great expences he had been at in sundry Embassies tending only to their advantage Having thus recollected things past to their memories he clearly represented unto them the present State of affairs how needfull it was that they should preserve their union and take good Order for the subsistance of their Armies This he did with such vigour and Prudence both to them in general and particular that he confirmed divers among them in the first designs of the League who were then wavering upon the King of Swede's death and inclining to make a Peace with the Emperour He was not ignorant that private interest is the most sensible part to touch a Prince on and therefore clearly evinced unto them that Peace being the only remedy which could cure the distempers of Germany and that his Peace being neither advantagious nor honourable if it did not restore liberty unto the Empire and the ejected Princes to their Estates there would be no means to obtain it but by their strict union which the Emperour not finding any means to break would in time despair of being able to support him against their power the far greater of the two whilest their confederacy lasted He had not much ado to confirm them in beleeving the House of Austria had long designed to render it self Mistris of all Germany they having too many pregnant proofs to be ignorant of that truth neither found he much difficulty to insinuate unto them that their union failing would weaken their party and give the Emperour a fair opportunity to seiz upon the Estates at his pleasure In fine the found themselves forc'd to confesse they had no other way left but to be firm and to strengthen their confederacy by a new Treaty This advice conduced much to the end of his design which having happily obtained he lost no more time but entred upon the new Alliance between the King and Kingdom of France on the one part and Christian Queen of Sweden and the Kingdom of Sweden on the other part which was concluded and signed by the Chancellour Oxenstern The first Article conteined the grounds of their Alliance which was for the defence of their common friends for the securing of the Ocean and Baltick Sea for the obtaining a lasting Peace in the Empire by which every one might be restored to his rights The rest imported that the Queen of Swede and her confederates should entertain 30000 foot and 6000 horse that the King should contribute every year a million of Livers towards the charge of the War that the confederates might raise Souldiers in one anothers Countries that Delinquents and Fugitives should be delivered to their Soveraign Lords to be by them punished that the Queen of Swede should permit the free exercise of the Catholick Religion in all places which she should take in the same manner as she found it that the Duxe of Baviers and the Princes of the Catholick League might be admitted into the Treaty of Neutrality if they pleased that all other States and Princes should be invited to be of their confederacy that there should not be any Treaties but by and with the consent of all the confederates that their confederacy should hold untill there were a Peace concluded which if broken by the enemies the confederates should again take up Arms to assist one another The first Treaty was the foundation of the Union of the German Princes who otherwise had soon accommodated themselves with the Emperour yet this was not all it was necessary to conclude another with all the Princes and Protestant States of high Germany to obtain which the Sieur de Feuquieres used his utmost
that one of the greatest points of policy is to proportionate ment to business His Majesty according to the usual Piety of the Kings his Predecessors gave him order to perform that obedience to the Pope and making use of his usual Prudence commanded him to indeavour an accommodation between his Holiness and the Venetians and withall to take occasion from the troubles of Italy to unite his Holiness to the interest of France The Duke de Crecquy accepted this Embassie with joy having ever been of the humour to spend his mony upon his honour and pleasure The Magnificence wherewith it was proper he should appear at Rome obliged him to stay at Court till the beginning of May the better to set forth his equipage which ended he went by water that he might regain his lost time by the help of the Winds Being come to Rome he was receiv'd with all honours due to the Extraordinary Embassadour of the Christian King and eldest son of the Church but the garb in which he appeared was such that since the stately Triumphs of the Emperours nothing hath been seen like unto it I will not trouble my self to make a particular description thereof seeing other Histories relate it intending only to observe that which passed of most consideration in the management of affairs All I shall say is he had above five hundred persons to attend him Gold and Silver did so abound upon his Liveries his Officers and among his whole equipage as if he had been Master of the Indies His first reception and audience was very stately but that I may come to the effect of his Embassie he first kissed his Holiness's feet in his Majesty's name and pass'd some Complements of Civility next them the Sieur de Bâ—issieu Lievtenant General of Grenoble who accompanied him in quality of his Majesty's Orator made the accustomed Oration of obedience in which the most critical could discern no lesse discretion then eloquence He represented unto the Pope that his Majesty had not so long deferr'd to testifie his joy for his promotion to the Papacy but that he might likewise send with it the Spoils his Arms had obtained upon the enemies of the Church together with the proofs of his obedience Next of all he observed to him the great benefits protection and assistance which the Holy See had from time to received from the Kings of France in consideration whereof the had obtained the honour of Most Christian and eldest Son of the Church Thence he descended to a more particular description of the signal advantages his Holinesse had receiv'd from his Majesties Victories and assured his Holinesse that the defence of his interest would ever be the most acceptable imployment for his Forces and in conclusion that he might satisfie the chief end of his Embassie he told him that his Majesty had no lesse joy at his Holinesse's promotion then his Holiness had heretofore had at his birth that imitating the Piety of the Kings his Predecessors he prostrated himself at his feet and most humbly kissed them with Protestations of honour and obedience due unto him and that he acknowledged him for Christs only Vicar the Successor of St. Peter and the Arbitrator of the Kingdom of Heaven in all things which concern Salvation with caution however that this submission was done out of Christian civility not duty to prevent any mistakes which might induced a belief that this Crown had some temporal dependance upon the Holy See One of his Holinesse's Secretaries answered him with Complements and terms of honour that his Holiness did receive with great joy those testimonies of respect and obedience which his Majesty rendred unto him nor did the Pope himself omit any thing which might expresse his content but the Duke who chiefly designed to induce the Pope to befriend his Masters interests as occasion should require did no longer dwell upon Complements in his succeeding Audiences He offered unto his Holinesse the Arms of France to serve him on any occasions particularly his own indeavours to compose the difference he had with the Venetians well knowing that nothing doth more effectually oblige a Prince to the interest of another then to let him see that he will meet with advantages by uniting himself with him The difference between them was concerning the Confines of Gorre and certain Islands of the Country besides some ran-contre there had been between the Romans and Venetians in Ferara which was suspected would be get an absolute breach The Pope whose power is never more conspicuous then in Peace was fearfull of it so that he willingly accepted of his interposition and that with much acknowledgement of his Majesties affection for his interest in prosecution whereof the Duke parting from Rome went to Venice to treat with such as the Senate should appoint concerning this affair The Sieur de la Thuylerie his Majesty's Ambassadour Resident with that Common-Wealth so ordered affairs that both parties did forbear their Arms by which there was hopes of an accommodation But before he departed from Rome and after he had obliged his Holiness by assuring him of his Majesties readinesse to assist him by mediating in this affair he was not defective in obtaining all possible advantages for the interest of France He gave his Holinesse a great insight into the affairs of Germany and discovered to him that their War was not for Religion but meer State the only dispute being for the preserving of the German Princes in the enjoyment of their estates and those indubitable rights which belong unto them that his Majesty was extreamly displeased to hear of some violences which were offered to certain Ecclesiastical persons though they were not so bad as were represented to him which however was absolutely contrary to the express words of the Treaty which is Majesty had made and by the fault of the Catholick Princes themselves who would not become Neuters and that in fine those damages which the Church had received would easily be repaired by such means as he represented unto his Holinesse with which he remained very well satisfied He further confirmed him in the knowledge which he had a long time had of the House of Austria's designs upon Italy which tend to the direct ruine of the Holy See and assured his Holinesse that his Majesties Arms would protect him and never forsake him In fine designing to ingage him in a defensive League with France for protection of the Ecclesiastical estate against the Venetians or for security of the Princes of Italy His Holiness who hath ever more feared then loved the Spaniards could not be induced thereunto alledging for his excuse that he resolv'd to contine a common Father between the two Crowns He was not backward to represent unto him that a father doth not at all act against his relation if he support himself by one of his children against the violence of another but the Popes humour which is naturally fearfull would afford nothing but assurances that his
Holinesse's forces should not lie idle if any enterprize were made against the Churches greatness or the liberties of Italy The Embassies of Obedience from our Kings unto his Holinesse THe Piety of our Kings and their zeal to the Pope have made it a custom to send Extraordinary Embassadours to congratulate them shortly after their promotions to acknowledge them for Fathers truly spiritual to assure them of their obedience in that quality and to recommend unto them the French Church their persons and Kingdomes which God hath given them There are ancient examples thereof and withall instructions yet extant given to Embassadours sent by our Kings which declare this obedience to tend only to congratulation and Complement The truth of this is evident in the Letters which Philip le Bel sent to Pope Benedict the Eleventh by the Sieur de Mercueil Messieur Guillaume du Plessis Chevalâ—er Maistre Pierre de Belle Perche Canon of the Church of Chartres his Embassadors to offer this obedience to his Holiness Lewis the Eleventh indeed for some particular consideration would needs render a little more unto Pope Pius the Second by the Cardinal d' Alby but he was discommended for it by the whole Kingdom The Court of Parliament made great Remonstrances against it both by word of mouth and writing besides the three States of the Kingdom assembled at Tours complained to him of it as may be seen in the papers presented to him by Maâ—stre Jean Durety Doctor of Divinity and Canon of the Church of Paris their Deputy Some Italians I know there are who will needs have this Protestation of obedience to be an homage and a mark of temporal dependance but the truth is they only flatter the Pope upon no grounds For to what end should our Kings have in temporal things any dependance upon the Pope seeing divers of them have acknowledged themselves their Subjects and confessed it in their writings As Pope Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius Pelagius the First in his profession of Faith sent unto Childebert one of our first Kings and St. Gregory the Great to the Emperour Mauritius The like is to be seen in that of Pope Innocent the Third in one of his Decrees where he saith the Kings of France in temporal things depend upon no one whatever But how could the Popes themselves pretend that any such remporal dependance should be without contradicting the belief of the first Fathers of the Church the Luminaries of our Faith especially of â—erâ—ullian who in his Apology subjecteth Kings unto God alone and of St. Hierom who expounding that of the Royal Prophet Against thee only have I sinned saith this great King useth these terms purposely to shew that there is none but God above Kings I could easily adde the testimonies of many others but I think I shall say enough if I conclude that this Protestation of obedience is offered more out of Christian humility that for any civil obligation or duty as divers Popes have upon their promotions sent unto our Kings the Professions of our Faith in authentick form together with testimonies of their affections Boniface the Eighth sent his seal'd up in Lead like unto that of Pelagius Adon observeth in his Chronicle that Pope Adrian dying in the year 786. Pope Leo who succeeded him sent two Legats to Charlemain to present him with the Keys of St. Peter's confession and the Standard of the City of Rome Stephen the Fifth upon his promotion sent Legats to Lewis the Debonnair with great Presents as Pledges of his friendship There are to be seen in his Majesties Treasury of Records several Bulls which divers Princes have sent unto our King to acquaint them with their Consecration and to assure them of their good Will whereupon Charles de Lorrain Cardinal de Guise performing the obedience to the Pope in the behalf of Henry the Second Anno â—547 amongst other things said unto them that the Popes were ordained by the Laws of the Church presently after their assumption to dispatch Legats unto the Kingdom of France for confirmation of the ancient friendship between them Monsieur Seguyer made Chancellor of France AFter the disgrace which befell the Marquess de Chasteauneuf of which we spake about the end of the last year experience having taught his Majesty to know of what great concern it was not to bestow the Office of Lord Keeper but upon persons very eminently able both for integrity and all other vertues he cast his eys upon Messieur Pierre Seguyer one of the Presidents of the Parliament of Paris to bestow it upon him as a person fitted by Heaven for great imployments His Majesty was not only pleased to send him a bare Commission of Garde Seaux as is commonly done but expedited Letters Patents to assure him of the Office of Chancellor of France after Monsieur de Halygres death well knowing that men of his merit ought to be treated beside the common Road though such was the modesty of that great Minister that he never ascribed that favour to any thing but his Majesties own goodnesse This choice added much to his Majesties glory it was a sufficient testimony of his judgement intrusting the Sword of Justice in his hand who had ever maintained it by his integrity nor wanted any of those qualities requisite in an able man His Prudence had taught his Majesty that chief places ought not to be filled but with persons of an illustrious birth because men of mean descent are more envied the respected neither was he ignorant that this man was born amidst the characters of honour from a Family whose dignities have gone had in hand with their vertues for many ages that he was the Fourth of his name who had the honour to sit upon the Flowers de luce in the quality of President of Mortier in the Parliament of Paris and that there had not been any man in his family for a long time known who had not either obtained or deserved the greatest imployment of the long Robe It was said of the Emperour Coâ—stantine that the moderation of Augustus Caesar the vertue of Traâ—ane the Piety of Antonius were all united in his person to render him worthy of the Empire and true it is the integrity sufficiency knowledge elocution zeal and fidelity for his Majesties service which were eminently conspicuous in Monsieur le Lievtenant Civil his father and in the Messieurs the three Presidents of his name were all united in his Soul to make him appear worthy of the chief place of Justice Besides if he were honourably descended his Majesty was well informed that he was not satisfied with those bare Titles wherewith his Fathers had adorned him but that like the Cedars who though they grow on the tops of Mountains cease not however to raise up their heads his merit and industry had advanced him to the highest degree of virtuous men He was in the common opinion of men reputed for one of the truest maintainers of Justice
maximes of Government the Fundamental Laws of Monarchy the Statutes and Customes and generally whatever concerns the duty of Magistrates the Office of Judges and art of Lawyers To this Doctrine I may adde Experience a thing so necessary in a Lord-Keeper and Chancellor that without it the very greatest lights wherewith their natural parts or study can furnish them are as little usefull as the instrument in the hand of a workman skill'd in the Theory but not the Practick Integrity ought to accompany him being the Mother of Loyalty and the Father of that zeal which all publick persons are obliged to evidence in the Administration of their Charges The Integrity of a person of small ability will indeed so far carry him that the publick good will be the end at which he aims but he cannot contribute so much unto it as willingly he would whereas he who is destitute thereof doth most frequently look after his own interest It was not the want of capacity but fidelity which so often exposed the Athenians and those other Common-Wealths of Greece to the fury of Forraign and Civil Wars Never was that illustrious corner of the World so replenished with Phylosophers Orators and great Statesmen as when it first began to decay but that unbridled Passion which leadeth great men to prefer their own interests before that of the States which they govern hurrieth them into that misfortune which betides the body of man where the Stomach which ought to concoct nutriment for the individual parts digesteth it onely for it self Eloquence will be of no small use to them in many occasions where they are obliged to pronounce judgements and declare their Masters Wills it elevateth a man so much above others saith the Roman Orator as speech raiseth him above his fellow creatures If it be befitting and usefull to any it is particularly to Statesmen for there is not any thing which acquires more authority to a man appearing in publick then good elocution For my part I think Eloquence so much the more proper for them in regard it perswades the people to approve what Wisedom directeth what Prudence resolveth and what Justice requireth without it the wisest Counsels have oftentimes been ineffectual I will not dis-approve the advancing of rich persons to such dignities because riches if lawfully acquired do give much credit to vertue serve to excite it and execute their just and generous designs I think them very necessary for a man who is to serve the publick experience teaching us that without them vertue is often weak and languishing Though vertue alone merit before God it is unactive unfruitfull and inglorious among men To be short where the Goods of the body co-habit with those of the mind and fortune in eminent persons it adds no small authority unto them seeing the beauty and Majesty of the body hath certain attractions to captivate the courage to inforce respect and reverence and to perswade men to what ever they please infomuch that the ancients have thought them worthy of Crowns and Empires His Majesties choice of Learned and Religious Prelates at the Cardinal's request THe Church ought necessarily to be governed by Bishops whose Doctrine and Piety may serve for a guide to the people to instruct them in the ways of Heaven The State receiveth no small advantage by them Hereupon the Cardinal did very wel resolve to perswade his Majesty not to bestow any Bishoprick but upon persons well-deserving who might be capable of serving God and the State especially not to grant them unto children or persons of a licentious life or such as lay under any ignominy as had formerly been practiced so that in a few yeas the face of the Clergy of France was much altered being replenished with persons of ability and virtue This was put in execution in all vacant places after the Cardinal's promotion to the Ministery I shall forbear to speak of it till the History of this year because it furnisheth us with many examples The Cardinal propos'd unto his Majesty to be admitted into the Bishopricks of Languedoc whose Pastors had been deposed Le Sieur Cohon for Nismes the Sieur Grillet for Vssez the Sieur Vilazel for St. Brieu His Majesty whose Piety is no lesse illustrious then his Ju-Justice which rendreth him venerable to all his people being well satisfied of their merit concluded them fit for that honour The were persons who for above ten years past had appeared in the most eminent Pulpits of Paris to the great admiration of their auditory and whereas the Doctrine of Preachers ought to be animated by a good life their conduct had testified for them that they had no lesse vertue and eloquence then zeal for his Majesties service to preserve the people in the obedience they ow him as Gods Lievtenant on earth That the right of presenting to Bishopricks is one of the most ancient Priviledges of the Crown and what Bishops ought to be chosen for the good of the State AMong the Rights of this Crown that of the presenting to Bishopricks is one of the most signal as most ancient The Primitive Bishops of the French Church who have been the most shining lights of our Faith have acknowledged it from the beginning of this Monarchy in the fifth Councel of Orleans where they ordained that none should consecrate any Bishop without his Majesty's consent the practice whereof is so frequent in History that nothing but ignorance can question it Gregory of Tours reporteth that Bishop Quintianus being dead Gallus was substituted in his place and created Bishop of Overgne by his Majesty's means and that after Gallus his decease there was some design to elect one Cato but that the Arch-Deacon Cantinus having prevented the King and first acquainted him with the news of Gallus his death was constituted Bishop in his place He likewise reporteth that Nonnichius was established in the Bishoprick of Nantes in the room of Felix by the Kings Order as also Vitus in that of Vieâ—na that Childebert made St. German Bishop of Paris Clodomir Omatius Bishop of Tours Clotair St. Medard Bishop of Vermandoiâ— and Euphronius Bishop of Tours History is pregnant with the like examples so that to cite them were but vain those already alledged being sufficient to confirm it which who can question seeing our Kings have with their Crown received power to dispose of all things which concern the good of their Kingdom and tranquility of their people and that the election of Bishops is not an act meerly Ecclesiastical but as much reflecting on the good of the State as the Salvation of Souls Bishops have a great influence over the peoples sprits to draw them by the links of Piety and Religion unto what they please as experience hath evidenced in the time of Lewis the Debonnair who was almost Deposed by a Faction they raise against him and as was afterward seen in Languedoc where five or six of them fomented a Civil War The Empire of Souls iâ—
as often as occasion required discovered unto him so that finding himself at leisure about the beginning of the Spring and without a necessity of being over early in the field he resolved to perform the Ceremony of the Knights of the Holy Ghost and to fill up all the vacant places It is impossible in such affairs to content all men because there are never so many places vacant as men who think their services worthy of that honour All that can be done is to prefer those who are most considerable either for their birth their services or the particular inclination of the Prince who in such things ought to have his own liberty His Majesty took this course but that he might totally follow the Orders of the Primitive constitution he gave a Commission to the Cardinal de Lyon great Almner of France and Commander of the Order to inform him of their Religion Life and Works who were proposed and to send him his informations seal'd up The next thing his Majesty did was to assemble the Chapter of the Order at Fountainbleau where the Ceremony was performed and where all the Knights met and told them by the mouth of the Sieur de Bullion Lord Keeper of that Order that he should be very glad before the Creation of the Knights to have their opinions about the Rebellion and Felony of the Duke d' Elboeuf and the Marquess de la Vieville who being fled out of the Kingdom and having born Arms contrary to his Majesties service and consequently broken the Statutes of the Order had rendred themselves unworthy of Knight-hood and deserved to be degraded the Sieur de Bullion adding that his advice was to follow the example of Charles Duke de Bourgogne towards Charles Duke de Brabant his cousin viz. to erase their Arms and that in their Escutcheon should be inserted their judgement and degradation All the Knights were of the same opinion with the Lord Keeper excepting only the Marquesse de Trajanel So that the judgement of their degradation was pronounced and executed before the new Creation In prosecution of this judgement his Majesty caused the Role of those whom he would have of this Order to be read aloud and nominated eight Knights to assist at the tryal of the proofs of their Nobility Life and Manners and the proposing the difference which was between those who were Dukes and Peers and those who were only Dukes concerning their order and place in the Ceremony it was ordered that all the Dukes in general should march according to the Order of their Creation because the Peers hold no place in Assemblies It was likewise decreed that if any of those who were name to be Knights did not appear at the time of the promotion to receive their Order it should not be sent unto them The 14 of May was the day assigned for the Ceremony and his Majesty being there punctually followed the Statutes of that Order and conferred it upon Monsieur the Cardinal of Richelieu The Cardinal de la Valette The Arch-Bishop of Paris The Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux The Arch-Bishop of Narbone The Duc de Longueville The Comte d' Harcourt The Comte d' Alets The Duc de la Trimouille The Duc de Vantadour The Duc d' Alvin The Duc de Brissac The Duc de Candale The Duc de la Valette The Comte de Tonnerre The Mareschal d' Estree The Sieurs de Vaubecourt de Seneterre The Vicomte de Pompadour The Marquis de Nesse The Marquis de Gordes The Comte de Lannoy The Marquis de Varennes The Maresâ—hal de Breze The Comte de Brassac The Comte de Noailles The Sieur de Popanne The Marquis de Fossez The Marquis de Bourbonne The Vicomte de Pollignac The Vicomte d' Arpajon The Marquis d' Aluye The Comte de Saulx The Comte d' Orval The Sieur de St. Simon premiers Escuyer The Baron de Pont-Chasteau The Sieur de Pont-Courlay The Sieur de la Messeray The Marquis de Mortemart The Sieur de Villequier The Comte de Teurnon The Sieur de la Mailleraye The Comte de Tianges The Marquis d' Ambres The Comte de Parabere The Sieurs de Montcaurel De Liancourt De St. Simon l'aisne I will not trouble my self to describe the particulars of the Ceremony it is beyond my design only for conclusion I will say his Majesty by this conferring of Honour shewed that he did as well acknowledge as know the services of his Nobility Politique Observation THe reward of Services and the punishment of Crimes are equally great supporters to a State whereupon Socrates being demanded what Estate could be esteemed the best governed answered that where honest men are rewarded and knaves punished Xenophon likewise thought that a man being naturally more couragious the fearfull should be excited sooner to great actions by praise riches or honours after a Victory For this reason it was that Plato in the Fifth of his Republicks would that all men who behaved themselves couragiously in the War should be gratified in all reasonable things nay they were permitted to marry divers women the better to replenish the Common-Wealth with valiant men This licentiousnesse I must confesse is contrary to the Laws of Christianity and Experience hath told us that it is seldom seen brave men beget children like themselves but in the main the gratifying of valiant men in all reasonable things is conformable to the rules of all politick States Thus Homer to give a testimony of Agamemnon's conduct doth usually bring him in at all feasts in the Greek Army honoured with an whole Chine of Beef being the greatest rarity among them Upon the same example Plato grounded his Decrees for the honouring of those at publick Feasts who had given proofs of their valour by serving them with the greatest dainties and the best Wines and by singing of songs in their praise to invite others to imitate them To speak the truth if the flame dies for want of Wood generosity languisheth if unrewarded All goeth to rack in that State where men of courage are no better treated then uselesse cowards It should seem the greatest courages are as it were benum'd where the splendour of honour the reward of handsom actions doth not incourage them All that can be further observed is that recompences be proportioned to the qualities of the persons Souldiers are more usually pleas'd with riches then honour and are more proper to be acknowledged with reward accordingly The Nobility on the other side are better satisfied with honour Let them have it This course did the Common-Wealth of Venice take after that memorable battle of Tar they exalted the Marquis of Mantua from that government to be general of the Army and as to those Souldiers who had behav'd themselves couragiously they increas'd their pay They gave divers recompences to the Sons of such as were slain Dowries to their daughters and good Pensions to such as were maim'd The Romans did much more esteem the rewards
of honour then any other and indeed they are more to be esteemed because Honour is more excellent then Wealth There was no Crown more esteemed among them then the obsidional which however was made of Turf that of Gold inlaid with Stones was beneath it because lesse honourable there was not any greater honour in their Common-Wealth then that of Triumph which however brought no Wealth to the Triumpher for after he had appeared in a Chariot cloathed and attended magnificently he was obliged to live in the City in the quality of a private person without other reward then the glory of their actions Cneus Ovillius thought himself more highly rewarded after he had concluded the first Carthaginian War by the Common-Wealths permitting him to have a Trumpet alwaies march before him and Pompey by the power granted him wear his Triumphant Robe at all publick Feasts and Caesar by the priviledge of continually wearing the Lawrel Crown then if they had had all the riches of the Empire divided amongst them The Institution of the Parliament of Mets after the King had reduc'd to his Obedience divers Cities and Places of Lorrain AFter the King had reduc'd to his Obedience divers Cities and places of the Bishopricks of Mets Toul and Verdun and recovered to his Crown divers Lands and Lordships heretofore pulled from it he thought it necessary for the preservation of the people in Obedience and Peace and for conservation of the Rights of his Crown to establish a Soveraign court of Justice which should have full power to Judge without further Appeal all matters both civil and criminal His Majesty was the rather invited unto it by the earnest intreaties of all the Orders of the Cities and Provinces in prosecution of the promise made unto them by the late King Henry le grand especially to redresse those great abuses committed in the Administration of Justice in regard of the inexperience of the Magistrates as to prevent the Dukes of Lorrain's usurpation who had oftentimes presumed to give judgement in places and upon persons depending on the Crown of France It was resolved about the beginning of the year The King ordained a Soveraign court with the Title of Parliament in his Bishopricks of Toul Mets and Verdun the seat whereof he founded at Mets both in regard of the commodiousnesse of the scituation as also the populousness of the place and confluence of the people which came from all parts and besides that place having been formerly the Metropolis of Austracia one of the best Flowers of this Crown His Majesty ordained there should be one chief President six other Presidents forty six Counsellors of which six should be of the Clergy the rest of the Laity one Attorney General two Advocates General and to brief all Officers usual in other Parliaments to execute Justice without Appeal every six moneths upon the Cities and persons of those Bishopricks as also upon Mouzon Chasteau-Regnaud and its Appurtenances notwithstanding any Soveraignty they might heretofore claim Lastly desiring to chuse such persons as might be capable of doing actual service in this Parliament he committed the charge of chief President to the Sieur de Bretaign and of the other Presidents to the Sieurs of Charpentier Blundeau Pinon Treslon Vignier and Chanteclair all men of worth that of Attorney General to the Sieur de Paris Master of Requests those of the two Advocates General to the Sieurs de la Gresliere Remifort and Fardoil they had all Commission to go with four Masters of Request and five or six who were created Counsellours to establish the Parliament which they did about the end of August to the great happinesse and satisfaction of the inhabitants of Mets glad to see their City re-assume its ancient splendour and true it is the industry they used to preserve his Majesties right and the people in their obedience did not a little conduce to the establishment of the Royal Authority in its lustre That new Magistrates of Justice ought to be established in Countries newly conquered AS Subjects ow love and obedience to their Kings so Kings ow them Justice and affection The debts are mutual and two incumbent duties which compose the most agreeable harmony in States upon the accomplishment of which dependeth the good fortune of both Prince and People which being so a Prince can no sooner conquer a country but be is obliged to do them Justice nor is it of small importance to him to execute it by new Judges and to change the old Magistrates Caesar and Nero knew it well enough by their indeavours to suppresse the Senate at least to diminish their power when they despaired of being able absolutely to depose them In a word the Soveraign power being composed of the Authority of a Prince and that of Magistrates to force a country out of the hands of another Prince and not to change the Magistrates were to be but half Master of it for their Prince having bestowed those imployments on them they cannot but preserve some affection for him nor wil they ever fail to serve him so that great inconveniences may thereby arise for as they in some sort serve as a Chain to tie the people in obedience to their Soveraign they will do their utmost indeavour to preserve them in their dependance upon him from whom they have received their imployments and with time they are able to cause a general insurrection A Seat of Justice though without a Sword with the Purple onely and those other marks of its dignity doth oftentimes cause that which they favour to be more respected and obeyed then the force of an whole Army so much are the people us'd to submit to its judgements and to follow its motions therefore there is nothing of a conquest secured untill the Conquerour hath setled such Magistrates as are affectionate and loyal to his service That once done let the people mutiny make unlawfull Assemblies and be factious it signifies little especially if there are any strong Garisons or Souldiers in pay to quel them The people do commonly return to their duties at the only sight of their Magistrates and they quickly calm themselves as tost vessels do at the appearance of Castor and Pollux but if they find any to second their insurrection they rage more and more and flie out into all kind of extremities Alpheston and Chavagnac executed at Mets by Decree of Parliament THe exemplary punishment which the Parliament of Mets executed this year upon Alpheston and Chavagnac was one of the greatest services which could be rendred to the State Alpheston a notorious Assassinate came to Mets about the end of September with Sausier and Bellanger who had both been of the Marshal de Marillac's guard These two Souldiers touch'd with repentance and horrour for the crime wherein they had been ingaged made their addresses to the Sieur de Mommas Governour of the City for the Duke de la Valette and discovered to him upon what design they were come
from the Low Countries The Sieur de Mommas secured them all three which being signified to the chief President they were examined and Processe made against Alpheston in the usual form it was proved that Alpheston having murthered a certain Courier called Clairbourg for fear lest he should discover a design upon St. Disier which he had intrusted with him fled into Flanders where having made some stay at Bruxels he got acquainted with Father Chanteloup and one la Roche intendent of his affairs who had ingaged him together with Sausier and Bellanger to kill the Cardinal Duc de Richelieu passing through Chaallons where they were to lodge over against him that they had been assured by Father Chanteloup how that affair had been consulted by persons of Piety and Learning and adjudged it might be executed with a safe Conscience that la Roche had given an hundred Livres to Sausier as many to Bellanger and a hundred crowns to Alpheston with promise to reward their services better that Alpheston had oftentimes conversed with Father Chanteloup concerning that affair that la Roche had caused a Gelding of the Queens Stable to be given him which was afterwards known to be the same by the Sieur de Villiers one of her Querris All this was Deposed by Sausier and Bellanger and confessed by Alpheston himself so that he was condemned upon the 23 of September to be broke on the wheel for his offence The Sentence was executed and as it is very important for the security of Kings and their States to pardon those who discover things of this nature Sausier and Bellanger were acquitted in conformity to the Law prescribed in such cases Nor was this Assassinaâ— the only Monster which Chanteloup sent abroad to execute that horrible attempt not long after Blaise Ruflet was discovered under the name of Chavagnac and convicted in the same Parliament to have designed the death of that grand Minister by causing him to read a poysoned Letter an action so black and full of horror that it is hardly credible in a person of his condition bad it not been formally proved and withall confessed by himself who for his punishment was adjudged to be hanged The Parliament of Mets could not see Chanteloup guilty of such abhominations without declaring what he was whereupon they drew up his indictment and condemned him by default to be broken alive Thus did God by his Providence defend this incomparable Minister from the fury of his enemies who before they could effect their design had the impudence to publish in divers places that it were a piece of conscience to murther him that the merit were greater then the crime that it were an act of Justice and that divers having already contrived the design was only deterred by fear Thus did they indeavour to infuse the poison of this abhominable Doctrine into the minds of some melancholy men and to perswade them to Dye their hands in the blood of a Cardinal a Bishop a chief and incomparable Minister of State This in a word is the strangest fury that Hell can lead a man into but that which was more wonderfull was to see the Queen-Mother whose Piety and Clemency had in all her Government been so conspicuous suffer such persons as were about her not only to publish but approve such bloody Doctrines and Sacralegious maxims and to be obstinate in the keeping him for her only Minister who made it his businesse to cut the thread of his life whose whose services the King her son did every day publish with so many honourable Eulogiums that he ascribed the happy successe of all his enterprizes to his only counsels This her procedure was totally repugnant to that pretended desire of hers to return into France and to make her Peace with his Majesty however they who had the honour to know her did not at all detract from their opinions of her goodness knowing her to be by nature as far from this barbarous doctrine as heaven is from earth they only wish she had not so easily suffered her self to be surprised by those whom she honoured with her confidence How abhominable assassination hath ever been and that great men never ought to be drawn into it TO murther a Cardinal is a detestable sacriledge not onely because it injureth a particular person but the sacred Colledge of Cardinals the Pope and the whole Church He who murdereth a Minister of State is guilty of high Treason as I have heretofore made appear and generally of all others it is the most horrible Crime Murderers among the Israelites were so much detested that private men were allowed to destroy them if the Magistrate did not nay he who had killed another by accident was in such abhomination with them that he was banished his Country as unworthy of their conversation and forced to retire to their Cities of refuge under penalty of being slain without punishment by him who had undertaken to revenge the death All nations have chastised it with grievous punishments those of Brasil in particular do so detest it that if the murderer save himself by flight yet his children sisters and cousins are all made slaves to the kindred of the party murthered Hath not God declared himself an enemy unto it when he saith He who killeth his Brother shall dy by the sword History is full of examples verifying his Divine justice to correspond with his threats Plutarch though having the light of nature onely writeth that a certain murderer of one Mitias a Grecian escaping scot free the divine providence so ordered it that his statue fell upon him in the publick place and crushed him to death but if murder destroy those that are guilty thereof with shame surely all Princes peccant in this particular are much more blame-worthy because they do an act contrary to that mercy justice generosity and greatnesse of power which they are obliged to have Never would the Romans in the flourishing time of their Common-Wealth permit their enemies to be thus kill'd and Tacitus reporteth that when the Senate read Algau destrius Prince of the Catti his Letters in which he undertook to poison Arminius the German Captain provided they would send him poison return'd him this answer that the people of Rome used to have satisfaction from their enemies openly and not by treachery That I may shew this true valour hath not been unimitated in these latter ages Dom Rogero Comte de Pallant offered Alphonsus King of Naples to kill the King of Castile his enemy with his own hands whereunto Alphonsus answered think not I pray upon such an action because were it to put me in quiet possession not only of Castile but of the whole world yet would I never give my consent unto it The Acts of Hostility committed by the Duke of Lorrain against France VVHilest his Majesties prudence and courage were taking care for his sundry affairs the Duke of Lorrain setting by the Laws of honour which obliged him to keep
to a Forraigner were to treat them more favourably then the Princes of the royal family and withall to indanger a loss of their Soveraignty Ambition hath no bounds and a Prince who hath obtained the priviledge of some Soveraignties may be easily wrought upon at least his Successors to pretend to them without and depending upon others so that who so is peccant in this excesse of Liberality what doth he but raise a power against his own and sow the seeds of division in his Kingdom Besides States be not so much for Kings as Kings for their States they are no lesse oblig'd to preserve them in all their dependances then the State is obliged to preserve it self in the obedience they ow them from whence it is that to alienate such rights or any notable part of their Demesne is one of the causes of their deposing in those Kingdomes where it is permitted by the Fundamental Laws as is observed by all those who have written on that Subject and indeed he seemeth to be unworthy of a Crown who neglecteth to preserve it in its intire lustre How the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet the King at Chasteauthierry where his Majesty stayed to demand Nancy in Deposite IT had been not only commendable but advantagious to Monsieur de Lorrain to have been more concern'd at the seizure at Bar and to have waited upon his Majesty to do him homage and satisfie the just discontents conceived against him by his submissions but fortune contriving to destroy him had cast her Mantle before his eyes so that the continued immoveable in his first designs Whereupon his Majesty about August found himself obliged to go to Chasteauthierry from thence to meet the Army which he had recall'd from the Country of Treves and to carry them before Nancy the better to hinder the Duke of Lorrain's Levies and in case he persisted in his late Procedures to reduce him to such a passe that he might be no more in a condition of giving any jealousie to France or interrupting the forces of its Allies Whiles his Majesty was at Chasteauthierry the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet him and after some complements and excuses beseeched his leave to make some Propositions unto him He told him that he did much condemn his brothers actions and that he had never had any hand in them both in regard of the respect he owed his Majesty as also because be foresaw the issue could not but be disadvantagious that if his Majesty should continue in the resolution to drive this affair to the utmost he concluded his Brothers ruine inevitable and that for his own particular fortune he should seek no other refuge but that of his royal bounty beseech'd him to receive him into his protection and to permit him to retire into France His Majesty received him very favourably and told him that he should alwaies know how to distinguish betwixt his and his Brothers actions that he was sufficiently inform'd that he had no hand in his Brothers deport and that he should willingly afford him all the proofs of as hearty a good will as the interest of his affairs would permit that he assured him of his protection and that amidst his Brothers disgrace he should be sure to find all the advantage which could be justly desired from his protection The Cardinal de Lorrain would have made hereupon certain Proposals to his Majesty for the accommodation of affairs which his Majesty remitted to Monsieur the Cardinal The same day the Cardinal de Lorrain went to visit Monsieur le Cardinal assured him of Monsieurs marriage proposed to him to break it to put his sister the Princesse Marguerite into his Majesties hands and to cause the homage of the Dutchy of Bar to be payed unto his Majesty in the Dutchesse of Lorrain's name The Cardinal answered him that the King could not give ear to any proposition seeing the breach of that match was not in the power of Monsieur de Lorrain that besides his so little fidelity in observing the three Treaties lately made with him his Majesty had particular information of his evil conduct and could no longer trust him without some more potent means to oblige him to keep his word that his faltrings had three several times constrained his Majesty to raise great Armies to the great and trouble expence of his Subjects which made his Majesty resolve to put a final end to the War that there might be no more trouble in it that the Duke his Brother might not have the boldnesse to intermeddle in any factions of his State as he had formerly done even to the ingaging of Monsieur in a match which did equally offend the dignity of the Crown and Person of his Majesty being managed without his consent against the Laws of the Kingdom and to the countenancing of his invading France and that the only means which could induce his Majesty to trust the Duke his Brother was to Deposit Nancy in his hands that this was the best course he could take seeing it would preserve his Country and that Nancy it self should be assuredly restored unto him if he carried himself for the future as did become him that in case he intended fairly he need not fear any thing but if on the contrary he was resolv'd to persist in attempts against his Majesty it would be to no purpose to treat that his Majesty was positively resolved to admit of no other conditions and that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to make the lesse difficulty to consent thereunto in regard he was despoiled of all his Estates excepting Nancy it self the losse of which would be unavoidable unlesse he gave his Majesty satisfaction that this place indeed was strong but that the Duke being unable to keep the field and without Revenue his Majesty would the more easily force him to surrender it in regard he might manage the War against him at his own charges that to ground his hopes upon the alteration of times was a counsel very pernicious seeing his Majesty was young absolute in his Kingdom and that his cause being just there was reason to hope that God would continue to prosper his Armies with the like happy successe as he had hitherto done Hereupon the Cardinal of Lorrain represented to him that this condition was so hard that he could not advise his brother to accept of it but at the last extremity seeing the chance of War could not reduce him to a worse pass then to see his Captal City taken from him and forced to depend upon anothers Will That he doubted not of his Majesties intention to perform the trust of a Deposit but that the state of affairs being subject to change his enemies might by their ill Offices make his Majesty believe that he had broken the Treaty and consequently give him occasion to detain Nancy that he beseeched the Cardinal to consider what a shame it would be for his brother to deliver up one of the
best places in the World in the sight of all Europe without resistance and not being forced thereunto that he confess'd his Majesties Power was great and that it would be difficult for him to withstand it and that finding himself between two great Princes he ought to be the more cautious of his deportment in regard if he should satisfie the King by delivering Nancy he should contract the Emperour's displeasure from whom he holdeth his Dutchy which doubtlesse he would declare to be forfeited by Proclamation of the Empire with a resolution to seiz upon it as soon as ever the affairs of Germany would permit him That indeed he might reasonably expect his Majesties protection but that then it might so fall out that his Majesty might be so far ingaged in other Wars as not to be in a condition of assisting him by which means his ruine would then be inevitable and moreover that he thought it impossible to perswade his brother to Deposit Nancy unlesse at the last extremity of his affairs Whereunto the Cardinal answered that he found it not strange that he should alledge his holding of the Empire and the power of the House of Austria but besides that the King did not consider such pretensions he thought that if the Duke of Lorrain did well weigh it he would find no great reason to build upon it because he well knew that those whose interests he alledged being the chief Authors of his evil conduct had not been very solicitous to assist him That he confess'd indeed Monsieur de Lorrain was under the Pâ—otection of two Crowns but that the Laws of the very protection obliged him to deserve it from the King by his respects and good deportment and to conclude by the desires which his Predecessors had testified that his preservation intirely depended thereupon That instead thereof he had provok'd his Majesty broken his faith by infringing of Treaties taken part with Spain run into all acts of Hostility and to compleat all the rest of his breaches of promise which might offend his Majesty had ravish'd a son of France and ingag'd Monsieur to marry his sister whereupon his Majesty had but too much reason to invade his Countries and that if he did more fear the power of the Emperour then that of France then at his Gates he might chuse what party he pleased to defend himself by force but that in case he would prudently avoid his ruine which was inevitable he could not take a better course then by depositing of Nancy which would secure his States without any loss to him As for matter of his holding of the Empire the King was far enough from admitting it seeing he himself claimeth the Soveraignty of Lorrain and that the Homage was due unto him that the Empire had heretofore usurp'd it from this Crown but that length of possession could not prejudice a Soveraigns right because great Princes who acknowledge no other Tribunal upon earth where they may claim their own are alwaies permitted to demand their rights from Usurpers and to enter them by force so that no time can cause a prescription against them that the affairs of France had not heretofore been in a condition to dispute these pretences but that now God having opened his Majesty a way to establish his Monarchy in its primitive greatnesse Posterity would have a just cause to reproach him with negligence if he should not imploy his forces in the recovery of the most ancient rights of his Crown that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to have had those fears alledged by him in his mind at such time as he was running on to provoke his Majesty against him but that now having done the injury his Majesty could not dissemble his resentment wherefore he was absolutely resolved to be reveng'd unless he receiv'd such satisfaction that all Europe might know to be reasonable that his Pâ—edecessors had ever well-esteem'd the friendship of France and that he himself might have rested secure in this protection because his Majesty well knew how to defend him against any man But in fine that the King could not admit of any other condition then the Deposite of Nancy seeing though he already had the best places of Lorrain in his hands they could not oblige the Duke to keep his promise and that his Majesty had reason to suspect he would not be much more solicitous for keeping it in future after so many changes of his resolution that his Majesty chiefly desired this assurance that he might no more hazard the receiving a new injury or be necessitated to his great expence to raise a new Army a thing peradventure which might then fall out when the State of his affairs would hardly permit him to attend it whereas the present conjuncture was such that his Majesty could not wish it more favourable there being no likelyhood of any thing to divert him that the Duke of Lorrain might be thereby the more readily induc'd to this resolution his Majesty desired to inform him of the present state of his affairs that that of France was such that it was not only at Peace but without fear of civil War all ill Subjects conspiring to be obedient the Treasure being full of money to sustain the charge and on the other side the Treaty of the Low Countries being broken without the least hopes of being brought on again and the Spaniards being in so much want of assistance from their Allies that the Duke of Lorrain could not pretend to expect any from them As to Germany that the Emperours forces had enough to do to defend themselves from the prosperous successe of the Swede who was not likely to be stopp'd As to matter of Italy that the Cardinal Infanta's forces were not yet ready to march and that admitting they were yet that they might meet with great obstructions in the Valtoline the Swedes being advanced thither to hinder their march and that thus Nancy might be besieg'd and taken without hopes of any assistance to releeve it unlesse Monsieur de Lorrain had rather Deposite it in his Majesties hands The Cardinal de Lorrain found it an hard task to answer these reasons and being retired all the course he took was to beseech his Majesty to give him time to confer with the Duke his brother and in the mean time not to make any further progresse The King not only refus'd it but assur'd that he would march before Nancy with the greatest speed that might be resolv'd never to depart until he had reduc'd it to its obedience That there ought to be other assurances taken then bare words from an incens'd Prince who hath oftentimes broke his word IT is necessary to take other kind of security then bare words from a Prince who hath often failed of his word especially who is known to be incens'd passionately desirous of revenging the punishments he hath receiv'd His apparent submissions in matters of accommodation are effects rather of his weakness then
would give Monsieur any counsel â—ending to peace or sweetness knowing most assuredly that he oftentimes egg'd him on to such discourses as offended the King and the Cardinal even to threaten him as is well known to those who treated with him To say the truth if there was no great trust to be repos'd in Chanteloup considering the extremities into which he had run and the inalterable resolution wherein he had fixed the Queen-Mother not to forsake him surely there was not much more confidence to be put in Puy-Laurens upon the score of his inclination and for fear lest he might once again make use of Monsieurs person to raise another civil War in France or lest he might a fourth time carry him out of France upon the least cause of mistrust There was the less reason to trust him because his Soul was possess'd by Ambition a Passion which imboldneth men to undertake any thing and Monsieur honoured him with such extraordinary favour as impower'd him to carry him where he pleas'd so that thus to recall Monsieur with one from whose presence he would never be perswaded to depart were to raise a fire in the bosom of France which was at that time the more heedfully to be preserved in a strict union in regard Forraigners had raised great advantages from the divisions by them fomented in the royal family In short what likelihood was there to permit him to continue neer Monsieur unlesse he changed his procedure and humour so long as he had the boldness to treat with the King in that manner as he did rejecting the conditions upon which his Majesty desired Monsieur should return and proposing others as if he had treated between Soveraign and Soveraign presuming to drive on his own interests instead of casting himself at his Majesties feet whom he had so highly offended Surely this could not have been done without a great blemish to the Kings honour by discovering so much weaknesse in the sight of all Europe as to be compell'd to receive the Law from a Subject who deserv'd rather to be punish'd by the rigours of his justice The common people who had not insight enough to dive into these consequences seem'd to wonder that Monsieur and the Queen-Mothers accommodation could not be ended after so many journies to and fro but all wise men well satisfi'd with the reasons of it could not sufficiently admire the Kings Prudence in making use of that authority which the Laws give all Soveraigns over their Parents when the interest of their State is in question and in not precipitating their return which considering the ill inclination of those whom they honoured with their confidence could only serve to trouble the Kingdom and hinder the prosecution of the Lorrain expedition That it is great discretion not to precipitate accommodations where there is any danger in the State IT is great wisedom not to hasten any Treaty wherein there may be any danger to the State It is most certain in general that precipitation is an enemy to wise counsels that instead of ending affairs it imbroileth them and that it hath alwaies been receiv'd for an ill servant because being blind and without foresight it seldom makes any Treaties which are not disadvantagious but most particularly true it is in such Treaties as are concluded where the parties are not well dispos'd to keep a Peace though they seem very plausible at first sight yet are they seldom of long continuance by reason of the sharpnes remaining in their minds when they are concluded which coming to increase by some new discontents division presently re-assumeth her first place and thus instead of any satisfaction from it there oftentimes arise more causes of repentance In effect they ought to be the further from ending affairs because the easinesse of concluding them hath often begotten more distrusts among great men than if there had been great difficulties in the making their peace Hatred doth easily revive among Princes and they sooner forget any thing then injuries they pretend to have received which though for some time they dissemble yet are they never deficient to testifie their resentments when they find opportunity proper for it There were heretofore divers accommodations made between Lewis the Eleventh and Charls Duc de Borgogne which seemed to settle their States in peace but as they were oftentimes made more by necessity on the Dukes part which rather forc'd him then inclin'd him to live in friendship with the King the main business was still to be begun anew nor was any thing but death able to give a period to their divisions How often hath the house of Orleans and Bourgogne been reconcil'd yet alwaies to little purpose because the Princes not laying by the hatred which was between them did presently fly out again upon the least cause of suspicion Henry the Third wrought nothing upon the Duke of Guise by pardoning him for he forbore not to prosecute the enterprizes which his Ambition suggested They who are little acquainted in State-affairs are not very solicitous of the great trouble which is in making Peace between Princes but think that it is enough so they are made friends yet it may so fall out that great inconveniences may arise from want of care when civil Wars break out again which they re-ingaging in may indanger the whole State at least afford Forraigners great advantages It is much better that Grandees should continue out of the Kingdom in discord and impotency that in the Court or in some Province where they might easily raise Cabals and insurrections I think that rash considerations may not more fitly be compar'd to any thing then to too quick a digestion which as Physicians say replenisheth the body with many crudities the cause of divers diseases and it often happens that such considerations like jealousies and new differences serve only to sow the seeds of civil Wars so that better it is to defer the resolution of them for some time than to precipitate them into a short continuance and a production of new broils Differences between the Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon ABout the end of this year there happened great disputes between Messieur Henry de Sourdis Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon Governour of Guyenne The Arch Bishop whose Genius is capable of all kind of imployments had charge during the siege of Rochel of some men of War in this Province by a particular Commission exempted from all other dependances and the Duke who was of an humour never to let feathers be pluck'd out of his wings did not a little resent it though for the present he dissembled it expecting an opportunity to shew it with the more advantage which did not so soon offer it self the Arch Bishop being imployed at Court and at Poiton in his Majesties service but as he had no lesse memory then courage he preserv'd the memory of it untill the latter end of this year at which time the
Francis Count of Vaudmont his brother ought to be admitted to the succession he being within the fourth degree of the Ordinances and that reducing Liege Princes to the condition of ordinary Vassals that which is permitted to ordinary Vassals ought at least to be granted and allowed unto them They likewise answered in reply to the Treaty at Guerrande that that example could not prejudice the right which Francis Count de Vaudmont had to the succession for that a single example createth no Law as the Lawyers say because particular persons not well informed may be defective in using their own rights in their utmost extension of Power And lastly they said it was easie to answer all those Allegations brought to make void the Will and that Reynards own Act could not nullifie it for that no Testator whatever contradicting any one Article of his Will during his life doth at all hinder the standing good of all the rest Besides that the Ratification made by the States two years after did sufficiently evince that he did not at all pretend to abrogate those Lands which he had left to his son Anthony and that it might safely be said he had onely desired Letters of Naturalization from Lewis the twelfth that he might make the daughters of his Son Claudius capable of succeeding in those Lands which he had left him not that he did pretend by it to prefer them before the far remote Males but because it might happen in time that they alone might remain to enter upon their Fathers Possessions and in that case it would be needfull that their Father were naturalized to bring them into Possession That the same thing might be said in answer to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumalle and the Principallities of Joinville as also of the Treaty made between King Charls the ninth and Charls the second Duke of Lorrain for that there was no colour of reason to beleeve that the Messieurs de Guise who drew on the said Treaty would act against that Will which called them into the Succession of Lorrain by excluding of the daughters seeing it had not as yet been contradicted there not having hitherto been any daughters who could pretend to the Succession of the Dutchies of Barr and Lorrain in exclusion of the Males but onely Madam Nicole and Claudius of Lorrain who were then in competition That as to the form of renunciation made by Anne daughter to Duke Anthony and Christian daughter to Duke Charls they could not null the Will for that both did protest to be maintained in those rights which did really belong to them which thing did not however give them any right at all These answers seemed plausible enough whence it followed that those exceptions made against the Will not being considerable in their Judgements they presently concluded that the Will ought to be in its full force and put in execution and these were the reasons alledged by both Parties but the King could onely judge of them as to what related to his Crown for that he alone is Soveraign judge of all that concerneth his own interests and he hath no power but God above which can Arbitrate concerning it Politique Observation THe substitution of Soveraignties made in favour of men seemeth to be so much the more lawfull in regard it is conformable to the Order of Gods Providence who hath created women onely to obey who knoweth not that Moses the Law-giver of Gods people whose Councels were inspired by the holy Ghost hath not permitted the daughters to accept of the Succession but in default of sons And doth not Plato in the second book of his Laws say that it is reasonable that they should fall to the nearest of kin still observing this Order The Male should be preferred before the Female and that at least the Testator should chuse one of the Males for his next heir Solâ—n one of the wisest Law-givers of Antiquity made a Law to establish this rule in his Commonwealth as Demosthenes testifies in his Oration against Leocrates And the Law of the Athenians gave not any right of succession to the daughters if the sons should present themselves to accept of it as it may be seen in the Book of Theodosian Euripides giveth a good reason of it in his Iphigenia when he saith the Male children are the Pillars of houses that to them it belongeth to take up Arms for the good of the People that the Sacrifices are made in their names that it belongeth to them to transact Publick affairs and the daughters instead of preserving those Families into which they are born do weaken them by dividing the inheritances of them and carrying them into other places And if this priviledge of Males hath been judged heretofore reasonable amongst private families it is incomparably much more in Soveraignties where the daughters have been alwaies esteemed uncapable by the most discreet It is true that Liege Lords being onely to gather the profits of their possessions are bound for the making of these substitutions valuable to procure the consents of their Estates in whom the proptiety remains But an absolute Soveraign ought not to make any difficulty at all of it because it is very advantagious for them especially if it be done in the favour of those whose greatnesse is not to be suspected This will be a means to preserve the Estate that belongs to him in the hands of a small Prince whose power he will never have any reason to fear which is no small advantage to him whereas letting it fall into the hands of daughters who may marry with Potent Princes they may become their Masters and may not onely not render that service which is due by Liege men but on the contrary may bring such troubles to them as may oblige them still to attend them as enemies who may make a War upon him It seemeth likewise to be without any ground that he should pretend a power to hinder them seeing his right extend onely to the investiture to the Homage to the Tribute to the Service of War and fidelity in which he cannot be damaged if they are preserved to him Of what importance is it then whether it be a son or a daughter which payeth him his Homage Tribute and other duties as a token of submission In that case it ought to be indifferent for it hath onely relation to the Liege Prince whence it comes that every one being in a capacity to dispose his rights as shal best please himself especially when no one is prejudiced by it there can be no impediment for the substituting his estate in the favour of the Males Provided he alwaies oblige them to pay that that is due to their chief Lord without great reason no alterations ought to be made in fundamental Customes of Countries and as it seems not to be allowable in France to abrogate the Salique Law which excludeth the daughters from the Crown so it is very doubtfull whether it be in the
Power of the States themselves of some Countries to change such Customes as have been received there time out of mind for the successions of Soveraigns Anno 1626. The Duke of Savoy's Design to continue the Warre against the Spaniards WHo so hath at any time beheld the Sun shining through a black Cloud dissipating those darknesses that cover the earth dispelling fear out of their Souls who had been affrighted with the Thunder and rejoycing the World by the presence of his rayes hath seen the Image of that happy Peace which entred upon the beginning of this year in concluding the Wars wherewith Italy and the Vâ—lteline were so much afflicted But to go on with the prosecution of that which hapned after the raising of the siege of Verrue untill the conclusion of the Treaty I must tell you that after those advantages obtained the Duke of Savoy being suggested by those happy successes and the Devastations which the Spaniards had made in his Country desired passionately to fall upon their Army which was retired to Pand sture as also to enter upon Mallan that he might ingage the two Armies in a long War and by that means be revenged of them This was according to the temper of his Soul who could not indure any quiet but the Constable ae Lisdiguiers and the Marshal de Crequy who desired not to attempt any thing which might not sort to their Masters glory opposed his design representing to him that there was no sence of reason to assault the Spanish Army which consisted of fourteen thousand men effective intrenched in a place very advantagious with Cannon and where they might be releeved with all necessary provisions and that neither the season nor condition of their forces would consist with the besieging any place in Milan without hazarding the Kings Army and Reputation These reasons were very considerable and the Constable without losing any more time and seeing his presence would be needlesse during the rest of the Winter in Piedmont withdrew himself towards Granoble after he had put the Troops in Garison under the Command of the Marquis de Vignolles and Vxelles In the mean while it being necessary to give his Majesty an accompt of the condition of affairs and to receive his commands he forthwith dispatched the Marshal de Crequy towards the Court. This journey of the Marshal did much perplex the Duke because hee doubted that he would induce the King to Peace as also least he might make complaint to his Majesty of the little care which was had for the satisfaction of the Treaty of the League and least he might lay all the faults which had happened in his dish This moved him to resolve upon sending of the Prince of Piedmont towards him as well to defend his Interest as to perswade the King to carry on the War in Italy and having dispatched him a few dayes after they both arrived at Court about the beginning of February where after they had entertained his Majesty according to their own desires they were obliged for the better consideration of their Propositions to put them down in writing accordingly they presented them to his Majesty who assisted by his Ministers examined them with great deliberation and at last resolved in order to that Prince his designs and withall the more to oblige him to have a greater care in performing his promises hee was assured of having the chief command of his Army though the effect of it was diverted by that unexpected negotiation of the Sieur de Fargis in Spain which ended in the Treaty of Mouson in Arragon Politick Observation HAppy is that Prince whose Councels in War become unprofitable by a favourable Treaty of Peace who can doubt but that the one is the source of all miseries brings all things into necessities deprives the people of their liberties maketh the land barren destroyeth the most glorious Pallaces tieth up the hands of Justice and bringeth the Country men under the barbarous insolency of souldiers and that on the contrary the other is acknowledged to be the Mother of Plenty the beginning of the happinesse of Kingdomes and the joy of Nations that it giveth all Liberty of Commerce and Labour leaving to every one the power of injoying his own Goods making Arts to flourish Justice to Reign and banishing all fear which keepeth the mind in hell and in a continual unquietness whilest there are any troubles It is not much more pleasant to behold the earth decked with its verdure painted with all sorts of Flowers inriched with the diversity of Trees which either nature or the Labourers hand had Planted replenished with all fruits and spices and flowing with Milk and Honey then when it languisheth by the insufferable hardnesses of Winter converted into Snow and Ice become stiffe and dis-coloured and the Land Barren and over-flowed with Water So much more satisfaction ought a wise Prince to receive when Peace commeth to deliver his Subjects from those miseries into which War had precipitated them to restore them the free use of their own Goods to give them the means of exercising their own Professions with quiet to drive away necessity from them to open the Ports of Trade from one Coast to another about their affairs then to see them remain idle and without exercise in the want of the greatest part of necessaries not daring to go out of their Gates besieged by War in their Towns and slaughtered in their own houses by sickness and famine The Conclusion of the Treaty of Mouson FOr the better understanding in what manner this Treaty was concluded It will be needfull to look a good way back and to take the first rise of Affairs from Count Olivares the chief Minister of Spain who finding that the Legat could not bring his business to that passe as was expected resolved to use his utmost to accommodate things in a peaceable manner and accordingly made several overtures that way tending to the Sieur de Fargis Ambassador with his Catholique Majesty who was not wanting to give speedy notice of it hither and at the same time the Marquis de Mirabel Ambassador for the Spaniard certified to the Marshal de Schomberg that his Master desired a Peace Whereupon orders were sent to the Sieur de Fargis that he should answer to such overtures as had been made that his Master would not be unwilling to embrace it if it might be made upon Honorable and safe conditions and he was also acquainted with the Kings desiers in that particular which were reduced under three principall heads First that the Spanjards should renounce all pretenses to the Passages in the Valtoline next that the Soverainty of the Valtoline should be preserved to the Grisons and last related to the safety of the Catholique Religion he acquitted himself of their directions very diligently but with so much heat that after several meetings and conferences had with the Count d'Olivarez they at last set down their several proposals in writing which
the State of Affairs but also to penetrate into the very secrets of their enemies Counsels And so Plutarch hath well observed that Hannibal was not to seek of this Prudent course in the Wars which he had with Scipio Divers Conferences between the Prince of Piedmont and Cardinal Richelieu I May not passe by the many conferences which the Cardinal had with the Prince of Piedmont in which the Prince could say little in his own defence for that the Duke of Savoy had promised the opening of the Passages and furnishing the Marts with necessary Provisions At last all occasions of discontent were removed and the Cardinal did no longer refuse to see him I am the willinger to be a little particular in this affair that the model of it may serve for Princes to guide themselves by in interviews of this kind The main ends of the Prince of Piedmont drift were to sift out the Cardinals designs in his discourses and to sink into his thoughts if he could find any manner of hopes that the Cardinal would relinquish and wave the general Peace with this belief that Peradventure those many inconveniences which the Army had smarted for in their first Quarters might have somewhat abated and it might be altered the Cardinals last resolutions But the Cardinal who well understood both by his own discretion and experience the ends of such meetings and discourses especially when such persons are concern'd in them who in former procedures have evidenced their intentions of lying on the Catch so managed himself and kept himself in so retired a garb that the Prince of Piedmont could not pick the least advantage out of him At first nothing of business was named only Complements and Civilities The Cardinal made his Excuses that he should not first propose any thing being obliged to pay that Honour to the Prince of Piedmont that he might thereby learn what it was they would be at And the Prince fearing to discover himself would have slip't his Neck out of the Collar and left all to the Cardinals Proposals The time was best spent in discoursing of the general Peace after both Parties had made their proposals However the Cardinal stuck close to those Articles which he had proposed on the Kings behalf with this provisionary promise that if they were ratified then the Duke of Savoy should expect satisfaction from his Majesty to whatever he should desire more then this he would by no means discover telling the Prince of Piedmont very plainly that for his part as he was not at all curious to prie into their designs so he could not think it strange that he did not discourse to him his Majesties intentions and resolutions Politique Observation STayedness and discretion in Grandees who are imployed in treaties of this Nature is a matter of very great concernment for even by this means those who are but meanly vers'd in affairs do discover the others most secret thoughts and consequentially are prepared to oppose them and lay rubbs in their way when occasion and time serves By this means they do as it were besiege and Block up a man by their divers prepared Questions and Artifices so that if then he be not altogether silent which will make him passe for an impertinenâ— man and render him suspected it will be impossible for him to tell what he would have himself There are but few men who indeed can discuss an affair of State in so reserved a disguisement for any long continuance but by some means or other they will be discovered for oftentimes the Behaviour and Gesture speak a man as well as words so that it is necessary for a States-man to arme himself from head to foot before he attempt any such Treaties to be well instructed advised and prepared not only to keep his thoughts lock't up in his own breast but also to make such propositions as may not in truth be any whit a kin to his thoughts but such as all else would conceive to be the main things he drives at and thus he ought to be complemental with all kind of Civilities with an open free discourse ever referring his resolution upon such new proposals as are made to him unto some other time and never giving his answer upon the sodaine upon any occasion whatsoever For this same prolonging of a Resolve is a sure hold to every wise man in his negotiation but it is very difficult I may say impossible for a man to prevent his being snapt and caught if he shall presume to give an answer in that instant when the Question is first started Those with whom a man treats have commonly cunning and craft enough so to addresse themselves that thereby they may discover that which they pretend though they appear to be far enough from ever so much as speaking of it indeed without this referring and delaying of a thing to another time there is no way to shun the ruining and downfall of a whole design In brief If a States-man would have his affairs to succeed according to his designs it were requisite that he got the repute of being a Frank open generous person and a speaker of truth otherwise his words will not be belielieved and are look't upon as no way tending to the design he hath which is in effect to perswade his Enemies that his Intention are quite contrary to his meaning He ought also to be secret not to speak one tittle of his designs And lastly he must make himself a Master in the Art of dissimulation feigning to watch every thing and place but that which really he doth and by his discourse slyly indeavouring to perswade his designs to be any thing but what they are The Prosecution of this Subject A Man can hardly imagine how much the Cardinals Prudence in these interviewes did hamper and perplex the Duke of Savoy the Prince of Piedmont Spinola and all others who treated with him The Valour of the French Nation is that which hath made them so much redoubted they having been otherwhiles taxed with want of discretion in their Treaties but here they found to their confusion that the Cardinal had as much Prudence as courage when as all of them had tryed alwayes to discover somewhat of his intentions by their practises to tire him quite out with prolongings and delayes but he at length caused the Avant Gard to March from about Suze and to draw near towards Ceseletta they not guessing at his design in it because he drew farther off from Cazal The Cardinal pretended to do it principally to ingage the Duke of Savoy to joyn his forces with the Kings and therefore brought the Army to his Frontiers which was strong enough to have made him jealous of somewhat else and certainly the Duke was somewhat more then ordinarily ingaged so to have done for that the Cardinal presently sent him word that the King had accorded him the vale of Sizery on the Bridge of Gresin according to his own desires
him lies the friendship of the Princes of the blood it being most certain that a good intelligence and correspondence with them is as advantagious to the State as a breach with them is unfortunate and ominous And as their greatest inclination is to command so one cannot more oblige them then by giving them imployment But one ought to be well assured and carefull of their truth and fidelity and that the stedfastnesse of their minds be not to be shaken by the dangerous suggestions of such as are about them who are alwaies sure of endeavouring to render themselves agreeable that they may instil into them more Ambition then they ought to have and induce them to revolt with the Army and those powers which are intrusted under their command Isocrates did well advise Nicocles never to prefer those of his blood to imployments untill he was extreamly well assured of them for that the desire of rule doth so much the more charm the kindred of a Prince by how much they are neerer related unto him as T. Livy very well observeth Blood hath no tie so strong â—hich ambition doth not oftentimes break when it finds it self with Arms in its hand They ought to be so much the lesse intrusted by how much they have lesse true affection or friendship as Plutarch hath verified by many examples in the life of Demetrius If a King be obliged for any just reason to confide his Armies into the hands of any Prince of the Blond I imagine he must follow the Prudence of Tiberius who when he sent Germanicus to command his Army into Syria he recalled Creticus Syllanus from the Government of that Province who was an intimate friend to Germanicus fearing lest their intelligence and correspondence might lend a helping hand to advance him into the power of Soveraignty and placed in his room Cneus Piso whose violent humour would make him oppose any designs of his if they should be contrary to the duty of his Office In a word a King ought to such a person to associate some one whose valour and fidelity may be able to counterpoise or ballance any enterprizes which hee may attempt The King came to Lion then to Grenoble where the Cardinal came to meet him THe King passed by Dijon that he might there give such orders as we have already said and thence came to Lyon but rested there a very little while for the great desire he had to be at Grenoble where he had directed the Cardinal to meet him as soon as the Passages of Italy were open The Cardinal was passionately desirous to be neer his Majesty to pay him his usual services and to ease him of the care and trouble of his estate and his Majesty was no lesse impatient to see the Cardinal as he testified by his extraordinary care and caresses with which he honoured him at his arrival and which were proofs not onely of the affection but of the extream tenderness which he had for him Politique Observation THe Passion of Love produceth the same effects in the Souls of great Kings as it doth in those of private persons It is that which carrieth their minds so naturally towards those whom they honour with their favours that they take a singular delight to see them alwaies neer them Alexander could not be without the sight of Hephestion And it is most sure that the greatest successes which Princes have be it in War be it in Peace are but lame and do nothing neer so much affect their minds with joy if they have not neer them some persons with whom they use to discourse with freedom and familiarity And what greater satisfaction or content can there be to a Prince then the Prudence of a couragious and faithfull Minister who he assuredly knows to have no Passion so great as that which tends to his honour and glory What an honour is it to have neer him a person to whom his Majesty may lay open his bosome and intrust with his grandest secrets without the least suspicion or doubt of his fidelity What a great satisfaction and content is it to have by one so noble a Genius whose discourses disburthen his cares whose councels facilitate his greatest State-difficulties whose vigilance secures him from dangers and whose courage conducts him to a happy successe in all his enterprises The happy succeess of the Treaty of Peace by the Cardinal Mazarini between the King and Duke of Savoy THe King no sooner arrived at Grenoble but Mazarini was ready to make propositions of Peace to his Majesty The Duke who till then had been deaf to all overtures how reasonable soever as well as the Marquesse Spinola caused word to be sent to his Majesty that if his Majesty would be pleased to restore him Pignerol he would accord to any Articles which should seem just The King who desired nothing more then Peace provided it were honourable and advantagious to his Allies received the message with much joy and thought fit that the Marshal of Crequy the Sieur of Chasteauneus de Bullion and Bauttillier should assemble with the Cardinals Bagni and Mazarini to prepare such Articles as might be for the contentment of all parties however he would not be obliged to quit his design of prosecuting the War untill the Treaty was intirely concluded and resolved on for his Majesty knew of what importance the restitution of Pignerol was without which they did not so much as name or speak of any accomodation Politique Observation SEeing Peace when it is certain is to be preferred before a doubtful victory that being in the hand of a Prince but this subject to the Laws of Fortune it is not prudence to refuse it in Treaties said Hannibal to Scipio in T. Livy But Thucydides teacheth us in his History that a Prince who would treat with his Enemy should not cease to prosecute the War in such manner as if there were no hope of an agreement otherwayes great Inconveniences might follow adding Thus did the Lacedemonians when they treated a Peace with the Atbâ—nians and Peace is then soonest made when both sides appear in the field with their Swords in their hands and an equal power following them for if either hath the least advantage he will be the more peremptory and demand the harder conditions in his Treaties as Caesar hath observed in his History of civil Wars The taking of Chambery from the Duke of Savoy HOwever the King assembled his Counsel to take advice whether it were not propper to prosecute the Victories of his Army and to make himself Master of all Savoy and so secure himself more and more of the Passes Many offered to his Majesties consideration that the Duke of Savoy and Marques Spinola would never hearken to any Peace but by necessity and to regain Pignerol having until that time refused to do it but upon dishonorable terms for his Majesty That there was little reason to trust him as to that of the Duke of Mantua for whose
hath solidly resolved and to content himself with answering moderately such objections as are made against him without receding from those fundamental propositions upon which the main chance is to be decided Irresolution is a thing extreamly dangerous in him not only because it gives great advantages to the opposite party but because it allays that vigour of spirit with which his advice ought to be accompanied and that earnestnesse which he ought to have for his Masters service not that I would have his Prudence joined with so sublime a subtilty unlesse he were indued with all those extraordinary qualities which make a man eminent for experience hath evinced unto us that they who are only crafty do commonly lose themselves in their own thoughts and follow such expedients which savour more of Chimera's and Apparencies then Truth or Solidity Such ruine affairs by their Ambition to extract the quintessence of them like those who have a long time blowed to find the quintessence of Mettals and in the end have nothing but wind for their pains Secresie is a quality the more needfull in him because a design once discovered is of no more advantage them a Mine contramined and that nakednesse doth as ill become his Soul as his Body besides as no one can keep a secret without dissimulation he ought to have a Soul strong enough and wel adjusted to disguise his designs to make shew to have other ends then those which he doth pretend though he ought not to make use of it unlesse in matters of great importance for the most part behaving himself with great freedom to beget the reputation of being sincere which will make his disguisements passe for the more currant truths by reason he useth them so seldom In fine it were to be wished that he were powerfull in discourse both for the well deducing of his reasons as also to animate them with that vigour which is necessary to get approbation and which might render them as effectual as faintnesse renders them uselesse when they are therewith accompanied A Treaty of Peace at Querasque THe Deputies were no sooner arrived but the conference began yet not untill after the order of their sitting had been concluded It was resolved that Panzirolo should sit at the end of the Table which in Italy is esteemed the most honourable place the Baron of Galas on his left hand the Marshal de Thoyras on his right hand the Sieur de Servient beneath Galas the President de Banies over against him and the Chancellour Guichardy at the lower end over against the Nuncio At first indeed and before the beginning of the Assembly there was some difference upon this score because the Baron de Galas and the Comte de la Rocque comming together to visit the Sieur de Servient the Comte de la Rocque took place of Galas for afterwards the Marshal de Thoyras and the Sieur de Servient did likewise pretend to take place of Galas they being too much concern'd in their Masers glory to indure that his Majesty should suffer any diminution which must have been if representing his person they should have given place to him of whom the Spanish Embassadour took place The Comte de la Rocque would take this advantage of Galas because he was only qualified as a Comissary pretending that Kings Embassadours took place of the Emperours Comissaries though not of his Embassadours In fine it was adjudged that for this once the Spanish Embassadours should give place to the Emperours Commissary unlesse Galas would likewise give place to the Most Christian Kings Embassadours To conclude they went publickly through the Town the Comte de la Rocque being in a Coach beneath Galas and the Sieurs de Thoyras and Servient took place next after him their priorities being thus regulated they began to confer upon the means for executing the Treaty of Peace concluded the precedent year at Ratisbone in order to that which concern'd Italy for as to the rest the Most Christian King would never ratifie it his Embassadours having gone beyond their Commissions There were two chief causes of difficulty the first in regard of the eighteen thousand Crowns rent accorded to the Duke of Savoy in Montferrat for which the Town of Trin was left him and divers other Lands and ancient Demesnes which did amount to that sum The second was about the manner of restoring the places both of Mantua and Montferrat as also Savoy and Piedmont the contests of either party were hot and nothing concluded untill the 6 day of April when it was resolved that the Duke of Savoy should content himself with fifteen thousand crowns rent in Montferrat valuing the Crown at eight Florins in consideration of the quality of those Towns and Lands which were left unto him which was concluded by the Assembly as concerning the restitution of places it was concluded that the Forts newly built should be demolished that each party should withdraw his forces and lastly that the places should be restored at the same time and that for assurance of the restitution hostages should interchangeably be given and all to be conformable as much as could be unto the Treaty at Ratisbonne neverthelesse it being apprehended that those of the House of Austria would more readily sacrifice three Hostages then relinquish the Grisons seeing the possession of them would joyn their estates in Germany with those of Millan it was concluded by a secret Article that the Towns of Suze and Avigliane should be delivered into the hands of the Swisses raised in the Cantons allied with France and Savoy to be by them kept in his Highnesse of Savoy's name untill such time as the Forts and Passages held by the Comte de Merodes in the Grisons were left free with obligation of restoring them to the Marshal de Thoyras in case the said Forts and Passages were not quitted This general Treaty being concluded there were particular indeavours used to decide the differences between the King and Duke of Savoy for the establishment of an assured Peace between their Subjects It was not long unconcluded because there was nothing of difficulty in it only the same conditions which had been agreed on the foregoing year These two Treaties being thus finished were signed to a general satisfaction of all except Monsieur de Mantua who was something troubled to pay the charge and the Comte de la Rocque who would have continued on the War upon any conditions whatever all the rest thinking that Peace was now restored unto Italy which for three years last past had been the Theatre of Sorrow Politique Observation HAppy is the Prince who after he hath seen his Country desolate by horrid and cruel Wars can at last settle it in Peace He will find this great Mistris of Arts to give being to all those exercises which had been interrupted and neglected during the troubles He will see Religion upon which as an Emperour once said dependeth all the good or bad fortune
of States to re-assume its former lustre which â—requent disorders had destroyed He will soon see his Towns deserted by the violence of the Souldiers re-peopled and revived out of their own ashes He will see his Subjects discharge their Offices with pleasure and live in abundance of tranquility traffique free commerce open voyages secure the earth loaded with rich harvest all things restored to their first splendour and order the Laws and Statutes which before were dead put in execution justice established in her Throne re-assuming her authority and terrifying such as before scorned her in fine his estate putting off its mourning apparel and cloathing it self with magnificence mirth contentment and joy The second Treaty of Peace THe Articles of the general Treaty had been concluded with so much Prudence and Equity that all those whose intentions were just could not but rest abundantly satisfied though the Spaniards who only sought an opportunity to embroil affairs made the Emperour beleeve that under that secret Article divers designs were comprised insomuch that he writ to the Duke of Savoy somewhat discontentedly that Suze and Avigliane should be put into the Swisse's power and withall refused to ratifie the Treaty of Peace though it had been expresly concluded in that of Ratisbonne that any other way might be taken besides that of Hostages if the Deputies who negotiated the Affairs of Italy should so think fit This difficulty was enough to have undone all if the Most Christian Kings Ministers had been tainted with the like design as the Spaniards were but their thoughts being altogether bent upon finding out some assured means for the restitution of places on either party they made no difficulty to renew the conference in order thereunto The Conference lasted untill the 19 of June on which day the second Treaty was signed by which all the Articles of the former Treaty were confirmed excepting only that of the secret Article The Baron de Galas obliged himself to invest Mantua and Montferrat in Monsieur de Mantua within 25 days or at least to deliver the investiture unto the Sieur de Leon or the Bishop of Mantua both resident with the Emperour So that it should be expedited and consigned into their hands He likewise promised that the Emperours Forces should quit Italy as for the rest it was concluded as in the first Treaty that for the assurance of the restitution of places Hostages should be consigned on both parts to wit on the Emperours part the Signieurs Piâ—olomini Chisa and Vileben and on the Kings part the Sieurs de Tharanes de Nerestan and Aiguebonne who should be deposed into the Popes hands upon the 20. of August under promise from his Holinesse not to deliver them until the execution of the Treaty and not to assume any Authority but as Depository In prosecution whereof the Sieurs de Thoyras and de Servient obliged themselves to restore unto the Duke of Savoy Brigueras the same day that the Baron of Galas who delivered himself for hostage should quit the Forts and the Passages of the Grisons withal that Suse and Avigliane with the adjacent Forts should be restored to the Duke of Savoy as Porto and Canetto to the Duke of Mantua and that lastly Pignerol should be fortwith surrendred into the hands of the Duke of Savoy the same day that Galas should restore Mantua to its lawful Lord that each party might be Master of his own at one and the same time This Treaty was signed both by one and the other the Emperour and the Most Christian King ratified it The Investiture of Mantua and Montferrat was expedited the second day of July the newâ— of which being once arrived the rest of the Articles were put in execution the Hostages were delivered to Cardinal Pallotta appointed for that purpose by the Pope who received them excepting what concerns the Forts and Country of the Valtoline Grisons and Comte de Chiauenne with which his Holiness would not intermeddle the Inhabitants being Heretiques and not acknowledging him but in exchange the Baron de Galas delivered himself as Hostage unto Monsieur de Mantua for performance of his promise Brigueras with the other small places of Savoy were delivered to the Marquis Ville in behalf of the Duke and the same day the passages oâ— the Grisons to their lawful Lords the places of Mantua except Mantua it self Porto and Canello to the Marquis de Pomare for the Duke of Mantua the fifteenth of September Suze and Avigliane were restored to the Duke of Savoy Porto and Canello to the Duke Mantua and on the twentieth of the same moneth the French quitted Pignerol and the German Mantua Thus were all things remitted into the hands of their proper Princes and each one established in the possession of their own Cardinal Pallâ—tta who had received the Hostages in the Popes behalf having received notice thereof dismissed them and this great storm which had troubled all Europe gave place to an happy peace leaving his Majesty the glory of having supported his Allies in despite of the Emperour the King of Spain and Monsieur de Savoy and the Cardinal the honour of having equally vanquished them both by Arms and Prudence Politique Observation IT is alwaies necessary for the better assurance of the execution of Treaties between Princes that some security be given especially where there is any diffidence between them Some have received places in deposite as Charls the eight going to Nâ—ples did of sundry Italian Princes others have contracted Marriages as the Historians of most Wars have recorded and it is a custom as ancient as common to give and take Hostages It is very hard for those who have been exasperated during the Wars to believe interchangeable promises only especially when they are to be executed at divers times and in divers places besides it will be easie for a Prince to deceive if he will break his Word To alledge some particular examples of Hostages St Lewis having made a Treaty of Peace with the Sultan of Babylon offered for assurance of their agreement the Comtes de Poâ—ctiers and Anjou Thus Charls King of Navarre son in Law to King John having caused Charls d' Espaigne to be killed who was Constable of France and extreamly beloved of the King would never return to the Court till his Majesty had delivered to him Lewis Compte d' Anjou his second son for hostage whom he forthwith sent to his City d' Evreux under his Brothers custody Thus the same K. John having been four years Prisoner in England was not set at liberty until he had paid his ransome in part and given hostage for the assurance of the rest who were Lewis d' Anjou and Jean Duâ— de Berry his children Lewis Duke de Burgoigne Peter Comte d' Alâ—â—son John brother to the Comte d' Estampes all Princes of the Blood Guy brother to the Comte de Blois the Seignieurs de Montmorency de Hangest de St Venant d' Andresel de la