ΕΙΚΩ'ΠΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ ' ΔΕΥ'ΤΕΡΑ THE POURTRAICTURE OF HIS SACRED MAJESTY King Charles II. With his Reasons for turning Roman Catholick published by K. James Found in the Strong Box. Printed in the Year MDCXCIV The CONTENTS I. ON his Majesty's being converted into the Catholick Church Page 1. II. On his Majesty's accepting of the Scots Proposals and taking the Solemn League and Covenant in Scotland p. 6. III. On his Majesty's Coronation in Scotland upon taking the Covenant and other Oaths to govern according to the Laws of that Kingdom p. 15. IV. On the Divisions amongst the Scots Presbyterians upon his Majesty's bringing his Father 's old Friends into Places of Power and Trust about him p. 18. V. On his Majesty's Defeat at Dumbar p. 20. VI. On the Defeat of his Majesty's Forces at Innerkeithing c. and his raising another Army to march into England p. 22. VII On his Majesty's Defeat at Worcester p. 24. VIII On his Majesty's Escape to Whiteladies from thence to Spring-Coppice and then to Boscobel house where he was conceal'd some time by the Penderels after he left the Royal Oak p. 28. IX On his Majesty's being in the Royal Oak p. 31. X. On his Majesty's being conceal'd at Boscobel house Entertainment there by the Penderels and Journey thence to Mr. Huddleston ' s. p. 34. XI On the Proclamation against entertaining his Majesty and offering 1000 l. to any that would discover him p. 38. XII On his Majesty's leaving Mr. Huddleston ' s and riding before Mrs. Jane Lane to Bristol c. in order to his embarquing for France p. 40. XIII On his Majesty's Journey to Trent and parting with Mrs. Lane there in order to his embarquing at Charmouth a small Village near Lime and his Disappointment by the Skipper's Wife who lock'd her Husband up that he should not carry him p. 45. XIV On his Majesty's Return to Trent and lodging at an Inn in Broad-Windsor in his way amongst Rebel-Souldiers where one of their Women were brought to bed and his Concealment in a Place at Trent where Recusants used to retire p. 47. XV. On his Majesty's imploying my Lord Wilmot to procure Money for his Transportation his hiring a Ship being known by one Smith an Inn-keeper and his Arrival near Havre de Grace in France p. 49. XVI On his Majesty's being conducted to Paris met by his Brother the Duke of York and entertained at the French Court p. 51. XVII On his Majesty's offering his Mediation betwixt the Prince of Conde ' s Faction and that of Cardinal Mazarin supported by the French King and the Odium which he thereby brought upon himself from both Parties p. 53. XVIII On Mrs. Lane ' s Arrival in France His Majesty's being disappointed of Mademoiselled ' Orleans and treating with the Duke of Lorrain for the recovering of Ireland p. 55. XIX On his Majesty's falling in love with one of his own Subjects in France his marrying her and having a young Prince by her who was afterwards created Duke of Monmouth p. 59. XX. On the French King 's concluding a Treaty with Oliver by which his Majesty and the Royal Family were to be excluded France and his going thereupon into the Low-Countries p. 62. XXI On his Majesty's travelling into Germany and the Low-Countries The Duke of Glocester ' s being importun'd and threatned by his Mother to turn Roman Catholick and the Duke of York's being charg'd to depart France p. 64. XXII On his Majesty's being invited into the Spanish Netherlands by Don John of Austria in name of his Catholick Majesty upon the Rupture betwixt Spain and France p. 68. XXIII On the Defeat of the Spanish Army and the Surrender of Dunkirk to the English p. 70. XXIV On Oliver ' s Death Richard ' s being declar'd Protector outed by Lambert and the Army c. p. 72. XXV On his Majesty's being invited to a Treaty on the Frontiers of Spain betwixt the French and Spanish Ministers about a Peace betwixt those Crowns Sir George Booth ' s Defeat The Confusions which the Nations were cast into by Lambert and General Monk ' s carrying on the Designs of restoring his Majesty p. 74. XXVI On General Monk's having brought the Design of his Majesty's Restoration to Perfection His Majesty's Declaration from Breda and Entertainment of the Presbyterian Ministers there who were sent over to him p. 76. XXVII On his Majesty's being proclaim'd by the Parliament His magnificent Entrance into London and injoying the Countess of Castlemain the first Night p. 80. XXVIII On the Parliament's condemning the Regicides and appointing an Anniversary Humiliation on the Day of King Charles I' s Murder p. 83. XXIX On his Majesty's dissolving the Parliament which called him in and summoning another p. 85. XXX On the Presbyterian Plots set on foot Novemb. 1661. Sir J. P' s forging treasonable Letters to that effect His Majesty's appointing a Conference at the Savoy betwixt the Conformists and Nonconformists and influencing the House of Commons to offer Reasons against any Toleration p. 89. XXXI On his Majesty's selling of Dunkirk to the French King for 500000 l. p. 92. XXXII On the Parliament's beginning to grow sensible of the Incouragement given to the Catholick Religion by his Majesty's Declaration Decemb. 1662. Their Petition on that head and his Majesty's publishing a Proclamation against Papists thereupon p. 94. XXXIII On the News of some more Plots by the Phanaticks against his Majesty both in England Scotland and Ireland The Execution of the Earl of Argyle Lord Wariston c. in Scotland and some of those concerned in the Plots in England and Ireland p. 96. XXXIV On his Majesty's making War upon the Dutch Anno 1664. p. 99. XXXV On the Parliament's voting to stand by his Majesty till he had a Redress for the Injuries done to his Subjects by the Dutch The King 's great Care to have his Fleet ready before theirs putting them off by fair Promises seizing their Bourdeaux Fleet without declaring War c. p. 101. XXXVI On the French King 's making Peace with the States Several Skirmishes with various Success The Victory at Sea by the Duke of York and the Plague which broke out in London in 1665. p. 103. XXXVII On the meeting of the Parliament at Oxford because of the Plague at London The King's Speech to them about the Dutch War and Supplies The Chancellor's Enlargement on it The Act for banishing Nonconformists five Miles from Corporations p. 107. XXXVIII On the Dutch's recalling their Ambassador from England The King's Letter by him to the States and the French King and his Majesty's Declarations of War against each other p. 111. XXXIX Vpon the Sea-fights with the Dutch May and July 1666. both sides pretending to the Victory And the French's lying by though they came as if they design'd to assist the Dutch p. 113. XL. On the firing of London p. 114. XLI On the Parliament's meeting at Westminster after the Fire His Majesty's Demand of more Money
to be a Soveraign by halves However it not being safe to controvert the Matter too far I am resolv'd to pass the disbanding Act but will observe it no further than sutes my Measures I am pretty well accustomed to Violation of Oaths which have a degree of Solemnity beyond mere Acts of Parliament The Money which they give to disband them will serve for some time to maintain them and then I may be otherwise provided or make them at least provide for themselves and earn their Bread before they eat it It 's strange that I may not adventure upon that which Oliver the Usurper did before me He was so far from being check'd by his Parliaments that he gave Laws to them by his Army and why may not I attempt the like And though I be sworn to the contrary yet may defend it as he did by Reasons of State until such time as I arrive at that height of Power as to make my Will pass for a Law But this is more easily hop'd for than effected However if I can handsomly weather out this Storm it 's not impossible to be brought to pass CHAP. LXV On the relieving of Mons by the Prince of Orange with the Assistance of the Duke of Monmouth and the English Forces The Defeat given to the French at that time and their King's Complaint that it was contrary to his Majesty's private Articles The concluding of the Peace Recalling our Forces Quartering them in the Country His Majesty's being in a Consult with the Duke of York Lord Clifford c. which was over-heard and the Person who listened kick'd down Stairs by the said Lord. IT 's some Comfort to have Fellows though it be but in Affliction The French King who hath for a long time been on the top of the Wheel is also liable to be turn'd downward having lately receiv'd a considerable Check by the Defeat at Mons. This is a sensible Diminution of his Glory But though at another time it would have been a joyful Hearing to the Kings of England it is not so to me now because it 's a considerable Balk to our common Design There is also this mortifying Circumstance in it that the Laurels which are pulled off from his Head are planted on that of the Prince of Orange who though my Nephew both by Birth and Marriage yet I cannot cordially love him because he pursues Measures so contrary to mine And though I cannot but in some measure be satisfied to hear of what may tend to the Honour of my own Child whom I cannot but love by the Instinct of Nature yet I could have wish'd he had been otherwise imployed and that his Valour had been signaliz'd at this time as well as at others on the contrary side Two such promising Princes embarquing in the Protestant Cause may prove fatal to the Interest of Popery and Absolute Monarchy if they be bless'd with a few more such Victories as this and that I must in compliance with my own Inclinations endeavour to hinder lest my stubborn Subjects should make choice of the Son to chastise the Father as it happened to my Predecessor King James III. of Scotland whose rebellious States made his Son Generalissimo against him I am also pressed with another Difficulty which is how to excuse this to the French King who upbraids me with it as a Breach of the private Treaty that my Son and Subjects should fight against him I can truly say that neither the Duke nor they did engage in that Action with my Consent and that the thing is wholly owing to the Prince of Orange whose Conduct and Courage I have reason to dread will mar all the Designs which Lewis XIV and I have so long concerted This Disaster makes it necessary to conclude a Peace and then we may contrive at leisure how to retrieve it The Peace being concluded I must recal my Forces which now I perceive become grievous to the Spaniards and I hope to imploy them to better purpose at home than ever they were abroad Let the Phanaticks murmur and belch out their seditious Reflections upon my violating the Act for disbanding the Forces I am Proof against such Tongue-shot as theirs I can find out a Pretence for keeping them still on foot as being necessary to over-awe the French who being now at Peace with every body else may reasonably be thought to have Designs against me as having first obliged them to the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle and now by my Forces have contributed to bring them to a Peace These Regiments being brought over from Flanders will restrain the Tumnlts which I have reason to fear from the mutinous Humour in which my Subjects are at present and in a little time I can augment my Army if I had but Money It 's true that in the late Consult divers Expedients were proposed for obtaining it either from the French King the City of London or the Parliament But to have it from the former can never be relied on and if he supply me once I am not sure that he will do it a second time his own ambitious Designs having carv'd him out Ways enough for his Money Neither is it safe for me to be so much obliged to him lest he should at some time or other improve it against me as he did lately threaten to discover our secret Intrigues to the Parliament when we charg'd him with being worse than his Word and failing in the Money which he had promised for the common Design I know the Ambition of his Heart inclines him to aspire to the Universal Monarchy and therefore I must be on my Guard against him The Proposal of borrowing Money from the City of London I know impracticable they have already denied me Credit and it 's nothing but to render my self too mean to desire Money of them again The Project of bringing them to it by Force were no more than what they merit but the Consequences may prove fatal to my Designs The City of London being the Head of the Nation has a natural Influence on the whole Body Politick and if the City be once enraged I must not expect to have the Kingdom long in quiet And I have the more reason to be cautious on this Head because the Loss of the City was the Loss of my Father's Life It 's true that my Lord Clifford's Advice of declaring my self bare-fac'd and out-braving all Difficulties were a thing very beseeming a Monarch but my Experience is greater than his Dulce Bellum inexpertum War is sweet till it be tried Had he three Crowns to lose as I have his Courage would not be so great for he that never enjoyed the Sweets of Life does not know how to value them but I have had Experience both what it is to want and possess them I know that this Nation though very well prepar'd by that which Phanaticks and Men of their Kidney call Profanity is not yet ripe enough to imbrace
II. On his Majesty's accepting of the Scots Proposals and taking the Solemn League and Covenant in Scotland THE Order of Nature is strangely inverted when the Head is become the Tail I who ought to give Laws to my Subjects must now receive Laws from them and it adds to the Misery of my Fate that I must obey My Father by his Stiffness did lose both his Crown and his Life and to preserve the one and obtain the other I must comply My Mother who had no small Influence on his Refusal does now press me to accept the Terms so that at once I must abjure my Religion and Prerogative that I may the better advance them both It 's true that this will reflect upon my Honour but of two Evils I must chuse the least If I do not comply my Prerogative is lost for I shall never be admitted to possess my Crown if I don't abjure the Church of Rome I can never promote her Interest nor be rendred capable of doing her Enemies Hurt My Mother who is known to be a Princess of Sense lays an Obligation of Duty upon me to submit Her Zeal for the Catholick Religion is known and as a Daughter of France she is better instructed in the Pretensions of the Crown than to advise to any thing that may really lessen the Prerogative in the Conclusion and therefore I am resolved to take the Advice which she gave me in her Letter not doubting but that according to her Suggestion there I shall after my Restitution find an Opportunity to free my self from my Bonds Nor can it reflect upon my Parts to be govern'd by my Mother whose Counsels were Oracles to so great a Monarch as my Father For the Roman Catholick Princes they know my Mind I sent the Marquess of Montross to the King of Spain and other Ministers to the Courts of Austria and Poland to sollicite their Assistance for my Restitution on which the Advancement of the Church of Rome does so much depend I have likewise the Advice of the Council of France to comply with the Scots so that I am safe enough as to any Reflections from those of the Roman Communion though I profess my self to be of another I have also tried what may be expected from the Assistance of the Irish before I would accept of the Proposals of the Scots but seeing they cannot defend themselves I am sure they are unable to restore me and therefore I must depend upon the latter though much against my Mind But Heaven it seems thinks fit to humble me so far that I must rely on the Fidelity and Assistance of those whose Stubbornness and Rebellion laid the Foundations of my Father's Ruine But why should I despond is it not possible that the Fates may have put this Opportunity in my hand to revenge his Blood upon them and the Neighbouring Kingdom according to the solemn Vow which my Brother James and I have made to sacrifice thousands to the Memory of our Father and ten thousands to the Resentments of our dear Mother And as the Scots by their Rebellion were first in the Transgression may they atone for it by being first in the Punishment True they are a cunning People and if they smell the Design it ruines my Affairs but I must manage them with Prudence The Presbyterians are now on the Top of the Wheel and testify'd an Aversion to my Father's Blood which affords me a specious Pretext of caressing them but if they find me too easy it will render me cheap and therefore I must stand aloof for a time Some of their Commissioners I have already bought off and those will certainly espouse my Cause I must allarm them with their Danger from the English Sectaries and the Designs of that new-rais'd Commonwealth This will be a Pretence for bringing in the Cavaliers to defend their Country against the Common Enemy which will divide the Presbyterians amongst themselves and if I once get but part of them on my side it will cover my Designs against the whole I must pretend to be zealous for their Covenant and bewail the Sins of my Father's House I must admit some of their Ring-leaders for my Chaplains and that will attract the Applause of the Mob I must indulge the Nobility of my Court in their Practices and that will defend me against the Rigour of their Church I must profess a great Passion for the Liberties of the Subject and that will procure me the Concurrence of their States And by these Methods I hope to accomplish my Designs for when they are engaged against one another in the first Place and Cromwell and his Republicans in the next let the Loss fall on which side it will it is my Gain I shall be rid of so many dangerous Enemies and their Fall will be the Rise of my Throne for if the Presbyterians prevail they are for Monarchy though limited and when their old Friends but present Enemies the Independants are subdued it will be easy for me to scrue it a Pin higher and render it absolute If the Sectaries carry the Prize and who knows but it may be so for Fortune favours mad Men their Anarchy will quickly make the Nations weary and pave the Way for my Restoration for the Presbyterians who are for a National Church will never be quiet under a Congregational Frame and being also as I have said for a King in their Principles which are two main Heads of Agreement betwixt them and the Church-of England-men they will quickly prove too strong for the divided Sectaries who disagree in their Models both for Church and State My Design it 's true may seem Inglorious but there are Precedents which I am not asham'd to follow My Grandfather King James was sworn to maintain the Church and State of Scotland as he found them but yet made considerable Alterations in both My Father was obliged by his Coronation-Oath to govern according to the Laws and yet did advance his Prerogative above them My Grandfather Henry the IVth of France dissembled both with his Protestant and Catholick Subjects and yet his Reign is famous to Posterity But what need any farther Argument Did not the Council of Constance determine that Faith is not to be kept with Hereticks Then why should I stand upon such a Cobweb-Objection as the Violation of an Oath to Protestants especially seeing I have now such an Opportunity as if lost can never be regain'd The English are already fallen off to a Commonwealth and the Scots if I do not accept of their Terms will quickly send me such a Message as they sent my Father That if he did not think it worth his while to come to Scotland and receive their Crown they might perhaps be inclin'd to make choice of another Soveraign The Roman Catholicks and Church of England-men I am sure of and the Presbyterians I may be sure of if I comply with their Measures so that it is best striking the Iron while it
considerable though not successful for had the Plot but taken and those seditious Libels been found upon the Persons to whom they were intended by the Penny-post it would have afforded a plausible Pretext for charging them with a Plot and then I could have rid my self of so many dangerous Enemies by colour of Law The Commons are sensible enough of the Importance of the Design and therefore have impeach'd Fitz-Harris in order to have a full Discovery who set him at work which to be sure they would take care to publish through the Kingdom but by my Interest in the House of Lords I have got that Impeachment rejected and the Heat of the Commons in this together with the Posture which the London-Members came in to the Parliament at Oxford will furnish Pretence enough for dissolving them it being altogether intolerable that Subjects should put such mutinous Affronts upon their Prince as to distinguish themselves by Badges in their Hats with printed Motto's upon them to insinuate as if I had a Design to introduce Popery and Slavery So that I doubt not but to make a good Improvement of this extraordinary Heat discovered by the Citizens and can easily make it a sufficient Ground-work to build a Plot on that shall not be so apt to tumble down about the Ears of the Workmen as those which have hitherto been attempted for here 's Overt-act plain enough It 's not to be supposed that the Citizens and their Members did come in this posture without previous Consultation nor can it be thought that those Lords and Commons who have so frequently complain'd of my Administration publickly and are so much incens'd now at my opposing their Design of excluding my Brother should never have talk'd about those Affairs in private Cabals and propose Expedients to deliver themselves from that which they call Popery and Slavery the two things of which they are so much afraid And if I can but prove any such Consults or Conferences as I need not despair of effecting it by some false Brethren of their own let them extenuate the matter as much as they please by alledging that it was no more than what was talk'd in Parliament and agreeable to the Association propos'd by the Commons according to the Pattern of that signed in Queen Elizabeth's time upon the account of Jealousies of the same Nature I say let them make those and a hundred more such Apologies if I can fasten it upon them I shall prove it a Plot and punish them accordingly for it And if I succeed in this as I have no great reason to doubt but I shall seeing the Judges are made to my purpose it will not only justify all the Measures which I have taken hitherto but also such Severities as I may have occasion to put in practice in time to come for if once I get a Protestant Plot to be believed and fix'd upon those Lords and Commons who have always been most averse to my Designs and made the greatest Clamour against the Court then all that they have from time to time alledged of my Purposes to introduce Popery and Slavery will be look'd upon as the effect of Envy and a mere Contrivance for the better carrying on of their Designs to overturn the Government in Church and State And if once I get but some of them convicted by colour of Justice then I may charge the Design upon the whole Party with Confidence and I am sure to be seconded by the Pulpit and the Bench whose Arguments against the Phanatical Plotters will have so much the more Weight that the Parliament by their Influence would proceed to thwart me in the matter of the Succession which is unalterable by Divine Right notwithstanding of the fair Proffers which I made to them in my Speech of concurring with the Trial of the Lords in the Tower and hearkning to any Expedients by which the Protestant Religion might be preserved and the Monarchy not destroyed And seeing the Fathers of their own Church do own their Loyalty to be an essential Part of their Religion and Monarchy to be of Divine Right and that rather than break the Chain of Succession they are content to have a Popish King which the other Party think so dangerous to their Religion I may very well be excus'd to value the Monarchy and Succession at least as much as they and I am sure that I can't well value it higher seeing it's apparent that they prefer it to their Religion as probably thinking that to be the more disputable Point of the two And if it be so as I have very great Reason to believe it is I am the more confirm'd in my Scepticism as to all Religion for that Monarchy is not thought to be the only Form of Government by Divine Institution is apparent enough because there are so many Republicks both Protestant and Popish which are all of them defended as lawful Governments by the greatest Doctors of both Churches But seeing the Popish Clergy value their Religion above all sorts of Government or Governours as appears by their exauctorating Kings and defending their Murder or Dethronement when they fall off to Heresy I have reason to conclude that they are the more serious of the two and with the other Arguments which they urge as the Antiquity Universality and Infallibility of their Church this is to me a strong Presumption that their Religion is the truest of the two seeing it has evidently more Influence upon its Followers of which it has also the greatest Number and amongst those a great many Men of undeniable Learning and Parts CHAP. LXXV On his Majesty's Declaration that the Duke of Monmouth was not lawfully begotten HEre I find a mighty Struggle of Nature against declaring my Son illegitimate but seeing I have got over those things which foolish Bigots reckon Divine why should I stand upon that which is merely humane It 's known to the World that I have violated those Oaths which I made to God then why should I scruple to deny that I was ever under a Matrimonial Vow to any Woman but Queen Catharine I had rather be esteem'd wicked than weak and have it said that I was unchaste than foolish as every one will conclude me to have been in doing as much as in me lay to sacrifice the Interest of my Crown to an impotent Passion for a handsom Woman and that for the Satisfaction of my present Desires I should have hazarded a Deprivation of all my future Dignities by contracting such a mean Alliance as would not have excited the Compassion but expos'd me to the Contempt of other Sovereign Princes It 's true my Brother James may for one reason justly condemn me in his Heart because I would not let him disown his Match upon the Foresight of my Restoration though in strictness he has no Reason seeing our Circumstances do so much differ His Father-in-law would have resented such an Injury to the utter Disappointment of my