years And as Tacitus noteth well That the Capitoll though built in the beginnings of Rome yet was fit for the great Monarchy that came after So that Building of Lawes sufficeth the Greatnesse of the Empire of Spaine which since hath ensued Lewis the eleuenth had it in his minde though he performed it not to haue made one constant Law of France Extracted out of the Ciuill Roman Law and the Customes of Prouinces which are Various and the Kings Edicts which with the French are Statutes Surely he mought haue done well if like as he brought the Crowne as he said himselfe from Page So he had brought his People from Lacquay Not to runne vp and downe for their Lawes to the Ciuill Law and the Ordinances and the Customes the Discretions of Courts discourses of Philosophers as they vse to doe King Henry the Eighth in the twenty seuenth yeare of his Reigne was authorized by Parliament to nominate 32. Commissioners part Ecclesiasticall and part Temporall To purge the Canon Law and to make it agreeable to the Law of God and the Law of the Land But it tooke not effect For the Acts of that King were commonly rather Proffers and Fames than either well grounded or well pursued But I doubt I erre in producing so many examples For as Cicero said to Caesar so may I say to your Maiestie Nil vulgare te dignum videri possit Though indeed this well vnderstood is farre from Vulgar For that the Lawes of the most Kingdomes and States haue beene like Buildings of many peeces patched vp from time to time according to occasions without Frame or Modell Now for the Lawes of England if I shall speake my Opinion of them without partiality either to my Profession or Country for the Matter and Nature of them I hold them Wise lust and Moderate Lawes They giue to God they giue to Caesar they giue to the Subiect what appertaineth It is true they are as mixt as our Language compounded of Brittish Roman Saxon Danish Norman Customes And surely as our Language is thereby so much the richer So our Lawes are likewise by that Mixture the more compleat Neither doth this attribute lesse to them than those that would haue them to haue stood out the same in all Mutations For no Tree is so good first set as by transplanting and Grafting I remember what happened to Callisthenes that followed Alexanders Court and was growne into some displeasure with him because he could not well brooke the Persian Adoration At a Supper which with the Grecians was a great part Talke he was desired the King being present because he was an Eloquent Man to speake of some Theme Which he did And chose for his Theme the praise of the Macedonian Nation Which though it were but a filling Thing to praise Men to their Faces yet he performed it with such aduantage of Truth and auoidance of Flattery and with such Life as was much applauded by the Hearers The King was the lesse pleased with it not louing the Man and by way of discountenance said It was easie to be a good Oratour in a pleasing Theme But saith he to him Turne your stile And tell vs now of our faults that we may haue the profit and not you the praise onely Which he presently did with such Quicknesse that Alexander said That Malice made him Eloquent then as the Theme had done before I shall not fall into either of these Extremes in this Subiect of the Lawes of England I haue commended them before for the Matter but surely they aske much Amendment for the Forme Which to reduce and perfect I hold to be one of the greatest Dowries that can be confer'd vpon this Kingdome Which Worke for the Excellency as it is worthy your Maiesties Act and Times So it hath some circumstance of Propriety agreeable to your Person God hath blessed your Maiesty with Posterity And I am not of opinion that Kings that are barren are fittest to supply Perpetuity of Generations by perpetuity of Noble Acts But contrariwise that they that leaue Posterity are the more interessed in the Care of Future Times That as well their Progeny as their People may participate of their Merit Your Maiesty is a great Master in Iustice and Iudicature And it were pity the fruit of that your Vertue should not bee transmitted to the Ages to come Your Maiestie also reigneth in learned times the more no doubt in regard of your owne Perfection in Learning and your Patronage thereof And it hath beene the Mishap of Works of this nature that the lesse Learned Time hath sometimes wrought vpon the more Learned Which now will not be so As for my selfe the Law was my Profession to which I am a Debter Some little Helps I haue of other Arts which may giue Forme to Matter And I haue now by Gods mercifull Chastisement and by his speciall Prouidence time and leisure to put my Talent or halfe-Talent or what it is to such Exchanges as may perhaps exceed the Interest of an Actiue Life Therefore as in the beginning of my Troubles I made offer to your Maiestie to take paines in the Story of England and in compiling a Method and Digest of your Lawes So haue I performed the first which rested but vpon my selfe in some part And I doe in all humblenesse renew the offer of this latter which will require Helpe and Assistance to your Maiestie if it shall stand with your good pleasure to imploy my Seruice therein THE HISTORY OF THE REIGNE OF KING Henry the Eighth LONDON ¶ Printed by IOHN HAVILAND for Humphrey Robinson 1629. THE HISTORY OF THE REIGNE OF King HENRIE The Eighth AFter the Decease of that Wise Fortunate King King Henry the 7 who died in the Height of his Prosperity there followed as vseth to doe when the Sun setteth so exceeding cleare one of the fairest Mornings of a Kingdome that hath beene knowne in this Land or any where else A young King about 18. yeares of Age for Stature Strength Making and Beauty one of the goodliest Persons of his time And though he were giuen to Pleasure yet he was likewise desirous of Glory So that there was a passage open in his Minde by Glory for Vertue Neither was he vn-adorned with Learning though therein he came short of his Brother Arthur He had neuer any the least pique Difference or Iealousie with the King his Father which might giue any occasion of altering Court or Counsell vpon the change but all things passed in a Still He was the first Heire of the White and the Red Rose So that there was no discontented Party now left in the Kingdome but all Mens Hearts turned towards him And not onely their Hearts but their Eyes also For he was the onely Sonne Of the Kingdome He had no Brother which though it be a comfortable thing for Kings to haue yet it draweth the subiects Eyes a little aside And yet being a married Man in those young yeares it promised hope of speedy Issue to succeed in the Crowne Neither was there any Queene Mother who might share any way in the Gouernment or clash with his Counsellours for Authority while the King intended his pleasure No such thing as any Great and Mighty Subiect who might any way eclipse or ouershade the Imperiall Power And for the people and State in generall they were in such lownesse of obedience as Subiects were like to yeeld who had liued almost foure and twenty yeares vnder so politique a King as his Father Being also one who came partly in by the sword And had so high a Courage in all points of Regalitie And was euer victorious in Rebellions and Seditions of the People The Crowne extremely rich and full of Treasure and the Kingdome like to be so in short time For there was no War no Dearth no Stop of Trade or Commerce it was onely the Crowne which had sucked too hard and now being full and vpon the head of a young King was like to Draw lesse Lastly he was Inheritour 〈◊〉 Fathers Reputation which was great 〈◊〉 ouâ— the World He had streight â—â—â—nceâ— with the two Neighbour States 〈…〉 Enemy in 〈◊〉 to times and an 〈…〉 Friâ—â—d Scotland and Burgundy He had Peace and Amitie with France vnder the Assuâ—â—â—â— not only of Treatie and League but of Necessâ—â—e and Inhabilitie in the French to doe him hurt in respect that the French Kings Designes were wholly bent vpon Italy So that it may be truly said there had scarcely beene seene or knowne in many Ages such a rare Concurrence of Signes and Promises of a happy and flourishing Reigne to ensue as were now met in this young King called after his Fathers name HENRY the Eighth c. FINIS
to call it A necessity imposed vpon the Lacedemonians of a Warre Which are the Words of a meere Defensiue Adding that the other Causes were but specious and Popular Verissimam quidem sed minimè sermone celebratam arbitror extitisse Belli Causam Athenienses magnos effectos Lacedemonijs formidolosos necessitatem illis imposuisse Bellandi Quae autem propalam ferebantur vtrinque Causae istae fuerunt c. The truest Cause of this Warre though least voyced I conceiue to haue beene this That the Athenians being growne great to the terrour of the Lacedemonians did impose vpon them a necessity of a Warre But the Causes that went abroad in speech were these c. Sulpitius Galba Consul when he perswaded the Romans to a Preuentiue Warre with the latter Philip King of Macedon in regard of the great Preparations which Philip had then on foot and his Designes to ruine some of the Confederates of the Romans confidently saith That they who tooke that for an Offensius War vnderstood not the state of the Question Ignorare videmini mihi Quirites non vtrum bellum an pacem habeatis vos consuli neque enim liberum id vobis permittet Philippus qui terrâ marique ingens bellum molitur sed vtrum in Macedoniam legiones transportetis an hostem in Italiam recipiatis Ye seeme to me ye Romans not to vnderstand that the Consultation before you is not whether you shall haue Warre or Peace for Philip will take order you shall be no choosers who prepareth a mighty Warre both by Land and Sea but whether you shall transport the Warre into Macedon or receiue it into Italy Antiochus when he incited Prusias King of Bithynia at that time in league with the Romans to ioyne with him in Warre against them setteth before him a iust Feare of the ouerspreading Greatnesse of the Romans comparing it to a Fire that continually tooke and spread from Kingdome to Kingdome Venire Romanos ad omnia Regna tollenda vt nullum vsquam orbis terrarum nisi Romanum imperium esset Philippum Nabin expugnatos se tertium peti Vt quisque proximus ab oppresso sit per omnes velut continens incendium peruasurū That the Romans came to pull downe all Kingdomes and to make the State of Rome an vniuersall Monarchie That Philip and Nabis were already ruinated and now was his turn to be assailed So that as euery State lay next to the other that was oppressed so the fire perpetually grazed Wherein it is well to be noted that towards ambitious States which are noted to aspire to great Monarchies and to seeke vpon all occasions to enlarge their Dominions Crescunt Argumenta iusti Metus All particular feares doe grow and multiply out of the Contemplation of the generall Courses and Practice of such States Therefore in Deliberations of Warre against the Turke it hath beene often with great iudgement maintained That Christian Princes and States haue alwayes a sufficient Ground of Inuasiue Warre against the Enemie Not for Cause of Religion but vpon a iust Feare Forasmuch as it is a Fundamentall Law in the Turkish Empire that they may without any other prouocation make warre vpon Christendome for the Propagation of their Law So that there lieth vpon the Christians a perpetuall Feare of a Warre hanging ouer their heads from them And therefore they may at all times as they thinke good be vpon the Preuention Demosthenes exposeth to scorne Wars which are not Preuentiue comparing those that make them to country Fellowes in a Fence Schoole that neuer ward till the blow be past Vt Barbari Pugiles dimicare solent ita vos bellum geritis cum Philippo Ex his enim is qui ictus est ictui semper inhaeret Quod si eum alibi verberes illò manus transfert Ictum autem depellere aut prospicere neque scit neque vult As Country Fellowes vse to doe when they play at Wasters such a kinde of warre doe you Athenians make with Philip For with them hee that gets a blow streight falleth to ward when the blow is past And if you strike him in another place thither goes his hand likewise But to put by or foresee a blow they neither haue the skill northe will Clinias the Candian in Plato speaks desperately and wildly As if there were no such thing as Peace betweene Nations But that euery Nation expects but his aduantage to Warre vpon another But yet in that Excesse of Speech there is thus much that may haue a ciuill Construction Namely that euery State ought to stand vpon his guard and rather preuent than be preuented His words are Quam rem ferè vocant Pacem nudum inane Nomen est Reuera autem omnibus aduersus omnes Ciuitates bellum sempiternum perdurat That which Men for the most part call Peace is but a naked and empty Name But the truth is that there is euer betweene all Estates a secret Warre I know well this Speech is the Obiection and not the Decision and that it is after refuted But yet as I said before it beares thus much of Truth That if that generall Malignity and Predisposition to Warre which hee vntruly figureth to be in all Nations be produced and extended to a iust Feare of being oppressed then it is no more a true Peace but a Name of a Peace As for the Opinion of Iphicrates the Athenian it demands not so much towards a Warre as a iust Feare But rather commeth neare the Opinion of Clinias As if there were euer amongst Nations a Brooding of a War and that there is no sure League but Impuissance to doe hurt For he in the Treaty of Peace with the Lacedemonians speaketh plaine language Telling them there could be no true and secure Peace except the Lacedemonians yeelded to those things which being granted it would be no longer in their power to hurt the Athenians though they would And to say truth if one marke it well this was in all Memory the maine peece of Wisdome in strong and prudent Counsels To bee in perpetuall watch that the States about them should neither by Approach nor by Encrease of Dominion nor by Ruining Confederates nor by blocking of Trade nor by any the like meanes haue it in their power to hurt or annoy the States they serue And whensoeuer any such Cause did but appeare straight-wayes to buy it out with a Warre and neuer to take vp Peace at credit and vpon Interest It is so memorable as it is yet as fresh as if it were done yesterday how that Triumuirate of Kings Henry the eight of England Francis the first of France and Charles the fifth Emperour and King of Spaine were in their times so prouident as scarce a Palme of Ground could bee gotten by either of the Three but that the other Two would be sure to doe their best to set the Ballance of Europe vpright againe And the like diligence was vsed in the Age before by
will be said This is an Almanacke for the old yeare Since 88. all hath beene well Spaine hath not assailed this Kingdome howsoeuer by two seuerall Inuasions from vs mightily prouoked It is true but then consider that immediately after 88. they were imbroyled for a great time in the Protection of the Leaguâ— of France whereby they had their hands full After being brought extreme low by their vast and continuall Embracements they were enforced to be quiet that they might take Breath and doe Reparations vpon their former Wastes But now of late Things seeme to come on apace to their former Estate Nay with farre greater Disaduantage to vs. For now that they haue almost continued and as it were arched their Dominions from Milan by the Valtoline and Palatinate to the Low-Countries We see how they thirst and pant after the vtter Ruine of those States Hauing in contempt almost the German Nation and doubting little opposition except it come from England Whereby either we must suffer the Dutch to be ruined to our owne manifest preiudice Or put it vpon the hazard I spake of before that Spaine will cast at the fairest Neither is the point of Internall Danger which groweth vpon vs to be forgotten This That the Party of the Papists in England are become more knotted both in Dependance towards Spaine and amongst themselues than they haue beene Wherein againe comes to be remembred the Case of 88 For then also it appeared by diuers secret letters that the Designe of Spaine was for some yeares before the inuasion attempted to prepare a Party in this Kingdome to adhere to the Forrainer at his comming And they bragged that they doubted not but to abuse and lay asleepe the Queene and Counsell of England as to haue any feare of the Party of Papists here For that they knew they said the State would but cast the eye and looke about to see whether there were any Eminent Head of that Party vnder whom it might vnite it selfe And finding none worth the thinking on the State would rest secure and take no apprehension Whereas they meant they said to take a course to deale with the People and particulars by Reconcilements and Confessions and Secret Promises and cared not for any Head of Party And this was the true reason why after that the Seminaries beganne to blossome and to make Missions into England which was about the three and twentieth yeare of Queene Elizabeth at what time also was the first suspition of the Spanish Inuasion then and not before grew the sharpe and seuere Lawes to be made against the Papists And therefore the Papists may doe well to change their thanks And whereas they thanke Spaine for their Fauours to thanke them for their Perills and Miseries if they should fall vpon them For that nothing euer made their Case so ill as the Doubt of the Greatnesse of Spaine which adding Reason of State to Matter of Conscience and Religion did whet the Lawes against them And this Case also seemeth in some sort to returne againe at this time except the Clemencie of his Maiesty and the State doe superabound As for my part I doe wish it should And that the Proceedings towards them may rather tend to Security and Prouidence and Point of State than to Persecution for Religion But to conclude These Things briefly touched may serue as in a Subiect Coniecturall and Future for to represent how iust Cause of Feare this Kingdome may haue towards Spaine Omitting as I said before all present and more secret Occurrences The third Ground of a Warre with Spaine I haue set downe to be A iust Feare of the Subuersion of our Church and Religion Which needeth little Speech For if this Warre be a Defensiue as I haue proued it to be no Man will doubt That a Defensiue Warre against a Forrainer for Religion â—s lawfull Of an Offensiue Warre there is more Dispute And yet in that instance of the Warre for the Holy Land and Sepulcher I doe wonder sometimes that the Schoole Men want words to defend that which S. Bernard wanted words to commend But I that in this little Extract of a Treatise doe omit things necessary am not to handle things vnnecessary No man I say will doubt but if the Pope or King of Spaine would demand of vs to forsake our Religion vpon paine of a Warre it were as vniust a Demand as the Persians made to the Grecians of Land and Water Or the Ammonites to the Israelites of their Right Eies And we see all the Heathen did stile their Defensiue Wars Pro Aris Focis Placing their Altars before their Hearths So that it is in vaine of this to speake further Onely this is true That the Feare of the Subuersion of our Religion from Spaine is the more iust for that all other Catholique Princes and States content and containe themselues to maintaine their Religion within their owne Dominions and meddle not with the Subiects of other States Whereas the Practice of Spaine hath beene both in Charles the fifth's time and in the time of the League in France by Warre And now with vs by Conditions of Treaty to intermeddle with Forraine States and to declare themselues Protectors generall of the Party of Catholiques through the World As if the Crowne of Spaine had a little of this That they would plant the Popes Law by Armes as the Ottomans doe the Law of Mahomet Thus much concerning the first maine point of Iustifying the Quarrell if the King shall enter into a War For this that I haue said and all that followeth to be said is but to shew what he may doe The Second maine Part of that I haue propounded to speake of is the Ballance of Forces betweene Spaine and vs. And this also tendeth to no more but what the King may doe For what hee may doe is of two kinds What hee may doe as Iust And what he may doe as Possible Of the one I haue already spoken Of the other I am now to speake I said Spaine was no such Giant And yet if he were a Giant it will be but as it was betweene Dauid and Goliah for God is on our side But to leaue all Arguments that are Supernaturall and to speake in an Humane and Politique Sense I am led to thinke that Spaine is no ouermatch for England by that which leadeth all Men That is Experience and Reason And with Experience I will beginne For there all Reason beginneth Is it Fortune shall we thinke that in all Actions of Warre or Armes great and small which haue happened these many yeares euer since Spaine and England haue had any thing to debate one with the other the English vpon all Encounters haue perpetually come off with honour and the better It is not Fortune sure Shee is not so constant There is somewhat in the Nation and Naturall Courage of the People or some such thing I will make a briefe List of the Particulars themselues in
or chiefly both the Spirituall and Temporall Honour and Good haue beene in one pursuit and purchase conioyned POL. Me thinks with your fauour you should remember Martius that Wilde and Sauage People are like Beasts and Birds which are Ferae Naturae the Property of which passeth with the Possession and goeth to the Occupant But of Ciuill People it is not so MAR. I know no such difference amongst Reasonable soules But that whatsoeuer is in order to the greatest and most generall Good of people may iustifie the Action be the people more or lesse Ciuill But Eupolis I shall not easily grant that the People of Peru or Mexico were such brute Sauages as you intend Or that there should be any such Difference betweene them and many of the Infidels which are now in other parts In Peru though they were vnapparrelled People according to the Clime And had some Customes very Barbarous Yet the Gouernment of the Incae's had many Parts of Humanity and Ciuility They had reduced the Nations from the Adoration of a Multitude of Idols and Fancies to the Adoration of the Sunne And as I remember the Booke of Wisdome noteth Degrees of Idolatry Making that of Worshipping Petty and Vile Idols more grosse than simply the Worshipping of the Creature And some of the Prophets as I take it doe the like in the Metaphore of more vgly and Bestiall Fornication The Peruuians also vnder the Incaes had magnificent Temples of their Superstition They had Strict and Regular Iustice They bare great Faith and Obedience to their Kings They proceeded in a kinde of Marshall Iustice with their Enemies offering them their Law as better for their owne Good before they drew their Sword And much like was the State of Mexico being an Electiue Monarchie As for those People of the East Goa Calecute Malaca they were a Fine and Dainty People Frugall and yet Elegant though not Militar So that if Things be rightly weighed the Empire of the Turks may be truly affirmed to be more Barbarous than any of these A cruel Tyranny bathed in the Bloud of their Emperours vpon euery Succession A Heap of Vassals and Slaues No Nobles No Gentlemen No Free-men No Inheritance of Land No Stirp or Ancient Families A People that is without Naturall Affection and as the Scripture saith that Regardeth not the desires of Women And without Piety or Care towards their Children A Nation without Morality without Letters Arts or Sciences That can scarce measure an Acre of Land or an Houre of the Day Base and Sluttish in Buildings Diets and the like And in a word A very Reproach of Humane Societie And yet this Nation hath made the Garden of the World a Wildernesse For that as it is truly said concerning the Turks Where Ottomans Horse sets his foot people will come vp very thin POLLIO Yet in the midst of your Inuectiue Martius doe the Turks this right as to remember that they are no Idolaters For if as you say there be a Difference betweene Worshipping a Base Idoll and the Sunne There is a much greater Difference betweene worshipping a Creature and the Creator For the Turks doe acknowledge God the Father Creator of Heauen and Earth being the first Person in the Trinity though they deny the rest At which Speech when Martius made some pause Zebedaeus replied with a Countenance of great Reprehension and Seueritie ZEBED Wee must take heed Pollio that wee fall not at vnawares into the Heresie of Manuel Comnenus Emperour of Grecia Who affirmed that Mahomets God was the true God Which Opinion was not only reiected and condemned by the Synode but imputed to the Emperour as extreme Madnesse Being reproached to him also by the Bishop of Thessalonica in those bitter and strange Words as are not to be named MARTIVS I confesse that it is my Opinion that a Warre vpon the Turke is more worthy than vpon any other Gentiles Infidels or Sauages that either haue beene or now are both in point of Religion and in point of Honour Though Facilitie and Hope of Successe mought perhaps inuite some other Choyce But before I proceed both my Selfe would be glad to take some Breath And I shall frankly desire that some of your Lordships would take your turne to speake that can doe it better But chiefly for that I see here some that are excellent Interpreters of the Diuine Law though in seuerall wayes And that I haue reason to distrust mine own Iudgement both as weake in it selfe and as that which may be ouerborne by my Zeale and Affection to this Cause I thinke it were an Errour to speake further till I may see some sound Foundation laid of the Lawfulnesse of the Action by them that are better versed in that Argument EVPOLIS I am glad Martius to see in a Person of your Profession so great Moderation in that you are not transported in an Action that warmes the Bloud and is appearing Holy to blaunch or take for admitted the Point of Lawfulnesse And because mee thinkes this Conference prospers if your Lordships will giue me leaue I will make some motion touching the Distribution of it into Parts Vnto which when they all assented Eupolis said EVPOLIS I thinke it would not sort amisse it Zebedaeus would be pleased to handle the Question Whether a Warre for the Propagation of the Christian Faith without other cause of Hostilitie be lawfull or no and in what cases I confesse also I would be glad to goe a little further And to heare it spoken to concerning the Lawfulnesse not only permissiuely but whether it be not Obligatory to Christian Princes and States to designe it Which Part if it please Gamaliel to vndertake the point of the Lawfulnesse taken simply will be Compleat Yet there resteth the Comparatiue That is it being granted that it is either Lawfull or Binding yet whether other Things be not to be preferr'd before it As Extirpation of Heresies Reconcilements of Sohismes Pursuit of Lawfull Temporall Rights and Quarrels And the Like And how farre this Enterprise ought either to wait vpon these other Matters Or to be mingled with them Or to passe by them and giue Law to them as inferiour vnto it selfe And because this is a great Part and Eusebius hath yet said nothing wee will by way of Mulct or Paine if your Lordships thinke good lay it vpon him All this while I doubt much that Pollio who hath a sharpe Wit of Discouery towards what is Solide and Reall and what is Specious and Aiery will esteeme all this but Impossibilities and Eagles in the Clouds And therefore wee shall all intreat him to crush this Argument with his best Forces That by the Light we shall take from him wee may either cast it away if it be found but a Bladder Or discharge it of so much as is vaine and not sperable And because I confesse I my selfe am not of that Opinion although it be an hard Encounter to deale with Pollio yet I shall doe my
graft this Golden Head vpon their owne Necks after their Death Nay they may make Nabuchadonozors Jmage of Monarchy golden from Head to Foot And if any of the Meaner sort of Politiques that are sighted onely to see the worst of things thinke That Lawes are but Cobwebs and that good Princes will doe well without them and bad will not stand much vpon them The Discourse is neither good nor wise For certaine it is that good Lawes are some bridle to bad Princes And as a very wall about Gouernment And if Tyrants sometime make a breach into them yet they mollifie euen Tyranny it selfe As Solons Lawes did the Tyranny of Pisistratus And then commonly they get vp againe vpon the first Aduantage of better times Other meanes to perpetuate the Memory and Merits of Soueraign Princes are inferiour to this Buildings of Temples Tombes Palaces Theaters and the like are honourable things and looke bigge vpon Posterity But Constantine the Great gaue the Name well to those workes when hee vsed to call Traian that was a great Builder Parietaria Wall-Flower Because his Name was vpon so many Walls So if that be the Matter that a King would turne Wall-flower or Pellitory of the Wall with cost he may Adrian's veine was better For his minde was to wrastle a fall with Time And being a great Progressour through all the Roman Empire when euer he found any Decaies of Bridges or Highwaies or Cuts of Riuers and Sewers or Walls or Banks or the like he gaue substantiall order for their Repaire with the better Hee gaue also Multitudes of Charters and Liberties for the comfort of Corporations and Companies in decay So that his Bounty did striue with the Ruines of Time But yet this though it were an excellent Disposition went but in effect to the Cases and Shels of a Common-wealth It was nothing to Vertue or Vice A bad Man might indifferently take the benefit and ease of his Waies and Bridges as well as a good And bad People might purchase good Charters Surely the better Workes of Perpetuity in Princes are those that wash the Jn-side of the Cup. Such as are Foundations of Colledges and Lectures for Learning and Education of youth Likewise Foundations and Jnstitutions of Orders and Fraternities for Noblenesse Enterprise and Obedience and the like But yet these also are but like Plantations of Orchards and Gardens in Plots and Spots of Ground here and there They doe not till ouer the whole Kingdome and make it fruitfull as doth the Establishing of good Lawes and Ordinances Which makes a whole Nation to be as a well ordered Colledge or Foundation This kinde of Worke in the memory of Times is rare enough to shew it Excellent And yet not so rare as to make it suspected for Impossible Inconuenient or Vnsafe Moses that gaue Lawes to the Hebrewes because he was the Scribe of God himselfe is fitter to be named for honours sake to other Lawgiuers than to bee numbred or ranked amongst them Minos Lycurgus and Solon are Examples for Themes of Grammar Schollers For ancient Personages and Characters now adayes vse to wax Children againe Though that Parable of Pindarus be true The best thing is Water For Common and Triuiall Things are many times the best And rather despised vpon Pride because they are vulgar than vpon Cause or Vse Certaine it is that the Lawes of those three Law-Giuers had great Prerogatiues The first of Fame Because they were the Patterne amongst the Grecians The second of Lasting For they continued longest without alteration The third of a Spirit of Reuiuer To bee often oppressed and often restored Amongst the seuen Kings of Rome foure were Law-Giuers For it is most true that a Discourser of Italy saith There was neuer State so well swadled in the Infancie as the Roman was by the vertue of their first Kings Which was a principall Cause of the wonderfull growth of that State in after times The Decemuirs Lawes were Lawes vpon Lawes not the Originall For they grafted Lawes of Grecia vpon Roman Stocke of Lawes and Customes But such was their successe as the Twelue Tables which they compiled were the maine Body of the Lawes which framed and weilded the great Body of that Estate These lasted a long time with some Supplementals and the Pretorian Edicts in Albo Which were in respect of Lawes as Writing Tables in respect of Brasse The one to be put in and out as the other is permanent Lucius Cornelius Sylla reformed the Lawes of Rome For that Man had three Singularities which neuer Tyrant had but he That he was a Law-Giuer That he tooke part with the Nobility And That he turned Priuate Man not vpon Feare but vpon Confidence Caesar long after desired to imitate him only in the First For otherwise hee relied vpon new Men And for resigning his Power Seneca describeth him right Caesar gladium citò condidit nun quam posuit Caesar soone sheathed his sword but neuer put it off And himselfe tooke it vpon him saying in scorne of Syllae's Resignation Sylla nesciuit literas dictare non potuit Sylla knew no letters he could not dictate But for the part of a Law-Giuer Cicero giueth him the Attribute Caesar si ab eo quaereretur quid egisset in Togâ leges se respondisset multas praeclaras tulisse Jf you had asked Caesar what he did in the Gowne he would haue answered that he made many excellent Lawes His Nephew Augustus did tread the Same steps but with deeper print because of his long Reigne in peace Whereof one of the Poets of his time saith Pace datâ terris animum ad Ciuilia vertit Jura suum legesque tulit iustissimus Author From that time there was such a Race of Wit and Authority betweene the Commentaries and Decisions of the Lawyers and the Edicts of the Emperours as both Lawes and Lawyers were out of breath VVhereupon Iustinian in the end recompiled both And made a Body of Lawes such as might be weilded which himselfe calleth gloriously and yet not aboue truth The Edifice or Structure of a sacred Temple of Iustice Built indeed out of the former Ruines of Bookes as Materials and some Nouell Constitutions of his owne In Athens they had Sexuiri as Aeschines obserueth which were standing Commissioners Who did watch to discerne what lawes waxed vnproper for the Times and what new Law did in any branch crosse a former Law and so Ex officio propounded their Repeale King Edgar collected the Lawes of this Kingdome and gaue them the strength of a Faggot bound which formerly were dispersed Which was more glory to him then his Sailing about this Island with a potent Fleet. For that was as the Scripture saith Via nauis in mari The way of a ship in the Sea It vanished but this lasteth Alphonso the Wise the ninth of that Name King of Castile compiled the Digest of the Lawes of Spaine Intituled the Siete Partidas An excellent Worke which he finished in seuen
an Historicall Truth no wayes strowted nor made greater by Language This were a fit Speech you will say for a Generall in the Head of an Army when they were going to Battell Yes And it is no lesse fit Speech to bee spoken in the Head of a Counsell vpon a Deliberation of Entrance into a Warre Neither speake I this to disparage the Spanish Nation whom I take to be of the best Souldiers in Europe But that sorteth to our honour if wee still haue had the better hand In the yeare 1578. was that famous Lammas Day which buried the Reputation of Don Ihuan d' Austrià himselfe not suruiuing long after Don Ihuan being superiour in Forces assisted by the Prince of Parma Mondragon Mansell and other the best Commanders of Spaine confident of Victory charged the Army of the States neere Rimenant brauely furiously at the first But after a Fight maintained by the space of a whole day was repulsed and forced to a Retrait with great slaughter of his Men And the Course of his further Enterprizes was wholly arrested And this chiefly by the Prowesse and Vertue of the English and Scottish Troupes vnder the Conduct of Sir Iohn Norris and Sir Robert Stuart Colonels Which Troupes came to the Army but the day before harrased with a long and wearisome march and as it is left for a memorable circumstance in all Stories the Souldiers being more sensible of a little Heat of the Sunne than of any cold Feare of Death cast away their Armour and Garments from them and fought in their Shirts And as it was generally conceiued had it not beene that the Count of Bossu was slacke in charging the Spaniards vpon their Retreit this Fight had sorted to an absolute Defeat But it was enough to chastise Don Ihuan for his insidious Treaty of Peace wherewith he had abused the States at his first comming And the Fortune of the day besides the testimonie of all Stories may be the better ascribed to the Seruice of the English and Scottish by comparison of this Charge neare Rimenant where the English and Scottish in great numbers came in action with the like Charge giuen by Don Ihuan halfe a yeare before at Gemblours where the Successe was contrary There being at that time in the Army but a Handfull of English and Scottish and they put in disarray by the Horsemen of their owne Fellowes The first Dart of Warre which was throwne from Spaine or Rome vpon the Realme of Ireland was in the yeare 1580 For the Designe of Stukeley blew ouer into Africke And the Attempt of Sanders and Fitz-Maurice had a spice of Madnesse In that yeare Ireland was inuaded by Spanish and Italian Forces vnder the Popes Banner and the Conduct of Sant Iosepho to the number of 700. or better which landed at Smerwicke in Kerey A poore Number it was to conquer Ireland to the Popes vse For their Designe was no lesse But withall they brought Armes for 5000. Men aboue their owne company intending to arme so many of the Rebels of Ireland And their purpose was to fortifie in some strong Place of the wilde and Desolate Country and there to nestle till greater Succours came They being hastened vnto this Enterprise vpon a speciall Reason of State not proper to the Enterprise it selfe Which was by the Inuasion of Ireland and the Noyse thereof to trouble the Counsell of England and to make a diuersion of certaine Aids that then were preparing from hence for the Low Countries They chose a place where they erected a Fort which they called the Fort del Or And from thence they bolted like Beasts of the Forrest sometimes into the Woods and Fastnesses and sometimes backe againe to their Den. Soone after Siege was laid to the Fort by the Lord Gray then Deputy with a smaller Number than those were within the Fort Venturously indeed But haste was made to attache them before the Rebels came in to them After the siege of foure dayes only and two or three Sallies with losse on their part they that should haue made good the Fort for some moneths till new Succours came from Spaine or at least from the Rebels of Ireland yeelded vp themselues without conditions at the end of those foure daies And for that there were not in the English Army enough to keepe euery man a Prisoner And for that also the Deputy expected instantly to be assailed by the Rebels And againe there were no Barks to throw them into and send them away by Sea They were all put to the sword With which Queene Elizabeth was afterwards much displeased In the yeare 1582. was that Memorable Retreit of Gaunt Than the which there hath not beene an Exploit of Warre more celebrated For in the true iudgement of Men of Warre honourable Retreits are no wayes inferiour to braue Charges As hauing lesse of Fortune more of Discipline and as much of Valour There were to the number of 300. Horse and as many thousand Foot English commanded by Sir Iohn Norris charged by the Prince of Parma comming vpon them with 7000. Horse Besides that the whole Army of Spaniards was ready to march on Neuerthelesse Sir Iohn Norris maintained a Retreit without Disarray by the space of some miles part of the way champagne vnto the City of Gaunt with lesse losse of Men than the Enemy The D. of Aniou and the Prince of Aurange beholding this noble Action from the Wals of Gaunt as in a Theatre with great Admiration In the yeare 1585. followed the Prosperous Expedition of Drake and Carlile into the West Indies In the which I set a side the Taking of S. Iago and S. Domingo in Hispaniola as Surprises rather than Encounters But that of Catargena where the Spaniards had warning of our comming had put themselues in their full strength was one of the hottest Seruices most dangerous Assaults that hath bin known For the Accesse to the Town was only by a Neck of Land betweene the Sea on the one part and the Harbour Water or Inner Sea on the other Fortified cleane ouer with a strong Rampier and Barracado So as vpon the Ascent of our Men they had both great Ordnance and small Shot that thundred and showred vpon them from the Rampier in front and from the Gallies that lay at Sea in flanke And yet they forced the Passage and wan the Towne being likewise very well manned As for the Expedition of Sir Francis Drake in the yeare 1587. for the destroying of the Spanish Shipping and Prouision vpon their owne Coast As I cannot say that there interuened in that Enterprise any sharpe Fight or Encounter So neuerthelesse it did strangely discouer either that Spaine is very weake at home or very slow to moue When they suffered a small Fleet of English to make an hostile Inuasion or Incursion vpon their Hauens and Roads from Cadez to Capa Sacra and thence to Cascais And to fire sinke and carry away at the least 10000. tonne
at the first two of their brauest Commanders at Sea Petro de Valdez and Michael de Oquenda durst not put it to a Battell at Sea but set vp their rest wholly vpon the Land-Enterprise On the other side the Transporting of the Land-forces failed in the very Foundation For whereas the Counsell of Spaine made full account that their Nauy should be Master of the Sea and therefore able to guard and protect the Vessels of Transportation When it fell out to the contrary that the Great Nauy was distressed and had enough to doe to saue it selfe And againe that the Hollanders impounded their Land-forces with a braue Fleet of 30. Saile excellently well appointed Things I say being in this State it came to passe that the Duke of Parma must haue flowne if he would haue come into England for hee could get neither Barke nor Mariner to put to Sea Yet certaine it is that the Duke looked still for the comming backe of the Armada euen at that time when they were wandring and making their Perambulation vpon the Northerne Seas But to returne to the Armada which we left anchored at Callis From thence as Sir Walter Rawlegh was wont prettily to say they were suddenly driuen away with Squibs For it was no more but a Stratagem of Fire-boats Manlesse and sent vpon them by the fauour of the Wind in the night time that did put them in such terrour as they cut their Cables and left their Anchors in the Sea After they houered some 2 or 3 daies about Graueling there againe were beaten in a great Fight at what time our second Fleet which kept the narrow Seas was come in and ioyned to our maine Fleet. Thereupon the Spaniards entring into further terrour and finding also diuers of their Ships euery day to sinke lost all courage in stead of comming vp into the Thames Mouth for London as their Designe was fled on towards the North to seeke their Fortunes Being still chaced by the English Nauy at the heeles vntill we were faine to giue them ouer for want of Powder The Breath of Scotland the Spaniards could not endure Neither durst they as Inuaders land in Ireland But only ennobled some of the Coasts thereof with shipwracks And so going Northwards aloofe as long as they had any doubt of being pursued at last when they were out of reach they turned and crossed the Ocean to Spaine hauing lost fourescore of their Ships and the greater part of their Men. And this was the End of that Sea-Giant the Inuincible Armada Which hauing not so much as fired a Cottage of ours at Land nor taken a Cockboat of ours at Sea wandered thorow the Wildernesse of the Northerne Seas And according to the Curse in the Scripture Came out against vs one way and fled before vs seuen wayes Seruing only to make good the iudgement of an Astrologer long before giuen Octuagesimus octauus Mirabilis Annus Or rather to make good euen to the astonishment of all Posterity the wonderfull Iudgements of God powred downe commonly vpon vast and proud Aspirings In the yeare that followed of 1589. we gaue the Spaniards no breath but turned Challengers and inuaded the Maine of Spaine In which Enterprise although we failed of our End which was to settle Don Antonio in the Kingdome of Portugall yet a Man shall hardly meet with an Action that doth better reueale the great Secret of the Power of Spaine Which Power well sought into will be found rather to consist in a Veterane Army such as vpon seuerall Occasions and Pretensions they haue euer had on foot in one part or other of Christendome now by the space of almost six score yeares than in the strength of their Dominions and Prouinces For what can be more strange or more to the Disualuation of the Power of the Spaniard vpon the Continent than that with an Army of a 11000. English Land Souldiers and a Fleet of 26. Ships of warre besides some weake Vessells for Transportation we should within the Houre-glasse of two moneths haue wonne one Towne of importance by Escalada Battered and assaulted another Querthrowne great Forces in the Field that vpon the disaduantage of a Bridge strongly barracadoed Landed the Army in three seuerall Places of his Kingdome Marched seuen dayes in the Heart of his Countries Lodged three nights in the Suburbs of his principall City Beaten his Forces into the Gates thereof Possessed two of his Frontire Forts And come off after all this with small losse of Men otherwise than by Sicknesse And it was verily thought that had it not beene for foure great Disfauours of that Voyage That is to say The failing in sundry Prouisions that were promised especially of Cannons for Battery The vaine Hopes of Don Antonio concerning the People of the Country to come in to his aid The Disappointment of the Fleet that was directed to come vp the Riuer of Lisbone And lastly the Diseases which spred in the Army by reason of the Heat of the Season and of the Souldiers Misrule in Diet the Enterprise had succeeded and Lisbone had beene carried But howsoeuer it makes proofe to the World that an Inuasion of a few English vpon Spaine may haue iust hope of Victory at least of Pasport to depart safely In the yeare 1591. was that Memorable Fight of an English Ship called the Reuenge vnder the Command of Sir Richard Greenuill Memorable I say euen beyond credit and to the Height of some Heroicall Fable And though it were a Defeat yet it exceeded a Victory Being like the Act of Sampson that killed more Men at his Deatly than he had done in the time of all his Life This Ship for the space of 15. hours sate like a Stagge amongst Hounds at the bay and was seiged and fought with in turne by 15. great Ships of Spaine Part of a Nauy of 55. Ships in all The rest like Abettors looking on a farre off And amongst the 15. Ships that fought the great Sant Philippo was one A Ship of 1500. tonne Prince of the twelue Sea Apostles Which was right glad when she was shifted off from the Reuenge This braue ship the Reuenge being manned only with 200. Souldiers and Mariners whereof 80. lay sicke yet neuerthelesse after a Fight maintained as was said of 15. houres and two Ships of the Enemy sunke by her side Besides many more torne and battered and great slaughter of Men neuer came to be entred but was taken by Composition The Enemies themselues hauing in admiration the Vertue of the Commander and the whole Tragedy of that Ship In the yeare 1596 was the Second Inuasion that we made vpon the Maine Territories of Spaine Prosperously atchieued by that Worthy and Famous Robert Earle of Essex in consort with the Noble Earle of Nottingham that now liueth then Admirall This Iourny was like Lightning For in the space of 14. hours the King of Spaines Nauy was destroyed the Town of Cadez taken The Nauy was no
Answer to the Obiection raised touching the Difference of times Not entring into more secret Passages of State But keeping that Character of Stile whereof Seneca speaketh Plus significat quà m loquitur Here I would passe ouer from Matter of Experience were it not that I held it necessary to discouer a wonderfull Erroneous obseruation that walketh about and is commonly receiued contrary to all the true Account of Time and Experience It is that the Spaniard where he once getteth in will seldome or neuer be got out againe But nothing is lesse true than this Not long since they got footing at Brest and some other parts in French Brittaine after quitted them They had Calais Ardes and Amiens and rendred them or were beaten out They had since Verseilles and faire left it They had the other day the Valtoline and now haue put it in deposite What they will doe with Ormus which the Persian hath taken from them we shall see So that to speake truly of later Times they haue rather poched and offered at a Number of Enterprises than maintained any constantly quite contrary to that idle Tradition In more ancient times leauing their Purchases in Affricke which they after abandoned when their great Emperour Charles had clasped Germany almost in his fist he was forced in the end to goe from Isburg and as if it had beene in a Masque by Torch-light and to quit euery foot in Germany round that he had gotten Which I doubt not will be the hereditary Issue of this late Purchase of the Palatinate And so I conclude the Ground that I haue to think that Spain will be no Ouermatch to Great Britaine if his Maiesty shall enter into a Warre out of Experience and the Records of Time For Grounds of Reason they are many I will extract the principall and open them briefly and as it were in the Bud. For Situation I passe it ouer Though it be no small point England Scotland Ireland and our good Confederates the Vnited Prouinces lie al in a plump together not accessible but by Sea or at least by passing of great Riuers which are Naturall Fortifications As for the Dominions of Spaine they are so scattered as it yeeldeth great choice of the scenes of the Warre and promiseth slow Succours vnto such Part as shall bee attempted There be three maine parts of Military Puissance Men Mony and Confederates For Men there are to be considered Valour and Number Of Valour I speake not Take it from the Witnesses that haue beene produced before Yet the old obseruation is not vntrue That the Spaniards Valour lieth in the Eye of the Looker on But the English Valour lieth about the Souldiers Heart A Valour of Glory and a Valour of Naturall Courage are two things But let that passe and let vs speake of Number Spaine is a Nation thin sowne of People Partly by reason of the Sterility of the Soile And partly because their Natiues are exhausted by so many Employments in such vast Territories as they possesse So that it hath beene counted a kind of Miracle to see ten or twelue thousand Natiue Spaniards in an Army And it is certaine as we haue touched it a little before in passage that the Secret of the Power of Spaine consisteth in a Veterane Army compounded of Miscellany Forces of all Nations which for many yeares they haue had on foot vpon one occasion or other And if there should happen the Misfortune of a Battell it would be a long worke to draw on supplies They tell a Tale of a Spanish Ambassadour that was brought to see the Treasury of S. Marke at Venice and still he looked downe to the Ground And being asked why he so looked downe said He was looking to see whether their Treasure had any Root so that if it were spent it would grow againe as his Masters had But howsoeuer it be of their Treasure certainly their Forces haue scarce any Root Or at least such a Root as buddeth forth poorely and slowly It is true they haue the Wallons who are tall Souldiers But that is but a Spot of Ground But on the other side there is not in the world againe such a Spring and Seminary of braue Militar People as is England Scotland Ireland and the Vnited Prouinces So as if Warres should mowe them downe neuer so fast yet they may be suddenly supplyed and come vp againe For Money no doubt it is the principall Part of the Greatnesse of Spaine For by that they maintaine their Veteran Army And Spaine is the only State of Europe that is a Money grower But in this Part of all others is most to be considered the ticklish and brittle State of the Greatnesse of Spaine Their Greatnesse consisteth in their Treasure Their Treasure in their Indies And their Indies if it bee well weighed are indeed but an Accession to such as are Masters by Sea So as this Axeltree whereupon their Greatnesse turneth is soone cut in two by any that shall be stronger than they by Sea Herein therefore I refer me to the Opinions of all Men Enemies or whomsoeuer whether that the Maritime Forces of Great Britaine and the Vnited Prouinces bee not able to beat the Spaniard at Sea For if that bee so the Linkes of that chaine whereby they hold their Greatnesse are dissolued Now if it be said that admit the Case of Spaine bee such as wee haue made it yet wee ought to descend into our owne Case which wee shall finde perhaps not to be in State for Treasure to enter into a Warre with Spaine To which I answer I know no such thing The Mint beateth well And the Pulses of the Peoples Hearts beat well But there is another Point that taketh away quite this Obiection For whereas Warres are generally Causes of Pouerty or Consumption on the contrary part the speciall Nature of this Warre with Spaine if it be made by Sea is like to be a Lucratiue and Restoratiue Warre So that if we goe roundly on at the first the Warre in continuance will finde it selfe And therefore you must make a great difference betweene Hercules Labours by Land and Iasons Voyage by Sea for the Golden Fleece For Confederates I will not take vpon mee the knowledge how the Princes States and Counsels of Europe at this day stand affected towards Spaine For that trencheth into the secret Occurrents of the present Time wherewith in all this Treatise I haue forborne to meddle But to speake of that which lieth open and in view I see much Matter of Quarrell and Iealousie but little of Amity and Trust towards Spaine almost in all other Estates I see France is in competition with them for three noble Portions of their Monarchie Nauarre Naples and Millaine And now freshly in difference with them about the Valtoline I see once in thirty or forty yeares commeth a Pope that casteth his eye vpon the Kingdome of Naples to recouer it to the Church As it was in the mindes