THE TRVE EFFIGIES OF Sr HENRY WOTTON K T EMBASSADOVR IN ORDINARY TO THE MOST SERENE REPVBLIQVE OF VENICE AND LATE PROVOST OF EATON COLLEDG Anno Aetat is Suae 72 THE STATE OF CHRISTENDOM OR A most Exact and Curious Discovery of many Secret Passages and Hidden Mysteries of the Times Written by the Renowned Sr HENRY WOTTON Kt. Ambassadour in Ordinary to the most Serene Republique of VENICE And late Provost of EATON COLLEDG LONDON Printed for HUMPHREY MOSELEY and are to be sold at his Shop at the Prince's Arms in St Paul's Church-yard 1657. To the Judicious Reader THe Author of these Politique and Polite discourses knew the world so well and the world him that not to know Sr Henry Wotton were an ignorance beyond Barbarism in any who have been conversant in the least measure with any transactions of State A Knight he was of choice Intellectuals and noble Extraction who may be said to have King'd it abroad half his age in Embassies by representing the person of his Soveraign Prince in most of the Courts of Christendom amongst the severest and most sagacious sort of Nations for he was thrice sent Ambassadour to the Republique of Venice from the most serene Prince James the first King of Great Britain by whom the Order of Knighthood was conferred upon him Once to the States of the United Provinces Twice to Charls Emanuel Duke of Savoy Once to the United Princes of Upper Germany in the Convention at Heylbrun Lastly He was sent Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Archduke Leopold the Duke of Wittenberg Imperial Cities Strasburgh and Ulm and to the Roman Emperour himself Ferdinand the second And however it may be thought by some that after so many great and noble employments the Provost ship of Eaton was a place not considerable enough for a personage of his merit yet if we consider the sedateness of his temper and spirit he being of a speculative and quiescent disposition it seems to have been rather his own choice then any want of regard in those times to a man so highly deserving of the Commonwealth and consequently it appears that those weighty affairs he manag'd both at home and abroad with so much honour and reputation were rather the effects of his zeal to the service of his King and Country then of any aspiring or ambitious thoughts seeing he forsook the highest places of honour and profit which he merited at the hands of a great King for the more contenting enjoyments of a solitary and studious retirement Had he been never known unto the world until the publishing of his late works called Reliquiae Wottonianae there is in them contained that which may abundantly demonstrate how admirably he was accomplish'd both in the severer and politer Arts. Not to insist upon the many Elogiums deservedly fixt upon his fame by the most learned and judicious persons both Native and Forraign I shall only insert what the most vogu'd Poet of this age hath sung of his skill in Tongues He had so many Languages in store That only Fame can speak of him in more It were but needless therefore to premise any thing concerning these following discourses written by a person of such a known and celebrated worth but only this that by the high quality of his negotiations in soveraign Courts he had the greatest advantage that could be to feel the pulse of Government and make inspections into those Arcana Imperii those mysteries of State which he communicates here to the world in many choice and judicious Observations whereby the discerning Reader may be will acqnainted with the state of Europe and the interest dependencies and power of most Princes together with the occasions and motives of most of the Wars that hapned the last century whereof some came from slight quarrels for he tells you that Charls the Hardy Duke of Burgundy made a war for a Cart-load of Sheep-skins in which he breath'd his last With these Modern observations he intermingles many ancient passages both of Greeks and Romans which may much conduce to rectifie and enrich the understanding of the Reader The Contents of the Several Discourses I. THe Occasion of Sir Henry Wootton 's undertaking this Treatise p. 1. II. His Opinion both in general and particular concerning Princes their means and designs 5 III. That notwithstanding the Invasion of the Turks the Civil Wars among Christian Princes cease not 10 IV. That Princes aiding of Rebels is no new thing but hath been practised in former Ages 13 V. That it was not without just cause that the Flemmings rebelled against the king of Spain 16 VI. The several rebellions of the Frenchmen against their King and the causes thereof 19 VII The practises of Sejanus Pompey Crassus Piso and Curio with a comparison between the Duke of Guise and them and also other great Rebels 23 VIII That the Salique Law of France did not infringe the Title of former Kings of England to that Crown and the Frenchmens Objections concerning the same answered 29 IX That Kings have often dis-inherited their eldest sons and given their Kingdoms either to strangers or to their younger sons 37 X. Reasons why the Kings of England having a right to the Crown of France and having had so good success in former times in demanding of their right do not still continue to presecute their demands and the causes and means of their losing all France 42 45. XI How the Kings of Spain Came to arrive to this height of Power which they enjoy at present from so small a beginning 52 XII That the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily have been fatal to most Nations of Europe 54 XIII By what means the Spanish King obtained Naples and Navar. 58 XIV The Spanish King 's Title to the Kingdom of Portugal 59 XV. The Authors opinion concerning the claim of the several Competitors to the Crown of Portugal 60 XVI The Spanish King's Title to the Indies 61 XVII The Spanish Kings Title to Milan 62 XVIII The Spanish Kings Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy and how he retaineth all those States which he possesseth 63 XIX VVhat inconveniences Armies have bin subject to going far from home with the causes of Hannibal's ill fortune 69 XX. The manner of the king of Spain's dealing with the Turk 71 XXI The manner of the Spanish King 's proceeding with the French 73 XXII The Spanish King 's proceeding with the Princes of Germany 79 XXIII VV hat account the Spanish king maketh of the Princes Italy 80 XXIV Queen Elizabeth proved to be the most considerable enemy of the Spaniard 82 XXV Divers examples shewing that what God hath decreed cannot be prevented by any foresight of man 87 XXVI Queen Elizabeth justified in her attempts against Spain and Portugal 91 XXVII Several examples in what manner Princes have demeaned themselves toward those that have fled to them for succour 95 XXVIII That Princes have oft broken Leagues with their confederates upon occasion given or upon some
and good Fathers 7 The Soveraignty of the Kings of England over Scotland proved by Records p. 195 The Scots objections answered 197 Spain 's large Dominions abroad how it became united with the House of Austria 54 The Spaniard 's policy commended and admired p. 2 The Spaniard censured p. 3 The Spaniards and French compared with the Romans and Carthaginians p. 76 The designs of the Spaniard against the person and state of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 By what means his power may be diministed p. 240 241 Oftner conquered then any Nation of Europe p. 219 The twelve Kingdoms of Spain united in Ferdinand and Isabel 54 The Spanish King's Title to the Indies p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Milan p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy p. 63 By what means he preserveth his Dominions p. 63 His proceedings with the Turk p. 71 With the French King p. 73 With the Princes of Germany p. 79 With the Pope p. 80 With the Venetians and the rest of the Princes of Italy p. 81. With the Queen of England p. 82 Supposed more strong and wealthy then he really is p. 111 His Errours in Governing the Low-Countries p. 125 His League with the Guisards condemned p. 136 137 140 141 His intention to invade England proved vain and indiscreet p. 171 172 c. His light credit to the false reports of English Fugitives p. 171 183 The Tyranny and Cruelty of his Government 237 The Count of Saint Paul proclaimed Traytor by Lewis the eleventh 165 Subjects frame their lives and manners to the example of their Princes 8 Subsidies and Taxes levied by former King of England 184 185 186 Succour refus'd to divers Princes out of politique interests 96 Suchin made Vicount of Milan by Pope Benedict the twelfth 52 The Earl of Surry 's resolute answer to the Iudges 184 Switzers defrauded of a debt due from France p. 42 To what height they are grown from a low beginning 260 T TEacha Queen of Slavonia causeth a Roman Ambassadour to be slain 209 Temporal Princes to intermeddle in spiritual affairs 182 Theodorick the first of France deposed by the States of the Realm 41 Theseus his policy to augment the City of Athens 65 Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury slain by four Assassinates 179 180 Titus the delight and love of the people 5 Towns not well inhabited a main cause of penury among the Inhabitants 6 Trajan the pattern of a good Emperour 5 The Treason of the Duke of Bourbon renders him odious to a Spanish Grandee p. 139 He is proclaimed Traytor by Francis the first 165 Turain quitted by the King of England 45 The Turks aid implored by divers Christian Princes 139 The Turkish Monarchy strengthned by the divisions between France and Spain p. 2 And by the sloth and amâ—bition of Princes and States in several ages 11 12 V VAsoeus his immoderate commendations of Spain refuted 118 119 The Venetians break their League with the Spaniards upon the not delivering of Brescia 100 J. Viennensis his faâ—se relation of Scotland to Charls the sixth King of France 189 190 The Violent proceedings of the Catholique Princes against the Protestants p. 226 227 Makes their party so much the stronger 227 228 The Virgin of Orleans her proceeding in France 49 50 Pope Urban gives the Kingdom of Sicily and Dukedoms of Pulia and Calabria unto Charls Earl of Argiers and Provence p. 53 Afterwards to Lewis K. of Hungary 55 The Duke of Urbin and Andrea Doria take part with Charls upon hopes of preserment 242 243 W WArs waged upon very slight occasions p. 147 148 Upon Injuries offered to prevent greater mischiefs 148 The Earl of Warwick 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 William K. of Sicily plucketh out the eyes of Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour 209 William Gonzaga made Lord of Mantua and Rezzo by the Pope 53 Womens Rule and Government rare 〈◊〉 Cardinal Wolfey 's power with Henry the eight the French King and the Emperour p. 43 His policy in entertaining Henry the eight with all delights 189 Z THe Zeal of the French king to the Roman Catholique Religion 151 160 Table to the Supplement ANtonio Peres forsaketh Spain to live in England p. 1 He writeth a Book called The Fragment of History ibid. He imparteth the transactions between John de Austria and the Pope and Duke of Guise unto the K. of Spain p. 3 He poysoneth Escovedo ibid. Aragonian kings subject to the constitutions of the Country 21 22 c. THe Duke of Britany commandeth Bavilion to murther the Constable of France 10 C CArdinal de Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 Clisson high Constable of France preserved by Bavilion 10 Craesus spared by Cambyses his servants who were commanded to kill him 11 The Prince of Conde an enemy to the Duke of Guise 's party p. 28 He turneth Protestant and freeth Charls the ninth out of prison D THe Danish King not to make war without consent of the States 21 The Pope's Delegate in some cases above the Popes Legate 11 Diego de Meneses unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 E THe Emperor may be convented by his own subjects before the Pope 25 Escovedo made Secretary to Don John de Austria in the room of John de Soto p. 2 The Duke returning from Spain leaves Escovedo 〈◊〉 him where he is poisoned p. 3 Several questions cleared concerning this fact 4 5 F THe French King deserved to lose his Crown for the murther of the Guises 13 G GHilmesa freeth Antonio Peres out of prison 4 The Duke of Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 H HArpagus saveth Cyrus notwithstanding Astyages his command 11 Hector Pinto a Fryar poysoned by the Souldiers of Castile 27 Henry Perera unlawfully executed by the Spanish King 27 I IAmes de Moronack beaten to death with Souldiers 27 Indignities offered by subjects to their Princes no unusual thing 22 The Inquisition used against all sorts of offenders as well as heretiques 23 John de Soto Secretary to John de Austria p. 2 John de Escovedo put in his room 2 Don John de Austria concludeth a great League of friendship with the Duke of Guise 3 L LAws to be observed by Princes as well as Subjects 21 22 M MOntmorency and Chastilian take part with Vendosm and Conde against the Guises p. 28 Montmorency made Constable of France ibid. N THe Names of several plotters against the life of Q. Elizabeth 23 De la Nuca executed by Alonzo de Vargas at the command of the King Of Spain 16 O OAths not grounded upon a just cause bind not 24 P PEdro Escovedo accuseth Antonio Perez of his fathers death 3 4 Perjury excludeth a man from all preferment 18 The Polish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 The Pope plotteth to make Don John of Austria King of England p. 2 Next to make him King of Tunis ib. Princes deposed or excommunicated for Murther p. 14 15
Kingdom to him that is neither worthy nor well able to rule the thousand part thereof And if at any time it be lamentatable yea scant tolerable to prefer wicked children before them that are vertuous and to lay a heavy charge and burthen upon their shoulders who are not able to take up much less to bear the same not for a day but for the whole term of their natural life truly it is much more to be lamented yea in no respect to be suffered that such a Son should be set over others to rule and govern them who could nor would never govern himself well to exact and require obedience of his Inferiors who was always disobedient in the highest degree of disobedience unto his Superiors to manage husband and increase the Treasure of a whole Kingdom who hath prodigally wasted and consumed his own private Patrimony Lastly to induce others by his example to live honestly justly orderly and virtuously as Princes either do or should do who never esteemed honesty cared for justice respected order or embraced vertue Iohn Bodin in his Book de Republica writeth that a disobedient child of France being sued by his Mother for using himself unreverently towards her and especially for easing his body in a mess of Broth which she had provided for her self was condemned by a competent and wise judge to make her honourable amends from which sentence the wicked Son disdaining to ask his Mother pardon and forgiveness appealed unto Paris where it was found bene appellatum and male judicatum not that the Judges there thought that the Appellant had just cause to appeal because he was enjoined to submit himself unto his Mother but for that they were of opinion that the Judges from whom he had appealed had not inflicted such punishment upon him as he deserved And therefore considering his former disobedience and also his unkind and unnatural perseverance therein indiscreetly shewed in refusing to make so slender a submission they altered the former sentence and gave judgment that he should be presently hanged which was accordingly executed This sentence was highly commended by Bodin and worthily allowed and praised by as many Frenchmen as did ever read the same in his Book And how can they dislike the Judgment given against Charles the seventh not by any inferior Judge but by a King not by a Parliament of Paris the Judges whereof may so hate an offence that for the very and sole indignity thereof they do likewise hate the offender but by a Father who had rather conceal then reveal and pardon then punish his childrens offences neither by a Father alone but by the whole Peers and Nobles of a well ruled Kingdom not lightly and without advice but deliberately and with great discretion and wisdom Briefly not in hatred of the offender but in regard of the whole Common-wealth which might perish under the hands and government of an unwise unruly and unnatural Prince in whom there could be no hope of love towards them or their Country because he had given manifest signs of want of love towards his Father whom nature and other respects bound him to love honour and reverence for Princes as well as private men and the children of the one as well as the off-spring of the other are equally and undoubtedly bound to obey Gods Laws and Commandments And if both in one manner presume to break the same both without all doubt and controversie are subject to one and the same measure of punishment But it may be said Laws are made by Princes and not for Princes and to bind their inferiour subjects and not themselves or their children who for their Fathers sake for the priviledge of their birth for the worthiness of their place and in regard of the authority and preheminence whereunto they are born may and ought to challenge and enjoy far greater immunity yea and somtimes more impunity then other Peers or private men certainly reason permitteth and humanity perswadeth to favour a Prince much more then a subject But it was both the Will and the Law of a worthy Prince That nothing commendeth the Majesty of a Prince more then to submit himself to the observance of his own Laws and there can be no better means to induce subjects to shew their obedience unto their Princes Laws then the example of their own Princes not vouchsafing to violate the least branch that is of their own Statutes and Constitutions Was not that King highly commended by his own subjects praised by his posterity and worthily extolled even in our age not meaning that the son who had by breach of the Law deserved to lose both his eyes should escape unpunished which might be offensive unto his subjects but intending to moderate and qualifie the rigour of the Law because he was his Heir which for some considerations is tolerable in Princes plucked out one of his own eyes and another of his Sons thereby satisfying if not the rigour yet the equity of the Law and thereby moving his subjects to compassion in regard of himself and to obedience to the same Law in consideration of his justice I have stood too long upon the confutation of this last objection and yet have touched but one part thereof and therefore I will run over the other part lightly because in refelling the same I shall need but to make a brief repetition of that which hath been said already for if you remember that not Bernard the Nephew but Lewis the Meek succeeded his brother Pipin eldest son to Charlemaigne and father to Bernard That Pipin and not the right Heir was king after Childerick that Hugh Capet and not Charls Duke of Lorrain enjoyed the Crown immediately after Lotharius That Dagoberts second son and not the eldest possessed the Royal Scepter after him That Henry the younger and not the elder brother ruled after king Robert their Father and that Lewis the second and not Robert the eldest child of king Lewis the Gross was called to the royal Scepter and Crown of France and also if it may please you to call to remembrance that Pharamond with divers others before-mentioned were chosen kings you shall easily see and perceive that there hath been no such custome or at the least-wise the same not so inviolable as it is suggested for the next of the Blood to succeed always in his own right and not as Heir to hid Predecessor In like manner if you please to understand that Theodorick the first king of France of that name because he was a man wholly given over to pleasure of small worth of less value and of no sufficiency capable of so great a Kingdom as France was and is was by the States of his Realm deprived of his Royal Crown and Dignity and put up in a Monastery That Lewis surnamed Do nothing because he had make France Tributary unto Normandy was also driven by the States to give over his Kingdom and to lead the residue
of his life in a house of Religion And that the Peers of France not regarding the young years of Charls the son of Lewis their King deprived him of his right and made Eude Earl of Paris king of France You may think it as lawful for Charls the 6. to deprive his Son Charles of his Inheritance for the horrible murther committed as it hath been said on the person of the Duke of Burgundy a Prince of the blood royall a Peer of France and a Counsellour unto the King his Father and for the great manifest and undutiful disobedience which he shewed unto his Father as it was for the States of the same Realm to deprive Theodorick for his Insufficiency Lewis for his Pusillanimity and Charles for his youth So you see the last Objection refuted by their own Examples And as you see the cause why it is said that the Kings of France cannot dis-inherit their children so I will let you understand the reason why they have invented a new shift or device thereby to deprive those of their due who made claim to such debts as the Kings of France owed them There was a time and so it is still when a King of France dyed greatly indebted to the Switzers which debt they challenging of his immediate Successor and Heir who dyed in their debt It was answered that although true it was that Contracts do bind the Contrahents and their heirs as well private men a Princes yet the Kings of France not succeeding as Heirs but as Successors by custom are not within the meaning and sense of that Law which speaketh of Contracts and their Contrahents and their Heirs only By which cavil the poor Switzers were deceived of their due debt as we English-men have been debarred of our Claims Titles and Rights sometimes by the Law Salique which was as I have said no Law of France and sometimes by such exceptions devices and subtleties as I have lately specified The fourth point whereat they wonder is why the Kings of England having good right unto the Crown of France and better success when they demanded their Right by Fire and Sword do not still prosecute their demand and did quickly lose whatsoever they or their Predecessors got in many years This point consisteth of two several points the one why we forbear to challenge our right the other by what occasion we lost all that some of our Kings had conquered especially Henry the fifth who subdued the greatest part of France and although he dyed very young yet he left his Son Henry the Sixth being an Infant of few years so mighty at home so be-friended abroad so accompanied with good Souldiers so well assisted with good Counsellours so followed by cunning and expert captains and so directed by wise and discreet Generals that when he was but ten years of Age he was crowned at Paris King of France by the Dukes of Bedford and Burgundy and in the presence of the chief Peers and Nobility of France This first point is easily answered because ever since the first time we laid claim to the Crown of France those Princes of ours who were Martial men and inclined to Wars demanded their Right by open Wars as both ours and their Chronicles do testifie But it pleased God sometimes to send us as he doth unto other Kingdomes such Princes as were rather given to pleasure and unto peace rather then unto Wars and Martial exploits in whose time the Frenchmen were wise enough to take advantage of their quiet and peaceable natures and when our Kings and Subjects following as Subjects commonly do the humours and qualities of their Princes gave themselves unto pleasures and pastimes the French followed the Wars and either by open Invasions or by subtile devices recoverd part of their losses Besides it hath sometimes fortuned that when we had valiant Princes and such as hath both good will and sufficient power to recover their Right our Realm hath either been divided within it self and by domestical dissention hindred to prosecute Forraign Wars Or that our Kings coming by their kingdoms by force of Armes have had more mind and occasion to stable and assure the same unto themselves and their Heirs then to make Wars abroad Again during the contentions betwixt the houses of Lancaster and of York sometimes the one part and sometimes the other sought favour and friendship and alliance of the Kings of France and they who prevailed in their attempts and purposes by their aid furtherance and sufferance thought it an especial point of wit and policy to seek and continue their Amity yea and sometimes to buy the same with very hard conditions lest that having them for their Enemies they should either invade their Realms or assist their Competitors who most commonly fled unto them for help relief and succour For as many of our Kings as have been driven out of their Royal Seats and Dignities by their domestical Adversaries have been either entertained or restored to their Crowns by the Kings of France and Scotland the Dukes of Burgundy or the Princes of Henault as were Edward the fourth Henry the second the sixth and the seventh Besides some of the kings of France as namely Lewis the twelfth and Francis the first doubting that our Kings would annoy them at home whilest they were busied in Forraign Wars corrupted our Kings Council with bribes and with yearly rewards and pensions made them so bound and beholding unto them that they did not only bewray their Masters secrets but also diverted their purposes and if at any time they were purposed to molest France or to joyn with the Enemies of France they changed the Kings minds and perswaded them not only not to hinder but also to help and further the French Kings in all their Enterprises and against all their Enemies And they were not only contented to â—ee our cheif Counsellors as Francis the first â—id Cardinal Wolsey who bare such sway with Henry the eighth changed his determination so often made him friend and enemy to whom he would and favoured the Emperour Charles the fifth and sometimes the French king his common Adversary in such manner that it was commonly said that Cardinal Wolsey ruled the French King the King of England and the Emperour but also they purchased our Kings favour and furtherance with yearly Fees and Pensions For it is written that Lewis the eleventh to retain and entertain the King of England for his friend payed him yearly in London 50000 Crowns and bestowed yearly 16000 other Crowns upon his chief Counsellors the Lord Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls and when our King had any occasion to send any Embassadour unto him he received them so honourably entertained them so friendly rewarded them so liberally and dispatched them with so fair words although their Embassage was never so unpleasant and displeasing unto him that they departed alwayes very well contented And albeit that some
and afterwards secretly caused his near kinsman Lucius Caesar to be murthered because he had both the mind and the meanes to withstand and prevent his intentions and Henry the 4 should have had good occasion to repent him of the clemency and mercy which he shewed unto the before named Dukes if the Eâ—rle of Rutland had not been constrained by his own folly to reveale unto the King their Treason and Conspiracy against him for which afterwards they were worthily executed Pitty therefore is commendable and best beseeming the Majesty of a Prince when as the same may be used without any danger unto his person or his State or his kingdom but when as he seeth manifestly that never a Province never a City never an house of his kingdom can or will long continue in good estate in dutifull obedience in naturall affection towards him and his Crown unles he do somâ—â—imes use to play the King to revenge wrongs and to punish Treasons hee must needs change his naâ—ure make a verâ—ue oâ— necesâ—iâ—ie and accommodate himself unto their manners and their merits with whom he hath occasion to deale France nâ—vâ—r had any King that was more gentle kinde and curteous then that Lewis who for his Curtesie and Clemency was â—irnamed The Meek And yet the same Lewis as you have already heard forgot that name and the qualities and conditions incident thereunto when it was in question whether he or his Nephew Bernard should rule and Reigne For then knowing that a Prince cannot live in any good assurance of his Estate and kingdom so long as another pretendeth Right and Title thereunto and having wrongfully been kept from the possession thereof he pluckt out his Eyes kept him in perpetuall prison and in thâ— end caused his head to be cut from his shoulders Who can then blame the late Kâ—ng of France if he chose rather to rule then to be ruled to kill then to be killed to murder the Duke of Guise then to endanger his whole Estate and Kingdom The Prince that 〈◊〉 not an Iniury that is done unto his Commonaltie or to a private person is in danger somtimes to lose his life or his kingdom â—as were the Romans and Philip King of Macedania he because he punished not Aâ—tilas at the request of Pau sanias and they because they sent not the French men those which in the battaile betwixt them and the Citizens of Chynsie forgeting the dutie of Ambassadors were found in the foremâ—st ranke of their Enemies fighting against the French men And is it necessary that a King shall punish or revenge a wrong done unto his Country or unto â— private man and shall it not be lawfull for him to take vengeance of the wrongs and Indignities which are done unto himself May he command a Juâ—g to proceed Defacto without taking full knowledg of the cause and every circumstance of the Subjects cause and shall it not be lawfull for him to use the like power and authoritie in his owne case The least and meanest Judg may he not sometimes give judgment hearing no other proof but very violent presumptions and shâ—ll it not be lawfull for the King from whom he same Judg receiveth such power and authoritie to do the like We say and confess that Theâ—e is manifest when the Theif is taken in the Fact and shall it not be lawfull for a Prince to take that Treason for notorious which the Traytâ—r hath Committed If a man finde a stolle â— thing about a Theef he is in danger of death and if a man finde a Traytor armed and all things else in a readiness to performe and execute his treacherous Attempts shall he not be reputed a Traytor The Law sayeth that whatsoever a King doth it seemeth to be done with great reason If he commeâ—deth any thing every one is bound to beleeve that he hath good occasion to commend the same His Actions are manifest but his thoughts are hidden and secret it is our dutie to tolerate the one and not to murmur against the other nor to enquire or demand the Causes Motives and Reasons of his Commandements his pleasure must be unto us as a Law and his Will hath the full force and strength of reason and when the cause of that punishment which it pleaseth him to inflict is notorious and manifest his Commandment although it be done in hast and without great advisement yet it carryeth no less force and moment then doth a sentence that was dulie examined wisely perused diligently considered and solemnly pronounced Why then shall the death of the Duke of Guise be thought unlawfull since the King commanded the same not for hatred to the Duke but for securitie of himself for love of the weal publique not without 〈◊〉 Justice but according to Law and Equitie because a Princes pleasure is held for Law not without example but with approbation and imitation of many who having had the like occasion have used the like punishment briefly not to revenge his particular quarrels and Jnjuryes but to preserve his Right and his Crowne upon which the wealth the life and the wellfare of all his good and loyall Subjâ—cts do depend He was Allied unto many great Princes which are displeased with his death and will not leave it unrevenged But if these Princes were the Kings friends before the Dukes death they will not take the same in evill part and if they were his Enemies he needs not to care for them or to feare their displeasure more then the universal ruine and destruction of his Subjects He was one of the Peers of France But honor may not be a Priviledg unâ—o any man to emboldeâ— him to offend the Laws but the more honor a Subject receiveth from his King the more he is bound to love and fâ—are him But grant that the King did evill in causing him to be murtherâ—d shall the Subjects be grieved therewith shall they seek Revenge thereof shall they bear Arms therefore against their Prince and their Country May the son arme himself to kill and murther his Mother And is he not held for an ungracious and wicked child which will be revenged of his Father although he have done him great wroâ—g And is not a King the Father of his Subjects and is not every Country the Mother of the naturall Inhabitants thereof Or may they war against their Prince wihout seeking the lamentable overthrow Ruine and destruction of their Country Are all alterations dangerous in every well governed State and can that alteration be without danger which transferreth the Crowne from the right heire unto an Usurper from the lawfull King to an ambitious Subjâ—ct But it is onely said and no way proved that the Duke of Guise had any such intâ—nâ—ion as to deprive his Sovereigne and to crown himself it may be suspected but it is not notorious This must appeare more manifestly then it doth or else all that is said will be to no purpose To manifest this therefore
Raigne married Margaret his Daughter at Yorke and then and there did him homage for his Kingdom Lastly it appeared by the Popes Bulls written into Scotland that the Kings of Scotland were excommunicated by divers Popes because they would not obey the Kings of England their Lords and Soveraignes Buâ— against all this and whatsoever else may be said by us to fortifie and defend our Title the Scots make three principall Objections The first that their King never did homage unto us but for the Countries of Northumberland Cumberland Westmerland and Huntingdon the which they confess they held of our Kings and by their grant and guift The second that Edward the third being chosen Arbitrator of the great and notable contention that was betwixt Iohn Baliâ—l and Robert Bruce for the Kingdom took the two Competitors aside and sounded which of them would take the kingdom to hold it of him which when Robert whose Title was as they thought best refused to do and Iohn was content to performe hee wrongfully pronounced Judgement for Iohn Baliol and so extorted this Homage by Fraud and Corruption The third that the Estates of the Realme never acknowledged this Homage but were so farr from yeilding thereunto that the Nobility of Scotland deprived Iohn Baliol of the Crown and gave the same unto Robert the first because he submitted himself and his Kingdom unto King Ed. The three Objâ—ctions may not be unanswered and therefore unto â—very one of them in Order True it is that a King may hold his Kingdom of no Superior and yet owe Homage for some Member thereof unto another or some Principality that hee holdeth of an other and he shall still nevertheless remaine a most absolute King For who will deny King Edward the third of England to be either absolute or Soveraigne King of England although he swore Homage and Fidelity unto King Iohn of France for Gascoigne and other Dominions which he held of him in France Or who will take the Emperor Chales the fift not to bee an absolute and Soveraign King in Spain or other his Dominions and Kingdomes because hee sometimes owed Fidelity and Homage unto the French King for the Dukedome of Burgondy Bâ—t the case is altered in the King of Scots because hee did Homage both for these Countries and for his Kingdom And this is no good Argument The King of Scots did Homage unto England for certain English Provinces held of England therefore they did not Homage for Scotland But the second Objection is of better weight and yet may bee thus answered I might here oppose the Credit of an English man against a Scots credit and desire to have Holinshed and Thâ— Walsingham speaking for us to be as well believed as Hector Boetius and George Buchanan would bee credited when they speake for Scotland But you shall heare this Objection confuted by an Italian namely by Pelidore Virgil a man of more indifferency of less partiality and perhaps of better Judgement against whom if it be be said that he was either hired to write our History favorably or that he could write nothing of us but what he had from us I â—nswer that there was never any man justly condemned upon a bare and light suspition and I eftsoones say as I once said before that where a matter cannot be proved but by domestical witnesses there such a proof is both allowable and lawfull Then to refell this Objection I say out of Polid. Virgil that Kâ—ng Edward pronounced not Judgment for Iohn Balioll because he promised to hold Scotland in homage of him but because he came of the eldest Daughter of King David and Robert Bruce of the Second I strengthen my saying by these Arguments First it is said that King Edward very wisely when as this great conâ—ention was referred unto his Audience and determination he called together as Hector Boetiâ—s himself writeth the learnedst men of England and of Scotland he sent the State of the Question into France whence he received Answer that Iohn Baliolls Title was the better And because he might be suâ—pected if he should examine the matter alone and give sentence himself he chose 12. English men as Boetius saith or 20. as Holinshed reporteâ—h and as many Scots as English men whom he made Judges of the controversie and they when they had throughly discussed both conpetitors Rights gave Judgment for Iohn Balioll which Award was confirmed by the King Then whenas the King had seen so many Evidences and proofs confirming his Right and Title unto the Soveraignity of Scotland as are before mentioned is it likely that he who had Right to that which he demanded would condition with the Competitors in such manner as is objected Lastly although he had made Iohn Baliâ—ll to enter into such a condition and to binde himselfe thereunto this cannot help the Scots for that it is lawfull for any Man to Claime his Right at any time and to tell him that is likely to detaine and withstand his Right that he shall not have his lawfull Favor unlesse he will be content And this is most lawful in a cause of Contention betwixt the Soveraigne and his Vassal because the Soveraigne must require Homage at his hands and the Vassal is not in some Mens opinion bound to do him homage unlesse it be required The third Objection is Answered with as little difficultie as the rest For the chief Peers of Scotland acknowledged Obedience and homage unto King Edward They consented unto the delivery which Iohn Balioll made unto our king of his kingdom they required our king to be bound as he was in an hundred thousand Marks to deliver the kingdom to thier king again within two moneths and they appointed certain principal Noblemen to receive and keep the Revenues and Profits of the Crown to his use whom King Edward should declare to have best Right thereunto Againe Iohn Balioll was not deprived of his Crown by the States and Nobility of Scotland as Bucanan reporteth but was enforced as Hector Boetius restifieth to resigne all his right in the Crown unto King Edward and to relinquish and give over his kingdom and at the same time all the Nobility of Scotland did swear homage and Obedâ—ence unto our King and Boetius hath nothing to say 〈◊〉 their defence but that our King enforced them thereunto As though it were not lawfull for the Superior to constraine his Vassals and Subjects in case fair means cannot prevaile with them by violence to acknowledge their duty and service unto him But it pleased the Almighty to punish the Scotish disloyalty Inconstancy and Rebellion they revolted often They broke their promise many times They thought it lawfull to delude us with fair words and to deceive us with vaine promises But the eternall who hateth deceivers and deceitfull dealings so prospered all our Attemps against them that our King for a while left them destitute of a King caused them to swear and submit themselves unto some of
servile State wherein the Nobility is either too timerous or so besotted with the love unto a bad King that they will not be moved upon the just complaints of the poor and distressed Commonalty to enforce him to call a Parliament and in this kind of violence I require discretion and judgement in the Confederates lest they mar a good Cause with evil handling thereof as did Iulius Caesar who when he had deserved a triumph took so violent a course in demanding the same that his sure was rejected to his endless dishonour and his Countries great detriment Let the Subjects be therefore humble Petitioners unto the Princes to reform such abuses as are notoriously known to be abuses Let them yeeld such measure unto their kings as they would desire for themselves let them when neither their humble suits may prevail nor their gentle connivence or toleration mitigate the wrath or moderate the affections of their Soveraigns humbly beseech the Peers of the Realm to be their Patrons and Protectors of their Innocency Then will he that ruleth Princes and hath their hearts in his hand that can prevent their imaginations and cross their intentions raise up some better disposed then others better minded then the common sort of men are better able then the Commonalty is to judge of wrongs to redress injuries and to repress evil-disposed Princes All Authority is divided into Ecclesiastical and Temporal of the one the Pope of the other the Emperor challengeth superiority and yet both these Heads notwithstanding their preheminence their power and prerogatives have been reduced to Reason when they have swerved from all Reason by those who by Reason were led to challenge Power and Authority over them For both the Colledge of Cardinals and the States of the Empire have claimed and according to their claims have used a certain Right both over the Pope and over the Emperor when the one or the other of them hath been found negligent in their duties and therefore have presumed that the power of the one and the other hath been devolved unto them Even when an inferiour Prelate is negligent the Bishop may assume into his hands all his Jurisdiction and Authority or when the Bishop is careless in performance of his duty either the Dean and Chapter or the Arch-bishop may lawfully rebuke his negligence and reform whatsoever he vouchsafed not to amend so although the Pope challengeth to be by many degrees higher then all the Princes of Christendom yet divers Cardinals in the time of Pope Iulius the second considering that the Church had need of Reformation as well in the Head as others Member thereof implored the aid of the Emperor and of the King of France and with assurance of their help and assistance caused certain peremptory citations to be set up in Modena Bolognia and other Cities of Italy by which they cited the said Pope to appear at a general Councel to be heâ—d at Pisa and to answer to such Articles as should be layed in against him touching his Simony negligence and other abuses not specified in the said Citations In regard of which faults and of his Negligence they affirmed that the Pope was not sufficient and fit to govern the Universal Church of Christendom and that the Power and Authority to call and summon a general Councel was lawfully devolved unto them So although our Kings as I have said are the greatest and most absolute Kings of the world next unto the Kings of France yet the Barons after the battel of Lewis in the time of Henry the third ordained that two Earls and a Bishop elected by the Commonalty should chose to them nine other persons whereof three should alwayes remain about the King and by the whole twelve both the Court and the Realm should be governed So in the fourth year of the Reign of Edward the second the Prelates Earls and Barons made Ordinances for the State and Government of the Realm which because the King would neither confirm not allow were confirmed by sentence of Excommunication against all them that should go to break the same So the Scotchmen in the time of Iohn their King being moved thereunto by his negligence chose twelve Peers and four Bishops four Earls and four Barons by whose advice and counsel the King should Govern the Realm So to be short although as Bodin reporteth when a certain Advocate pleading a cause in France said that the Kings of France had received their Power and Authority from the Common-people the Kings Atturney stepped up and requested the Court that those things might be razed out of his Plea shewing that the Kings thereof never received any Power or Authority from the common people and required that both that Advocate and all others might be commanded as he and they were never to use the like words in their pleas yet before and since that time divers Kings of France have been censured by the three Estates of their Realm as it may appear by the examples of those Kings which were as I have said deposed in France Thus it appeareth that if Princes offend they may be chastened according to the nature and quality of their offences and it cannot justly or truly be said that that is against a Law or without Law which is done by an high Court of Parliament from whence all or most Laws have their beginning their foundation their strength Neither can this manner of correction embolden Subjects to conspire against the life of their Soveraign For either the Majesty of their Prince or the remembrance of their duâ—y towards him or the fear of punishment or the danger that followeth Rebellions or the hope of Reformation by imploying the aid of the Peers and Nobility will alwayes restrain their insolency and keep them within the bounds and limits of true obedience But when Subjects are disposed to be rid of their Kings they may say the Favourers of the Scotish Queen implore the aid of Forreign Princes to suppress them Whereunto I answer that if their cause be just and good I grant it to be lawfull so to do But if it shall proceed of Malice and not of Justice of their desire and not of their Princes desert of a rash and foolish dislike and not of manifest Tyranny or evil Government there will be no Prince so ill advised as to hear them much less to succour them for he that should hearâ—en to such light complaints and in regard of them molest another King would undoubtedly by Gods good and just punishment in time be troubled with the like Subjects himself Now whereas it is said that a Prince coming upon what occasion soever into another Princes Country cannot be put to death without the breach of Humanity and Hospitality Hereunto I answer briefly that if such a Prince shall so much forget himself as although he be detained for never so unjust a cause to attempt and conspire by himself or others his death that detaineth him truly neither
to prevail in England cannot countervail the great distrust and fear which they have to lose their own possessions and Country whilst they busie themselves in seeking after strange and difficult conquests And if to leave nothing unsaid that may be said to encourage them some men will use unto them all the same perswasions which our Fugitives used to induce the Spanish King to undertake the Conquest of our Land that man whatsoever he be may well and sufficiently be answered with the same Arguments which I used long since to confute their Reasons With these and the like Reasons uttered by grave men unto the Common people who hearken willingly unto any thing for their own quiet and security and used in convenient time and place of which wise men in their wisdom and gravity can take their best advantage the most discreet and wisest Subjects of Italy may quickly be perswaded not to further the Spaniard in his unlawfull and ambitious attempts and purposes and the Princes themselves who willingly enter into no action whereof some great commodity is not likely to follow will easily hearken unto any man of credit and experience that shall review their memories and reduce unto their minde the means that their Predecessors have used to free themselves from Forreign Servitude and bondage a commodity far exceeding all the commodities that heart can imagine or tongue express It may therefore be shewed unto them in general that Maximilian the Emperor and the Spanish Kings great Grandfather for it were tedious to talk of his former Predecessors and of the wrongs that they did unto Italy entered oftentimes into League and Amity with barbarous Nations against the Princes of Italy brought them into their Country besieged their Cities cast down their Walls ransacked their Houses changed their mirth into sorrow and never lest to trouble and molest them until that his strength and not his good will to annoy them failed him Charles the fifth his Father for his Grand-father Philip died in the prime of his years and therefore could not greatly trouble them because he wanted the means doth the like and many of the Italian Princes most loving Subjects die some by the sword others by famine some through grief and others by infinite labour and travel neither permitting them that resisted him to live one hour in rest and quietness nor suffering those that yeelded unto him to enjoy any long peace and tranquillity but reduced both the one and the other sort unto extream beggery by grievous impositions and long and tedious wars He himself wheresoever he ruleth in Italy and he ruleth there too much imposeâ—h new Tributes unaccustomed Subsidies and extraordinary impositions and where he hath no Authority to rule there he borroweth money and payeth his Debts with fair words and sweet promises and when he useth them best with Bonds and Obligations which shall be paid when every brother payeth another When this is said and they moved with the grievous remembrance and lamentable rehearsal hereof it may be they would be glad to remedy and revenge these wrongs but they dare not adventure to contend with him they will fear him because he is wealthy stand in aw of him because he is mighty and strive amongst themselves who shall first begin to trouble him because they distrust one another His might and his wealth have already been shown sufficiently and proved to be far inferiour unto the general conceit and opinion that is had of them and their distrust may be removed by a general League and perfect imitation of their Predecessors It must therefore first be remembred that Nicholas the third Pope of Rome fearing the great wealth of France under Philip the son of Lewis sirnamed The Godly used all means possible to abate and diminish the French Kings power and reputation And the state of this present time must be conferred with the condition of that Age to the end that if the like causes of fear be now apparent the like remedies may be applied Then was France to be feared because there was no Civil War in France Now Spain must be suspected because Spain is quiet and at peace within it self all the Lords and Peers of France were then obedient unto their king and are they not so in Spain The French king was then in League with England and Germany and is not the Spaniard allied unto many For eign Princes The king of Navar a Vassal of France ruled all things then in Spain because he was Tutor unto the young king and doth not Spain now sway and rule a great part of France by reason of the League betwixt him and the unnatural Rebâ—s thereof Siciy was then subject unto Charles the French kings Uncle and now both Sicily and Naples are under the Spaniard The same Charles was of great authority in Rome he was Lieutenant General unto the Empire and under that Title either commanded by force or prevailed by authority through all Italy And hath not the Spaniard as great authority there at this present as he had then The face and countenance of both times are alike the Remedies therefore should be such now as they were then Then the Pope weakened the credit and authority that Charles had in Rome the Pope must do like to the Spaniard now Then was the Title of Lieutenant General taken from Charles Now should all helping Titles be likewise taken from Spain Then was the Pope determined to make two kings in Italy the one in Lombardy and the other in Tuskany and both of the House of Ursim of which he was the chief and principal branch And if the like device were now practised undoubtedly the Great Duke of Florence and some other Potentates of Italy upon whom the most should agree would accept the Title of kings and be able both for their wealth and their might to maintain the same with credit and reputation Then was Phaleologo Emperor of Constantinople incensed and encouraged to war upon the Sicilian king now there would want no sufficient reasons to move the French king to do the like against the Spaniard Then upon suddain were all the Frenchmen either slain in Sicily or driven thence and now might all the Spaniards be either murthered which were somewhat too bloody and cruel an action or removed by main force from Naples and Sicily which would be a general benefit and comfort unto all Italy But Italy of it self is not able to do all this what then shall it avail to intend and purpose this Italy must then be strengthened and holpen lest it faâ—l in doing this But how shall Italy be assisted Forsooth by an imitation of the Princes which lived in Charles the fifth his time and envied his greatness Forsooth when they saw that he had by subtilty and corruption obtained the Empire and that what with the vigour of his youth what with the reputation of his might and strength he was so puffed up with pride that he intended to make
and during the minority of his son he had caused Ferdinando his brother to be elected King of the Romans yet he used all the cunning he could possibly to perswade him to relinquish and resign that Title unto his Son Philip now and then King of Spain and also he sent for Maximilian his Son in Law and Nephew King of Bohemia to pray him to be content to condescend and yeeld unto his Fathers resignation and the Queen of Hâ—ngary and Gravilla the Emperors Chancellor made many Voyages into Hungary to intreat Ferdinando to yeeld unto this motion unto which neither the King of Hungary nor Maximilian his Son would vouchsafe their consents These three points being thus cleared it resteth to speak somewhat of Charls the Fifths Successors as Ferdinando Maximilion and Rodolph but their actions are fresh in memory And if the Law of the Emperors Creation called the Golden Bull which expresly forbiddeth to chuse above four in one house to succeed one after another in the Empire were as it should be in full force and strength none of them should be accounted or held lawful Emperors Now if the breach of this sacred and inviolable decree I mean the golden Bull which hath been infringed by making not four but seven or eight at the least of the House of Austria Emperors together shall nothing at all incense and instigate the Princes of Christendom against this ambitious and aspiring generation It shall be needful to revive the loathsom memory of many great and grievous indignities and ingratitudes unkindly and unjustly shewn by the late Emperors of the house of Austria unto divers great and mighty Princes of Germany and unto the Empire it self It must therefore be shewed unto them that Rodolph the first Emperor of this Race to assure unto himself and his Heirs the Dukedom of Austria and the States of Stiria and Suevia which were united unto the Empire for fault of Heirs Males resigned the Exerchat of Italy unto the Pope and freed as many Cities of Italy from the homage and obedience which they owed unto the Emperors as would buy their freedom and liberty of him for ready money Albeit his Son when he was Emperor fought many Battels and got many Towns with the Forces and Expences of the Empire but reserved all the profit arising by those Battels to his proper use and to have better and more easie entrance into Bilencia he usurped the State of the Marquess of Menia And Albert the Second enriched himself greatly although he ruled not long by troubles and divisions Is it not the House of Austria that hath wrongfully deprived many Princes and divers Electors of the Empire of their States and Dignities Is it not this house that hath unjustly compelled the greatest Princes of Germany to flie for succour and to seek the protection of the French King Is it not this House that hath unlawfully confiscated the States and Digninities of Iohn Fredrick Duke of Sexony Is it not this House that hath most cruelly razed the Walls and destroyed the Forts of the most noble and vertuous Prince the Lantsgrave of Hess Is it not this House that hath violently sacked destroyed and utterly overthrown the great and goodly Dukedom of Wittenberge Is it not this House that contrary to all humanity hath confiscated the greatest part of the Duke of Cleur his goods and made him too deer for a Wise that brought him Dowry Is it not this House that to make the Princes of Germany their Servants and Slaves have contrary to the Laws of the Empire erected a new Councel in the City of Spires Briefly Is it not this House that useth them most unkindly of whom they have received most Curtesie Have they ever had greater aid greater helps of any Princes of the Empire then of the Duke of Saxony Who sought for Frederick Duke of Austria against Lewis Duke of Bavaria more willingly and valiantly then Rodolph Duke of Saxony Ernest Duke of Saxony was the only cause and means that Maximilian was chosâ—n Emperor And Iohn Duke of Saxony went unto the Assault of Aba in Hungary and never departed thence until he made Maximilian Lord and Master of the whole Countâ—y Frederick of Saxony refused the Empire when it was offered unto him and procured it to be given unto Charles the Fift And yet the same Charls omitted no Art no cuning no way nor means that he could possibly devise to â—subvert and â—vinate the House of Saxony He set up Maurice and Agust his Brother against Iohn Frederick And Maximiliam stirred up the Sons of Iohn Frederick one against another Rodolph Count Palatine bore armes in the behalf of Frederick of Austria against his own brother Lewis Duke of Bamera and Frederick Count Palatine who was Recompenced for this pleasure by Frederick the Third who procured all the States and Princes of the Empire to be his mortall Enemies Briefly who favoured and furthered the Election of the last Maximilian so much as Frederick Count Palatine And yet not long after he gave so hard a sentence against him at Auspurghe that all the Princes of the Empire reversed the same in his Presence Now to speak of the Spanish Kings abuses towards the Princes of Germany and others were infinite labour and either that which I have already said is sufficient to cause him to be generally hated or the late Apologies of the Prince of Aurange of the State of the Low Countries of the now King of France of Don Antonio and of others will supply whatsoever I either for modestie or for brâ—vitiesake forbear to discover Then to conclude this point If France might be moved to set on Foot for the Kingdome of Navarre the Dukedom of Burgondy and all or part of the Lowcountries If the Pope might be intreaâ—ed to bestow the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily upon som Prince of worth and estimation If the Venetians and other Princes of Italy would be content to divide and share the Dukedom of Milan betwixt them If the States and Princes of the Empire would be pleased to reconcile the Kingdomes of Bohemia and Hungary with the Dukedom of Austria unto the Empire If the Duke of Parma or Don Antonio might be seated in Portugall And lastly England Holland and other States and Pâ—inâ—es that are mighty upon the Seas would either stop the Spaniards passage into the Indies or intercept his Treasure when it cometh from thence the proud and insolent House of Austria should quickly be reduced unto their old and pristine Estate and the Princes of Christendome when they should have no Adversary to fear but the common Enemy of Christians should undoubtedly live in great security peace and Amity For then are Kingdomes most safe when their Neighbours Forces and their own strength are not greatly unequall And then should our English Island be the strongest and happiest Kingdom in Christendom But in taking this course it behooveth to be somwhat Circumspect least that the overthrow and downfall of
of Naples or of Portugal For so shall his Sons power be weakened his Daughter further off from us and from France and her ambition better satisfied with a kingdom then with a Title of Dutchess too base a name for so proud a woman and such an one as hath lived a long time in equall credit with a Queen And we finde that the desire of that Charâ—es his wife who of a Duke of Anioâ— was made and crowned King of Naples to be a Queen was the chiefe and special cause her Husband entered into that quarrel for his wife who was descended of a King and still lived among Queens would never suffer him to be at quiet until he had made her Queen There is no doubt but that the Princes of Italy could be very well content that the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily were in some such poor Princes possession rather under the subjection of the sole heir of Spain because he being a young Prince and King of so many Dominions will not perhaps be keep within his bounds as his old Father is and they would easily finde means to hold such a Prince long enough and to keep him from all kinde of ability to hurt and damnifie them For experience hath taught them that when Naples and Sicily were governed by a proper King and he alwayes Resident amongst them they lived not then in such danger or in such fear as they have been since the French or the Spaniards were Masters of those Kingdoms Duke Ernestus being placed thus far from us the question would be what Government would best content us in Flanders whether it were best to have a Prince there and if a Prince what he should be or else such a Government as is now amongst the United Provinces and if such a Government whether it were best to unite the rest of Flanders unto them that are already united The questions are full of difficulty and a man of far greater experience and wisdom then my self can hardly resolve them And yet because this is my last task I will as I have done in the rest adventure to commit my follies to your secrecy The pleasant and sweet Government under the States of the United Provinces The consideration of their Subjects quiet and welâ—are The regard of their wealth The credit whereunto they are grown The accompt that their Neighbours make of them The free Traffique which they have with Forreign nations The recourse of Strangers unto them The beauty and increase of their Cities lately enlarged and beautified and their strength being as I have once said already almost comparable unto the power of mighty Princes might easily induce them to consent to make one Common-wealth of all the seventeen Provinces But if they should all joyn in one Form of Government it were greatly to be doubted that they would grow so mighty in time that their might would make them ambitious and their ambition desirous to encroach upon their Neighbours who with the same and good of their great ease and prosperity would happily be content to shake off their Kings and live under their wings and protection Was it not the common report of the Romans good Government that made Forreign Nations desirous to be subject unto them Was it not the incorporating of those Nations into their own Cities and their permitting of them to enjoy the like Priviledges and Liberties as the Romans enjoyed that drew other people to follow the example of those Nations Was it not then seen and may it not be seen again thâ—â— the less Cities iimitated the greater and whether the first inclined thither the last repaired Is it not generally said that two eyes see more then one And do not many Councellors consult and resolve upon any thing better then a few and is it not true that it is not the Clymate or the Region that onely maketh men wise The Spaniard is wiser then the French-man the Florentines of a quicker wit and judgment then the Venetian and yet when the light-headed French-man beginneth once to be staid he is nothing inferior to the wise Spaniard and the Venetians when they consult upon matters of weight resolve them not so soon but better then the Floâ—entines The reason whereof is given by Bodin because the first trusting too much to the dexterity of their wits dwell obstinate in their first conceived opinions and sometimes will not yeeld unto the soundest judgments because they proceed from them who are either their enemies or in their opinions not worthy to be reputed wiser then they whereas the later distrusting every man his own judgement and examining soundly and with great deliberation all the reasons that may be alleaged pro con in any matter whatsoever after long conâ—erence and consultation conclude upon the best and wisest resolution Is it not this proved in the States of the United Provinces especially in the Hollanders who until of late years were commonly called by the Flemings The Blockish and hard-headed Hollanders and now they are grown equal to the wisest Flemings Italians French or Spaniards Court they not Princes that were wont onely to live by the transporting of commodities of their Island into England and other places Have they not their Agents in Princes Courts who in many years would not presume to look upon a Court and knew not how to behave themselves when they came thither Have they not learned the means and ways to insinuate themselves into Princes favours and continue themselves therein who not long ago cared for no Princes favour but â—or one Kings good will and countenance Sent they not their Ambassadors unto the Christening of the Scottish Prince Gave they not their Present as well as others and within it a yearly Pension unto the young Prince to be paid unto him yearly out of the rents of one of their Towns Have they not discovered a shorter way to the Indies and will they not take and make a benefit by the discovery Do they not daily encrease their Revenews Do not their Subjects that were wont to guide a Boat and govern an Oar now manage a Lance and handle a weapon as well as other Nations Do not the better sort amongst them who heretofore never medled with matters of State match the wisest Politicians in Counsel and the best Statesmen of the world in their writings And to be brief is it not likely that if they proceed as they have begun they will in time grow too strong and exceed the Seigniory of Venice the which if it be not assisted by other Princes of Christendom standeth in great danger to become a prey unto the Turk I have once already said it and cannot say it too often God grant that all the Princes of Christendom yea the Child that is unborn have not just occasion one day to curse the King of Spain for enforcing the States to know and use their strength Let us remember the weakness of the Switzers and call to minde upon
what occasion they began to encanton themselves how base men they were that were the first Authors thereof how Stansfather Gualter first and Arnold Melthdiall detesting the unsupportable Tyranny of the Governor Greisleir drew first divers Gentlemen and then the inhabitants of a few Towns to conspire the death of their Governour and the banishment of all the Officers set over them by the house of Austria how they beat down to the ground all their Castles how they perswaded the Towns of Sinty Ury and Underwald to free and emancipate themselves from the Thraldom and Bondage wherein they lived under the house of Austria How after this association others entred into League with them and briefly how after their general confederacy they lived many years contented with their own and scant knew what wealth meant Was it not wonderous that after the notable victory which they had at Grason against Charles Duke of Burgondy they knew not the worth or value of the goods that came to their hands Will any man beleeve that they should tear into a Thousand pieces the fairest pavilion that ever was seen in the world May it be credited that they sold great dishes and platters of clean Silver thinking that they had been of Tin for six pence a piece Will it not seem incredible that the fairest Diamond that was in those dayes in the world and had a very great and rich pearl hanging thereat was sold unto a Priest for a Florin and that he sent it unto their chief Governor who gave him but three Franks which is a French Crown for the same And to what reputation are these people now grown Are they not held the best Pikemen of the world Do not the greatest Princes of Europe seek their Amity and alliance Strive they not who shall first entertain them and continue longest in league with them Have they not more liberty in Italy then any nation whatsoever Are not the Grisons their Confederates free from the Inquisition a freedom not granted unto any Nation but unto them Was there not a time when a King of France for calling them base people was forsaken by them and made a prey unto his Enemies Did they not in revenge of that disdainfull word make a Road into his Country and had they not come unto the walls of Paris if they had not been intreated and hired for great Rewards to return into their Country Who can desire a more notable and worthy example of valour and fortitude then they shewed in Navar in Italy where they being in a strong Citty and not needing to make any sally out they came forth upon the French that lay before the Town went proudly and without fear upon the fearfull and terrible mouthes of their greatest Artillery took the same and bended it upon their Enemies whom with the onely help thereof they put to a most shamefull flight and to the edges of their unmercifull swords When we remember these men and enter into cogitation of the premisses we must justly fear that the Hollanders and their Adherents may one day have the like mindes and the like fortune And if they should chance to grow to the like greatness be it of minde or of fortune let us consider what advantage they shall have of Princes Even the same advantage which Titus Livius mentioneth in the comparison which he maketh betwixt Alexander the Great and the Romans For they have many Alexanders whereas a Kingdom should have but one and with this ones death his whole State should be endangered whereas the losse of some of their Alexanders shall not endanger their State and Kingdoms Enterprises shall perish with their King and their Attempts shall be performed by their surviving Alexanders Briefly the Kings posterity shall not resemble him and their Successors shâ—ll rather excel then not imitate them Thus to have all the Low-Countries governed by a few States or by one Prince wholly depending upon the King of Spain were in one and the same measure dangerous and therefore it were convenient for us in wisdom and policy to erect and establish such a Prince as should neither aâ—together depend upon France nor be wholy devoted unto Spain or else to divide the seventeen Provinces into divers several Cantons and to nourish continually a diversity of opinions and Religions amongst them whereby some of them being led to affect us and others to favour Princes of their Religion they shall be neither holpen nor hurt by them more then we nor we more then they Besides Experience yeeldeth us this comfort that as long as we shall entertain a free and loving 〈◊〉 entercourse of Trade and Traffique with them whereby their people may be inriched their Cities frequented and their several Artificers maintained and nourished so long may we be assured of their fast Friendship and Amity For if when as that notable contention and competency for the Crown of France was between Edward the third and Philip de Valâ—ys although Lewis the Earl of Flanders favoured the French King because he was his Vassal yet the Common people affected and furthered our Kings claim and quarrel and would not be drawn from us by any manner of whatsoever perswasion why may we not hope to fined the like affection in them even against their Soveraign if we should have the like occasion to use their furtherance For as then many of their Towns standing wholy upon the Trade of wooll with which their Diers Fullers and other such Artificers were maintained they would not leave us to lean to their Prince because if our King should not have sent thither our woolls they knew not how to live and for that France was not able to hurt them so much as England could do both by Sea and by Land so now if they should want such Commodities any long time as we send over unto them although they be now far stronger by Sea then they were then yet either the regard of profit or the fear of discommodity and hurt that might arise unto them by the discord betwixt us and them would cause them to stand fast and assâ—â—ed unto us rather then unto our Enemies especially if we shall entertain some such faithfull friends unto us amongst the common people as were the before mentioned Artevild Boscanus Agricola and others Thus Spain being weakned and the Low-Countries either all or the most part thereof well-affected unto us we shall stand in less danger and fear of France whose troubles and divisions although they begin now somewhat to cease yet I fear me that when they are once utterly extinguished they will be quickly revived again For as fire being but covered over with ashes and not throughly put out is soon kindled again so reconciled friends the causes of their former contentions not being wholly removed upon very light occasions fall again to strife and variance The experience thereof was seen in the Reign of Henry the third of England and in the time of Lewis Menervensis
it was not Religion but private quarrels that caused a division in his Kingdom and this division was as you have heard and shall hear maintained and nourished by the Spaniard For when the troubles began first in France the princes of Vendosme and Conde being displeased with the greatness of the House of Guise drew into their faction and side the Houses of Montmorency and Chastilian that they might be the better able with their help to prevent and withstand the encrease and advancement of the late Duke of Guise his Father and Uncle who had usurped and gotten into their hands all the authority credit and power of the Kingdom during the minority of Francis the second their Nephew afterwards the same Duke of Guise and the Constable fall into variance for no other cause but for that the first was jealour of the other both of them being in great favour and credit with Henry the third Four principal causes encreased and nourished the contention between these two princes The first was the office of great Master of France which the King gave unto the Duke of Guise when he made the Duke of Montmorency Constable of France who was great Master before and had a promise of the King that the office should have been reserved for his son The second occasion of their discontentment was the Earldom of Dampmartin which both of them had bought of sundry persons pretending right thereunto and when they had sued for the same a long time in Law the Constable obtained the suit The third cause of their discontentment was because the one of them seeking by all means possible to discredit and disgrace the other the Constable procured the Duke of Guise to be sent into Italy that he might in his absence possess the King wholly and alone and when he was there he could not do any thing worth his labour or worthy of commendation because the Constable either fore-slowed or hindred his business But the Duke of Guise being returned out of Italy and finding that the Constable was taken prisoner at St Laurence to be revenged of the indignities offered whilst he was in Italy procured that the Constable was held a long time in prison and used all the policies that he could devise to delay and defer his deliverance the which delays occasioned his Nephews of Chastilian to crave aid and assistance of the late King of Navarra and the Prince of Conde his brother who had married his Neece The fourth and last cause of their strife and difference was the competency between the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Iamvile for the office and charge of Colonel of the light Horsemen of France This debate and emulation being begun and having continued a long time debate and emulation being begun and having continued a long time in this manner it hapned that the first Author thereof being dead the Duke of Guise prevailed too much in the French Court the which the Lords of Chastilian perceiving to their great sorrow and discontentment left the Court and in returning from thence were it in earnest or in policy began to favour the Lutherans of France who at that time began to preach in cellars and in houses secretly and became their friends more to defend themselves from the House of Guise then to seek and procure any alteration or change of Religion until that the King himself at the instigation and instance of the Duke of Iamvile took Monsieur de Andeles at Cressy and sent him prisoner to Molin and imprisoned the Videan of Chatres and many others These imprisonments and years of further mischiefs caused the friends and followers of the Constables to prepare with great silence and secrecy a mighty Army in Germany with which he purposed to make an horrible execution of the House of Guise under a colour to free the King from that bondage wherein the late Dukes of Guise and Aumale held him of which followed the great execution of Amboise the rigorous commandment that was given to the King of Navarra and the imprisonment of the Prince of Conde at the assembly of States held at Orleans and many other accidents which had continued with far greater cruelty then was used against the Houses of the Constable and of Chastilian had not the sudden death of the young King prevented the bloody intentions of the House of Guise The unexpected death of the young King perplexed and dejected the House of Guise much and surely they had been reduced unto extream desperation had not the Spanish King revived their hope and put them in great comfort who until he saw them in great extremity stood in doubt which part to favour most and kindled the fire of dissention on both sides to the end it might at the length burn and consume France in such manner as it did of late years It was the Spanish King that when the King of Navarra was made Governour of Charls the ninth and the Constable restored to his ancient Honour and Dignity supported the Duke of Guise and gave him such counsel that he both won the King of Navarra and the Constable to favour him and his enterprises against their own Brothers and Nephews and took the young King and his Mother at Fountain-bleau and carried them to Melind The Queen-mother grieved with this captivity of the King and her self was sain to entreat the Prince of Conde and the Lords of Chastilian to help to set him and her at liberty And then the said Prince and Lords not being able to resist of themselves so mighty enemies as the Guisards were especially being aided with the power and authority Royal became protestants in good earnest and declaring themselves Protectors and Heads of the Huguenots craved their assistance wherewith they seized upon many Cities of France not making any mention of their Religion but pretending to free the King and his Mother from that captivity wherein the House of Guise held them It was the King of Spain who when the Duke of Guise was slain at Orleans by Poltrot practised with the Cardinal his Brother to entertain and maintain the divisions in France not to subvert the Lutherans but to weaken the Kingdom wherein the Cardinal proceeded so cunningly that he drew the Queen-mother from the Prince of Conde and the Chastilians by whom she was set at liberty by perswading that the Prince of Burbone the Constable and the Chastilians sought her utter ruine and subversion and would never leave until they had sent her into Italy unto her friends there for which she conceived so great displeasure and indignation against them that she caused the one brother to be killed at the Battel of Iarvack and the other at the Massacre of Paris it is thought that if the Montmorencies had been there at the same time they had drunk of the same cup. Thus you see that the troubles of France grew not for Religion but for competency and emulation that was betwixt the House of Guise
Lewis Prince of France repuls'd from England with dishonour 217 Lewis of Anjou adopted by Joan queen of Sicily 54 Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan maketh use of an Army of Turks 139 Lewis Adolistz hath the Cities of Faenza and Imola conferr'd upon him by the Emperour 53 The Low Countries a considerable advantage to the king of Spain 123 M MAhomet how he grew to the credit and reputation of a God 50 Manlius being in trouble the Romans put on mourning weeds 5 Marcus Aurelius leaveth the Empire to his son Commodus unwillingly 39 Marcus Coriolanus reconciled to the Senate of Rome by the mediation of his wife and mother p. 1 His death bewailed ten moneths by the Roman Dames p. 5 His reconcilement to his Country proposed to the Guises for imitation 148 Marcus Marcellus the Sword of the Country 5 The Marquess of Mantua won by promises to take part with the Duke of Milan 242 The Marquess of Pescara hardly disswaded from siding with Charls the fifth The Marquess of Villona rebelleth against the king of Aragon and is aided by Alonzo of Portugal 16 Martin Scala made Lord of Verona and Vincenza by the Pope 53 Mary Queen of Scots her practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 107 Several arguments made in her behalf by her friends p. 191 Answered p. 192 193 c. Masistias death greatly bewailed by the Persians 5 Matthew king of Hungary striveth for precedency with Ladislaus of Bohemia 195 Maximinus his great strength 231 The Duke of Mayne displeased with his brother the Duke of Guise 's proceedings p. 22 He and the Marquess du Pont Competitors 146 The Country of Mayne quitted by the king of England 45 Menemus Agrippa's discreet Oration appeaseth the rage of the common people 235 Merouingians Charlemains and Capets the three races of the French kings 36 Monastical Lives voluntarily assumed by divers Princes 215 The Murthering of the Duke of Guise excused 160 161 162 c. N NAtions have their several qualities according to the Climate they inhabite 9 The Nature of the Italian and Spanish Souldiers 114 Navar conquered by the King of Spain p. 58 A member of the Kingdom of France 59 New exactions cause rebellion in the place where they are levied 6 Pope Nicholas the third useth all means to diminish the French King's power 276 247 Mr de la Noves opinion concerning the strength of the French King 77 O THe Obizes and Estentes made Dukes of Ferrara by the Pope 53 Olaus and Eustus kill the Ambassadour of Malcolm King of Scots 209 Open Enemies less dangerous to Princes then deceitful friends 106 Othagarius King of Bohemia refuseth the Empire p. 249 The Electors offer it to Rodolph Master of his Palace ibid. Othagar maketh war against him and is slain by reason of Milotas trechery 251 Otho the third the wonder of the world 5 Otho Duke of Saxony subdueth Berengarius and is made Emperour 173 Otho 's law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 The Oversight of the King of France after the murthering of the Duke of Guise 145 P THe Duke of Parma politiquely diverted from claiming his right in Portugal 68 Pope Paul the third's distaste against the Emperour Charls the fifth 100 101 The Persians poll themselves and their Beasts for the death of their King Masistias 5 The Marquess of Pescara disswaded from following Charls the fifth 243 Philip the long bestoweth upon the Duke of Burgundy the County of Burgundy 29 Pipin 's politique designs to gain the Crown of France 26 Pius quintus entreth into a League with Philip of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 137 Poictou quitted by the King of England 45 Poland infected with sundry heresies p. 6 The kingdom of Poland after much entreaty accepted by the French king Henry the third p. 151 152 The Polanders chuse another king in his absence 154 The Pope 's power small at the beginning p. 172 By what means advanced to such a height p. 172 173 c. He flies to the king of France for aid against the Lombards p. 173 A perpetual sower of dissention between the princes of Christendom p. 177 A procurer of much bloodshed in France and England p. 178 179 Not able to yeild the Spaniard any great help 137 Portugal how it cometh of right to belong unto the kingdom of Spain p. 59. The several Competitors for that kingdom p. 60 The Author's opinion concerning this claim 60 A Prerogative belonging to Princes to sit Iudge in their own causes 213 Pride of the House of Austria by what means it might be pull'd down 255 The Prince of Conde and the King of Navar joyn with Duke Casimir 155 Princes degenerating from their Ancestors may easily be driven from their Crowns p. 6 Princes ought to submit to the observance of their own laws p. 41 They ought to revenge injuries done to private subjects p. 163 Princes of small jurisdiction as absolute as those of greater 164 The Prodigality of divers Emperours 168 Publique Declarations the usual means of promoting or justifying any designe 241 Q QUarrels with Neighbour Princes to be composed before new enterprises are undertaken 216 R REbels favoured and maintained by Princes of other Nations 13 15 Rebellions upon what small occasions they have broke out 239 Richard the first ransomed by the Clergie and Commonalty of England p. 5. He is taken prisoner by Leopold Archduke of Austria 208 Richard the third's suspicion of Henry Earl of Richmond 68 Robert King of France leaveth his Kingdom to his second Henry 39 Robert Rudolphy his practises against Queen Elizabeth at the suggestion of Spain and Rome 106 107 Rodolph of Hapspurgh bestows the Kingdom of Austria upon his son Albert p. 53 He obtaineth the Empire by cunning p. 249 Divers great Competitors at the same time p. 249 He resigneth the Exarchat of Italy to the Pope 254 Romans in enlarging their Dominions what colourable pretences they had p. 15 Courted or feared by all other Princes or States p. 64 65 Their many and mighty victories 74 75 Romulus his policy to augment the City of Rome 65 S THe Salique Law belonged only to Salem a Town in Germany where it was made p. 29 No lawful pretence to exclude Edward the third and Henry the fifth from the Crown of France 28 29 The Earl of Salisbury 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 Sardanapalus the pattern of a lecherous and effeminate Prince 5 The Saxons and Danes conquer England rather by subâ—ilty then force 220 Scipio the pattern of a chaste Captain 5 The Scots and Picts invade Britain in the absence of Maximinian 98 Sejanus his greatness and authority under the Emperour Tiberius 23 Servilius judgeth gentle means the best to appease the peoples rage 233 Sigibert eldest son of Dagobert contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasie 39 Sir-names given to Princes upon several occasions p. 8 The Sir-name and Title of a God given to Demetrius by the Athenians 5 Wicked or foolish Sons succeed wise
Navie when Don Iohn de Austria gave the Turk the famous overthrow for which all Christendom greatly rejoyced they might haply have gotten Constantinople and have recovered most part of the Turkish Dominion Next unto the House of Austria is the State of Venice which although it be far inferiour unto many Christian Princes in power and strength by land yet it yeildeth unto very few or none of them in force by Sea With this State the Spaniard knoweth also that it is very good and convenient for him to entertain peace and amity For albeit they have many Countries confining and bordering upon the Turk for the which they pay him yearly Tribute and that their Merchants have continual entercourse of Trade and traffique unto Turky and likewise the Turks with them which bringeth in inestimable wealth and benefit unto the State and that in consideration hereof the Turk will not easily offend them nor they willingly displease him yet the Venetians knowing him to be a Turk that is a common enemy of Christendom the devourer of other mens estates the disturber of the common peace and a most notable breaker of all League Truce and Amity as often as he stirreth they stand in continual awe of him and notwithstanding all leagues contracts and confederacies with him are content to joyn with the Spaniard at any time against him and to use the utmost of their power to annoy and molest him as it was seen by the great aid which they gave unto the Spanish King when as Don Iohn de Austria gave the Turk the above-mentioned overthrow Thus being assured of the Venetians friendship entertaining perfect and perpetual amity with the House of Austria and having the rest of the Princes of Italy for his friends he hath little occasion to fear the Turk And yet for his better security he seeketh to live in league and amity with him and likewise keepeth continual friendship with the Turks greatest enemies hoping to turn them upon him if at any time he should chance to attempt any act of hostility against any of his States and Dominions The French King is the second considerable friend or enemy the Spaniard hath of whose friendship or enmity he is to make no small account For albeit the one hath many more Kingdoms many more People and much more Treasure then the other yet because France is of it self and within it self a very great Kingdom well inhabited full of many great Cities replenished with all things necessary and sufficiently furnished with whatsoever is needful either for Peace or for War The King thereof is in my opinion nothing inferior unto the Spaniard and much more able to pleasure or annoy him then any other Prince of Christendom It may be said that the Spaniards many Dominions yeilds him infinite multitudes of Souldiers that his Indies furnish and enrich him with great abundance of Silver and Gold and that the one and the other make him in a manner invincible But if his men by reason they are far off cannot easily be brought together Iâ— because they are of divers Nations they will hardly agree long together It because they be of contrary natures and conditions they are not in like measure fit for the Wars If their discipline shall be found contrary their humours divers and their courages in no respects equal or like What benefit What good success may be expected of an Army being compounded of so many diversities Again if the wealth of the Indies may be as it hath been oftentimes intercepted If his Treasures do scant suffice for his ordinary and extraordinary expences If his debts be already more then he is well able to pay What booteth his wealth Or why should France fear his Treasure Or what just occasion hath he either in regard of his people or in respect of his gold to contemn or make small reckoning of the united Forces of France especially since the Countries of France are able to set forth such a sufficient Army to encounter with his forces at any time and the yearly revenues of the Crown of Fraâ—ce will serve to maintain and furnish the same Army withal things necessary Appianus Alexandrinus who lived in the time of Adrianus the Emperour in his History of the Roman Wars writeth That in his time the Emperour Adrianus had in pay 200m. Footâ—men and 500m. men at Arms 3000. Carts and Waggons for his Wars and 300m. Armors to Arm his Soulâ—iers withal he had also a Navy of 600. tall Ships and of 1500. Gallies with many other Vessels of divers sort and with an infinite number of all kind of Instruments and Weapons for Sea-fight besides 80. Ships with the Prores and the Poups of gold for a shew or ornamenâ— of his Wars And lastly he had in his Treasure-house 150m. Talents in ready coyn This force this preparation this strength and wealth seemed unto the same Author so great that in the proem of the very same History he saith That all the Forces of Alexander the Great of the Assirians of the Medians and of the Persians which were four mighty Emperours were never able to attain in 900. years unto half the power strength and greatness that the Romans had Titus Livius had the like opinion of the Roman power For he saith That Alexander King of Epirus was wont to say That all the Wars which Alexander the Great ever had were in comparison of his own Wars with women rather then with men And that all the life of Alexander the Great would not have sufficed to end and finish one only War with the Carthaginians with whom the Romans in the first Wars against them fought twenty four years together And that the Romans had overthrown above 1000. sundry Armies the least of all the which was far greater then the Armies of the Macedonians or of Alexander the Great All which may seem to be true because Plutarch in his Lives of the Roman and Greekish Worthies reporteth That Iulius Caesar took in his time one thousand Cities by assault overcame more then 300. sundry Nations took above a Million of men prisoners and slew better then another Million of men in divers Battels for if one General of the Romans wrought so many worthy Exploits subdued so many Regions and slew so many Enemies how infinite now incredible were the Armies and the Victories of the Romans who had many Captains As both the Scipios Fabius Maximus Pompeius Magnus and divers others not much inferior to Iâ—lius Caesar Notwithstanding all this that is said I must needs say that as Iohn Bodin a French Authour saith in his Book de Republica the Romans having made tryal of four several Estates As of a Royal a Tyrannical an Aristocratical and a Popular State never thrived better nor ever flourished more then they did under their Popular State And to what end say I thus Forsooth to this purpose To shew you that when the Romans were most mighty when their Authority was greatest when
since the said Merchants at no time had any cause why they should not credit her Highness as well as him Nor did they weigh the violent and extraordinary dealing of the Duke of Alva who as soon as he heard the news of the intercepting of the said money commanded all our English Merchants that were then in Antwerp or elsewhere in Brabant and Flanders to be detained as prisoners seized upon their goods and Merchandizes and willed that the English house should be kept by a Guard of High-Dutchmen and presently wrote unto the King his Master to detain all our Merchants in Spain and further knowing that there were divers English Ships in Zeland laden with Cloth and other Merchandize of great worth and value he caused them likewise to be stayed and neither they nor our Merchants in Brabant Flanders Zeland or Spain were dismissed before the king of Spain was fully satisfied which might easily be done the very Cloth it self which was transported out of England into those Countries being almost worth the sum that was pretended God knoweth how truly to be taken away from the Spâ—niard For although we should grant that this money was wrongfully taken and detained by her Majesty yet the order which the Duke of Alva took for the recovery thereof was not to be justified He ought first to have acquainted his Master with the taking thereof Then an Embassadour should have been sent from him into England to demand restitution thereof And lastly if her Grace had denied the restoring of the same or not sufficiently satisfied the taking of it the course which was taken had not been amiss But here the Cart went before the Horse and judgment was given before the Cause was heard Now because our Merchants lived quietly in the Low Countries as well before as after the taking of this money because they enjoyed their Priviledges as largely as ever they did because we had daily Traffique with Spain and the Kings Embassadours remained then and many years after in England All which are Arguments and probable Conjectures that there was peace betwixt us and Spain the intercepting of this money will still seem unlawful unless it be shewed that the Spaniard hath given her Majesty some just occasion of discontentment before the time of taking thereof Truly it cannot be denied that our Merchants had Traffique as it is said in Spain and elsewhere under the Spanish Dominions but not for any love to our Prince or Nation but in regard of the great benefit that they brought unto the King and to his Countries which could not well stand or at the least wise as late experience hath shewed flourished as they did without them Witness the misery of Antwerp at this present the poverty of Burges and the calamity of many other Towns both in Brabant and in Flanders which as long as they were haunted and frequented by Englishmen yeilded to few Towns and Cities of Christendom for wealth and prosperity Witness again Middleboroug Vlushing Amsterdam and other Towns in Holland and Zeland which before the departure of our Englishmen from those Towns which are now under the King of Spain and before their Traffique in Holland and Zeland had not the tenth part of the wealth or resort of Merchants thither which they have at this present in so much that many Towns in these two Provinces are of late years made larger yea twice as big as they were wont to be Witness lastly the great wealth power and strength which the States of the United Provinces are grown unto since they have cast off the yoke of Spanish Tyrannical Government entred into strait League with our most gratious Queens Majesty and hath had Traffique with her loving Subjects for which the small aid which they have had from us small indeed in comparison of their great charges and with the yearly Revenues which they gather by the resort of Merchants thither it is seen of late that they are become so mighty as that for provision of Wars for strength by Sea for Munition for all kind of furniture for Wars both by Sea and Land and especially by Sea they may almost compare with the mightiest Prince in the world Have they not of late years boarded the Spaniard did they not when he sent his Invincible Army into England stand us in great stead Have they not won many Towns which were lost and betrayed in the time of the late Earl of Leicesters being there when they had far greater help and countenance by us then they have had of late Briefly have they not and do they not carry themselves so of late years that it may not only grieve the Spaniard but also all the Princes of Christendom that he hath given them so just and good occasion to know and to use their own strength For if the chiefest Towns of France which are grown to such an humor and liking of encantonizing themselves as it hath been thought meet to publish many reasons in print to shew the great inconveniences and difficulties which they should incurre and find in so doing if I say these Towns should enter into consideration of the wealth and prosperity of the said States and their Subjects and after due examination of their happiness follow their examples and so in time cast off the yoke servitude and obedience which time out of mind they have owed and most dutifully shewed unto their Kings would it not be a very ill president a dangerous imitation and a most pernicious example Should not other Princes have just cause to suspect and fear the like change and alteration in their kingdomes And were it not greatly to be doubted and feared that other Subjects would be as ready as forward as desirous as they of liberty of alteration and of a new kind of Government Nay was there not a time when almost at one time all the Subjects of Europe not seeing so much as they may now see jumped so well in one desire to free themselves from their subjection unto Kings and Princes as that all Kings and Princes were enforced to joyn together in strength and in good will to suppress them The danger therefore of this inconvenience only being well and wisely considered all the Princes of Europe have great occasion to be offended with the Spaniard who by his unjust severity hath in some manner endangered all their States and royal Principalities But hereof more conveniently hereafter in another place Now again to my purpose The Subjects of the United Provinces travell dayly into Spain they carry thither and fetch thence many commodities they only abstain from carrying and bringing of things necessary and profitable for the maintenance of Wars May any man considering the premises and seeing how they and the Spaniards fight dayly one against another at home and within their own Countries say truly that there is no War betwixt them No verily it is not the entercourse of Merchants nor the residence of Leaguers and Embassadours that
Scotland together with the repressing of her Rebels in Ireland never gave her leave to bend her whole forces against him in the Low Countries True and that is one of the principal reasons why he hath by all means possible laboured to sow discord and to maintain factions in all and every one of the Countries thereby disabling them to send out any forces sufficient to annoy him and diverting her from using the uttermost of her power to his prejudice and yet to conclude this point considering the weakness of these his Neighbours by reason of their domestical divisions and her Graces whole strength because her Realm is not divided it cannot be denied that she hath far better abâ—lity then any other Christian Prince to weaken his power and to abate his pride and truly he that shall well look into his State such as it is shall find that it is far different from that which it is supposed to be For although he be Lord and King of many Dominions and Kingdomes although the Indies in some mens opinions furnâ—sh him with abundance of Treasure yet in truth neither is his power greatly to be feared not his wealth far exceeding her Majesties and other Princes substance For first touching his strength some of his Countries are not so populous as France and England others that have great store of people have men of such a mould and such conditions that they are unfit and unapt for the Wars and Spain it self from whence his best Souldiers come sendeth forth so many Garrisons into the Indies to Naples to Milan to Flanders and to Burgundy that he can hardly upon an occasion of great and most urgent extremity bring ten thousand Spaniards together And although the benefit of the Camaradoes doth greatly help them their long and late experience maketh them most expert and cunning their military discipline containeth them in a very good order and their extraordinary rewards and stipends maketh them both serviceable and very adventerous yet neither can so small a number perform any matter oâ— great worth neither was it ever seen since the first Wars of the Low-Countries until this day that being inferiour but by a few nay being equal unto our men in number they departed with the honour of the field neither can it be truly said that our men being no choice men but such as our Country can spare and hath least need of having had no long time of experience nor fighting for the Liberty of their own Country or the right of their Prince which two things adde and put courage even in men scant having any great stomack at all did ever refuse to meet the best trained and long experienced Spaniards in the field and meeting them in equal places and in like number they most commonly have driven them to the worst or made their party good enough with them and although the Spaniards for these few years few I term them because they exceed not the memory of man have had the name of great Souldiers yet if we consider with what people they have encountred and by what policies they have prevailed they have not received the tenth part of that honour and renown which they seem to challenge of just and due desert for the people with whom they have contended in all this time have been the unexperienced Flemmings the careless Germans the unwarlike Italians and the fierce and quickly fainting French-men The first sort by long practise are grown equal and nothing inferior unto them the second of late have holpe them to most of their victories the third by their own Writers are termed Infamia militiae and the fourth was in Iulius Caesars time and are still in the beginning of a conflict more then men in the end thereof less then women neither may I so much derogate from the Italians or from the Frenchmen but that I must of necessity grant that many of the Captains who have done the Spanish King greatest service have been Italians and the unprofitable Journies which Charles the fifth made divers times into France with full intention and assured hope to conquer the same and also the late dishonours received by the Prince of Parma and other his Lieutenants sent into the same Realm with a purpose and resolution to do much more then was effected do argue that the French-men yeild not greatly unto them in valour or in discipline Then if he cannot make an Army of many natural Spaniards and they when they are strongest be it in number or experience are easily to be matched and many times over-matched by men of less experience practise and exercise then they why shall his natural strength be feared which cannot be great unless he will disfurnish his Garisons which were to overthrow himself and to lose his best and richest Countries Or why should a Prince fear his mercenary Souldiers or hirelings who fight no longer then they have money and when they are ready to go to the Battel either abandon their Master for want of pay or fly to the enemy in hope of reward or when they are in the conflict behave themselves cowardly faintly and so indifferently that if they might be assured of their lives they would hardly strike one stroke This is briefly his power Now to his Wealth It cannot be denied that his Revenues far exceed the Revenues of any Christian Prince whatsoever It must likewise be granted that the Indies yeild him yearly great store and abundance of Treasure And it is supposed that his credit with Merchants is able at any time to supply his wants if he should chance to stand in need But his States being most of them gotten as you have heard by conquest or distracted as you see by division they must needs as all such States do put him to so great charges as the comings in will hardly serve to deâ—ray his Expences The Treasure that cometh from the Indies sometimes part of it perisheth by the Sea part is intercepted by us and all that is brought home doth not suffice to maintain his Wars His credit is not in any measure answerable to the conceit and opinion that is had of it For first It hath been published in French Discourses Printed many years since that he oweth more money to the Merchants of Genoa alone then ever he shall be able to pay And I can shew whensoever it shall please you to require the fight thereof a Letter written better then sixteen years ago unto him by his Secretary Escovedo and intercepted by the States wherein he signifieth unto him That his credit would not serve the which Don Iohn of Austria affirmeth by another Letter unto his Catholique Majesty to take up any more money upon the Bourse at Antwerp because the Merchants would first be paid that which then was owing them before they would lend any more And Don Iohn de Austria addeth in his Letter That had not Escovedo his credit by reason that the Merchants held
to your secret view what others have published in prejudice of his wisdom and justice especially since I intend not to discover any hidden oversights but such as are known to the world for most manifest errours These unto him that hath leasure to enter into considerations of them all would fall out to be very many but my purpose is at this time but to acquaint you with four and of these four I will deliver you my opinion in this manner I hold it first for a great oversight that being bound by oath to rule and Govern in the Low-Countries by Deputies and principal Officers being born within the Limits of Brabant and Flanders he contrary to his Oath and all good policy hath ruled the said Countries by proud and dâ—sdainfull Spaniards For although a Magistrate loveth vertue and hateth vice embraceth justice and disliketh oppression possesseth all good qualities and entertaineth scant any kinde of ill disposition yet if he cannot accommodate himself unto the nature of those subjects which are committed unto his charge instead of Peace and tranquility he shall occasion and nourish among them discord and dissâ—nsion For proof whereof I shall need to alledge no other examples but the troubles and civil wars which in these few years have as I have said turned the prosperity wealth and riches of Flanders into Poverty Ruine and desolation For whosoever will considerately look into the causes of thâ—se troâ—â—les shall finde that they have proceeded principally from the contrariâ—ty of the natuâ—es and dispositions of the Spaniards and of the Flemings because the one never learned to command with a spirit of meeknâ—ss and lenity and the other could never endure to be ruled by proud and arrogant Officers but have alwayes been far better governed by the Courtesie and Clemency of Women then by the severity and rigour of Men. And truly although Nimrod began his reign with cruelty and violence as the Scriptures testifie and it hath been and it is a question disputable Whether it be better that the Ministers of Kings and Princes should be severe and cruel or gentle and courteous yet the wiser sort are of opinion that Humanity and Gentlenesse is both more commendable and necessary especially where the People that is to be governed is milde by Nature gentle in condition and no way inclined to conceive well of cruelty And certainly whosoever shall busie himself in reading many Chronicles shall undoubtedly finde in them that more Kingdoms Dominions and Seigniories have been overthrown and ruinated by the cruelty of under-Officers then by the severity of the higher Powers For in Histories men shall see that even those people who lived many yeers in peace without knowing what belonged to the besieging of a Town to the maintaining of a Camp or to the entertaining of any Domesticall sedition have been enforced by the barbarous and Cruel Tyranny of wicked Officers to prefer Wars before Peace and the effusion of blood before the conservation of their lives The Province of Graecia after that it had sought and gained many Battels subdued sundry Nations and triumphed over infinite Enemies was at the last overthrown and destroyed by the wickednesse and cruelty of their Governors The iniquity and cruelty of Appius Claudius shewed unto Virginius his Daughter changed the state of Rome and was the onely cause that their form and manner of Civil Government was altered The Ancestors of the same Flemmings which of late years have born Arms against King Philip of Spain not being able to brook and endure the Indignities and Injuries of those Officers which king Philip of France sirnamed The Fair set over them took out of Prison a poor Weaver and made him their Head rebelled against their king and killed all the Frenchmen that were in Flanders The People of sicilie moved thereunto by the barbarous cruelty of such French Governors as Tyrannized over them slew in one night all the Frenchmen that were in that kingdom and opened the bellies of as many women of their own Nation as were with childe by Frenchmen onely to destroy the fruit of their womb How many times have the People of England the Subjects of France and the Inhabitants of Spain rebelled for the same occasion Yea in the time of the Emperor Charles the fifth whose Predecessors were driven out of all that ever they had in Switzerland for the great Tyranny which was used by him whom they placed for their Lieutenant And in truth less grievous and offensive are the Injuries which Princes themselves do unto their Subjects then those which proceed from the enmity and malice of their Officers and certainly much more dangerous to a Princes State are the Extortions Cruelties and Exactions of inferiour Magistrates then of those unto whom as well the Magistrates as the Subjects are accomptable This is first proved by the force and efficacie of Reason it self because every particular man can better endure to be wronged by the Master then by the Servant for that the Indignitie and base Condition of the wrong-doers many times increaseth the grief and discontentment which is conceived upon occasion of an Injury sustained Sâ—condly the Common People hating alwaies much more the evill and tyrannical Government of an Inferior Magistrate then of the Superior Powers think it far better to have a bad Prince who wil be Governed and directed by good Counsellors then to live under wicked Officers authorised to Rule and Govern them by a good and vertuous Prince For say thâ—y a wicked Prince liveth at ease in his Kingly Palace giveth himself unto pleasure followeth his delights and rejoyceth in the Company of his vain and foolish Favorites and these are most commonly the worst things that he doth But the wicked Magistrate studieâ—h continually how to commit Violence to invent new Exactions to trouble and torment the common People to clipp their Wings to deâ—â—owre their Children to dishonest their Wives and to seize upon their Goods to withhold their Lands and to violate and break their Priviledges These are the harmes that proceed from the bad Magistrate the remembrance of which is most greivâ—us the pain excessive the beginning odious and the end exâ—crable The consideration whereof maketh me think not onely ours but all other Estates and Kingdomes most happy which are governed by such Princes as are borne in the same Kingdoms which they Govern And those contrariwise most unfortunate and subject unto infinite miseries which are ruled by Forain Princes The consideration whereof made many kingdoms not to accept and acknowledge for their Kings the lawful Children of their deceased Soveraignes because they were born in Foâ—rain Countries The which consideration as it seemeth had sometimes place in England because amâ—ngst other Statutes of this Realme there is one to enable and make the Childâ—en of our Kings which are born in other Countries capable of the Crown of England Lastly the consideration whereof moveth many grave and wise Polititians to be of opinion
the siege to Rochel Insomuch that Mr. of Valence who was his Ambassador unto the Electors was faâ—n to publish a Book wherein he more cunningly then truly derived the fault and crime of that Mâ—ssacre from him unto the Duke of Guise who took the same in so evil part that after the king was estâ—blished in Poland the said Duke published an other book wherein he cleared himself and layed the chief blame upon the late French king Lastly whenas he had ruled a while in Poland and saw the diversities of Religions there he loathed the Country detested their opinions and could hardly be brought to take the Oath which bound him to permit and tolerate a plurality of Religions in that kingdom But it may be thought that as many Princes have shewed themselves honest vertuous and religious before they were kings to the end they might the better attain unto a kingdom so he being assured by his Mother and by a vain prophesie that she should live to see all her sons kings and knowing that he should hardly come to the kingdom unless he gave some manifest signes of his zeal in Religion during the time that he lived as a Subject under his Brother repressed his nature dissembled his manners and disguised his Religion that Heresie might not be a bar unto him for the kingdom In the refuting of this Objection I shall have occasion to confound many of his Actions together which will serve to confute some other crimes layed to his charge When his bother Charles the ninth died he was in Poland where hearing he news of his death he took such a course for his departure from thence as highly commendeth his wisdom and manifestly declareth his great and natural love and affection unto his native Country with which course it shall be very requisite and expedient to acquaint you throughly because his Adversaries draw from hence their principal Arguments to prove his Infidelity and the beginning of his evil Government for where as he was say they bound by faithfull promise and oath to contnue in Poland and to have an especial care of the Wealth and welfare of that Country he left and abandoned them when they had most need of him as may appear by the Letter that was sent unto him after his departure by the principle Peers Nobles and Senators of that Realm It is not unknown unto any that know the State of France and are conversant in the writers of the later Accidents thereof that he was very unwilling to go into Poland because that he saw that his brother was not likely to live long and that he dying in his absence the kingdom which was alwayes to be preferred before the Crown of Poland might be wrongfully tranferred unto his Brother or unto some other whom his Brothers young years or his absence might encourage to affect the same This consideration moved him not to give his consent unto that journey before that his Mother faithfully promised to revoke him with all possible diligence if his Brother should chance to die And some write that at his departure his mother whether it were to make him the more willing to goe or that she was resolved to take such order that Charles the ninth should not live long said unto him Take not his departure my son grievously for it shall not be long before thou shalt returne Let it be spoken either to comfort and encourage him or with her foreknowledg and prejudicate opinion he was scant setled in Poland when a Messenger came unto him to signifie his brothers death This Message being delivered he wisely and providently called together the Nobilitie of Poland imparted unto them his Brothers death required their Counsel in a case of such difficulty as greatly perplexed his Wits and not lightly troubled the wisest amongst them The first thing that was decreed was that the Nobles should mourne for him in the same manner and with the same solemnities that they usually observe in mourning for their own Kings whereby they signified their great love which they bore him The next matter that was resolved was to dispatch a present Messenger into France with Letters of Credit unto the Queen his mother requiring her for him to take upon her the Regency of France untill his returne And the third Conclusion of their consultation was to call a general Assembly of the States and therein to deliberate and consult what might be best for the King to do whether to returne into France or to continue and remaine in Poland In this interim he calling to minde the trubulent Estate of France the young years of his Brother and the Ambitious and aspiring minds of divers of the French Nobility And liâ—â—wise understanding that the Peers of Poland fearing his suddain departure were about to take some order for preventing the same determined with himself to depart thence before his going should be known aswell because he would not have the same hindred and crossed by the Nobilitie as for that he knew it would be very dangerous for him to pass homeward through the Countries of divers Princes that bore him no great good will if he should depart thence as that they might have any foreknowledg and intelligence of the time of his departure and of the way which he went in returning into France This resolution thus taken he writeth a letter with his owne hands unto those in whome he reposed greatest confidence and signified unto them that since the time of their last conference he had received such Intelligence out of France as gave him just occasion to hasten thither in Poste and not to attend the general Assembly of the States of Poland he promiseth to returne so soon as he could conveniently prayeth them to excuse his suddain departure unto the rest of the Nobilitie And for such matters as his leisure would not permitt him to committ unto his Letter he desireth them to give credit unto a faithfull Counsellor of his whom he left behinde him with further instructions for them The Nobilitie understanding by his owne Letter and these mens reports marke the love they bore him and the care which they have of him sent presently a Nobleman in Poste after him to beseech him to returne and wrote their Letter unâ—o the Emperor to certifie his Majestie that his hastie returne into France proceeded not of any offence given unto the King by them nor of any evil opinion conceived by the King against them but of some urgent occasion requiring his presence in France They rested not here but when they saw that he returned not in such time as they looked for him they wrote a large Letter unto him wherein they declared how lovingly they consented to choose him before a number of other Pâ—â—nces that were competitors with him how honorably they sent for him into France how royally they received him how dutifully they carried themselves towards him how carefully they provided for the safety of both
his kingdoms aswell of that which came unto him by discent as of that which he received from their Election how greatly he was honoured by their choice and how dangerously he had forsaken them they prayed his returne if it might stand with his good liking if it migâ—â— be to his benefit if not they humbly besought him to consider in what danger they stood of Forreine Enemies what troubles hung over their heads by reason of the hatred and quarrels that were betwixt them and the Princes of Walachia Scythia and Muscovia and how needfull and necessary it wâ—s for them not â—o be long without a King whose presence might comfort them whose counsel might advise them whose experience might direct them whose Authoritie might govern them and whose Credit might countenance them They forgot not the Inconveniences that had hapned unto them since his departure nor the difficulty and impossibility to provide for their redress and their owne safetie without his presence for that it is an inviolable Law in Poland that although the States of the Country have decreed Wars against an Enemy yet it can neither be denounced nor prosecuted without the consent and suffrage of their King These necessities being thus expressed they set him down a peremptory day within which to returne with a plaine intimation that if he shall not returne by that day they will proceed unto the Election of an other King beseeching him not to thinke that they will choose another for that they are weary of him or desirous to forsake him there is no such conceit lodged in their hearts no such Cogitation entred into their heads but they and he must consider that Poland is so situated that barbarous Enemies do environ it on every side and that it is the stay of all Christendom and that therefore it behooveth them to be carefull when others are negligent and to watch that others might keep in quiet without danger And lastlie that these premises well and dulie considered such a kingdome cannot be long without an Head without a Captaine without a King He receiveth these Letters and they receiving no such Answer from him as might assure them of his returne unto them by the day appointed proceeded to a new Election And hence his Enemies derive their best Arguments to condemne him of Infideltie and Heresie Of Infidelitie in that he returned not according to his promise and of Heresie in that living there amongst a number of sundry Sects and Sectaries he learned to bear with Heretiques I finde in the Histories of Poland that when the States had agreed upon his Election the Ambassadors which he had sent into Poland about those Affairs were sworne in the name and behalfe of their Master by the Archbishop of Cracovia to maintaine uphold conserve and increase the Ancient Laws Rights Liberties and Immunities of the kingdome of Poland and of the great Dukedome of Lituania The which Oath being thus taken the Palatine of Cracovia being high Marshall of the Kingdom of Poland and the great Captaine of Samogitia being Marshal of the great Dukedome of Lituania presently proclame him King of Poland and Duke of Lituania Here is no promise to abide with them for ever Here is no Oath not to returne againe into France Here is no Bond to tie him to continuall Residence And though he promised to return at his departure yet you shall understand that although he could 〈◊〉 would have return'd yet hee had small occasion to return unto them For first the kingdom of France is farr better then that of Poland Next few Princes have ever left their native Countries unto the Government and administration of a Lieutenant to rule themselves in a Forreign Dominion Then hee found his own kingdom at his return in such broyles and contentions that hee câ—uld not possiâ—ly appease them to return into Poland at his day prefixed And lastly they not admitting his lawfull excuses chose another king before hâ—e refused to come back unto them This last cause is sufficient to excuse his not returning into that kingdom And this is so true that when I was in Italy I remember that it was a fresh news that the Polacks had sent an Ambassador unto the Pope to excuse their suddain choise of their new King and to do such ceremonies unto the Pope as in such cases is required This Ambassador pâ—ssed by Padua where I saw him and hee staied there so long that he spent all the money that was allowed for his Journy to Rome and home again before he went thence The cause of his long stay was the Protestation that was made by the French Ambassador residing then at Rome and requiring the Pope not to accept of the said Ambassador as an Ambassador sent unto him by the lawfull King of Poland because the French King his Master had not resigned his Right and Title unto that Crown And the validity of this exception was so long in debating that intimation being given to the Poland Ambassador not to proceed any further on his Journy towards Rome untill the same question was fully decided he was enforced to continue so long as I have said in Padua to the great hinderance of himself and of all his company Besides as our Kings still carry the Title of Kings of France in remembrance of their Right unto that kingdom so the late King of France caâ—sed himself to be called King of Poland untill his dying day in token that he never had resigned his Interest and claime thereunto This Argument brought against his fidelitie is sufficiently refelled It resteth to refute the exception made against his carriage and Government in Poland This shall need no great Confutation because it appeareth by the aforementioned letters of the Senatoâ—s unto him and the Emperor after his departure that there was no dâ—slâ—ke conceived against him and the earnest entrâ—aty which was made unto him to return testifieth the good opinion hope and confidence which they had to be well and wisely ruled by him Now whereas it is said that he learned to bee favourable unto Hereticks in Poland It may be that he conversed with some of them whilst hee was there because he could not otherwise do their generall Assemblies and meetings requiring his presence and consisting of such Peeres and Nobles as were of diverse Religions But it appeareâ—h by his letters written unto his especiall Friends of that kingdom when he departed thence that he had no great confidence or trust in them that were contrary unto him in Religion For besides the letter that â—e wrote to the Generall States of all the Country he wrote unto certain choice men as unto the Bishop of Cinavia unto the Palatine of Cracovia â—nto the Marshall of Eboronius unto the Vice-Chancellor Wotkins unto the Castellan of Meymcimer his Vice-Chamberlain and unto the Marshâ—l of the Court of Lituania all which were very zealous and earnest Catholicks and the oâ—ely men of whom â—e made any â—eckoning during
Popes actions I have acquainted you with many Devices great Subtilties and fine policies but the finest deceits are yet behind For is it possible to have a better means to overthrow and ruinate a Princes Enemies then to make them perish without laying hands upon them without effusion of blood without spending of money without imploying his own Force and Authority There is no Victory but is honourable and yet of all Victories that is most commendable which is purchased with least effusion of blood or spending of money The Pope therefore aiding himself with this kinde of policy whenas some Prince or other being mightier then he will not bow under his yoak against whom he dareth not make open Wars he seeketh by all means possible to bring him into hatred with some other Prince he slandereth him spreadeth evil rumors and reports of him taketh away his good name scandalizeth his person and imploreth the Aid and Assistance of all Christian Princes against him he giveth his Kingdom to him that can or will invade the same he declareth him to be an Hereticke he depriveth him of his Scepter he taketh all his Titles from him he commandeth his Subjects not to obey him he suborneth his own Children to rise up in Arms against him he procureth his Subjects to seek his overthrow he causeth another to be crowned in his place and he excommunicateth both him and his Kingdom And if neither the Forces of his Enemies nor the rebellion of his Subjects the confederacy of many Princes against him nor the pollicies whereof we have spoken be able to supplant and suppress him then he procureth some one or other to kill him or to deliver him by some Treason into the hands of his Enemies Truly these are strange policies cruel devices and such kind of revenge as a man shall hardly find to have been practised by secular Princes and therefore that my words may carry the more credit since they tend to the discredit of the holy Father of Rome I will prove by the Testimony of authentical Histories all that I have said Boniface the eighth sollicited the King of England to wâ—rr against Philip the faire King of France And Pope Benedict who cared not whâ—t it cost King Philip so that his Popedome might bee honoured by the Holy Warrs which the said King had promised to make against the Turk defamed him through all the world calling him disloyall false and forsworn Prince Pope Hildibr and sowed great dissentions and immortal warres betwixt the Princes of Germany and the Emperor Henry the 4. and commanded the Electors to chuse another Emperor in his place and when that would not prevaile he suborned the Son to beare armes against the Father and to deprive him of the Empire Alexander the third procured the Millanois and other Cities of Italy to rebell against Frederick the Emperor and Alexander the sixt took the name and Title of most Christian King from Charles the eighth of France and gave it unto the King of Castile It is written that Innocent the fourth held a Councell at Lions in France and with the helpe of the Frenchmen thrust Fredericke the second from the Empire and caused Henry Landsgrave of Thuring to bee chosen in his place And we find in diverse true Histories that Pope Pascall Gregory the 7. Victor the 3. and Vrban the 2. had great variance and contention with the Emperor Conrad and Henry his son for the Collations and Installations of Bishops And when they could not otherwise huâ—t them they excommunicated both the Father and the Son But I have to tell you a more strange History a more wicked Action and such a one as beseemed not a Christian much less the Pope who calleth himself the Father of all Christians And that is an History of Alexander the 3. who was so furious indiscreet and frantick in prosecuting the hatâ—ed which he bore unto the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa that besides other malitious and wicked meanes by which he sought to have him killed whiles the good Emperor was busied in warring against the Turk for the good and benefit of all Christendom he sent word unto the Turk that he should look for no peace at the Christians hands so long as the Emperor lived and that therefore it behooved him to look for some meanes to surprise and kill him and to the end the Emperor should not escape the Turks hands unto whom hee was not known hee sent him his picture whereby the Turk found a way within a small time after to tâ—ke him Prisoner And although the Emperor feigned himself to be the Emperors Chamberlain yet that could not helpe him For the Sultan conferred him with the Picture which the Pope had sent him and thereby knew him And when the Emperor was sett at Liberty not without great charges to himself and greater detriment to the whole State of Christendom he assembled the Princes of Germany together and there shewed them the Popâ—s letters and likewise the Picture which he had sent to the Sultan There wanted no good will in Gregory the 7. that the Emperor Henry the 4. was not killed in hearing Mass by a great Stone which hee had caused to bee â—ung so cuningly and artificially right over the place where the Emperor should heare Mass that while he was upon his knees and at his devotion it should have fallen down upon his head but it pleased God to preserve the Innocent Emperor and to suffer the Store to fall upon the chief Workemans head whiles hee was making tryall of his skill and cunning What shall I speak of his unsatiable desire of Revenge who so much forgat God and the reverence which his best Predecessors bore unto the Sacrament of the Altar that he caused the same to be poysoned and a good Emperor to be poysoned therewith But what do I trouble you with Forreign examples with old and ancient Histories since we have some of later time some â—igher unto us some domesticall Testimonies which do sufficiently witness the Fury Enmity Hatred Cruelty and Tyranny of Popes Can any man desire a better proof of the Popes Avarice then the History of King Iohn This King as our Chronicles testifie was somewhat too severe to his Clergy and over-hard to the Nobility of his Realme insomuch that boâ—h rebelled against hâ—m and had their recourse for their better Ayd unto the Popes Holiness who presently excommunicated him and commanded all Christian Princes and especially the King of France to invade his Country The French King obeyeth this commandement and sendeth his Son Lewis with a great Army into England where he is received with great honor and aided by the rebellious Barons with all the helpe and power that they could make for him The King perceiving that he was too weak to encouunter with his own Subjects and with the Forreign supplies that were sent â—hâ—m and thinking that it was best for him to seek for helpe at his hands by whom he was hurt
Marcellus before Iulius Caesar he being the onely Judge and Arbitrator of his own cause And it was the custom of the first kings of Rome to hear all causes themselves as well concerning their subjects as themselves until that Servius Tullius the sixth king reserved all publick causes for his own audience and referred his own private matters unto the Senate There was nothing so great or so small saith Suetonius Tranquillus but Tiberius when he began to be weary of managing of publick affairs referred the same unto his Senators And so did Marcus Antonius as Capitolinus testifieth But after that Princes began to grow absolute after that their States became hereditary and they had established a certain order in Judgement then began they to have their Judges who sat as their substitutues as well in other mens as in their own causes as Choppianus reporteth And although they appoint such Judges yet they wrong not their Subjects therein because both they themselves vouchsafe to swear to see their Laws maintained and their Judges are sworn to Judge according unto their Laws But our Queens Majesty was not Judge in the Scotish Queens cause It pleased her to make the high Court of Parliament judge thereof What wrong then was there offered unto her since she had the same Trial which many Kings of England have had As namely Richard the second and third and Henry the fourth and sixth She had not the favour which was shewed unto Subjects or Strangers She should have had a Jury of Twelve Peers to pass on her whereof the one half should have been Englishmen and the other Scots or other strangers This in truth is the usuall and ordinary manner of Tryal for strangers offending within the Queen Dominions But where should such strangers have been had but that they would have been partial on the one side or on the other what course might have been taken for their coming into England And when they were come if she had made as she might have done any manner of exception against them had it not been dangerous to stay the coming of others Had it not been costly to have defrayed their Charges And who should have born their charges The strangers themselves would not have been at the cost The Scotish Queen was not able to maintain them And there was no reason to put her Majesty to such charges It may be that the Spanish King would have been content to have paid their charges Let it be granted yea and those whom he would have sent would have saved her life because they durst not displease him and he must needs have gratified her because she had as she confessed sold unto him her pretensive Right unto the Crown of England Is it likely that six Peers of our Realm would have spared her when six and thirty of the chiefest of our Nobility and of the most discreet Judges and Lawyers of our Realm found her guilty and the whole Parliament condemned her In which Parliament by reason of the Priviledges and Liberties thereof any man might have spoken more freely in her defence then in any other place And was it not seen that before she had endeavoured by so many wayes and means as she did to take away our most gratious Soveraigns life and Scepter that very mean men presumed to speak for her in the Parliament House and were heard with all favour and indifferency And if she had been saved by the Spaniards benefit would he not have used her to our destruction And should not we have lived in continual servitude then which nothing is more grievous unto a good minde nothing more contrary and repugnant unto the nature and quality of a Prince May it be thought that that King who objected unto our Queen in a most disdainfull and dispightfull manner that he had saved her life and that her Majesty was bound unto him for the same when as indeed there was no cause why she should have ever have been in danger to lose her life May it be thought I say that he wouâ—d not have done the like unto the Scotish Queen if she had not been alwayes at his disposition But it was strange that a Prince should be put to death It was not strange in Scotland where more Kings have been slain and murthered then have died a natural death where Alphinus not onely King of Scots but also Heir unto the Kingdom of the Picts was openly beheaded It was not strange in Hungary where Queen Ioan was executed for the murther committed on the person of her Husband It was not strange in France where Bernard King of Italy and lawful King of France was adjudged and done to death It was not strange in Asia where Hercules slew Laomedon for his tyranny and cruelty It was not strange in Spain where Henry the Bastard executed Peter the lawful King It was not strange in the kingdom of Naples where Conrad rightful King thereof was beheaded Briefly it was not strange in the holy Scripâ—ures where we read that Ioshuah discomfited five Kings and hung them all upon trees that Saul was reprehended by Samuel for not kiling Agag King of the Amalakites whom Samuel took and hewed in peeces that Gideon slew the Kings of Midian and that Iehu slew Iehoram King of Israel and Ahaziah King of Iudah There is nothing then strange or without example in the execution of the Scotish Queen unless it be strange that our Queens Majesty was careless of her life when her Subject were careful of the same that she would not hear of her death when they desired nothing more then her death That when the Parliament had condemned her she could not be in treated to subscribe to their Judgment Briefly That when with great labour and many perswasions she was won by her privy Councel and others who were of opinion that Vita Mariae would be Mors Elizabethae as Vita Conradini was thought by the Pope to be Mors Caroli to deliver her Warrant to one of her Secretaries for her death she imprisoned and grievously fined that Secretaryfor sending that Warrant with such speed as he did whereby it seemed that had not the Warrant been obtained when it was she would hardly have yeeled to her execution and by punishing him that was so willing and ready to have her executed it appeareth that her Majesty not onely loved her whilst she lived but also after she was dead and her Highness grave and wise speeches delivered unto her loving Subjects in the Parliament House do testifie how sorrowful and unwilling her Majesty was to consent unto her death although it was there made most apparent unto her Grace that as long as that Queen lived she could not be without continual danger of losing her life This opinion being therefore confirmed to be most true since her death because there have no such Treasons been either intended or practised against her Majesty since as before that time It followeth that her execution gave
setting It is wondrous that is reported of Alexander the Great how with an Army of Thirty thousand Macedonians onely he overthrew Darius in Three sundry Battels in the first of which Darius had Three hundred thousand Souldiers which was Ten to One in the second Six hundred thousand which was Twenty to One in the third a Million which was better then Thirty to One. He conquered all Darius Empire Persia Media Parthia Armenia Babylonia Aegypt Palestina Syria and all the rest of Asia and Europe that was then inhabited But these Conquests quickly vanished away For he died very young and left not any valiant Successor like unto himself behind him Whereupon Titus Livius moveth this Question Whether if Alexander the Great had warred in his time with the Romans he might easily have subdued them as he did Darius He Answereth Negatively and giveth a Reason for his Negative Alexander was a valiant King and a very brave and very notable good Souldier but he was but one man and when he dealt with Darius he medled but with one Captain Whereas if he had encountred with the Romans he should have made trial not of one but of many Generals the one after the other as of Valerius Cervinus Martius Rutilius Caius Sulpitius Manlius Torquatus Publius Philo Papirius Cursor Fabius Maximus Lucius Volunius Marius Curius and many others who were most valiant Captains and would haue made Alexander know that they understood the manner and Stratagems of War as well as he did Besides Alexander was young and could not have so good counsel given him as those men had who were directed in their Actions by a grave and wise Senate Tit. Livius concluded his speech in this manner The Macedonians had but one Alexander and the Romans had many Captains which were nothing Inferior unto him every one of which lived and died without any great loss or danger to the Common-wealth of Rome but whenas Alexander died the State and Honor of his Monarchy perished The reason of this speech is verified and the experience thereof seen in the wars Hanibal had against the Romans For Hanibal was such a Captain as you have heard me describe him long since and he overthrew many Captains of Rome as Flaminius Paulus Emilius Terentius Varro Marcellus and many others But in the end he was defeated by Claudius Nero and Fabius Maximus and utterly overthrown by that great Scipio who was sirnamed the Affrican By which as he might so you may perceive that it is no small matter to meddle with a multitude of people because the death of a few bâ—getteth daily a number more and he that hath subdued them hath not presently conquered all Nay the longer he warreth with them the harder it shall be to prevaile against them For continuance of them will make them more hearty and valiant and their Captains more expert and cunning as Experience hath verified both in France and Flanders where the People bearing Armes against their right or pretended Soveraignes have more and better Captains then they But how then will some men say to me Shall Subjects Rebell and shall nor Princes punish them themselves Yes but not by open warres if they may pacify them by other meanes For few offend at the first and those few instead of a great Multitude who offend not so griâ—vously as their Counsellors and Corâ—uptors do and therefore it is neither reason nor humanity nor equity to punish them all alike And yet in Civill warres the Innocent suffer together with the malitious the good with the bad the ignorant with the wilful and those that would easily relent and might quickly be reclaymed with such are Fâ—rebrands to heat them Schoolemasters to instruct them Captains to guide them and evil Councellors to corrupt them Princes may learne in the dangerous times of popular Seditions how to carry themselves by the Anâ—ient Romans who knowing that their Subjects were the Members and they the head of one body and that they were Invincible against Strangers but not against their Subjects as often as they chanced to raise any Tumults or Seditions presently sought meanes to pacify them by Curteâ—ie and Gentleness The People of Rome being once greatly discontented with the rigor and cruelty which was shewed unto them by great usurpâ—rs unto whom they were indebted rose up in Armes and were like to have made a great Tumulâ— The Consuls caâ—led the Senater together to know how they might best pacifiâ— that popular Commotion The Senators in order delivered their opinions Appius Claudius in a rigorous and cruell Senator was of opinion that the usurpers should be paid all that was due unto them and that it was not convenient to suffer the Common people to breake such Contracts Bonds and Obligations which they had made with good advise and when they had great occasion to borrow And that if they punished those severely which were most mutinous and had been the chiefest Authors of the mutiny the rest would be quickly terrified and taught by their examples never to enter into the like Follies again The Consul Servilius was of a contrary mind and thought it best to content the Seditious by some Gentle meanes saying that it was far more easie to bend then to breake the hearts of the Common people and that gentleness and lenity is a far better meanes then rigor and severity to conserve and preserve any State whatsoever because if a rigorous course take not good success presently the People wax insolent hard to be reconciled and so peremptory and obstinate that it will be impossible to reduce them to good order The Senate allowed Servilius his opinion and order was taken thâ—t the Usurpers should forbeare their money and Interest for the same untill their debtors were more willing and better able to pay them The same Romans can also reach Princes that if they commit any extraordinary kind of violence and the Subjects for a time forbeare to shew their dislike thereof yet they must not presume upon that forbearance to offend and displease again in the like manner because he that winketh at a fault once will not beare with offences of the like nature alwaies It hapned that not long after the Tumult before mentioned somâ— few of the greatest Senators of Rome had secretly caused a Trbiunes of the people to be murthered because under the colour and pretence of his Office he had as they were informed done his best endeavor to make a commotion amongst the common people The Tribune thus muâ—thered the people shewed no outward sign of discontentment because they knew not unto whom they might impute his death or whom to blame or accuse for the same The Senators were glad to see that his death was so well taken thinking that they had used a very good course to prevent and withstand the like seditions and that the other Tribunes would be warned by their Fellow and Colleagues punishment never hereafter to move the common people to rebell They
States and to crosse his Counsels and Intentions in the use of those means For doth he continue in credit by the General reputation and conceit that is had of his wealth Let it be shewed that he is poor and needy Holdeth he his Subjects and Towns of Conquest in awe by keeping Garisons in them Seeke either to corrupt those Garrisons or to perswade those Towns to expel them Borrows he money in his need and necessity of the Genowaies and other Merchants of Italie Counsel them to call for their old Debts and to lend him no more money before they be paid Doth our Nation and others inrich his Country by resorting thither Let them repair no more then they needs must to those Countries Fetcheth he yearly great wealth from the Indies Let that be intercepted more then it hath been Placeth he wise Governors and Magistrates in his Dominions to Containe his Subjects in obedience and his Neighbours in fear Send Fire-brands and Authors of Sedition amongst his Subjects as he doth amongst ours and think it as lawfull and easie to estrange the affection of his wisest and most trusty Deputies and Lieutenants as it was and is for him to allienate the hearts of some of the Nobility of France from their King Hath he married the now Duke of Parma so meanly that he can not be able to recover his right to Portugal Or hath he so weakned Don Antonio that he shall never be able to returne into his Country Provoke the one to be his Enemy in putting him in mind of his Fathers untimely death and by remembring the great wrongs that he suffereth and let many Princes joyn in heart and in helpe to set up the other against him and to strengthen and succor both rather then the one or the other should not annoy him Is France unable to hurt him because France is divided Reconcile them that are dissevered and revive the quarrels and pretentions that France hath against him Presumeth he that the Germans will rather help then hurt him because he is ally'd to some in Conjunction of blood and to others in league of amity dissolve his alliances and debase the mightiest of his kindred To be short are the Pope the Venetians and the other Princes of Italy either for feare or affection his friends encourage the Timerous and fearfull and alter and remove the love and affection of them that beare him best good will But some man will say This is sooner said then done and therefore I have said nothing unless I shew you how all this may bee well and conveniently done There is a generall meanes and there are diverse special waies to effect all this I will acquaint you with both because you shall bee ignorant of neither and I will be as brief as I may because I take it high time not to trouble you any longer It is grown unto a general use of late yeares and undoubtedly it was usual in times past when Princes undertake any great actions or enterprises that may perhaps seem strange and somwhat unreasonable unto other Princes whose favor and friendship they desire to publish the causes and reasons which induce them to enter into those actions and in those Declarations to omit nothing that either may grace and credit them or discredit and disgrace their Adversaries The States of the Low Countries when necessity inforced them to renew Wars against the Spaniards published certain Books containing the causes which moved them thereunto and caused those Books to be imprinted in seven several Languages in Latine in French in their own Tongue in High Dutch in Italian in Spanish and in English to the end that all the Nations of the World hearing the Justice and Equity of their quarrel mâ—ght either as Friends help and assist them or as Neutrals neither aid nor hinder them as their Adversaries The late Duke of Alenson because it might seem strange unto some that he being a Catholick Prâ—nce would aid men of a contrary Religion and reprehensible unto others that being in some manner allied and a supposed friend unto the Spanish King he would accept the Title of the Duke of Brabant and undertake the defence of the Low Countries against the Spaniards made it appaâ—ent unto the world by the like means that it was not any ambitious mind or greedy desire of advancement but a Princely clemency and commiseration of the distressed state of that Country too much oppressed by the Spanish Tyranny that moved him to receive them into his Protection and Patronage The like did the County Palatine Cassimer when as he came into Flanders with his Forces And the like have many other Princes done not in just causes only but in matters that had far greater affinity with injustice and dishonesty then with justice and integrity That Duke of Burgondy which more wickedly then justly murthered the Duke of Orleance fearing that his murther might justly purchase him the Kings heavy displeasure and the general harted of all France suborned a learned and famous Divine named Iohn Petie not onely to excuse but also to commend and allow the execution thereof in many publick Sermons and writ divers Letters unto the best Towns of France to declare and justifie the cause that moved him thereunto Henry the Fourth of England whom many Hâ—storiographers hold rather for a wrongful Usurper then a lawful King to make it known by what Title he took upon him to be King of England sent divers Ambassadors into Spain Germany and Italy with such instructions and so forceable reasons that he made a bad cause seem just and equitable That Pope of Rome which as you have heardâ— betrayed Frederick the Emperor most leudly unto the Great Turk and was the onely cause of his long and chargeable imptisonment finding that his unchristian treachery being happily disclosed did greatly blemish his name and reputation to give some shew and colour of Justice to a bad cause caused to be published that two notable Murderers had been taken at Rome who voluntarily confessed that the Emperor Frederick had hired and sent them thither of purpose to kill the Pope How the Duke of Bnckingham and the more learned the conscionable Dean Richard Shaw justified in the Guild-hall of London and at Pauls Cross the unlawful and tyrannical Usurpation of Richard the Third our Histories make it so manifest that I need not to trouble you with the recital thereof Since therefore not mean and Lay-men onely but Noblemen and great Divines havâ— both defended and furthered wrongful causes and with their deâ—ence and furtherance have brought to pass their lend and wicked purpose why should not men sufficiently seen in matters of State and throughly furnished with all good qualities requisite in a good and worthy Writer of which sort this Realm had rather some want then any great store depinct the Spainard and his tyranny so lively and so truly that their reasons their perswasions and their admonitions may may shake the affections
is the force of ambition and unsatiabâ—e are the desires of covetous Princes who having subdued one Country seek presently after anoâ—her and when they have conquered that labour to attain unto new Conquests and never leave to inlarge their over large Territories until a small peice of ground incloseth their dead and rotten bodies But it may be said the King of Spain is old but covetousness dieth not but increaseth in old age He is already Master and Lord of many Kingdoms and so many Countries But as I have said the more a man hath the more a man wanteth he being nigh unto deaths door thinks nothing of his death But every Prince before his death would be glad to make his name immortal his Dominions infinite He is a Catholick Prince therfore will hold his words and promises with Catholicks as he hath done hitherto But deceitful men keep touch in small matters to deceive the better in causes of great weight and consequence They may therefore justly fear that he who coveteth Kingdoms that are far from him is not without a great desire of States that joyn and border upon his Dominions and they may well think since he is descended as you shall hear anon of such Predecessors as were ready to take any occasion whatsoever just or unjust honest or dishonest commendable or reprehensible to enlarge their Dominions that he hath learned of them to have the like desires and use the like practises But grant they have no just occasion to distrust him what shall they gain by his friendship what profit shall they reap by aiding and assisting him He called them to help him But when forsooth when his ships were suâ—k bruised and broken some lost and never heard of and those which returned into Spain were so shaken and beaten with weather and Gun-shot that either they will be altogether unprofitable or hardly repaired without great and infinite charges and when his people were either drowned or so terrified that they will have a small desire and less courage to return in England But why implored he not their helps when he went for England with an assured hope and confidence of an happy Conquest of an honourable Victory He was loath to use their help because he thought himself able to aâ—tain his purpose without making them partakers of his glory and now that he hath failed of his purpose he calleth them unto a second voyage intended for a revenge of the dishonour received in his first journey and they must go to recover his credit and to revenge his quarrel who have not as yet righted many wrongs done unto themselves nor wiped away divers foul spots and stains which blemish their own credit And how must they revenge his quarrel Forsooth by sending their best Soldiers into a strange Country by dis-furnishing themselves of Ships and Artillery and by lending him Munition and Mariners who might do well to spare his own people and to reserve theirs to encounter with the common enemy of Christendom Their Ancestors bought peace with unreasonable conditions and at a great price and they shall go to Wars where they have no cause of War Their Predecessors when any Nation dwelling beyond the Alps intended to pass the Alps endeavoured by all means possible to hinder their passage and to keep them at home and they having not felt the forces of such Nations these many years shall for his sake now go about to provoke them Their Forefathers lived quietly at home with their own and they shall disquiet themselves and other men and endanger their own for his cause and his advantage Their Parents never suffered their ships or their Souldiers to depart out of Italy for fear left the great Turk in their absence should invade their Country and they must send their provision and their people to fight against the Heavens against the Windes against the Weather and the Sea for so they sight that fight against England Their hearts may tremble to think of it and that whâ—ch hath happened once may happen again If whilest their Forces shall be imployed in the Spanish kings service the Turk shall assail them at home shall they stay for their strengths until they come out of England Or shall they yeeld themselves unto his mercy and discretion For there is no other way to relieve them or to repel them But it may be said that the Spaniards credit and reputation will be their Buckler his greatness will restrain and repress their Adveâ—iaries Tell me you that think so Is he stronger then hâ—s Father was Hath he ever had better success in the Wars then he And yet in the prime and flower of his years and even when he thought himself free from all danger from all trouble and vexation of the Turks the Turks came to besiege Vienna which is the Emperors chief Seat and a City of as great strength as any other City of Europe They may consider that Armies that go far from home have as I have said seldom good success that enterprises which are unadvisedly and hastily taken in hand seldom fall out well that men being once deceived of their expeâ—ation in any thing that they undertake proceed faintly and fearfully in all that belongeth to that action that to hang good Souldiers and to imploy them in a bad cause and evil quarrel is but to tempt God and lastly that is more grievous that which a man hath already in possession then not to attain unto that which he would fain obtain All these being duly considered they may justly be afraid when they call to minde that their Navy which they shall send into England to help the king of Spain shall pass through many Seas Rocks with many contrary Winds in great Tempests and through manifest and dangerous parils and that their Souldiers shall be sometimes subject to hunger and thirst sometimes be Sea sick and in great danger of other diseases for where many be shut up close together there few can be in health long All this being duly considered they may well be dismayed when they shall remember that the Spanish Fleet which went out of Spain with an assured hope of victory returned with great loss and ignommy And they may be discomforted when they enter into cogitation that the Spanish Navy returning to that place where they were once well beaten and remembring what small relief they had when they were in distress will not onely lose theâ—r courage themselves but also discourage their Italian Souldiers not being accustomed to sight so far from home or on so dangerous and troublesome Seas and with so valiant a Nation as the English Sea and Subjects are They may again be dismayed when they consider that although they should conquer England yet they cannot keep it long because they have no just cause to fight against England And lastly they may be dismayed when it shall come to their mindes and remembrance that the small hope and confidence which they have
exactions as Slaomire King of Abredites and others for corruption as Adolph the Emperor But if all these Depositions were examined and tried by the Touchstone of Law I think the most part of them will be found scant lawful For all these crimes in private men are not capital and therefore why should they be so severely punished in Princes How many judges take Bribes and are not deposed How many Magistrates are negligent and are not punished How many Officers execute not their Offices and are not removed How many rich men offend in Adultery and are not censured briefly How many Noble men commit Adultery and Murther and are not condemned In Poland the Gentleman that killeth a Yeoman payeth but a certain Fine in money in France he that killeth another manfully and in the field is seldom executed In Italy many are vilely murthered and the Murtherers are not always punished And in all Countries grievous Crimes are either tolerated or pardoned sometimes because the Malefactors are descended of notable parents whom Princes are loth to offend and discontent You have heard how Dunorix was spared although he were a Traytor for Diviaticus his Brothers sake and our Chronicles report that Henry the Third having taken in the Barons Wars many Schollars of Oxford in Northampton who did him more harm then all the rest of his Enemies would have hanged them all had not his Council perswaded him to save them because in executing them he might displease their friends who were Gentlemen and Noblemen of great Houses Shall mean personages vile murtherers private men escape unpunished and must the Law be executed with all severity upon Princes They are in higher places their actions are beheld of all men and most men are lead by their example True but David was not punished as soon as he had killed Uriah Solomon was not deposed although he kept many Concubines Herod was not streightways deprived for murthering of Iohn Baptist and it was long before Saul was removed by David But how then May Princes offend as often as they will and never be punished No Must their Subjects endure all their Cruelties and Tyrannies No May they be troublesom unto their Neighbours untrue unto their Confederates Enemies unto the common peace and never to be reprehended No What course is then to be taken to bridle their Appetites and restrain their Insolency Truly I finde two notable Laws for the punishment of such Princes the one made by Conrad the Emperor and the other by Otho the Third Conrad his Law commanded all Princes to embrace Peace to maintain Law and Equity and not to disturb the quiet and peaceable Estate of the Empire and that whosoever transgressed in any of these three points should suffer death Othon his Law was much to the same effect but he added That the Prince offending in any of these three points should besides the loss of life lose all his States and Dominions and be held for a common enemy and that all the Princes of Christendom should rise in arms against him as a perturber of Christian peace and tranquillity But in these days Princes neither are nor will be nor can be ready to help every one that complaineth and why should Subjects seek for releif abroad that may be releived and succoured at home The course is ordinary the remedy easie if men will not deceive themselves in taking their course Every Country hath its Parliament every Kingdom the Assembly of their Estates there may their Griefs be heard their Wrongs red ressed and their Princes repressed And in this course the common people loseth not a jot of their Authority for they which attribute most unto the people take not every confused rude and tumultuous multitude for the people but a choice company of the wisest Nobility and of the most grave honest discreet and wise men amongst the Commonalty It must not be such base and busie companions as was Iack Straw in England Nicholas Rency in Rome Iaques Artevilla in Flanders George Zechius in Bohemia Anthony Bavadella in Spain and William Siler in Switzerland that must presume to controll mighty Kings or to alter well governed States For such petty Companions are better able to mislead a number of simple people with their venemous tongues then to consider with discretion that many things are done in every Kingdom which Princes know not of and that divers abuses are committed which the Officers that commit them keep as long as they can possible from their Princes knowledge which abuses should be quickly redressed if the king might be made acquainted with them These Companions consider not that there is an High Court of Parliament unto which Princes either can be contented or be constrained to submit themselves and wherein Subjects may speak unto their King freely so they speak reverently any thing that may benefit their Country I said reverently because methinks it is not tolerable that any Subject be he never so great and mighty should use unreverent speeches unto his King secretly much less in an open Parliament as did Richard Earl Marshal of England unto King Henry the third who when the King called him in choler and perhaps not without occasion Traytor gave him the lye in the Parliament House and told him to his face he cared not for him because he was well assured that as long as he lived in obedience unto the Laws of the the Realm he could not hurt him And when the king answered he could intercept his victuals and suffer no man to bring him any manner of Provision he replyed that if he sent any to intercept his victuals he would send them home shorter by the heads then they came Such an audacious and unreverent speech coming to the ears of such busie Companions as Iack Straw and Iack Cade were in England would make them take the Speaker for a Demy God for a Patron of his Country for a Protector of their Liberty and being carried from them unto others may draw them like a company of mad-men to adventure life and limbs for such a desperate Cataline and without ever considering whereabout they go to undertake for his sake the utter subversion of Town and Country But it may be said that I am like the Physitian that prescribeth a remedy unto his Patient but telleth him not how he shall come by it so I talk much of a Parliament but I conceal how difficult it will be to have a Parliament especially when a Prince without whose consent and commandment the same cannot be called knoweth or mistrusteth that any thing shall be debated and determined therein to his prejudice I cannot but acknowledge this difficulty and therefore if the wrongs that are offered be not too great it is better to suffer them with patience thâ—n to seek to reform them by violence But if the outrages grow once to be so extream that they are no longer to be endured I hold the same for a most unfortunate unhappy and