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state_n	great_a	king_n	monarch_n	1,055	5	9.5526	5	false

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A52748	The case of the Common-wealth of England stated, or, The equity, utility, and necessity of a submission to the present government cleared out of monuments both sacred and civill, against all the scruples and pretences of the opposite parties, viz. royallists, Scots, Presbyterians, Levellers : wherein is discovered severally the vanity of their designes, together with the improbability of their successe and inconveniences which must follow (should either of them take effect) to the extreme prejudice of the nation : two parts : with a discourse of the excellencie of a free-state above a kingly-government / by Marchamont Nedham, Gent.	Nedham, Marchamont, 1620-1678.	1650 (1650)	Wing N377; ESTC R36610	87,941	112

with an admiration of old Customs to their owne hazard rather than they will steer a new and reasonable Course of farre more Convenience and Commodity so that if the Common-wealth had not a Party of its owne throughout the Nation men of valour and vertue free from those Corruptions of Excesse and Riot and sensible of Liberty it were then in reason to be expected they could not long maintain their Station But being supported by Counsellers grave serious abstemious and vigilant and by a Soldiery whose valiant Commanders are severe and strict in Discipline both Morall and Military when I consider this with the many other Advantages which their Enemies have not their Foundation seems to me impregnable and prompts me to this Omen That being every way qualified like † those Roman Spirits of old they will be Courted and confirm'd by the Roman Fortune For shame or feare then if not for love let men forbear an opposition and consider what an honor it is to be in the List of that Party which have ennobled Themselves by their owne vertue and the love of Liberty For as Cato saith in Plutarch even the greatest Kings or Tyrants are much ihferior to those that are eminent in free-Free-States and Common-weales nor were those mighty Monarchs of old worthy to be compared with Epaminondas Pericles Themistocles Marcus Curius Amilcar Barca c. and other excellent Captains in free-Free-States which purchased Themselves a Fame in defence of their Liberties And though now the very name of Liberty is grown odious or ridiculous among us it having been a Stranger a long time in these parts yet in ancient time Nations were wont to reckon themselves so much the more noble if they were free from the yoke of Regall Tyranny which was the cause why there were then so many Free-States in all parts of the world In our Country here before the time that Caesar's Tyranny tooke place there was no such thing as Monarchy For the same Caesar tells us how the Britains were divided into so many severall States relates how Cassevellanus was by the Common Councell of the Nation elect in this their publique danger to have the principall administration of the State with the businesse of Warre and afterward how the severall Cities sent their Hostages unto him Whereby we perceive it was of old no Monarchy but like to the Gaules with whom it was then one also in Religion divided into provincall Regiments * withont any entire rule or Combination onely in case of common perill by Invasion c. they were wont to chuse a Commander in Chief much like the Dictator chosen by the Romans upon the like occasion And now we see all the Western world lately discovered to be and generally all other Countries are in puris naturalibus in their first and most innocent condition setled in the same Form before they come to be inslaved either by some predominant power from abroad or some one among Themselves more potent and ambitious than h●s Neighbors And such was the State heretofore not on●ly of our Nation but of Gaule Spaine Germany and all the West parts of Europe before the Romans did by strength and cunning unlock their Liberties And such as were then termed Kings were but as their Generalls in War without any other great Juris●iction If we reflect likewise upon the ancient State of Italy we find no other Forms of Government but those of Free-states and Common-weals as the Tuscans Romans Samnits and many others nor is there mention made of any Kings in Italy besides those of the Romans and Porsenna Concerning the ruine of whose Family though Histories are silent yet we reade that Tuscany whereof Porsenna was King became afterwards a Free-State and continued so Zealous of Liberty ever after and such haters of Monarchy that they denyed the Veians their assistance against the Romans for no other reason but because those Veians had made choice of a King to protect them in their necessity saying that they scorn'd to joyne with those men who had subjected themselves to the Government of a single Person Nor is it onely a mere gallantry of Spirit which invites men to the love of Freedome but experience tells us it is the most commodious and profitable way of Government conducing to the enlargement of a Nation every way in Wealth and Dominion * It is incredible to be told saith Salust how exceedingly the Roman Common-wealth increased in a short time after they had obtained their Liberty And Guicciardin affirmes that † Free States are most pleasing to God because that in them more regard is had to the common good more care for impartiall distribution of Justice to every man and the minds of men are more inflamed with the love of Glory and Vertue and become much more zealous in the love of Religion than in any other Form of Government whatsoever It is wonderfull to consider how mightily the Athenians were augmented both in Wealth and Power in the space of one hundred years after they had freed themselves from the Tyranny of Pisistratus but the Romans arrived to such a height as was beyond all imagination after the expulsion of their Kings Nor doe these things happen without speciall reason forasmuch as it is usuall in Free States to be more tender of the Publique in all their Decrees than of Particulars whereas the case is otherwise in a Monarchy because in this Forme the Princes pleasure usually weighs down all Considerations of the Common Good And hence it is that a Nation hath no sooner lost its Liberty and stoopt under the yoke of an Vsurper but it immediately loseth its former Lustre the Body fills with ill humours and may swell in Title but cannot thrive either in Dominion or Riches according to that proportion which it formerly enjoyed because all new Acquisitions are appropriated as the Princes Peculiar and in no wise conduce to the ease and benefit of the Publique It is observable likewise in the course of Hereditary Monarchies that though a Nation may have some respit and recruit now and then by the Vertue and Valour of a Prince yet this is very rare and when it doth happen it usually lasts no longer than his life because his Successor for the most part proves more Weake or Vicious than himself was vertuous For as Dantes the Italian Poet saith Non sicut in ramos ex imo Stipite succus Influit in liberos sic orta parentibus ipsis Descendit virtus Vertue is not transmitted from Father to Sonne as the Sap of a Tree is from the Root to the Branches Vertue is lost in the descent and comes not by Traduction Therefore Machiavel saith Not he that placeth a vertuous Government in his owne Hands or Family and Governs well during his naturall life but he that establisheth a lasting Form for the Peoples constant Security is most to be commended It is recorded in * History that the

Hypothesis is obliquely to charge the present Powers in England as Vsurpers though he have laid the Scene in America To this purpose he spends his first Chapter where telling what Vsurpation is he defines it an Intrusion into the Seat of Authority without any lawfull Right Title or calling and insinuates it to the prejudice of the present Governers as if they were guilty of this Intrusion without right or Title In applying this he first alledgeth that the Right and Title to Government is in a King Lords and Commons co-ordinate in power not in the Commons alone This indeed was true til the King as I shewed before lost his Title by Right of war and until the Lords likewise lost theirs by compliance with the Enemies and Invaders of the Nation for which cause they Themselves also by Right of War forfeited all their Interests and Priviledges as Enemies and so the whose Authority devolved naturally into the hands of the Commons But here the Exercitator objects also that the present Governers have usurped over the majority of the House of Commons in that they were thrust out of the House by Force But for Answer since by the equity of all Laws Accessaries are punishable as well as those that are principall in the Crime therefore by the same Right of war the secluded Members also in adhering to the conquered Party even after the Victory and favouring the Invaders were justly deprived of their Interest and the supreme † Authority descended lawfully to those Members that had the courage to assert their Freedoms secure their own Interest themselves and their Adherents from future Inconveniencies and take the Forfeiture of those Prerogatives and Priviledges of the King Lords and secluded Commons as Heirs apparent by the Law of Arms and Custom of Nations to an Investiture in the whole Supremacy One Objection more he hath how that a Calling from the People being necessary and essentiall to a humanely constituted Magistracy our present Governors ought to have such a Call but not having it they are therefore concluded guilty of Vsurpation This is the summ of the Objection though not Syllogistically deciphered To which I answer 1. That if only a Call from the People constitute a lawfull Magistracy then there hath very rarely ever been any lawfull Magistracy in the world nor among us long before and since the Conquest The proofe of this may be confirmed by a Review of those Instances set down before in the second Chapter where it is evident that all the world over most Princes came into the Seat of Authority not only without a Call but absolutely against the wills of the People and so many of them exercise the Soveraignty to this very day And particularly here in England most of our own Kings reigned without any Call but made way by their Swords there being of those 25 Princes that have King'd it among us not above half a dozen that came to the Crowne in an orderly Succession either by lineall or collaterall Title And not any one of those halfe dozen but laid claime to it by vertue of their Predecessors Usurpations without any Call from the People onely in the Investiture they had their consent because out of a love of publike Peace none would or out of Feare none durst offer to question their Titles Now if the former part of this Objection were true that a Call were the only Essentiall constituting a lawfull Government then it would follow that as all the world so we and our Ancestors have lived and paid obedience for the most part under an unlawfull Magistracie which sure no sober man will affirm But if any will be so mad as to say it I only propound to him this sober Quaere Why we may not now as lawfully submit to the present Magistracy in case it were unlawfull as our Ancestors did heretofore to theirs for the publike Peace of the Nation 2. As to the Assumptive part part of this Objection which insinuates that our present Governors have no Call or Consent of the People I answer That if by the consent be meant the Consent of the Body of the People or of the major part of their Representatives this may hold requisite in a State not divided by Civill War but at Peace within it self where it is most consonant to reason that in case there be occasion to elect a supreme Magistrate or Magistrates the election should be carried by the greater number of Voices in such manner as Voices are usually given in that State But now in a Civil War the case is altered when the controversie touching Government is decided by the Sword For ipso facto the Sword creates a Title for him or those that bear it and installs them with a new Majesty of Empire abolishing the old Because as the Civilians say The ancient Majesty of a State or Common-weal continues no longer if it be changed either by a greater power or by consent of the People where you see force and power is put in equall Balance with popular consent in relation to change of Government And as if it were the best pedegree of supremacy they define the Supreme Authority to be that which holds claim from God and the Sword and therefore is also as it were the Author of it's owne Originall without dependance on any other so that say they every Common-wealth be it never so small which acknowledgeth no Superior but God and the Sword hath a Right of Majesty or politicall Supremacy Camman disput. de Iuribus Majest. 1. Thes. 70. 75. c. To this accords that of Grotius before-recited That as in War all other things fall to the Conquerors by way of Acquisition so likewise a Right to govern the People and even that Right also which the people themselves have to Government so that what Government soever it pleases them to erect the People having lost their Right of Election to them must be as valid de Iure as if it had the Peoples Consent But as in this case there is no need of their expresse positive consent to justifie a new Goverument so a tacit or implied consent is sufficient which Consent as one saith well is the very dictate of Nature or common Reason because it is better to have some Iustice than none at all and there is a necessity of some coercive power or government left all be left to Disorder Violence and Confusion which none even of the conquered Party can be so unnaturall as to desire and therefore saith * Suarez They do tacitly consent that Justice be administred by the Conquerors because it is a lesse evill to be governed by them than altogether to want due coaction and direction Object Now ere I conclude this Chapter I must needs wipe away one Objection very frequent in the mouthes of many That this transmission of Title by Right of war holds good when Nation is ingaged against Nation but in one single Nation

submit to them so far as not to presume to dispute how they came by their Power and this course is most agreeable to the sense of all Expositors the practice of all Times and the voice even of naturall reason since the opening of a gap to question Supreme Powers and touch the tender eye of their Authority would let out all into Confusion Tumult following Tumult like Billow upon Billow till the world were over-whelm'd with a Sea of Miseries and Distractions Object But some may object If there be such a necessity of submission to Supreme Powers without questioning them how then can this Parliament be justified in having questioned the King at their first sitting for divers of his Actions Answ I answer there is a difference betwixt Supreme Power and the Exercise of it The controversie was not at first concerning his Right of Government but the abuse of it by way of male-administration in defence of which abuses he took Arms and so by the Law of Arms losing his Right as is proved before the Power descended to those that are now in possession whose Right we ought no more to question than at first we did his their power deriving as naturall a pedegree from Heaven as his did and being as legally confirmed by the Law of Arms and Nations as ever that was which he held from his Predecessors Now in that the 13. to the Romans commands a submission and obedience in general Termes it is not meant to all Powers in the arbitrary exercise of their Power in time of Peace but to all Supreme Powers in point of Title be it setled upon them by * Right of War Inheritance or any other way And to support this exposition give me leave here to introduce two of the main Pillars of Reformation Bucer and Calvin men famous in their generations whose Testimonies may serve once for all touching that so much controverted Chapter to the Romans The Apostle saith Calvin upon the place seemes here to go about to take away the frivolous cu●iosity of men who use often to inquire by what Right those which have Command did get their Authority But it ought to suffice us that they are in preeminence For they did not get up to this height by their owne strength but are set over us by the hand of God And saith Bucer also on the same place When a Question is made whom we should obey it must not be regarded what he is that exerciseth the Power or by what Right or wrong he hath invaded the Power or in what Form he dispence it but onely if he have Power For if any man doth excell in power it is now out of doubt that he hath received that power from God wherefore without all exception thou must yeild thy self up to him and heartily obey him Seeing now all Supreme Powers are of God and that the Apostle commands subjection to them but damns Resistance it is clear then as to our case here in England that we owe Submission to the present Governors and that no private man hath any warrant out of the Word to satisfie his Conscience in the lawfulnesse of such Actions as tend to disturb or thrust them out of possession therefore according to this second Supposition of the Doctor no Oath being of Force to bind the Conscience further then a man may lawfully Act it followes evidently the case thus standing that the Old Allegiance is cancell'd and we bound to admit a New and that both it and the Covenant have now no influence at all over us but are utterly void and of none effect 3 The third tacit condition or Supposition implied in all Oaths is saith the Doctor Rebus sic Stantibus as long as things continue thus it being to be presumed that when I swear to performe any thing I do it with this tacit Reservation if I be not hindred by an alteration of Affairs But if such an alteration happen that neither the same persons nor things are in being which I swore to maintaine my Oath is at an end and the obligation ceaseth which now is our very Case here in England the Government being changed and new Governors set over us For this the learned Grotius hath one instance very pertinent to our purpose An Oath saith he binds a man no longer if the quality or condition of the person to whom he swore be altered As for example if he that was a Magistrate cease to be a Magistrate In evidence whereof the same Author alledgeth a saying of Caesar's to the Souldiers of Domitius when Domitius was a Prisoner They were unwilling to serve Caesar because of the military Oath they had taken for the other But to take away this scruple saith Caesar to them Sacramento quidem vos tenère quî potuit quum projectis fascibus deposito Imperio privatus captus ipse in alienam venisset potestatem How can he hold you bound by Oath any longer being outed of his Authority and Command remaining a private man and a prisoner under the power of another Alas * your Oath ended together with his Authority Thus also according to this third Supposition of the Doctor's it is plainly to be inferred that since Affairs of State stand not now in England as they were when we took the Oath of Allegiance or the Covenant but a new Government is erected therefore our obligation to the former is totally extinguished And if the obligation be extinct as I have proved in the several particulars before-mentioned then the consequence is as plain that neither of those Oaths can be a ground sufficient to justifie any Royalist or Presbyterian in denying a submission to the present Government or to raise a new war within the Nation Part II. HAving in the former Part as I think fully manifested the necessity and equity my designe in the next is to shew the utility and Benefit of a Submission This I shall doe by stating the nature of the Designes of the severall Parties claiming an Interest in this Nation Viz ROYALISTS SCOTS PRESBYTERIANS LEVELLERS as they stand in opposition to the present Government and would each of Them introduce a New Form of their owne And that you may the better understand Them and their Affaires I shall in plain Method for the more easie Conviction proceed upon these Particulars First The great Improbability of effecting their Designes Secondly The grand Inconveniences which must needs follow in case either of Them be effected to the prejudice of the whole Nation Thirdly The Excellency of a free State or Common-wealth as it is now established in England and what happinesse we may reap thereby After I have handled the 2 former as they hold relation to the severall Parties I shall bring up the Rear with the Third by way of Conclusion CHAP. I. Concerning the Royall Party THE Royallists are of two Sorts First such as adhere to the Prince out

therewith incorporate may reside henceforward in a Representative of the People consisting of 400 persons and no more whereto all of 21 yeares and upwards are allowed a Right to chuse and be chosen Members except Servants and Vagabonds And because all persons have an equality of Right to chuse and be chosen without respect of Birth quality or wealth all Orders of men being Levell'd in this Particular therefore the Promoters of this way are not improperly called Levellers so that this Term of Levelling is equivalent with Aristotle's {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} which is translated aequalitas Juris the Equality of Right before-mentioned And the same Author saith this Plea for Equality of Right in Government at length introduceth a Claim for Equality of Estates and the making of such Lawes as the * Agrarian Lawes enacted by the popular Boutefeus in Rome whereby it was made criminall for any man to grow Richer than ordinary But of this more anon Now therefore since it appears how injurious their Calumnies are and how perilous their designe is to the Parliament and Common-wealth I suppose it were time lost to stand to prove the Improbability of their Successe seeing all Persons of Credit and Fortune are concerned to abhorre and detest this Wild Project And though the four Champions made proclamation in the head of their Agreement That according to the nature of Truth it hath made its own way into the understanding and taken root in the hearts and Affections of most Men yet you must know these men they speak of are only the rude multitude who understand no more of the businesse than that it may prove a hopefull way to mend their own out of other men's Fortunes and satisfie their naturall Appetites of Covetousnesse and Revenge upon the Honourable and Wealthy In consideration whereof I come next to give you a more exact and lively Draught of the manifold miserable Inconveniences of that Government or rather Confusion so earnestly contended for by the Levelling Party First Such a Democratick or Popular Forme that puts the whole multitude into an equall exercise of the Supreme Authority under pretence of maintaining Liberty is in the Judgment of all States-men the greatest enemy of Liberty For the multitude is so Brutish that as the Emperour Claudius said they are * ever in the extreames of kindnesse or Cruelty being void of Reason and hurried on with an unbridled violence in all their Actions trampling down all respects of things Sacred and Civill to make way for that their Liberty which Clapmarius calls † a most dissolute licentiousnesse or a licence to doe even what they list according to that of the Lyrick In vitium Libertas excidit vim Dignam lege regi when Liberty becomes the greatest Vice and degenerates into Violence Such a Liberty as this is recorded by Tacitus to have been among the Parthians an uncertaine loose kind of People * living rather without government than in Liberty or as Salust speaks of the Abrogines a rude sort of men without Lawes without Government free and dissolute And Livy † tells you how things were come to that passe in the popular State of Rome that no regard was had either to the Senate or Magistracy or Military Discipline or to the Lawes and Customs of their Ancestors When affaires are in this condition then as Aristotle saith Mera {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} est extrema tyrannis meer Democracy or liberty is extreme Tyranny and as Besoldus Plebs perniciosissimus fit Tyrannus the People becomes a most pernicious Tyrant Hence it is saith Quicciardin Histor. lib. 2. very pertinently to our purpose That many times when a People have got loose from the yoke of a Tyranny or Kingly Government out of a desire of Liberty they proceed from one Extreme to another sese nisi retineantur in effraenatam licentiam praecipitant quae quidem ipsa Jure Tyrannis potest appellari and except they be restrained run headlong to Licentiousnesse which also may be rightly called a Tyranny To which accords that of Peucerus who most excellently describes the Effects of it in these words * The study of popular Air applause and humor is a madnesse no whit inferior to Tyranny it Self Those which seek after it as Leaders of the People become far more cruell and mischievous than single Tyrants can be For single Tyrants are the lesse able to doe mischief because they are constrained to stand in fear of others but the furious Multitude fearing no colours are hurried on like a Torrent and beare downe all the Bankes of opposition So that as Clapmarius saith reckon up those flagitious Enormities of Kingly Government together as breach of Faith violation of things Sacred depriving men of their Possessions with all the Acts of Injustice and cruelty and they abound much more in a meer Popular State or Levelling popularity than any other And therefore † Bodin concludes since it is the high Road to Licentiousnesse and Tyranny it is justly condemned by all wise men of the world Secondly Nor is is only a meer Tyranny in it Self but so far destructive of a Free State especially a Free State newly erected that it soon causes a change of it into the form of a regall Tyrannie according to that Maxim of Politicians Facilis est transitus à regimine Democratico ad Monarchicum The passage is quick and easie from a meere Popularity to Monarchy And that because of those Discontents Emulations and Tumults which arise continually among them and whereby their Leaders so tire them out that in a little time they † willingly yeeld themselves under the yoke of any one Person who seems willing and able to deliver and ease them by a settlement Thus Rome that stately Mistresse of the World who disdained to stoop under Victorious Caesar falling afterward into Popular Divisions and Discords more fierce than ever soon grew weary and willing to bow her neck under * Augustus Plutarch compares those popular tumults to the pangs of a Woman in travell calling them {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Reipub the Pains of a Common-wealth that † must needs bring forth into the world some great Kingdom or Tyranny Now the Person invested after this manner is usually some one of their Leaders who by soothing and carrying them on upon high and glorious pretences of Liberty gaines so much confidence and Power among them that in the end he bereaves them of liberty to disturb him or themselves any further Thus and by such Arts as these Julius Caesar first erected the Imperiall Tyranny at Rome as Pisistratus likewise made himself absolute at Athens and Dionysius the Tyrant at Syracusa who pretending Themselves great Patrons of Liberty stirred the people up against the Senate and Counsellers of State as Enemies to that Liberty whereof

disrelished that the King gave him a Dose in convenient Season which rid him away by a lingring Sicknesse And Aratus so well understood how the Case was with him that when his Friend Cephalon came to visit him in his Chamber and asked how it came to passe that he spit blood O Cephalon said he these are the rewards of Kingly Friendship and Acquaintance Our own Histories and our Neighbours of France might furnish us with Instances enough of the same nature but at home here look no further than Harry the 8th and we find him ever and anon be-dabled with the Blood of the most deserving Persons as well as most of his Predecessors What persecution hath hapned since is notorious to all of the meanest Reading and observation so that seeing it appears there is as little Security for the bravest Spirits in a Regal as in a popular Tyranny certainly all Persons of generous Thoughts and Resolutions are much more concerned to dislike it and apply Themselves to the love of a Free-State it being concluded by Aristotle the best of Governments and is by experience known to be most conducing to the Advancement of a Nation every way in Honor Profit and Dominion having ever produced many more excellent Heroes than any other Form upon the Stage of Action as is evident in the Grecian Roman and modern Stories But one great Argument of exception I perceive among some against this Government is because men are permitted the Freedom of their Souls and Consciences in the profession of Religion This they conceive inconsistent with the publique Peace that no State can be of continuance with such a Toleration and that it is not agreeable to the Word of God To the latter part of this Assertion I answer That prudent Toleration of opinions in matter of Religion could never be proved yet by any of our Episcoparians and Presbyterians in all their VVritings to be repugnant to the VVord being as farre to seek this way as they are to convince us of the sacred necessity of a Nationall Vniformity Severall Instances there are to shew how this Common-wealth hath punished those wild Pretenders that professe manifest Libertinism and Blasphemy many of whom at this day are in Custody And as long as these Ill Weeds are rooted out of the Garden of the Church the wholesome tender Plants will thrive in Beauty and Vertue under their severall measures and dispensations And that variety of Opinions can be no way destructive of Publique Peace as is pretended is evident by the Customs of other Nations both Heathen and Christian The * Egyptians have now among them no lesse than four severall Sects differing in Doctrine and Discipline and all derived from the Superstition of Mahomet Yet their great Pontifes and Priests live in amity together void of hatred and strife and the common People also behave themselves accordingly without brauling or enmity And it is usuall for the more learned sort of Them to Dispute with each other and defend the Opinions of their Party which they are allowed to do with all Liberty so long as they flie not out into language against any of the four Doctors who were the first Patrons of those Opinions Wherein if any chance to Offend they are punished by Fine and Imprisonment Lipsius tells us that in the Isle of Japan there are no lesse than nine Religions every man being at liberty to professe which he please So that in the same House you might see the Husband of one Religion the Wife of another the Son of a third and yet no heart-burning nor difference among them to the disturbance of the Family The Turk we see also allows an equal Liberty to Christians and Jews yet his Empire hath long continued firme and Peaceable notwithstanding the variety of Opinions tolerated among those of his own Sect and others The case is the same likewise in severall Christian dominions as Poland Transylvania Hungary and even in the Protestant Dominions in Germany Yet the experiment is brought nearer home to us by our neighbours the States of Holland who by a prudent toleration of severall Professions have established themselves in such a measure of Peace Plently and Liberty as is not to be equalled by any of the Nations round about them And the Reasons why those Nations continue in Peace notwithstanding their difference in Religious Opinions are confessed by the same Lipsius a great Roman Catholick to be these First because the Prince and he that is the High Priest among them carry themselves with the same Aspect upon all giving no Countenance to one more than another Secondly because they severely punish such as offer to disturb their Neighbours about any matter relating to Religion Thirdly because they suffer not that Religion to be evill spoken of which is publiquely professed by the Prince or State whereby it is implyed that a Toleration of different opinions in Religion can be no prejudice to the Peace of a Nation so long as these Rules are observed but rather a grand Preservative of publique Quiet whereas persecutions for matter of Religion have ever been all the world over the great Incentives of Sedition And since it is of unavoidable necessity that while the world stands there will be divisions of Opinion certainly such a course must needs be most rationall which shall provide waies of remedy against such Inconveniences as may follow them rather than Inventions of Torture and Torment to thwart and stifle Them because the understandings of men can no more be compelled than their Wills to approve what they like not So that from hence it appears plainly the great pretenders of Nationall Vniformity in Religion those high imperious Vniformity-mongers that would have men take measure of all Opinions by their own are the greatest disturbers of States and Kingdomes and seem of the same straine with the Tyrant Mezentius who if his Guests were too long for his Bed cut them shorter and if they hapned to be too short he had Engines of Torture to stretch them longer being resolved to fit them all to his own measure and humour Severall other Objections there are against this new Government in the mouths of many People but they are founded upon outward Sence more than inward Reason they raise Arguments from those Things which are the effects of present necessity and not of the nature of the Government it self whereas if men would unanimously joyn in an establishment no such necessity would be But as now so alwaies all alterations of Government though for the better have been declaimed against by the more ignorant sort of People supposing those Burthens will remain for ever which Governors are constrained to lay upon Them for present subsistence and security yet it hath been ever observed likewise that the more willing and forward People have been to settle in Peace under a new Government the sooner they have been eased of all their Grievances and Pressures according to that