Rome and of the Thirty at Athens is easily corrupted For the persons who are in command do frequently usurp a Soveraign Authority Such Usurpation is not stiled a Tyranny for this is of one alone but strictly a Dynastie that is a Potentacy or Power violently assumed and retained contrary to the disposition of the Laws The Greeks whose the word Dynastie is do take it in this case in an ill sense An Aristocracy and an Oligarchy are dissolved when some one among the Rich the Noble or the Brave does attain to an overgrown height Thus Caesar became Master of Rome The Aristocracy is also in danger when they that Govern come into contempt with the multitude or are hated by them so that the inferiors grow factious and mutiny against them as hapned at Rome when the Tribunes of the People were first created The apprehensions which the more than ordinary virtue of some excellent persons gave the People of Greece caused the introducing of Ostracisme among the Athenians and of Petalisme at Syracuse Punishments but glorious for such as were condemn'd to them A Democracy likewise sometimes turns into an Oligarchy And that is when the dregs of the ignorant people seduced by evil Orators whom the Greeks call Demagogues or Leaders of the People do dispose of Affairs tumultuously with uproar and violence without respect to Law or Equity Thus the Athenians seduced by their speakers did put to death Aristogenes and other Captains who had fought in company with Thrasibulus and gain'd a notable Victory upon the Lacedomonians their enemies Obligarchies are the means sometimes that People lose their liberty and fall into servitude Pisistratius became Tyrant of Athens that way and Dionysius of the Syracusians There are as various Monarchies Aristocracies and Democracies as there are different manners of men But I have discours'd all this only cursorily and I design not any further to engage my self in these matters my purpose being to speak precisely of the concerns of the French Monarchy There are two sorts of Monarchy unto which all Regal Governments of whatever quality imaginable are reduced whether Elective Hereditary Barbarous Despotical or any other The first of these is entituled The Lacedemonian in which the King hath but a limited Authority The second Aeconomical in which the King hath a Sovereign and Absolute power in his Kingdom as the Father of a Family hath in his house 'T is no longer a question Whether Monarchy be the best Government the case having been often debated by Politicians and still decided for Regality And indeed it is of greatest Antiquity least susceptible of change most conform unto the Government of GOD himself and not only represents the Authority which a Father exerciseth in his house but it also necessarily occurs in an Aristocracy and in Democracy it self For both in the one and the other of these States the Sovereignty is entirely one so that no single person can possess any the least parcel of it In an Aristocracy no one of the Senators is a Sovereign but the whole Senate being united of one accord is King In a Democracy no one of himself hath power to make the least Ordinance the People assembled are the Monarch Thus every where appears an indivisible Sovereignty so conform to the Laws of Nature is Monarchy In fine it may be said that there never was Aristocracy but founded upon the corruptions and ruins of some Monarchy moreover that Tyranny it 's direct contrary is the worst of all Governments Now from all that I have said it follows by a necessary consequence That the Monarchique State is better than any other CHAP. II. 1. Of the true good and happiness of States 2. Of the true good and happiness of a King 3. How Felicity may be acquired THings reckon'd under the notion of Good are of three sorts Corporal as Health Beauty Strength Agility and the like External which we commonly call Goods of Fortune as Birth Riches Dignities Reputation Friends and such others The third sort are those of the Soul these are simply and absolutely good that is good of themselves and so they can be no other but virtue alone Things accounted good are no further such indeed than as they promote our Felicity and bring us to it Corporal and External things are not instruments to effect this But the good of the Soul is the true happiness Felicity is not a simple habit otherwise a man asleep would be happy but it consisteth in action which is the true use of Virtue The Soul makes us capable of living happily for happiness is measured by virtue nor can we be counted happy but proportionably as we are counted good The intention of Political Science is to bring to pass that men lead their lives happily as I have observ'd in the precedent Chapter 'T is therefore certain that it requires they be actually virtuous All that I have been discoursing is of constant and confesseth truth Whence clearly results That the Politicks consider virtue in a much more noble manner than Ethicks do for these confining themselves to the forming of idle speculations can produce but an imperfect felicity which the Schools do call Theoretical The Politicks on the contrary go further and causing us to exercise virtue do give us a Practical that is solid and perfect Felicity In fine it is not doubted but the Act is preferrable to the habit Besides the Ethical or Moral discourses of virtue can have no other aim but at most the welfare of particular persons which does not always produce that of the Publick And the Politicks regarding the welfare of an whole State provide at once for that of each particular as a good Pilot in endeavouring the safety of his Ship procures necessarily the safety of all that are embarqued in it Also the care of the welfare of particular persons seems to be beneath the Politicks except so far as it is necessary for the publick good Yet sometimes particular Men must of force suffer for the Publick Good as when a Malefactor is punished and when some Houses are pull'd down to save a Town from Fire and from Enemies The happiness of a State is of the same quality with that of particular persons For as we say a Man is happy when he hath Strength Riches and Virtue in like manner we say a Common-wealth is happy when it is potent rich and justly governed A Monarch is in reference to His State what the Soul is to Man There is no doubt therefore but that the proper Goods of a King are those of the Soul and that he can possess no other Fortune being beneath a true Soveraign and extrinsick to Him cannot give him ought of that kind from Gold or Glory All that He hath doth arise from His own Virtue His Power His Treasures and the various effects of Beneficence which he holdeth in His Hand do not constitute His Happiness as GOD Himself is not Blessed by external Blessings but only
the State unto their Succour and took a course to bring Fire and Sword into all parts of the Kingdom Shortly in matter of Government that which is good at one time is frequently not so at another all things must be accommodated to the general rule of Policy which is that the good of States be incessantly procured When the Edict of Pacification was accorded there was provision made for the welfare of France if that welfare does now require that the Edict be revoked there is no remedy revoked it must be or neglected From all this which I have said it follows that the King hath most just cause to secure himself from the Professors of the Protestant Reformed Religion and put them into such a state as he may have nothing to apprehend from their particular Perhaps it will be said that 't is expedient there be Huguenots in France because they oblige the Church-men to study and to live with the greater circumspection and a more exact observance of the rules of their Profession But this consideration is not worth the considering The Church of GOD will never be supported by these humane means He is in the midst of it and governs it Himself by His Holy Spirit which animateth and filleth it At whatever time there shall be no more Huguenots in France there will be fewer bad and a greater number of good men which the King should particularly desire since States are always sustained by people that love Virtue c. It passeth therefore for certain that it is fit the King do disable the Religionaties as to their doing any harm and as to their giving cause of suspicion It remaineth to examine what way may most readily and most commodiously lead unto this end I would not advise that these People of the other Religion should be compell'd to depart out of France as the Moors were out of Spain which proved in the sequel so prejudicial to the whole Country 'T would be a piece of inhumanity to drive the Huguenots in that manner they are Christians though separated from the Body of the Church besides this course would deprive the State of not a few good Families and put the unhappy numbers of e'm out of all hope of Conversion and Salvation so that the King in this concern should do well as seems to me to imitate the Church the common parent of all Christians who in the Remedies She prepareth ever mingleth mildness and Mercy with Justice and Compassion with Correction The first means then which the King might employ should be to provide that the Huguenots might frequent the coversation of the Catholicks with more familiarity than they do For by this coversation they would in time be undeceiv'd of the Opinion with which they are pre-possess'd that we hate them they would put off the Aversion they have for us they would know our Deportment and be informed of our Doctrine in the points that offend them because they understand not the Mysteries of them which would induce them to confess as St. Augustin did on the like occasion That the Church does not teach things as they once thought it did Nothing is to my Understanding or can be more effectual for the Conversion of the Hereticks than this frequent Conversation it is not possible but that at length the spirit of Men should yield unto impression the plumage of the Eagle 't is said consumes that of other Birds Light dissipates Darkness Truth triumphs over Falshood The second means should be to confer a recompence of Honour upon Converts and to make a Stock for this purpose which might never fail I should think it would be none of the best course to exclude the Huguenots from all Employments they must enter into lesser Offices though not at all into the greater The reason is because if they be put off from all kind of publick business they will accustom themselves to tarry at home idle and their ambition will be extinguish'd in such sort as perhaps they will make it a point of Religion to do nothing whereas being taken to ordinary Offices they will habituate themselves to a living among Catholicks and their Ambition will awaken when they shall compare themselves with their Superiours The third means I offer is to select some particular Men and create them such business referring to Religion as may constrain them to attend the Council and keep following the Court. Business of that kind may be started to Gentlemen upon the Exercise they have in their Houses There is not one of them but is obnoxious to a Process in that case and the Bishops will with joy be the Prosecutors Besides the King's Procureur or Attorney General is concern'd to know whether Marriages Baptisms and Burials be solemniz'd with due accurateness in these private houses and whether good and faithful Registers of them be kept or no Great defects herein being easily supposeable the same will be just matter of complaint against the Owners as negligent in observing the concession made them of having Exercise in their Castles The like may be done if others contrary to the Edict be admitted to these Preachings beside the Domesticks A Fourth means would be to oblige the Religionists to put again in due state the ancient Chappels of their Houses which they have demolish'd or prophan'd the pursuance whereof ought to be by the diligence of each Bishop in his Diocess There must not be made a common affair of it to all the Huguenots in general but divers particulars only be fix'd upon And the thing it self is as reasonable as any For they had no right to destroy Temples that had been all along destin'd to Divine Service according to the Religion of the King receiv'd by all the Kingdom and also profess'd by our Progenitors The Fifth means is that when an Affair of such quality as I mention'd comes before the Council the Deputies which the Huguenots have at Court in the name of them all be not permitted to intervene in it There are 3 Reasons for the putting by of these interventions The First is that the Huguenots cannot constitute a Body in France nor assemble without the Kings express permission The Second that Private and Particular affairs ought not to be set up in the rank of those that are general and publick The Third that the King will do Justice without their intervention The Deputation should not be all at once abrogated out-right but no regard must be had to what the Deputies represent in the name of all the party The sixth means should be that the King do take effectual order the Huguenots may no longer have their dwellings nor their Exercise in places not Royal at least such as have any Lords of the Protestant Reformed Religion for Proprietors As for Example Vitrey in Bretannie belongs to Monsieur the Prince de Tarante who is of that Religion and it belongs to him by a Demise made him of it by Monsieur de la Tremouille
none makes a perpetual Lye a thing directly contrary to his Honour and to the profession he makes of being a devoted constant defender of Truth Beside this huge number of Marquesses Lords and Knights does bring those Qualities into contempt and is a cause that true Marquesses are not considered now as they of right ought to be 'T is therefore extreamly important that provision be speedily made in the case For this confusion destroys the usefulness of those Dignities they being such as his Majesty should keep in his own hand and Husband them with deliberation and frugality that they might be distributed on occasion to Men of Honour and such as have evidenced a Zeal for his Service and for the good of his Kingdom that the persons also to whom they are Granted might fully enjoy them with all the advantages and Prerogatives that are by custom annexed to them I will not omit that it is necessary to give the Nolity the greatest respect that may be to the end that Citizens may conceive the greater desire to become Gentlemen which should be granted them when they have rais'd themselves to a Worthiness of it either by just acquiring a remarkable Estate or doing some illustrious exploit in War The whole Constitution of the Nobility is Military Nevertheless there have been instituted in France particular Orders of Knighthood of which the King is Grand Master Himself and into which He admitteth such Gentlemen as He accounts most worthy of it Such are the Orders of the Holy Ghost and of St. Michael There are others of which the King is barely Protector The Order of S. Lazarus is of that nature But this is of no great advantage to the State Because all Beneficences all Favours all Honours and Employments should come directly and immediately from the Hand and Bounty of the King For the continuation therefore of this Order of S. Lazarus His Majesty might unite the Grand Mastership of it to the Regality as the King of Spain does CHAP. VII 1. Of the Third Estate 2. Of the Husbandmen 3. Of Artificers 4. Of Merchants MY beginning to Treat of the Three Orders of the Body Politick of France as the Clergy and the Nobility leaving the Third Estate to be last spoken of is a method like theirs who having some Edifice to examine do begin at the top and settle to consider the upper Stories before they look on the Foundations In truth the People are the Basis upon which all Republiques have their standing 'T is they that manure the Ground and cause it to bear Fruit. 'T is they that pay the Subsidies that breed Workmen and furnish the Merchants Yet that which we call the Third Estate does not consist of Peasants or the meer rural sort 'T is principally the Freemen and Communalties of Towns and Officers of Justice that compose it This Third Estate was not called to the General Assemblies of the Gauls either in the time of the Romans or during the First and Second Race of our Kings it was well forward in the Third before they had that priviledge I believe not until the Reign of Philip the Fair. But it is not upon this matter that I am now to insist However in speaking of the Third Estate the whole Popular body is to be consider'd and it may be divided into three parties of men namely Husbandmen Artificers and Merchants Of the Officers of Justice we will speak in the next Chapter The least-infected and best party of the People is the Husband-men that daily labour which takes up their Heads and Hands all the year long without intermission keeps them in simplicity and obedience There cannot be too great a number of 'em especially not in France by reason of the Fertility of the Country and our Corn being Transported into Foreign parts we ought to make great Stores of it and have as much as may be in a readiness Exact care must be taken that these Men may always be in a condition to take pains and that they have but little converse with Townsmen whose little labour and other manners might corrupt their innocence And that Ease and Plenty do not render them insolent For there is nothing more dangerous and insufferable than a sort of rich Peasants No less care must be taken that an extream penury do not reduce them to extream misery For too great Poverty lying on them they no longer have either Men or Cattle they are ty'd up to ill Diet lodge on the ground suffer Hunger and Cold their Children perish for want of Food there are Epidemical Diseases bred among them they are not succour'd they dye away by this means the Country is dispeopled and being void of Inhabitants the Grounds are unhusbanded and abandoned When I shall come to discourse of the Finances I will point out a way to preserve Country-people in a moderately-commodious Estate at present I will only say that it would be to very good purpose to create a Superintendant of Husbandry who should have his Eye on those affairs and see that the Grounds be cultivated Vineyards well kept and Meadows fitly ordered in like manner as there are Masters of Waters and Forests who take care that the Woods be not damnifi'd and Surveyors for the High-ways and in fine Jurats for every Craft The Second party of the Popular order is the Handicrafts-men or Artificers these are no less useful to the State than any other For besides that Manufactures do keep men at work and engage them they are the cause that the Silk the Wool the Skins the Flax the Timber and the other Commodities that grow in France are made use of and that Country People have the means to barter these things and put them off especially being wrought into Wares not made in Foreign parts we shall grow to be further principal Manufacturers as we already are of Hats for Spain and Stuffs for all Europe which is a matter of exceeding great consequence and in process of time when the work is once on foot things will pass from hand to hand and oft-times go out of the Kingdom All this quickens Trade and makes Money pass to and fro which promoteth the Publick and therewithall at once every ones private welfare 'T is not enough to have Husband-men and Artificers in a Kingdom there must of necessity be Merchants also for without their Industry the Artificers Shops would be Stores never emptied the Granaries would remain full of Corn and the Cellars of Wines and nothing be gone We will more largely treat of this when we come to the Article of Commerce CHAP. VIII 1. Of Officers of Justice 2. Of Parliments and other Supreme Courts 3. Of Presidial Courts 4. Of the King's Council 5. Vseful means for the good of the State in relation to Officers of Justice 6. Of Sollicitations IF men were entirely just to one another and each of 'em in the phrase of one of the greatest Greek Philosophers a Law unto himself there
would need neither Law nor Magistrate to keep them in perfect tranquility But Nature being corrupted we no longer consult that Original Righteousness which is inseparable from reason and which without intermission inwardly presseth us to render to all their due as exactly as we would should be done to ourselves Always self-love often necessity sometimes hatred avarice or one passion or other does blind us and induce us to violate this eminently holy and equitable Law in such sort also that we suffer ourselves to be transported unto excesses hard to be believed We equally use fraud and force to content our injustice and irregular desires Whereupon it hath been commodiously done by wise Men to form as may be said a new reason which they called Law But because Laws are of no use except they be armed with Correction to punish such as despise them and have some soul and living principle therefore Magistrates have been created who are to pronounce the Oracles which those Laws inspire to put the Laws in Execution and maintain the Authority of them These Officers are chosen of the best and most intelligent Men in a State and if Common-wealths be duly regulated ordinarily the Rich are preferred before the Poor and Nobles before Plebeians because 't is supposed they have a greater measure of knowledge and virtue and by consequence are less capable of certain mean things in which a necessitous condition and a mean extraction might engage them Thus Ministers of Justice in France call'd Men of the Robe are in truth necessary in Publick Society For if there was no evil-doer Laws and Magistrates would be of no more use than Joyners and the Doors they make for the security of Houses if there were no Thieves whereas should not a Man in a whole Kingdom ever swerve from right reason and pure equity there must nevertheless be Priests for Religion Soldiers for defence against Foreign Invasions that might happen and People who may some of 'em Till the Ground others apply themselves to Trades and Manufactures that Men cannot be without So that these three sorts of Persons are inseparable from a Common-wealth and they make up the Three Estates we have spoken of which have been receiv'd without any contest Yet it seems that of late the Parliaments have sought to infuse into some green heads that they compos'd a Fourth Order in the Kingdom and the same not only distinct from the other Three but altogether superiour to them by reason of their Sovereignty and of the Power they have to deliberate upon the pleasure and Edicts of the King If they should not be brought off from this opinion perhaps they would draw the other Sovereign Courts and Officers of Judicature into the same Error an Union of them all not being deniable because otherwise the affair of Justice would in France form two bodies which may not be But from allowing this Fourth Body in the State namely that of Justice a ridiculous inconvenience would follow to wit that a Sergeant or Catchpole of a Village would be a member of a body superior to that of the Nobility and by consequence in some sort superior to a Marquis For in matter of Hierarchy the last of a more excellent Order is greater than the first of a less excellent one as the lowest of the Arch-Angels is greater than the highest of the Angels But to clear the difficulty before us it must be remembred that heretofore in France the Estates which were called Parliaments did assemble twice a year for two considerations one was to judge of Appeals that were made from judgments pass'd by inferior Officers The other to give the King Counsel when He demanded their Opinion about Government of the State For alway during the first and second Race the King 's did dispose of Publick Affairs as of Peace and War and this is so much a truth that if those ancient Parliaments had had the disposing of the State they would never have suffered that the Children of Lewis when they had divided the Kingdom among them should have fallen to make War one upon another which could tend to nothing but a publick desolation They would as little have permitted the enmities of Brize Haudet and Fredegonde In like manner under the Second Race they would not have endured that the Sons of Lewis the Mild should act such outrages on their Father that Charles the Bald should have given Neustria to the Normans In the Third Race that Lewis the Gross should have ruin'd so many great Lords who made up the greatest-part of the Parliaments that Lewis the Younger should have yielded up Guienne by the Divorce of Eleanore that the Count of Burgundy and the Duke of Britannie and some others should have leagu'd together against Queen Blanche In fine there are thousand and a thousand examples in History which do evidence that these Kings always had the free and Sovereign administration of their State nor will there one be found to prove that the Parliaments ever contradicted them They presented themselves at the feet of their Princes with Petitions and humble Remonstrances they made no resistance nor exercis'd Authority So that our King 's have been King's indeed always absolute Masters and for proof hereof it will be sufficient to look into all the Statutes there it may be seen how they spake and what part the Estates had in them The principal end of Parliaments therefore was to the end the Law-suits of particular Persons and people perceiving that Appeals brought to them were received and sentences invalidated many to try Opinions in their cases once again became Appellants by this means affairs were multiply'd and that contesting parties might not have the trouble to come up from the remotest parts of the Kingdom Deputies of the General Parliament were appointed they also stiled Parliaments and to be ambulatory The Commission they had was sometimes for three Months sometimes for six according to exigence of State but alway by the Command and Letters of the King These Parliaments went into the Provinces to judge the causes that were brought them almost in like manner as we now see done at the Extraordinary Sessions which instead of diminishing the number of Causes to be dispatch'd as had been conceiv'd really augmented them Philip the Fair saw cause to make such a Parliament sedentary at Paris another at Rouen a third at Thoulouse and succeeding Kings establish'd others in other Cities as they are at present From this faithful account it resulteth that the Parliaments are not a Fourth Body in the State but be extracted out of the Three ancient Orders at first they were taken out of the Clergy and Nobility only because the Commons at that time were not considerable afterwards These also were received in Other Sovereign Societies are but Images of these Parliaments As to the Sovereignty of the Parliaments themselves it neither is nor ever was other than an emination of the Sovereignty of the King in whom
that Quality is natural and indivisible The Parliaments can pretend to no more than His Majesty may please to impart to them The Sale of Offices of Judicature having been introduc'd there follow'd divers creations of new Officers both in matter of the Revenue and also in that of Justice among others those of Presidial Courts were instituted which perhaps was done only out of a pecuniary interest a needless degree of Jarisdiction being thereby set up and such a one as tendeth to the involving and oppression of the Kings Subjects These Courts are so many petty Parliaments in judging supreamly and finally in some cases yet by the trick of Petty-fogging Practice ways are found to get Appeals from judgment pass'd to be received and new processes begun to the vexation and undoing of the parties concern'd There have been in all times chief Judges in Towns as Bailiffs and Seneschals a thing of indispensible necessity for keeping the People in order all the fault that can be found in it is by reason of their number which certainly is excessive 'T is not enough that the King hath Parliaments and other Officers to determinate differenamong His Subjects there must also be a Counsel about His Majesty by whose Advice He may correct all ill Administration of Justice may reverse all Sentences given against the Mind and Intention of the Statutes and maintain Order through the whole extent of His State This Counsel is the Sacrarium of the Monarchy and the persons admitted into it who may justly be stiled the Eyes the Ears and Hands of the Prince ought to have a profound Knowledge in Affairs acquired by long and approved Experiences They must love the Kingdom the Kingly Power and the King's Person They are the Seminary whence are taken Intendants of Provinces Ambassadors and Ministers for Negotiations with Strangers The Counsel is compos'd at present of Gownmen only It would not be much amiss nay on the contrary it would be very well done if the King pleased to communicate this Honour unto other Professions when there were found Persons capable of it Because this Preference gives the Gentlemen of the Long Robe too much Authority whereas there is need of retrenching what they have already much rather than of conferring any new advantage upon them as we shall shew hereafter As for the Royal Privy Council in which Secret Affairs are debated and which ought to be of very few Persons that Matters may be kept in silence and not untimously divulged I will not speak of it in this place nor say in what manner it ought to be composed because this depends upon the pleasure of the Master of it and each King takes a different course in it There have been Princes who committed the principal Care of all Affairs to one single person and France hath seen for instance the Cardinals of Amboise and Richlieu Others have parted Employments and shared them among as many persons as there were different Affairs So did King Henry the Fourth This in my Opinion was the more wisely done for that in matter of Government the great Secret is to divide Authority and hold the ballance even between a plurality of Persons History teacheth us of what consequence it was to our Kings of the first Race that they had but one Maire of the Palace and how dear it cost their Posterity Upon a like reason of State the Roman Emperors divided the charge of the Praetorian Prefect But Ministers whatever for number must for qualification be Men of Virtue and approved sufficiency They likewise after the manner of the Aegyptians ought to be reprehended and punish'd for all that the King does amiss and contrary to Law The incredible number of the Ministers of Justices in France is in truth somewhat monstrous Neither is there any disorder in the State more pressing or requiring a more speedy Application of the Royal Authority The truth is if a Man consider this multitude of Magistrates will he not have ground to say that the French are extream hard to be governed seeing so many great Personages are employed in Governing them Again it may be said That this Nation so Illustrious by the Glory of its Actions and by so many Victories wherewith its Arms have been honoured is yet incapable of virtuous Inclinations since there is need of force to reduce them to the rule of the Laws though GOD never gave Men a more precious Present On the other hand can it be affirmed that our Legislators wanted Wisdom or did not sufficiently shew it in making the Laws Yet if reflection be made upon the multitude of Law-suits whereof the vexation is a grievance to the Kingdom may not a Man perswade himself that Equity is banish'd thence and Upright dealing utterly discarded Should it then hereupon be taken for granted that the private sort in France are not good condition'd People can it be imagin'd that the Publick Government is any thing reasonable and proper for its due ends But if a Man proceed to penetrate further into the Internals of the State and there behold what a desolation the corrupting of Justice hath made loosning and breaking the most Sacred ties of Friendship in fine if he observe how the Monarchy hath often been in danger of subversion will he not wonder that the Publick Fortune hath held out and Families been born up in the Storms that have so many times turmoild them The excessively great multitude of Officers being the principal cause whence so many mischiefs take their rise the remedy must be first apply'd thereto And this remedy is nothing else but such a retrenchment as is expedient or to say better necessary to be made The fewer Officers of Justice there are the more Soldiers and Artificers and Merchants and the fewer litigious Actions will be For it is manifest that business of that kind has ever multiply'd as the number of Officers hath been augmented in like manner as the more Physicians the more Patients To arrive at the end propos'd it would be convenient that after mature deliberation upon the estate of France the number of its Inhabitants and the quantity of Law-business it be advisedly stated in the King's Council what number of Officers were fit to be reserved and of what quality they should be then that the rest be suppress'd gradually as the persons dye away or at once by a Declaration What in my opinion might particularly be done is as follows First The Presidial Courts being compos'd of Officers that are needless to the State a charge unto the People having also but a novel interloping Jurisdiction the fruit of an evil Counsel given to King Henry II. and a mere invention to get Money the extinction of them is not to be doubted of but effected by a substraction of the Officers Annuities By this means the King will save that Pay which amounts unto a Sum considerable to the State and the Royal Jurisdictions each in its Precinct may do what those Presidials
King do give His Letters for personal Marquessates in such form as they may be verified in the Parisian Chamber of Accompts and the Persons Honoured with them do homage to His Majesty thereupon Such kind of Homages have been done heretofore for Officers and even for Pensions though but of two hundred Livres The Emperour in Germany hath in this manner made Gentlemen and Counts of the Empire as for example the late Count de Guimene who had not a foot of Land within the Emperours Jurisdiction The King of England creates a Gentleman Baron and Earl of a Barony or County in which the Gentleman possesseth Nothing The second kind of Gratifications and Rewards is of those that are purely gainful and pecuniary as Pensions Tickets for Money Acquittances by Patent Ransoms Confiscations of deceasing Strangers goods and the like These however carry a great deal of honour with them as I said afore The third kind is of those that are at once both gainful an honourable as Great Offices Governments c. Upon this matter of Rewards there is this further Reflection to be made namely that a King never be inform'd of a good Action but He gratifie the Actor either with Praises or with Benefits In fine all these favours must be regulated by consideration of His Service and the welfare of His State GOD in giving Princes a Sovereign Power inspires into them Affection for their People But His will is that it be a Paternal Affection that a King do open His Bosom to His Subjects as His very Children and that all His Counsels and Designs be levell'd at their Felicity without which Himself cannot be happy 'T is principally for this great and glorious effect that Kings are Images of GOD and be fortified with His Spirit I have said that Monarchs are in their Kingdoms what the Soul is in the Body of Man that external Goods cannot enrich them that Virtue alone is their proper Portion as it is of GOD Himself It now remaineth I should say what kind of Virtue it ought to be 'T is necessary that a Great Prince have Piety to give His Subjects an Example of it and bettering of them in this is the security of His State He must be just to govern them A Government never is of long duration without Justice This Queen of Virtues comprehends as Aristotle judiciously noted all the rest A King I say must be Just to render unto every one and unto Himself what is respectively due The third Virtue of a Prince is Prudence to foresee of Himself what may betide His States Thus a wise Pilot hath the skill to foresee Calms and Storms he knows by secret notices whether the Winds will be favourable or contrary to his Voyage The fourth Virtue is Magnanimity a weight this that keeps the Soul always in the same position and gives it so setled a firmness that neither good nor bad successes can put it out of place and a King appears unalterable He thus bears up the hope of His Subjects they look upon Him as an assured succour against Fortune and persuade themselves there is somewhat of Divine Quality in His Person Of Royal Virtues a fifth is Clemency It pertains to the greatness of a King that He be benign and do commiserate the weaknesses of His Subjects who are Men as He is Mischances are pardonable and it seems to me 't is too much rigor to punish a poor wretch for a Crime committed out of imprudence or by necessity and of which he is less guilty if I may say it than his ill destiny 'T is to Criminals of this kind that Grace should not be deny'd and when a King gives one of His Subjects his Life who hath been condemn'd to death he should rejoyce more at the feeling in the Secret of his Heart a Will to Pardon than at the having in His hand the power to punish To give a Man his Life is in some sort to create him and the preserving of his Being is a giving of it It would be 't is true a great fault to stop the course of Justice in case of publick Crimes and such as have disturb'd the Peoples Peace Yet in sum it is Noble that a King be inclin'd to compassion and Mercy 'T is an action appropriated unto GOD to disarm His Anger Upon this ground the Roman Poet said That those Thunderbolts which Jupiter throws might be diverted The sixth Royal Virtue is Liberality One of the Ancients pronounced that it was less disadvantageous for a King to be overcome by Arms than by Liberality A Poet introduceth Mark Anthony excellently saying That he had nothing left him but the Benefits he had conferred And to say true A Great Prince never enjoys His Wealth but when He hath given it Liberality enricheth Him and makes Him Purchases of inestimable value For thereby 't is that He wins the love of his own People and becomes admired of all others When I say Liberality I mean a judicious Liberality such as is a Virtue not an exorbitant profuseness a Liberality alway exercis'd with Advantage and with Glory To conclude in short when I consider other Virtues I do not find any one of them all improper for a King but it is impossible a King should have those which I have mention'd without having every one of the rest since they are inseparable Companions and must be united to make a Virtuous Man CHAP. X. 1. Of Finances or a Princes Treasure 2. Means to make the Subjects more numerous 3. Of the Officers that manage the King's Treasure 4. Of the King's Demesnes 5. Means to recover the Demesnes 6. Of Taxes 7. Means to ease the People 8. Of the Free Cities 9. Of the Gabells 10. Means to augment the Receipt of the Gabells and ease the People 11. Of the Salt-free Country 12. Of the Countries of State and Free Gifts 13. Of the expending of Money 14. Of the reserving it THE Art of Finances or the Treasury is a principal part of the Politicks and so much the more necessary in a State in that Money is the Soul of all Affairs A Common-wealth is no further powerful than proportionably to the richness of its publick Treasury and the greatness of the yearly Income that maintain it This the French Name plainly importeth for Finance is an old Word signifying Power and comes from the ancient Verb Finer which is to be able to may or can Three particulars are here to be considered First Just and easie means to make Money Secondly the prudent expending it Thirdly the keeping it in and laying it up for necessities that may happen as Famine Pestilence War Fire Shipwrack and such like We have in France three general means to make Money The King's Demesnes Impositions on the People Merchandises c. Of this last I will speak in the Chapter of Commerce I will say nothing here of Conquests which may come in for a Fourth means of Getting I will treat of them elsewhere
Kings who might be Citizens it will be very easie on any necessity toraise an aid from the City upon the proportion of the said Perches by way of Loan or Subvention or under some other title And that the Citizens may not oppose the Kings intentions in the matter permission must be given to each City to treat every year with what Merchants they please and agree a price for the Salt that shall be there sold through the whole year He to sell it who will oblige himself to afford it best cheap except the Citizens had rather leave it free for all Merchants that would to bring in always understood that there be no power to compell any one to buy The like may be done in every Village the Gentleman causing Salt to be Sold in a Servant's name and making the profit of it This course will without doubt be gain to the People and Salt being sold in such manner it may be brought to pass that the Commodity it self shall pay the Rents which shall be due to the King and they the while buy it at much a lower rate than they do So that clearly all sorts will receive such a proposal with applause To augment the cheapness of Salt it should be ordained that it be free from paying to Lordships and by the Load and from Imposts The thing being resolved in the Council the King shall make a Declaration in form of an Edict by which His Majesty shall take off the Impositions upon Salt on condition the Towns and Parishes will pay Him yearly the Sums He shall resolve upon in His Council and that until the Declaration be executed the Gabell shall continue its course It would be needful to ordain that these Sums be paid into the hands of the Receivers of the Tallies For there would be no more need of a Receiver of a Salt-garner What are so many Receivers good for but to consume all In this case the Receivers of Salt must be otherwise dispos'd of This Declaration would include a suppression of all the Officers of the Gabells for when Salt should be freely Sold the King would have no more use of ' em As for their re-imbursement provision might be made either by continuing their wages during their Lives or by assigning them Rents which might be redeemed for little and little or by giving them ready Money The People too might be charged with this re-imbursement in favour of the suppression of the Gabells This Affair might be worth the King a great deal and can never fail of being beneficial the People will gain six Millions by it beside the quiet it will yield them It being put in execution the King may purchase the Salt-pits upon the greatest part of which He would-previously have the Tenth part of the Salt if He took the Tenth of all Revenues as I said afore Again in doing as hath been shewed He would have an Army ready raised for all the Gabellers must be led into the Field There are in their Companies notable stout Men who also have been in action As for the Salt-free Countries which have bought out their freedom no one durst touch them hitherto by reason of the strength of the Huguenots the Civil and Forraign Wars and other Considerations as the Minority of Kings c. But now that the King is Master and in a condition to make Himself be obeyed 't is reasonable that he do oblige so many great and rich Provinces to bear a part of the burthens of the State in proportion to their ability for the easing the rest of France And to this end one of the three following Propositions may be made them First to take a reimbursement of the Sums paid by them which re-imbursement shall be made by granting them a diminution of the Tallies without putting hand in Purse other ways Hereto may be subjoyn'd that the King may not wholly discharge them because such a discharge tendeth to the oppressing of his other Subjects that a King may indeed augment and diminish Subsidies as seemeth him good but not extinguish them it not being possible that a Kingdom should subsist without publick Incoms that it must be remembred on this occasion how Nero proposing to take off all the Imposts that were paid at Rome the Senate oppos'd it as a thing that would be the ruine of the Empire The Second Proposition might be that these Provinces be obliged to pay the King a yearly Rent by way of Supplement and in confirmation of their ancient Treaty The Third that the Tallie and other Impositions on them be augmented to even the ballance which cannot be done any other way There are certain means to maintain the Finances among others the Free Gifts that are presented to the King by the People of those Provinces which are called Countries of State No other Order need be taken with them but to hinder as much as may be that the principal Members of these States be not in the Offices they bear unjust at the Publick cost Yet they must make their advantages in them otherwise the States would come to nothing which would occasion no small confusion and a retardment of the King's Affairs His Majesty might make Himself Master of the Deputations and gainful Commissions which are given to the States As for example in Bretannie Monsieur the late Mareschal de la Milleray nominated alone or rather caus'd to be nominated whom he pleas'd and there was no more deliberating after he had given order 't was one way he had to gratifie his Friends Monsieur the Duke Mazarin does the same still which may in His person succeed well but the King may cause whom he will to be nominated and the liberty of the States will not suffer by it any prejudice or innovation at all for such is the condition of things in these places I will not speak here of the Farms of Iron nor of others of like value These things run in ordinary course But having spoken of the bringing in of Money I must speak of a due laying out and a like due laying up thereof The advantage of an Exchequer doth not consist in the bare getting in of Money but also in a meet expending of it and there is no less profit in giving of it forth than in receiving of it 'T is necessary the King should spend to maintain his Revenues For if all the Sums that come into His Coffers should not issue thence again no one in the end would be able to pay Him any thing The Kings of Aegypt who took a third part of their Subjects Estates caus'd the Labyrinth to be built the Pyramids to be erected the Lake of Meotis to be dug up and other Fabricks raised which are incredible to Posterity Their design was to disperse among People the Treasure they received from them and withal banish sloth and idleness out of their States These two Vices so dangerous in Kingdoms the Aegyptian Laws did so strictly provide against that
and Equipage for the Horses of the Train The King should have for the security of his State several Fortified Places in his Kingdom 'T is an ill piece of Policy to neglect them and good heed had need be taken that he that may chance to win a Battel and become Master of the Field do not at the same time become Master of the Cities also It is known what Revolutions England hath suffer'd by it And on the contrary Flanders clearly shews what a Countrey thick set with Fortresses is Yet Excess being every where vicious-I would observe a mediocrity here But above all there must be left no Fortifications in Towns or Castles which belong to particular Lords except the King places in them other Governors than the Proprietors These kind of Places embolden Persons of Quality that possess them to Declare themselves and make Parties in a time of Civil War what pass'd at Tailebourg in the last Troubles is an example fully authorizing what I have propos'd I will say more of strong Places and Garisons in the Chapter of the Education of Children It is not sufficient to have such strong places and them well furnished with Garisons and brave Soldiers unless there be given them Captains fit to Command them and to be their Governors In each place then there must be four sorts of Officers The Governor the King's Lieutenant the Governor's Lieutenant and the Major These all having their Commissions from His Majesty it is expedient that as far as is possible their bearing Office be limited to a certain time to the end that the continuing of 'em longer may be in nature of a recompence for their Services And they thus attending with the greater diligence to their Duty I should also wish that being continued in employment they should change place As for example That a person who hath been the King's Lieutenant three years at Dunkirk should go serve as Lieutenant-Governor at Peronne or elsewhere Not that such a Change were fit to pass upon all the Officers of a place at the same time But let their Commissions last three Years and every Year one be changed that they may serve together one Year only It is meet to after the manner of the Turks that their Commissions expired they be kept a Year without employment to see whether there be any complaint against them These alterations would work two effects equally advantagious to the King's Service The First is that every one would stick to his Duty The Second that the King always having such kind of Employments to give there would be more persons to hope for them which would much more strongly engage them to well-doing The same usage should be introduc'd if it be possible in reference to Governors the King's Lieutenants There is a concluding observation to be made namely that it being the Custom for Governors to have some Companies of Carabines which they call their Guards they give them Cassocks of their own Livery I would have this Order changed and that the King should every year send each Governor a Troop of Horse to serve about him for a Guard they having the King's Cassocks as a Badge of their Commission and their Officers carrying the Staff in presence of their Governor during their year of service This would be a means to augment the Authority of the King and not diminish that of the Governors As to Armies it cannot be precisely said of what number of Men they should consist nor whether they ought to be strongest in Horse or in Foot This wholly depends upon the enterprizes that are made upon the quality of the Country and nature of the Enemy I should advise that a Great King do keep Troops on foot even during Peace nothing is so necessary to a State as old Soldiers Augustus after his Victories did not cashier the Forty Roman Legions which prov'd to be the safety of the Empire Constantine on the contrary disbanded them and thence came in the issue the dissolution of the Power of the Romans Augustus however and the other Caesars committed a great fault in keeping the Pretorians in a Body for the Grandeur of their Persons and History tells us what lamentable changes they made in the succession of the Emperors The Turks have fallen into like disasters by following the like usage I should therefore judge it expedient to divide the Troops into several Quarters and keep them in far distant Garisons The ancient Kings of Aegypt had a great many Soldiers perpetually in Pay and were always apprehensive of their Instructions but found a way to secure themselves from all such Seditions of their Armies Dividing them into Bodies according to the diversity of Nations they gave them different Ensigns as for instance to some a Crocodile to others a Dog to a third sort a Cat and so the rest Now the Aegyptians being hugely Superstitious they were easily induced to believe that their Tutelary Deities were included in the figure of those Beasts which were given them for Ensigns and that they had the same Antipathies among them in Heaven which those Beasts that represented them had to one another upon Earth Thus under a Veil of Religion those People were possess'd with an aversion for each other like those Animals which they had been ordered to carry in their Banners yet all were close united and perfectly at accord for the common defence of the State so nothing could be executed against the intentions of the Prince because as soon as any should begin to stir the rest would immediately have opposed them Upon this example the King might divide all his Troops by Provinces and though there should be no engaging of Religion in the case yet much advantage would without fail be drawn from thence For the Nations would strive to out-vie one another with more zeal and ardor than the Regiments now do These Regiments themselves might have names given them from the Arms of their Provinces as that of the Bretons might be called the Regiment of the Ermine that of the Normans the Regiment of the Leopards c. Jutius Caesar raised a new Legion among the Gauls and gave it the name of the Lark But what I say in this particular is but the giving my Opinion For I am not of the mind that the order of the Militia should be changed or Regiments disbanded which consist of the best and most War-like Troops that are in the World 'T is ordinarily a great question of what Soldiers an Army should be composed We have Subjects and Forreigners The Subjects are Gentlemen and Plebeians The Plebeians are Citizens and Rusticks On the other hand of Forreigners some are the Auxiliary Troops of Allies which serve at the cost of their own Princes as when the King sent succors into Germany and unto the Hollanders Others are Troops that serve at the cost of the State which employs them The Ancients termed them Mercinaries Such at this time are the Suissers and not a
done because they are ill husbands and lay up nothing Their Reward-money must be put in a Publick purse or into some Merchant's hands who will be responsible for it The share of Lacquies that die will serve for other Youths that shall be chosen This would prove an excellent means for the having of Soldiers For the Apprentices would serve in their turn on Military occasions they would go upon the Guard c. nor would this take them off from perfecting their skill in the Calling they had chosen It would too be profitable that poor Soldiers have skill in one handicraft or other and be made to work at it whenever they are not on the Guard by this means they would avoid idling and get Money for a subsistance The Parishes both in Town and Country might be obliged to set forth and maintain each of them a Soldier or two in Garison giving also a sum for their being taught a Trade at the same time There would be Parishes able to maintain a Man and half others half a Man the rest in proportion to the number of communicants in each of them So the King would have 50000 Men well-nigh in Garison and a Nursery of Soldiers without its costing Him a Quardecu for none must have pay but old Soldiers it s by taking this course that the Turks raise their Janizaries and they become their best Men and most Warlike When the young Men have been a while in Garison that is two or three years they shall be sent to the Army if there be War on foot and all recruits shall be rais'd out of the Garisons by this means they will be rais'd without any expence at all for instance if there need a recruit of 4000 Men each of the Governors shall be ordered to send one an hundred another two hundred and the Men being drawn out of the Garisons new supplies shall be put in taken out of the Parishes which sent the former Thus the Armies would be alway compos'd of none but expert Soldiers which is a matter of exceeding great consequence I will not prescribe in what Towns or in how many places it is fit to settle Garisons because this depends on the Kings Will and Pleasure and Towns to be chosen for this purpose need not be nominated the most commodious and best scituated are known As to those that should be destin'd for Sea-service they might be taken out of the same Garisons and should be taught principally Navigation but it would be better to breed them up in the Ships themselves that they might be accustomed to the Sea It is fit that they should understand all the practise of Mariners and also be Handicrafts men as well as Soldiers it would be very good that some of the number were Carpenters or at least each of them somewhat skilled in use of the Axe and Adice If Soldiers both at Sea and on Land were Artificers their Captains or others might cause them to work They should be paid for what they made and the Person that employed them might fell their work either in gross or by retail as Garments Shooes Cloth Hatts Gloves and this would prove hugely beneficial all the Soldiers would find content in it hardly one of them fall into debauch When the Youngsters have been some time in Garison and are not needed for recruits they should be sent home with their Discharge and Certificate Hereupon they may set up the Trade they have learned or addict themselves to Husbandry as they should think most commodious for them The Country Youth not chosen by the King's Commissioners for the Garisons should abide in their Parishes to learn the Art of Husbandry and be exercised in it A like course as is to be taken with young Men should also be taken with young Women There must be School-Mistresses in every City publickly pay'd who may teach them all kind of works the Maids giving them too something for a reward It would do well to use means that Women and even those of highest rank might count it a shame to be unskilfull work would notably fix their thoughts and busy them to excellent good purpose Of Women I had not yet spoken nor will I say of them ought more herein I shall Imitate Lycurgus and besides him Aristotle who both conceiv'd it not possible to give them any Rules and that their temper was so imperious that they could not endure to be restrained by Law this is more to be excused in French Women than in others 't is their due to be Mistresses since they may Glory upon better Title than the Lacedemonian Dames that they give birth to Men who are capable of rendring themselves by their Valour Conquerors of all the Earth It seems to me a fault that Maids should be suffer'd to Marry at Twelve and Males at Fourteen at which Ages the too too indulgent Laws have fixed the Puberty of the Sexes For as to Nature it is not possible but persons of those years only must extremely prejudice their Health by Marriage and spend their strength before they have attain'd it 'T is the making of young Trees bear Fruit before the time the Children are without doubt the less vigorous for it How can the Parents give them what they as yet have not themselves Again Morality and the Laws are concerned in the case the truth is when a Girl is put so young into the possession of a Husband she hath the less of bashfulness and Modesty nor is Virtue so well secured for her Besides at this age neither Man nor Woman is of understanding to know their Duty and hence it comes that the Marriages of persons so young are ordinarily attended with no very sure Felicity and Success Finally how can the one or the other take care of the Affairs of an House being altogether unexperienced or duly govern their Children needing Government themselves and having not by allowance of the Laws power to dispose of any thing So that it must be ordained they shall not be capable of making a valid contract of Marriage till they have attained Females the age of Eighteen years compleat and Males of Twenty CHAP. XIV 1. How France should act with Forreign Princes and First with the King of Spain and King of Portugal 2. With the Pope with Venice with the Princes of Italy 3. With the Swisses with England 4. With the Emperor and Princes of Germany 5. With the Hollanders the Crowns of Denmark Sweden and Poland 6. With the Turks and King of Persia 7. With the Kings of the Coast of Barbary and the King of Morocco 8. With all remote Princes as the Emperor of the Negroes Prestor John the Great Mogul The other Kings of the Indies of China and of Tartary HAving treated in the precedent Ceapters of things Internal to the State I think it reasonable to speak of Externals and what course is to be taken in them For to promote the happiness of People and govern them
3 Months would utterly ruin him He may be induc'd to hope that he shall be reinstated in the Principality of Geneva If War be made in Italy the Italians must not have time given them to look about them As they are the Wisest so when inur'd to War they are the bravest upon Earth In one word they are the Masters of the Universe The Swisses are Mercenaries who will alway serve the King for his Money As for matter of the English they have not any Friends themselves be a sort of People without Faith without Religion without Honesty without any Justice at all of the greatest levity that can be Cruel Impatient Gluttonous Proud Audacious Covetous fit for Handy strokes and a sudden execution but unable to carry on a War with judgment Their Country is good enough for sustenance of Life but not rich enough to afford them means for issuing forth and making any Conquest accordingly they never conquered any thing but Ireland whose Inhabitants are weak and ill Soldiers On the contrary the Romans conquer'd them then the Danes and the Normans in such a manner too that their present Kings are the Heirs of a Conqueror They hate one another and are in continual Division either about Religion or about the Government A War of France for three or four years upon them would totally ruin them So it seems reasonable that we should make no Peace with them but upon conditions of greatest advantage for us unless the King think meet to defer the execution of this Project to another time or that His Majesty press'd with the love He hath for His own People do incline to prefer their ease before so fair hopes One had need be a Monarch to know what it is to love Subjects as be a Father to know how Children are loved In fine if we had a mind to ruin the English we need but oblige them to keep an Army on foot and there is no fear that they should make any invasion upon France that would be their undoubted ruin if they be not call'd in by some Rebels Now if they have an Army they will infallibly make War upon one another and so ruin themselves You must put them upon making great expences and for this end raise a jealousie in them for the Isles of Jersey and Guernsey of Wight and Man for the Cinque-Ports and Ireland and by that means oblige them to keep strong Garisons in all those places this will create a belief in the people that the King formeth great Projects against their pretended Liberty and while He is in Arms His Subjects will hate Him They must be wrought to distrusts of one another by writing Letters in Cypher to some particular persons and causing them to be intercepted For being suspicious and imprudent they will soon be perswaded that the Letters were seriously written Some Forces should be landed in Ireland and in other parts The Irish may be induced to revolt as having a mortal hatred for the English The Scots also will not neglect to set themselves at liberty Factions must be rais'd and the Sects favoured against one another especially the Catholicks among whom the Benedictine Monks in particular should be secretly promis'd on the King of England's behalf wherein it will be easie to deceive them that they shall be restored to all the Estates which they once possessed in the Island according to the Monasticon there Printed Upon this the Monks will move Heaven and Earth and the Catholicks declare themselves The rumor which hath already gone abroad that the King of England is a Catholick must be fortifi'd and so all will fall into utter confusion and the English Monarchy be in case to be divided On the other hand our League with the Hollanders should be renew'd and they put into a belief that we will give them all the Trade still because they have a through Knowledge of it and are proper for it whereas the French have no inclination that way and Nature cannot be forced They must be told that now they are come to the happy time for advancing their affairs and ruining their Competitors in the Sovereignty of the Northen Seas Beside these particulars if the King give Belle-Isle or L'Isle Dieu or the Isle of Ree to the Knights of Malta as I have said before these Knights will make irreconcilable War upon the English redemand the Commanderies of their Order and by their courses and Piracies oblige them to keep great Fleets at Sea which will ruine them by ruining the profit of their Trade Mean time the King shall increase His Strength at Sea and then finding His Enemies weakned consummate their Depression and Subversion It is not difficult to make defence against any enterprises of the Emperor for He cannot make War upon France though He would such a War would be too costly for Him and and to make any progress in it He must needs bring into the Field excessive great Armies But if He armed Him so potently the Princes of Germany would grow jealous of Him and make Levies to oppose Him and to hinder His passage through their Territories beside His Hereditary Countrys would be disfurnish'd of Men and so expos'd to the inroads of the Turks so that there is no cause to apprehend any thing on the part of the Emperor On the contrary He hath intentions to give the King content because He may receive great succors from Him in Wars with the Turk as happen'd of late Years The Princes of Germany whether Catholicks or Protestants have an equal interest to keep themselves in the King's Protection for the reasons I noted afore in the Chapter of the Huguenots so that they will always oppose the Emperors growing greater on the side of France as it may be they would oppose the designs of the King if He should carry His Arms too far up into Germany 'T is the interest of lesser States that the Kings their Neighbours be equal in Power that the one may maintain them against the others To conclude the King hath no Allies whom He should so highly esteem as the Germans there is not a braver Nation a Nation more open more honest Their Original is also ours They have no Vices are Just and Faithfull there is among them an inexhaustible Seminary of good Soldiers their generosity put Alexander the Great into admiration for 'em and wrought affection and confidence in 'em in the first Caesars who by committinâ— their Persons to the virtue of these People entrusted them with the quiet of the Universe The Hollanders will never attempt any thing against France but keep themselves in our Alliance as much as possibly they may They are Rich and interessed as Merchants commonly are If the King had relinquish'd them theâ—… State would have sunk which yet by the rules of Policy cannot last long Democracieâ— being subject to changes It would be expedient that the King do interpose in their Affairs and some division be raised among
no longer now any ambitious Prince within the Kingdom to rob him of his Peoples Affection or that may dare to make any Alliance with the Pope to tumble him from his Throne and share the Crown We have this good fortune that we may set out to the life the ill aspect of Rome upon our Kings and that dangerous vigilance over France without any danger of abating the Courage of our Great King but on the contrary were his truly Royal Courage capable of an increase it would yet swell the higher from the consideration of the Evils that Rome has done and will yet do to France if he do not heartily oppose the Usurpations she exercises with impunity in all the parts of his Kingdom The honest French men that have the Honour to be near his Person might represent to Him the danger of this Doctrine maintain'd by the Popelings of His Kingdom That Jesus Christ committed to St. Peter as well the earthly as the heavenly Empire which are the very words of Pope Nicolas Therefore Cardinal Bellarmine Ch. 27. against Barclay holds absolutely That the Pope may dispose of all the Temporals of the World I affirm says he with confidence That our Lord Jesus Christ the time he was Mortal might dispose of all Temporal things and deprive the Kings and the Princes of their Kingdoms and Dominions and that without doubt he has left the same Power to his Vicar to be employ'd when he shall judge it necessary for the good of Souls The Pope Pius V. displays this Power with great Ostentation in his Bull against Queen Elizabeth of England wherein after that he calls Himself Servant of Servants he declares That God has establisht the Bishop of Rome Prince over all Nations and Kingdoms to take destroy disperse consume plant and build and in the Power hereof he does Anathemize degrade and depose this Queen absolves all her Subjects from the Oath of Fidelity that they had made her and forbids them absolutely to give her Obedience Gregory XIV set out such another Bull against our Great Henry declaring him uncapable of the Crown and exposing His Kingdom to prey But both this and the other Bull were torn and cast into the fire by the hands of the Hangman Observe that the Pope exerciseth this Power over the Temporalties of Kings for the good of Souls and as a Spiritual Prince So that our French Statesmen may cease to have their Eyes wilfully seal'd up by that distinction of Spiritual power which they allow him and Temporal power that they deny him For that it is by virtue of the Spiritual Power that he exerciseth the Temporal See what Cardinal Bellarmin says De pont Rom. l. 5. c. 5. The Pope may change the Kingdoms take them from one and give them to another as a Sovereign Spiritual Prince when it shall be necessary for the good of Souls And of this necessity he shall be the only Judge as the Sovereign Spiritual Prince For 't is thus the Cardinal argues Apol. pro Garnet p. 84. If the Church that is to say the Pope had not the power to dispose of Temporal things she would not be perfect and would want the Power that is necessary for the attaining her end for says he the wicked might entertain Hereticks and go scot-free and so Religion be turn'd upside down This reason charges imperfection on the Church in the Apostles time for that had no power over the Temporals These horrible Principles so strongly maintain'd by the Court of Rome were of fresh memory found so prejudicial both to the safety of our Kings and to the Peace of France that those of the third State an 1615. were mov'd to propose to the General States an Article containing the means to dispossess the people of that Opinion that the King might be depos'd by the Pope and that by the killing of Kings one might gain the Crown of Martyrdom Cardinal Du Perron in the name of the Clergy oppos'd this Article and employ'd all the strength of his Eloquence and Learning in two fair Speeches the one before the Nobility the other before the third State to perswade them that our Kings may be depos'd by the Pope offering himself to suffer Martyrdom in defence of this Truth The Lords of the Nobility to their great shame joyn'd with the Clergy for the putting their Kings Crown under the Miter of the Pope much degenerating from the vertue of their Ancestors those French Banons by whose advice Philip the August declar'd to the Cardinal D'Anagnia the Popes Legat that threatned him that it did not at all belong to the Church of Rome to pronounce Sentence against the King of France But the third State held firm to their Article that maintain'd the Dignity of their King and the safety of his Person and could never be won by promises nor affrighted by threatnings to depart from it shewing themselves in this more noble than the Nobility It is no wonder in this case that the third State shew'd more affection to their King than the Clergy seeing that the Clerks hold That they are not the King's Subjects for in effect they acknowledge another Sovereign out of the Kingdom And who can think it strange if they labour to heighten that Monarchy of which they make a Party But that the Nobility the Kings right arm that they should be so base to strike their Head and lay it at the feet of an Italian Bishop this is that which after Ages will reflect upon with astonishment and indignation and which Historians shall blush to relate and be vex'd that they cannot let pass in silence So the Nobility being joyn'd with the Clergy the Article of the third State was censur'd and rejected Whereupon the Pope writ Triumphant Letters to the Clergy and the Nobility who had been faithful to Him in this Cause glorying in His Victory and exalting the Magnanimity of these generoâ—s Nobles But in truth the Deputies of these generous Nobles deserv'd to have been degraded from their Nobility and they of the third State to have receiv'd their Titles The minority of the late King and the easiness of the Queen-Mother render'd them expos'd to these Injuries and apt to be circumvented insomuch that this Harangue made to the third State was printed with the Priviledge of the King and the Pope gain'd his point The false dealing of the Cardinal who made this Speech is remarkable namely that he had a long time followed King Henry the Great even then when he was of a contrary Religion and depos'd by the Pope and that a little before in an assembly held at the Jacobins in Paris he had resisted the Popes Nuncio who would that this Doctrine of the Temporal Sovereignty of the Pope might be held for an Article of Faith But in these two Harangues the Cardinal made a kind of a Recantation and pronounc'd himself his own condemnation Ungrateful wretch to have thus abus'd the tender Age of the Son of his King
adviseable to appear in it barefac'd for says he That would be to bring upon us the Clamours and importunity of all the Monks and their followers this would be to bring Rome upon our back which might give us trouble I confess that no good can be acquir'd without trouble But I cannot conceive that it would be much trouble to deliver France from the Usurpations and the Exactions of Rome To forbid that there be in France no more Courts depending on the Pope nor Money carried from France to Rome or any Cause removed thither by Appeal And that no provision of Benefices be receiv'd from thence This in truth would be to bring Rome on our backs but not one Sword would be drawn in the Cause either within the Kingdom or without Should the Emperor do the same within his Principalities our King would not stir nor would the Emperor any more be concern'd if the King should set back the Jurisdiction of the Pope to beyond the Alps. When King Henry VIII of England did the same in his Kingdom what Prince undertook the quarrel against him How easily would the People accustom themselves to be free from the Papal Exactions and how vain and idle were the Attempts of the Popes Partisans in England to restore his Authority that Prince hack'd and harass'd what he had a mind to in the Ecclesiastick Estate and the clamours of the Monks which the Marquess is affraid on frighted not him though he treated them coursely Nor are we at all to fear least the Monks take up Arms as the Chiefs of the League forc'd them to do which would serve only to make them be laught at and gave a subject to the Painters for those antick and ridiculous Portracts that they have left us Or if any little broil should be rais'd by some of the Bigots how soon must it fall before a great King who is never without an Army Who shall read over all the Book of the Marquiss shall find that he proposes Reformations in the State far more hand to be effected than the banishing of the Canon-Law and Papal Jurisdiction out of the Kingdom For he would perfectly melt down the Justice and Policy and cast them all anew He has truly made it appear that he understands the Malady of the State and yet his Projects to remedy them cannot be put in execution without bringing to ruine and despair many active Spirits that live on their Prosessions which is very dangerous to attempt in a State Whereas the expulsion of the Canon-Law out of France and the reduction of all Causes thereon depending to the Civil Magistrate and of all persons acknowledging the Pope to the Obedience of the King would not at all be any dangerous Innovation To discontent the regular Ecclesiasticks that are unactive as bred up in the shade and in contemplation or in idleness can be no great danger especially leaving them their Revenues at least for life I neither have the wit nor the presumption to give a model of what Orders should be prescrib'd the Church after the Papal Jurisdiction is banisht the Kingdom And I shall go no farther than to say that I see no vigour in the Roman Jurisdiction and their Partisans in France that may hinder the King from cashiering them absolutely and making himself Master at home Even the Excommunications and Interdicts that would follow would strengthen him being of no other effect but to provoke the Parliaments and to animate the People against the Pope The greatest part of the Clergy would submit to the King and would cast off all Foreign Domination and the dissenting Clergy would be inconsiderable would be disperst and vanish before the Rays of the Authority Royal. And I pray a King of England could he accomplish this Work to free himself from the Papal-Yoke though carried thereunto more by passion than prudence And our Great King so Vigorous so Powerful so Wise shall not he dare to undertake it for fear of vexing the Pope and the Monks Shall he be scar'd with an imaginary Monarchy that has neither force nor foundation save in the Opinion of those that fear it and establish it by their sottish fear What is most considerable in this Example is That the Pope continues banisht out of England For though restor'd by Queen Mary and his Power own'd for the space of five years Queen Elizabeth and the Kings her Successors found themselves so much at ease in being deliver'd from the Roman-Yoke and in being acknowledged Supreme under God in all Causes and over all Persons as well Ecclesiastical as Civil that they have maintain'd and do yet maintain this Authority essential to their Crown This Authority is no less essential to the Crown of our Great King and 't is this that the good Prince James King of England represents to all Kings and Princes of Christendom in the Remonstrance he has made them touching the Rights of their Crowns They have not hitherto been so happy to listen to it but let us hear what he says to them If you that are the most Powerful come to consider in earnest with your selves that well-nigh a third of your People and of your Lands belong to the Church will not the Thoughts of so great a loss move you which withdraws from your Jurisdiction so many Men and so much of your Lands in such manner that every where they plant Colonies and Provinces for the Pope What Thorns and Thistles suffer you to grow in the Country under your Subjection so long as so powerful a Faction flourishes and spreads over so much good Soil within your Kingdoms openly maintaining that they are exempt from your Power and that they are by no right subject to your Laws and to your Judgments insomuch that whereas formerly the Clerks desir'd no more but their Tiths and liv'd thereon content at this day the Pope chief of the Clerks is not content with less than a third part of your Subjects and of your Lands These words of a King our Neighbour happily enjoying a Sovereignty independant of the Pope of which his Ancestor robb'd this Robber an hundred and forty years ago ought to move in our Kings a virtuous Emulation to recover and after to maintain the Rights proper to their Crown And the example of so flourishing a success ought to encourage them to so just and so noble an Undertaking From this great and principal acquisition that the King shall be the only Sovereign in his Kingdom other advantages will arise These stranger Courts being put down that are the Mills whither every one brings and where the Moulture goes all to Rome or to their Creatures the Money they drain from the Kings Subjects shall stay in France and seeing that this employs a great number of Officers that only do harm to the State when this Gate shall be shut the young Men will seek out other ways to make themselves valued by and the Arts and Commerce of the Kingdom will be
more considerable We shall likewise save the Treasure that is spent unprofitably in the Embassies to Rome and in courting the good Graces of the Cardinals at the Elections of Popes and in the Reception of Legates and Nuncio's by all which France does nought else but prosess and encrease her Slavery without the return of the least advantage For what-ever Compliments what-ever Expence France may make yet the Catholick King is the Minion of Rome and the Subjects of Spain are the Chapmen that but most of their Wares and that have most blind Devotion for the Holy See And in truth seeing that the Politicks of France by the Marquess and Monfieur Silhon and before them Cardinal D'Ossat have testified their little satisfaction with Rome and publish'd her Cheats in so far that as we know that Rome does not at all love us in like manner Rome well knows that we care not for Her and I cannot understand to what end serve all our Civilities to the Court of Rome but to puff them up the more and provoke the Gentlemen to laughter who without doubt receive a wonderful pleasure in seeing their professed Enemies come to kiss their feet 'T is true that so long as France suffers Rome to dispose of many Benefices we must always have occasion to deal with them and as the Pope to Preserve his Credit amuses the Princes with com-promises and treaties which he draws out at length deporting himself as the Judge of Differences whereas he creates more than he decides So very often Princes contribute to his Inclination by their delays and in setting before his Council-board Affairs that they have no intention should be concluded And whatever their Inclination be at the bottom he is courted and caress'd as the Arbiter which pleases him extremely And why should it not please him to have at his Court the Ambassadors of the Empire of France of Spain of Poland of Portugal and other Princes that bring him Authority by their difference and bring gain to his Court and his Citizens by their Liberalities and by their Expences suitable to the Dignity of their Masters The great Men and the Sages of Council to His Majesty may when they please consider what good comes to our Kings by their keeping the Pope in this humour of his being their Judge and in letting him enjoy his pretended Rights in France And whether it is not better and a shorter way for France to do its own business without him and to take from him what does not at all belong to him in our Kingdom that we may have no more to do with him The King has been pleas'd to declare That he desir'd to re-unite his Subjects in their Religion This so Christian and Royal Design cannot be executed so long as the Pope shall have any Power in France for this Re-union cannot be made unless the Parties mutually yield some matters either in the Doctrine or in the Discipline 't is certain that the Pope will never consent at least not to be own'd the Vicar of Jesus Christ that has all the Power which Jesus Christ had upon Earth and that on the other hand the Protestants who have quite another Opinion of him and such an one as all know though they make it not an Article of their Faith they can never submit to his Authority But if that France were not govern'd in Spirituals save by the King and his Bishops an half of the way to this great Work were already over it being most certain that most of the Points in difference are not maintain'd by the Theologians vow'd to the Popes Service farther than as they serve his Interests REFLECTIONS UPON THE Fifth Chapter OF THE Politicks of France Which Treats of the HUGUENOTS I Have Treated my Lord the Marquess of C. with all the Respect that was possible for me in my Reflections upon his Chapter of the Clergy I could not do more to comply with him and serve him than by approving his Judgment and confirming it with Authorities adding only what he durst not venture and may be had a mind to say Upon his Chapter of the Huguenots I shall keep my self within the same Respect But I would hope from his Ingenuity that after I have taken some pains in commending and defending the judgment he has made on the Roman Clergy he in recompence would give me the liberty to oppose that which he has given upon those he calls Huguenots and to complain of the Treatment he would have dealt to them But because I take great delight in according with him as far as is possible I embrace the advice he gives at the entrance That a King cannot have a more noble Object of his care than to preserve in his States the Religion he has receiv'd from his Ancestors For though this Proposition be not universally true I will understand it in his Senle supposing that he means the True Christian Religion And 't is that His Majesty he receiv'd of His Ancestors the which I presume he will not limit to two or three Descents of his next Predecessors but as he has drawn from three Stocks the lawful Succession of our last Kings and affirms That they are Branches sprung from the same root he cannot take it ill that we go back to the First and Second Race to find the Religion that His Majesty has receiv'd of his Ancestors Therefore as the Noble Marquess in his Second Chapter speaking of the pretended Exemptions of the Clergy appeals for that matter to the old Kings and Emperors who own'd no such thing and says That the Clergy cannot take it amiss if His Majesty reduce things to their Primitive state In like manner the Marquess cannot take it amiss that Religion be reduc'd to its Primitive state at least to the state it was left in at the time when our Kings were Emperors Now I have shew'd in the foregoing Chapter that the Emperor Charlemaign one of His Majesties Ancestors Convok'd a Synod in which the Worship of Images was condemned and that he himself made a Book against the Second Council of Nice and against Images which we have preserv'd to this day and that under Lewis the Mild his Son another Synod was held at Paris against Images all the Acts of which we have entire This Doctrine is a principal Point of the Religion that our Kings receiv'd from their Ancestors and which we profess And as much may be said in point of the Holy Sacrament of which so much noise is made at this day that we willingly refer our selves to what was believ'd in the times of His Majesties Ancestors I should stray from my Subject should I enter upon Controversie the Marquess obliges me to stand upon another Guard employing his Eloquence in treating us as Rebels and Enemies of the State I am far from justifying the evil Actions of our Party But since we are to deal with Men of such a spirit that display the Evil and suppress the Good
the true ground of the great hatred that is born us is it not for that if we are to be believ'd there would not in France be any French-man that is not the Kings Subject Causes Beneficial and Matrimonial would not be carried to Rome nor the Kingdom be Tributary under the shadow of Annates and the like Impositions And on this Subject the Testimony of Cardinal Perron for us in his Harangue to the Third State is very considerable wheâ— he says The Doctrine of the Deposition of Kings by the Pope has been held in France until Calvin Whereby he tacitely acknowledges That our Kings had been ill serv'd before and that those he calls Hereticks having brought to light the Holy Scripture have made the Right of Kings be known which had been kept supprest Shall they be said Friends of the State who owning themselves Subjects of a Stranger Soveraign dare endeavour to make themselves Masters of all the Temporal Jurisdiction of which the Marquess complains loudly and with good cause and of the great resistance they have made to maintain themselves in an Usurpation so unreasonable In this kind those of the Church of the Reform'd Religion could never be accus'd in the Towns where we have had some Power Our Religion is hated because it combats the Pride the Avarice and the Usur pations of the Court of Rome and their Substitutes in the Kingdom and because we have shewn to the World that sordid Bank of spiritual Graces they have planted in the Church and how they have drawn to themselves a Third of the Lands of France for fear of Purgatory from silly People mop'd with a blind Devotion and from Robbers and Extortioners who have thought to make Peace with God by letting these share in the booty 'T is an advice very suitable to the Politicks of France to examine well the Controversies that are most gainful to the Clergy as this of Purgatory concerning which an old Poet said the Truth in his way of Drollery But if it be so That no more Souls shall go To old Purgatory Then the Pope will gain nought by the Story It would be wisely done to examine what necessity there is for so many Begging-Fryers that suck out the Blood and Marrow of devout People and for so many Markets of Pardons in honour of a number of Saints of a new Edition and for what design are made so many Controversies And whether it would not be a great Treasure for the Kings Subjects to Teach them to work out their Salvation and put their Consciences in quiet at a cheaper rate God justly provok'd by the great Sins of France gives us not yet the Grace of that Gospel-Truth St. John Ch. 8. Know the Truth and the Truth will set you free And though it shines out so clear to let us see the Usurpation of the Popes upon the Temporals of the King and upon the Spirituals of the Church yet see we not clearly enough to discover all the mystery of Iniquity and to resolve to shake off the Yoak For this great design no other War need be made by the Pope but only take from him all Jurisdiction in France all Annates and all evocation of Causes to Rome This would hardly produce any other stirrs but the complaints and murmuring of them that are loosers And the condition truly Royal that the King at present is in will sufficiently secure Him from Insurrections at home and Invasions from abroad Or should any happen behold more than an hundred thousand Huguenots that the Noble Marquess has sound him in the heart of his State whom he is pleas'd to call His Enemies but who on all occasions and on this especially would do His Majesty a hearty and faithful Service The two main Interests of France being to weaken the House of Austria the Princes of which enclose him on both sides and to throw off the yoake of Rome which holds a Monarchy within the French Monarchy 't is easie to judge that amongst the Kings Subjects the Protestants are absolutely the most proper to serve him on both these occasions I know that amongst the Roman Catholicks as well Ecclesiasticks as Seculars there are excellent Instruments to serve the King in both these Interests But there is need of great caution to well assure him by reason of the multitude of Jesuits Scholars with whom these Fathers have Industriously fill'd all Professions of the State and Church and it is for no other end that they have so many Colledges They who have been too good Scholars of these Masters are contrary to both these Interests being so great Catholicks that they espouse the Interest of the Catholick King to advance that of his Holiness But to find amongst the Protestants trusty Instruments for both these accounts he need not try them they are fitted and form'd by their Education for these two Uses so necessary to France The Marquess assures His Majesty with good reason of the friendship of the Protestant Princes of Germany which they would never testifie so freely as in serving him to ruin the Power of the Pope who savours that of the House of Austria For thereby they would kill two Birds with one Stone Not to mention our other Neighbours who have broken with Rome and being disquieted by its secret practises will be ready to contribute to its destruction Who shall well consider the Scheme of the Affairs of Christendem shall judge that all things invite His Majesty to shut out the Jurisdiction of Rome beyond the Mountains Right Honour Profit Liberty Facility his Duty to his Crown to his Subjects and to his Royal Posterity and that many Aids smile upon him both within and out of his Kingdom for so fair and so just an Enterprize This is the warm desire of the honest French-men And none there are who better deserve that Title than they who with the most Indignation resent that their Kings should kiss the Feet of that Prelate who ought of Right to kiss their Feet for having receiv'd his Principalities from Kings of France and who in recompence of their good Deeds have plotted and plot continually their ruin When the King shall have deliver'd Himself and his People from this strange yoak he will find the enmity amongst his Subjects for matter of Religon greatly diminisht and the way open to a re-union And were the difficulties about the Doctrine overcome the Protestants would not stick much at the Discipline God who is the Father of Kings and the King of Glory protect and strengthen our Great King to accomplsh the Designs that turn to the general good of His Church to the greatness and to the respect of his Sacred Person and to the Peace and Prosperity of His State FINIS
be wondred at if Men whom Fortune brings forth and breeds up in so excellent a Climate be capable of handsomly contriving and successfully executing the haughtiest Enterprizes In fine it s an unspeakable satisfaction to a Man that sets himself to Treat of the Politicks of France that he may know the French of all the People upon Earth are the most susceptible of Learning of Policy and of Government For if one consider the Situation of the Country he may be assured that the Constellations of Heaven are eminently favourable to it The Experience and Skill of the Ancients do inform us that the Situation of Regions is the prime cause of the temperature of the Men in 'em as it is of the quality of the Plants and Fruits which they produce The Laws of this State being so Judicious as they are do argue the Wisdom of those that enacted them and of the People that accepted them whereof the long duration of the Monarchy is a second proof On the other hand the great Acts of the French do speak their Valour They serve in our Age for examples to all Nations in matter of execution and not only so but are as eminent likewise for their Counsels And they have choice of the best Generals on Earth to lead Armies as well as of the best Soldiers That heat and impetuosity which is taken to be visible in all their attempts is an effect of their high Courage and the confidence they shew with somewhat less of restraint and respect than prudence could wish can be imputed to nothing but their fearlesness In fine the Emperor Charles the Fifth declared with very much judgment That the French seem'd to be Fools but were really wise Now since we know what France is let us examine what may most conduce to the well-governing of it to the conserving it in Plenty and in Reputation in what it may be augmented and how its interests with the neighboring States ought to be secured In a word let us see what way may be taken to maintain the parts that compose it in so regular an harmony that they may all incessantly contribute to the weal of the Monarchy CHAP. IV. 1. Of the Clergy 2. Vseful means to obstruct Frauds in Beneficiary cases 3. Of the Monastick Religious of each Seu. OUr Ancestors have ever been great observers of Religion Long before the coming of JESUS CHRIST the Druids were their Priests and had an entire direction not only of affairs relating to the service of their false Gods but of those too which concern'd distributive Justice even in the general Assemblies held by all the Gauls whether for confirmation of Peace or for reconciliation of disagreeing parties who might embroil the Republiques or whether the making of some common National enterprises was in question still there was no resolution formed but by their advice No wonder then if since the Truth of the Gospel appeared and made known the holiness of Christianity the Prelates have conserv'd so many Prerogatives and Considerations They have been called to the Royal Counsels they have assisted at the decision of the most important affairs they have every where hold the first rank much hath been attributed to their Judgments and the respect had for their Character and Dignity hath gotten them great and signal priviledges which have exempted them from contributing to the burthens of the State though at the same time wealth was heap'd upon them by Alms and Foundations But as Church-men after the mode of the Court of Rome use to convert whatever is freely granted them into a point of Religion in such manner that by little and little they engage the tender Consciences of the faithful in vain scruples and possesses them with a superstitious fear of offending they have not been wanting to assert and maintain that these exemptions and privileges were not liberally given them that Kings did but settle them in possession of an advantage which was by Divine Right inseperable from their Profession that they while Men of War fought for the Glory and Liberty of their Country sufficiently did their part in lifting up as as was anciently done their eyes and hands to GOD to impetrate His powerful Protection that their Arms were Prayers Oblations and Penitence which they never forbore to use for the publick safety that from the Caves and Deserts whither they retired they sent up Meterials to the highest Heavens which formed into Thunder there might fall back upon and beat down the enemies of the French name In fine That if Gentlemen gave their blood and the People their sweat and labours for the welfare of the Kingdom they Day and Night did pour out Tears at the feet of Altars to disarm the wrath of GOD. Upon such reasonings as these the Ecclesiasticks have founded their pretences for possessing those goods of which publick and private Piety had made them Proprietors without concerning themselves for what success the general affairs of the State might have But this is not all they have tried by divers reiterated attempts to make themselves Masters of all the Temporal Jurisdiction and draw Civil causes unto their Tribunal nor have they forgotten any pretext which they thought might promote this dangerous enterprise sometimes they have pleaded That the Church alone having right to judge of the Validity of Marriages as being a Sacrament all that depended on 'em ought to be handled before Ecclesiastick Judges Sometimes again That Christians binding themselves in their Contracts by an Oath the cognisance appertain'd to them Such Kings as perceived that these attempts did tend to the overthrow of their Authority withstood them with a right Kingly vigour But what difficulties were there not of necessity to be overcome for a full attainment of their end and what resistance did not the Church-men make to maintain themselves in so unreasonable an Usurpation Our History affords us examples of it which I cannot call to mind without grief and wonder Their obstinacy hath gone so very far that they have forced our Kings to grant them Declarations upon unequitable and disadvantageous conditions and so capitulate with them both for the Tenths and Acknowledgments of the Lands which they possess as also for the Rights of Mortmain and Indemnity I cannot tell by what name I should call these proceedings Our Sirs of the Clergy could not doubt but that being born Subjects of the Crown nothing could release them of this duty and that the privileges which they have or rather which they have invaded being founded upon the holiness of their Character could not extend to these Temporal Goods which always are the States Yet the old error is so potent and their imagination so strongly prepossess'd for these Immunities that they can scarce acknowledge the Kings Sovereignty to this day What clamour did they not raise about the Arrest of the last Commission of Oyer in Auvergne with what fervour did they charge their Deputies to remonstrate to His Majesty concerning it
rather renewed in France is to banish thence all Usuries of whatever quality except among Merchants and those should be expresly prohibited which arise from personal Obligations under pretence of damages and interests even interests adjudged by sentence not excluded this pretence being but a means to authorize Usury and defraud the Law which forbids it Usury was strictly prohibited among the ancient Inhabitants of Candie but the coveting of Riches to elude the severity of this Statute disposed the borrower that he should seem to have stollen the Money he had need of and which in reality was lent him By this Artifice the Debtor was constrained to pay the Interests which were not adjudged to the Creditor on the account of any Loan but in hatred of Robbery which he said had been committed upon him This means cannot be used in France for that Theft is there a capital Crime both in Religion and in Policy But the Spirit of Man being unbounded and having more craft when bent to transgress than the Law hath prudence to hinder evil doing the taking of damages and interests hath been introduced amongst us which is an equivalent to the Cretan expedient For the feigning a detension of Money against the owners will as is done in France and the Debtor thereupon condemn'd to pay the Interests can be no other thing for substance than the feigning a Robbery as was done in Candie There is not any Nation of note in which Usurious Contracts have not been prohibited among the Subjects 'T is known what the Law of the Church in this behalf is and what that of the Old Testament so often repeated in Scripture was Usury sure hath caused the greatest disorders that have hitherto troubled the tranquility of States The Athenians the Spartans and the Romans did not forbid it only but were also forced to abolish Debts contracted and for publick benefit rescin'd the compacts and promises that private Men had made though they seemed inviolable as having been made under the Authority of the Laws and upon the security of general custom which they were not wont to over-rule An act of very particular consequence All Usurious Contracts should be annulled yea the culpable and complices as to the crime of Usury put to death the Usurer in Plato's opinion being worse than the Thief The second Law should be to permit Contracts for annual Rent out of Land yet with charge that they be publish'd for publick security as I have said elsewhere when I treated of the shortning of Law-suits Withall regulating to a denier the Arrearages which are a kind of Usury but the most tolerable of any seeing there is an Alienation of the Land and it is a fiction prudently hit upon by the Popes Calixtus the Third and Martin the Fifth As for the Declaration in form of an Edict which is to be made herein Contracts even the formerly made should be reduced to the Thirtieth denier The Romans limited Use to the hundredth afterwards to the Two hundredth and at length abolish'd it altogether A third Law should be that no sum lent to any Son of a Family or to others under 25 years of age without the consent and authority of their Relations do produce any action no not thought the Contracts be ratified by the Debtors after they come of age Vespasian made a like Ordinance and there is nothing more effectual to repress the greediness of Usurers or the debauch of young people whereupon they would set themselves to labour to exercises and study The profit which these Laws would yield the State beside their stopping the course of great Evils would be that persons who are alway concern'd and impatient to be getting seeing they could not put out their Money at Interest easily and that the Interest of their Contracts would be at too low a rate must of force apply themselves to two things each of which is eminently advantageous to the Kingdom For they would addict themselves to Trades and Husbandry or put their Money in the hands of Merchants to make benefit of it if not enter into partnership with them which they should be permitted to do For Usury in matter of Commerce was never forbidden and is the Secret that the Hollanders have found to make all their people Merchants On the other hand the Genoeses have engaged themselves in Traffick upon observing the profit it yielded The fourth Law might be that Gentlemen be disabled to sell their Fiefs or Inheritances until they have made declaration of their Poverty in open Court. Among the Israelites Lands engaged reverted to their ancient owners at the Jubilee The Spartans Lands were not divided at all I mean those 7000 portions which Lycurgus had lotted out The Locrians in like manner sold not their Estates the same is observed in Flanders The Fiefs of the great Houses of Bretanie are never parted out Substitution of Heirs in France doth hinder the Alienation of Lands In Spain Gentlemen cannor sell their Estates And Lastly the Demesne of the Crown in France is in-alienable which may prescribe a Law for all Noble Families This Ordinance would make Gentlemen good Husbands When the Jews the Lacedemonians the Syracusians the Romans and all civilized-People made a partition of their Lands they consider'd the benefit that might thence redound to their States and very wisely provided that all such as possess'd Inheritances should fix in the Country having an Estate there which they could not carry away they would love the places where they had their subsistance and every one defending his own Possession all would jointly defend the Common-wealth and fight for the Publick Interests The Fifth Law should be that a Gentleman being ruin'd and having acknowledged his Poverty in Court should be no longer Noble there being no Estate so shameful as that of a Man of Quality reduc'd to an extream Misery On the contrary that a Plebeian when he hath rais'd himself an advantageous Fortune which might be limited at 50000 Crowns should be ennobled provided always that the profit had been made by laudable and lawful means A sixth Law should be to hinder the publick begging of the Poor by appointing the greatest penalties upon it and ordain for that end that every Parish both in Town and Country do maintain their own Poor not suffering them to wander punish all that make a Trade of it send the stoutest of them to the Gallies and set all the rest on work according to their ability This is a means to fetch out that idleness which is among the meaner sort The seventh Law might be to render Fathers responsible as to Civil Interests for all the Faults and Crimes their Children should commit while they depend on them and under 25 years of age or however whilst they dwell in their Fathers House The Mulct to be allowed for afterwards in the Patrimony of those faulty Children This Law is in force in Bretanie and was so at Rome Masters in like manner for the faults
for sustenance of life The King might have Farmers of this Tenth in each Parish or in each Election who might let out under Farms of it to the Peasants as is done in the Tyths of the Church If it be thought fit to take things in kind there must be Magazines in Cities as there are Store-houses for Salt in them the Receivers should sell the Fruits or reserve them as Joseph did in Aegypt The King will need them for Armies for Fleets for Victualling places of strength for Transportation into Foreign parts especially in case of a Famine This is practis'd in many Countries abroad and particularly in Italy What is done in a petty State may be done in a great Kingdom It is not to be doubted but that if the Tallie were thus rais'd it would go further than it does and the People suffer no incommodity by it at all But one thing which presseth more at present is the putting of the Country in case again For this end the rich must be permitted to give Cows Sheep and other Cattle upon terms to the poor Peasants This is done in very many places yea in the greatest part of the Kingdom The too severe and over-scrupulous Parish Priests prohibit it but they will not any longer be able to do so when the thing is publickly permitted It seems unreasonable that some certain Cities should upon imaginary Privileges be for ever exempted from the charges of the State and mean time the Country bear the whole weight of them The pretext of these Franchises hath induced divers of the Peasants to retire to these places Order must be taken in the case and all these Cities obliged to contribute to the expences of the Kingdom which they are so considerable a part of They may then be brought to pay under colour of Subsistance or Loan There should be Garisons sent them or Soldiers quartered upon them that all the Beams of the State may bear their part in publick affairs and so the weight be more easie to them whereas one alone would be over-charg'd and break under it The third means the King hath to bring Him in Money consists in the Gabells Some have said that the Gabells are not of the nature of the Kings Demesne and their reason is because the Ordinances for the first imposition of them do import that it was not the Kings intention they should so be The contrary might be true For beside that the Salt-pits did heretofore belong to the Emperour as goods of the Empire the sums that are raised out of them are raised by publick Authority and turn to the profit of the whole Kingdom as hath been done for many Ages But however that be not to enter into a dispute which can be of no consequence here I will consider the Gabells according to the present state of things I will not say when this kind of Imposition did commence in France nor upon what examples of Antiquity our Kings did ground themselves Not will I explain how beside the Gabells of France which are call'd The grand party there are the Gabells of Provence Dauphine Languedoc and Lionnois because the thing is known and makes not to our purpose The Gabells are paid in France by two different means First by Impositions so in places neighbouring on the Salt-free Countries There for fear the Subjects would not take Salt at the Kings Garners the Officers see how many Minots each Parish ought to take then a rate is made in the Parishes for it as for the Tallie The second means is without Imposition this is the use in places remote from the Salt-free Countries There because prohibited Salt cannot be brought in every one fetcheth from the Garners at the price currant The King receives a great deal of Money from these Gaballs but the People pay excessively beyond what comes into His Coffers The infinite number of Officers belonging to a Store-house the Receivers the Commissioners the Archers the Charges the Portage the Fees of Officers to whom Presents are also made do swallow up huge sums which the King fingers not and the People do pay For there is not a petty Gabeller but lives handsomely by his Employment not a Commissioner but makes him a Fortune and grows rich upon it making good chear and great expences 'T is of very much importance that a remedy be apply'd to the malady and in truth the vexations which the King's Subjects do suffer under pretext of the Gabelle are not to be comprehended The Archers enter into Houses to search they say for concealed Salt in obedience to Authority the doors are open'd to them mean time themselves covertly convey in some Bags hereupon they form a Process and the Master of the House is excessively fin'd nor do they depart till they have pillag'd all they can lay hands on If entrance be deny'd them they force the House and act all Hostilities nor dares any one complain all are at their Mercy and thus they ruine the poor Persons whom they single out This is no way beneficial to the King's affairs nor is it His intention that His Subjects should be so ill treated But it is easie to break them of this course First of all it must be debated in the Kings Council of the Finances what sum is fit to be taken for the Salt this sum being determin'd at ten or twelve Millions for example two several parts of it shall be set out to be yearly paid one for the Country-Parishes another for the Cities Each of these allotted parts shall be sent into each Generality and thence to the places where there is a Store-house of Salt The allotment for the Country shall be divided by the Parishes as is now done for the Tallie the Subjects among themselves rating every one's proportion The Gentlemen the Church men the Monasticks and others must be engaged in it and bear their part because they are charged by reason Salt is so dear as now it is and by consequence the King making a change to the profit of all all ought to be taxed to recompence the diminution that will follow in the Finances The second Sum allotted for the Cities shall in like manner be sent to the Generalties and Salt-Garners that such Rents as the Towns are to pay the King may be divided The houses may be measured by the Perch and the Rents assessed accordingly much like to what is done for cleansing the Strrets at Paris The Cities that claim a Freedom as Anger 's Orleans and Paris shall enter into this contribution for the same reason that the Ecclesiasticks and Gentlemen do inasmuch as they will notably profit by the suppression of the Gabells and abatement of the price of Salt For it is to be observed that that measure which now costs at Paris five and forty Livres might amount not to two Crowns and so proportionably in other Cities Now the number of Perches in each City being known having been taken by Commissioners of the
pass through Paris the King would much better know what quantity of it was in His Kingdom Secondly the Court des Monnoyes must be suppress'd and united to the Chamber of Accompts as I have said heretofore In the third place the value of Brass Money must be abated this kind of Coyn being the ruine of the State It cannot be believ'd how many Liarts and Sous the Hollanders have brought into France It would be convenient to set the Sous at two Liarts a-piece the Liarts at a Denier and the Doubles at an Obole half a Denier but this should be done by little and little and the fall made by degrees that the people be not ruin'd mean time Silver pieces of six blanks others of a Sous in value and of twelve Deniers are to be stamped Brasiers and workers in Mettal must be forbidden to melt up any Sous Liarts or Doubles or otherwise use them in work For after the Reduction a Sous a Liart and a Double would be worth more in work than in Money and that quantity of them which is in the Kingdom being preserv'd would suffice for Commerce in small wares they also being less worth in Money than otherwise Foreigners would bring in no more of them In the fourth place 't is fit that a Gold-coyn be made of the value of the Leuis's this Coyn to have on the front a Sun the face thereof representing the King with these words about it Nec pluribus impar and the year it is made in On the reverse a Cross charged or cantoned with Fleurdelizes and the ordinary Motto CHRISTVS vincit regnat imâ—eâ—at Of this Coyn there should be half and quarter pieces made as there are half Crowns of Gold This new Money should be called Suns and all Gold Louises made in France forbidden As likewise all cravens of Or Sol and Crowns of the Queen New Silver-coyn also should be made the pieces called Monarques or Dieudonnes or some other names in them the Figure of the King crowned after the manner of Antiquity with the Title Ludovicus XIV Franciae Rex on the reverse a Cross with Fleurdelizes and the ordinary Inscription Of these pieces there must be some of twelve Deniers others of two Sous six Deniers others of five Sous of ten Sous of twenty of forty And to have matter for them all Loueses of sixty must be forthwith prohibited because a multitude of false ones go abroad Afterward the Loueses of thirty Sous made any where but at Paris shall be call'd in and there must the new Coyns be also made They will be well received by the People for that every one hath an extream affection for the King and because in France we account by Livres or Franks and have no such Money the Quardecues being no longer current This new Coyning of Money is likely to bring a great deal into the Kings Coffers Gold and Silver must be held in France at an higher rate than they bear among Strangers that we may draw it hither nothing hath brought us so much Gold from Spain Italy and other Countries as the permission sometime grantéd that light pieces should pass The same thing should be done awhile for once again it would cause all Foreigners to come and take off our Wines our Linnen and our Corn. I should not forget to say as I put an end to this Chapter that the Masters of Accompts the Correctors and Auditors having wages of the King ought not to take any other Salary for any thing they do that directly refers to His Majesties service I mean for the Accompts of the Treasurers of the Reserve and other Accomptable Officers for they are paid for this by their wages practising in the manner they do they take as the saying is two Tolls of one grist I said that it was not at all just that the Masters of Accounts Auditors and Correctors take Fees for the Accounts they examine forasmuch as they receive Wages and Privileges from the King also this Custom was anciently practis'd and this would be to reduce things to the primitive State I well know that the pretence of these Fees is founded upon the creation of some Chamber of Accouuts where those payments are made that never go to the Chamber but this pretext is frivolous for the Chambers of Accompts in Montpellier and elsewhere ought not in like mauner to take any Money for examining the Accounts of the King so these new Chambers take away no Money from that at Paris that peradventure takes from them the homages and the verification of gifts but in this the Clerks only are the loosers and the Master Auditors and Correctors are not concern'd Addition Of the fine gross Farms I said but a word by the way of fine gross Farms which is one of the projects to raise Money by the fine gross Farms are let upon the Merchandise and upon the receipt of the Kings Rights to avoid the charge of all these an agreement might be concluded with all the Merchants to pay every year a certain sum to the King at Paris and upon their doing this they should not be molested in their passage on the Rivers or by Land for any Toll or Custom CHAP. XI 1. Of Peace and War Of Sciences of Arts of Laws of Publick Edifices and Shews 2. Of Arms of Arsenals Artilleries of Fortified places and Governors 3. Of Armies of Conquests how a Conquered Country should be preserved EIther Calm or Storm if perpetual would alike unfit the Sea for Navigation The Waves must not rage and swallow up the Vessels they should bear but there must be Wind enough to fill the Sails and give convenient motion nay some little Tempests are of use to quicken the Pilots skill whom continual fair weather would entice into a dangerous idleness Just so is it necessary that there still be in a great State especially in Nations of the French temper some moderate agitation and that the noise of Arms produce an effect upon them like that of the Winds upon the Sea Peace by general consent is that at which all Politicians do aim nor can it be deny'd to be preferrable to War being natural as Liberty is Yet War hath its peculiar advantages and those to such a degree that we may account it to be of Divine Right To say true what other right did GOD give His People against the Kings of Canaan In short War makes the Peace of Kingdoms the more firm as a Storm causeth the Air to resume a more setled serenity The prudence of Laws therefore should have provided Expedients for the preservation of States in each of these seasons and the Wisdom of Legislators hath been justly taxed in that they have not sufficiently thought upon this provision The Poet upon this ground gives his Vlysses all along the company of Minerva and disguiseth her a great many ways that she might not be parted from him In sum the Mythologists representing this Goddess armed and
few Germans All these different sorts of Soldiers may be used as necessity and the conjuncture of Affairs requires The Romans did so It is true by their Treaties of Alliance they always obliged their Allies to send them a certain number of Soldiers but these were not incorporated with their Legions and it is clear that Subjects are ever best of Subjects Gentlemen have ordinarily more courage than others Of Plebeians those of the Country are to be preferred before the Inhabitants of Cities because Peasants are more accustomed to Labour and Hardship than Townsmen are Auxiliary Troops serve but for a time and often when some continuation of service is demanded of them they impose hard conditions Mercenaries will have Money and care not if a State be ruin'd so themselves are paid In fine Strangers may on the suddain change Interests and Party so of Friends becoming Enemies and that in occasions of greatest importance Mercenaries above all do serve without affection and seldom stand it out in Fight unto the utmost They push on a Victory indeed but scarce ever win a Battel In short Strangers should be as little made use of as possible and scarce for any other cause but that Enemies might be deprived of their Aid When Strangers only are taken into Service the Subjects grow less War-like and the most considerable of them despise War as is done in Spain and extreamly ill done The Carthaginians were ruined principally by the fault they committed in employing Numidian Troops and other Strangers and not sending out their own Citizens in their Armies I will not here speak of the Art of War 't is a matter that deserves a Chapter apart Yet I will say cursorily that the Rules of it change as Time and Seasons do We neither attack Places nor defend them in the very manner that the Ancients did There is also a great deal of difference between their way of fighting and ours so that they had not the Arms which we now use All of precept for the leading of an Army that faileth not nor changeth is that Discipline be exercised wherein Commanders should never be remiss The only School of War is War it self and twenty Years experience will better make a great Captain than an hundred Years Reading Not but that we have examples of General Command given to persons who never were in Armies afore There are elevated Spirits to whom nothing is impossible but the instances are rare and 't is too too hazardous a course to rely upon them For a Captain must have not only spirit and courage but also credit with his Soldiers which cannot be gotten but by service In fine it is necessary for a great State to keep War on foot and Men of Quality must be employed in it to the end there may always be a stock of good Soldiers and a breed of Generals These two things give a Nation marvellous advantages and esteem among Foreigners Though France now be a most powerful Monarchy by means of its Extent of its Scituation the Fruitfulness of the Soil the Number of its Inhabitants and though greatest States have not always most strength as biggest Men are not always stoutest yet were it to be wish'd that the King did add unto his Kingdom First all the Low Countrys to the Rhyne This Conquest would re-settle Him in possession of the ancient demain of His Predecessors giving France gain its primitive limits It would make him Master of the Northern Seas and by consequence Arbitrator between the Crowns of Sweden and Denmark Poland c. Conquest must be aspired to out of a thirst of Empire being an unjust thing if we believe Aristotle for I would not determine but that the right of War were a very lawful right consonant to what I have said in the beginning of this Chapter but the desire of Conquest should principally be for the doing of good to all Men which is the end why GOD gave them Laws The more Subjects and Power a just Prince hath the better will it be for the World Secondly It were convenient that the King had Strasbourg to keep all Germany quiet In the third place He need have the Franche County to lay a restraint upon the Suisses least dividing themselves between the Empire and France or serving Spain in a War there they strengthen his Enemies In the fourth place Milan is necessary in respect of Italy to give the lesser Sovereigns and Republiques protection and ballance the Power which the King of Spain hath usurp'd there In the fifth place Genoa and all its Territory pertains to the King nor would the Genoese have revolted had it not been for the bad counsel given to Francis the First to discontent Doria Genoa would make the King Master of the Mediteranean Sea beside those two Acquisitions would keep the Duke of Savoy lock'd up within French Territories So he would never depart from the King's Service being entirely His dependant We must re-enter the Isle of Elba and into Portolongone and Piombino on the continent to drive the Spaniards out of Italy Here our nearness would keep the Duke of Florence the Dukes of Parma of Modena and of Mantua and even the State of the Pope in a submission for France Corsica would not stand out after the reduction of Genoa and then Sardinia would be no difficult Conquest This would strongly favour any stirs on the account of Liberty or Discontent that might be raised in the Kingdoms of Sicily and Naples nor would it be an hard matter to raise them in time On the Coast of Bayonne there would be need of Fuentaravia and those parts of the Kingdom of Navarr which the Spaniards have in possession might be justly re-demanded The King might also carry His Arms into Catalonia we have ancient pretensions there and the Conquests of it would be no less easily atchieved than it was in the time of the last War Majorca and Minorca would follow without trouble Thus the King would be absolute Umpire of the Mediterranean and of all the fortune of the Spaniards If it should happen one day that the Queen or Her Descendants should have an Hereditary Right there the King would be in a condition to do Himself reason in these matters The means of making these Conquests severally cannot be shewed without particular discourses Mean time what I have said is not in truth to be done in a day it would be an enterprise of many years Yet there is nothing of meer fancy it it I propose no Conquest to be made but what hath really been made except that of the Isles of the Mediterranean which our Kings never minded for that before Charles the Eighth they never were in case to strengthen themselves at Sea Bretagnie was separted from the Kingdom the Wars of Italy took up every Reign unto Henry the Second Then follow'd the affairs of Religion which put a stop to all the designs that might have been formed in this behalf Here one thing
I suggested in the precedent Chapter is to be remembred namely That Conquests do afford a State one expedient to get Money In this the Roman Captains are to be imitated who made it a point of Glory to lay up extraordinary sums in the Publick Treasury and their Triumphs were as illustrious by the wealth they brought home with them as by the Enemies they had defeated in their Expeditions It would be very material therefore that Generals should account it a Glory to them to bring the Spoils of their Enemies unto the profit of the King and Kingdom or at least make the Conquered Countrys maintain and pay their Armies But the difficulty is not to make Conquests the Arms of the French will be Victorious wherever they appear All the trouble is to find out the secret how to keep what hath been gotten It is fit to say something on this particular The means to preserve Conquer'd Countrys which the Ancients used and that with good success are in a manner these Transportations and shiftings of the People As when the Chaldeans led away the Jews to Babylon The taking away of their Money of their richest Goods their Antiquities their Holy Things and things of Religion as was done with the ancient Idol-gods and as the Ark of the Covenant the Tables of Moses and the Israelites holy Writings were dealt withall The same for substance might be done among us by shifting of Saints Reliques and Consecrated Images The leading away of the ablest Men and such as have greatest credit with the People So did the Romans when they carried some of the Greeks out of their Country to Rome and treated them there with all possible kindness and civility In like manner as to Artificers the Turks drew at one time 30000 Work-men out of Persia The Romans out of their Enemies whom they had vanquish'd and taken in War reserved those whom they thought stoutest and made them fight on the Theatre the People being Spectators destroying them by that means Christianity suffers not such inhumanity Slavery was alway practis'd in the case of Prisoners of War and the ransom we make them pay is an Image of that old Custom Some People to this day stay their Prisoners or send them away to punishment after the fashion of the Ancients To proceed other means in reference to conquer'd Countrys are the mixing of the old and new Subjects by Marriage the Conquerors accommodating themselves to the manners of the Conquered taking up their modes eating with them as Alexander demeaned himself towards the Persians Then again the ruining the Fortifications of their Towns the taking Hostages of them the taking away their Arms and keeping them weak the abstaining from their Wives the giving them no jealousie in matter of Love To have little converse with them especially in their Houses and when any is to see it be with seriousness and decency to honour them to do them a pleasure on occasion not play with them not pick any quarrel with them not touch their Liberty nor the Goods that have been left them not disquiet them for matters of Religion To do them Justice maintain them in their Laws and Customs and in their manner of Government as the Romans did who permitted the People whom they had subdued to have their accustomed Laws To be diffedent of them and shew a confiderde in them To appear not desirous of their secrets not interrupt them in their pleasures make them pay the Tribute agreed upon with them exactly not at all augmenting it To keep word with them in all things seldom meddle in their affairs except it be to accord them to lend them no Money but owe them some and punctually pay the Interests of it not let them know the true State of affairs not give them entrance into strong holds which must always be well furnish'd with Men and Provisions That the Governor never come among them without being strongest or having Hostages To prevent their assembling and hinder as much as may be their having Commerce with Neighbours that are under another Prince's Dominion to keep off all kind Strangers from Houses and severely punish such of 'em as shall cause the least trouble or any motion that may tend to Sedition If our Conquerors had practis'd in this manner Italy and Sicily would have been French to this day CHAP. XII Of the Sea and its usefulness 2. Means to augment the Kings Power there 3. Of Commerce 4. Of Colonies THE Water of the Sea are wholly obnoxious to the humorousness of Fortune and the Wind that governs them turneth and changeth with as much inconstancy as that blind Goddess Yet it is certain that those States whose renown is greatest in Story did not establish their supreme Dominion but upon the power they attained to at Sea as if Virtue stout and undaunted had resolv'd to Combat and Conquer her Enemy in the very seat of her Empire The Romans are one instance whose example is ever to be follow'd with as peculiar a diligence as their conduct of matters was with singular wisdom and hard to be imitated They imposed not upon the World their Laws till they had forced the Seas to receive and acknowledge them Had they not set out War-like Fleets they had never accomplished their glorious Designs they had never extended their Frontier beyond Italy never brought down the Pride of Carthage nor Triumphed over all the Crowns on Earth The Aegyptians the Persians and the Grecians considered the Sea as the principal support of their Domination Xerxes having caus'd the Hâ—liâ—spout to be to punish'd as he termed it with Stripes accounted his Vanity satisfy'd in the sight of all Asia which he drew after him into Greece with so much Magnificence and Pomp that it seemed as if Jupiter Himself was come down from Heaven The Venetians still renew every year their Alliance with this Element by an old fond superstitious Custom casting into the Sea a Ring as if they espoused it perhaps by this use they would inform all the particular Subjects of their Common wealth that they should be content with the inconstancy and infidelity of their Women since the State of espousing the Sea espouseth inconstancy and infidelity it self The Riches of Tunis of Algier of Holland and England plainly prove the necessity there is for Princes to be Strong at Sea and do shew the Profit which does thence accrue These are petty States yet dare measure their Forces with those of the Greatest Monarchs The former of them are Turkish Slaves the others revolted Burghers and how insolent soever the English are they must confess that all the Brittish Isles laid together do not equal the half of our Continent either in Extent or in Fruitfulness of Ground or for Commodiousness of Scituation or in number of Men in Wealth in Valour Industry and Understanding yet they fear not to affirm themselves Sovereigns of the Sea Had they cast up the Wracks they have suffered and the Battles
should be united to the Crown It hath been an ill Policy in France and a Diminution of the King's Authority to communicate unto a Subject so much of His Soveraignty at Sea as hath been done He must resume it to Himself and be every way Supreme alone Then He may appoint a select number whose charge may be to give Him advice of the State of Maritime concerns and hold a Council from time to time upon them in His Majesties Presence if He please to assist These Officers shall in this Council judge of Prizes and other Sea-affairs and when its necessary be Commission'd some of them to visit the Ships and make report or send their acts in Writing concerning them Other Officers for the Marine shall be Military they to execute the King's Orders and have the conduct of Designs and Enterprizes in the usual manner It is important to the King's Service that the Captains of Ships and Gallies be honoured with Dignities and Rewards There may be created Mareschals of France for Armies at Sea as there are for those at Land with the same Honours and Prerogatives The Romans decreed a Triumph for Captains who had been victorious at Sea and called it a Naval Triumph They gave also Naval Crowns as well as Mural and Civical These Honours would eminently promote the King's intention as to the Marine There must be two Arsenals erected One in Provence in some Town upon the Rhosen for what relates to Naval Expeditions on the Mediterranean another upon the River Loire for all occasions on the Ocean By means of these two Rivers it will be easie to bring out to Sea all the Vessels that are builded and all necessary Provisions and Tackling whatever Nor need it be feared that any Enemy should get up these Rivers they too may be shut up by Bridges or by Chains or by Forts His Majesties Power thus strongly setled on each Sea it will be easie to secure Commerce in France and even draw the Merchants thither from all parts I say secure Commerce for till all this be done it will ever be uncertain and dangerous Now 't is unnecessary to expatiate here in proving what profit Commerce brings in to most potent States the thing is generally known and all Men convinc'd of it Again I know not why it hath been said that Trading is contrary to Virtue except it be for that Merchants are incessantly busied in studying inventions to get Money and be in a sort Servants to the Publick The Romans the Thebans and the Spartans admitted not any Citizen of theirs unto the administration of Affairs unless he had for Ten whole years sorborn Merchandizing because they would not have their principal Magistrates accustomed to Gain and expert in the means to do it These kind of inclinations being blameable in persons who being destined to great Employments ought to be above all Considerations of private Interest Commerce in every Common-wealth ought to take its measure from the temper of the People from their strength their wealth the fertility of their Grounds and the situation of their Country Therefore Order must be taken that things traded in be useful and in a manner necessary For it is a rule in Oeconomie that a Man spend not his Money in what is pleasing though he needs it but only in what is absolutely necessary But necessity is stated by the Birth the Dignity and the Estate of Persons as for example noble Furniture is necessary for a great Lord not so for every meaner Gentleman and thus in othes cases proportionably still to the rank and fortune of Men. It must be studiously prevented that Commerce introduce not into a State Superfluity Excess and Luxury which are often followed with Ambition Avarice and a dangerous corruption of Manners And forasmuch as it is not sufficient to Commerce that there be people to Sell but Merchants must be had to buy otherwise no Wares can go off in which all the advantage of Trade doth consist it is meet that Traders furnish themselve with necessaries rather than with things that meerly tend to Ease or Magnificence Among necessaries those make up the first rank which do sustain Life it self the second is of them that are for convenience others are also necessary to preservation from Diseases the injuries of Time and violence of Enemies as Medicinals Dwelling Arms. There is every where a twofold Commerce which is visible in France more than in any other part of the World The First is for things ordinarily found in the Country some of which are spent by the Inhabitants themselves and others transported The Second for Foreign Merchandises We have in France Wines Corn Linnen and Salt in so great a quantity that we send them into the neighbor Kingdoms and the quality of them is so excellent that strangers cannot forbear to come and carry them out of our Ports We have Cattle Skins Wooll Tallow Oils and other things necessary for Man of which Foreiners export very little but our selves do in a manner spend them all and this is the great wealthiness of France that we have enough to serve our turn without Foreign Merchandises but Forreigners cannot do well without ours We receive from other Countries Minerals Pearls Precious Stones Silks Spices and what seems to be matter of Luxury Order should be given that in France the Commodities we have be made use of before any Foreign Merchandises be employed because this Order followed would bring in the people Money and take off their Commodities which would incline every one to fall to the work of his Calling and the whole Kingdom be thereby hugely benefited It hath been a question offer'd to debate Whether Traffique in France should be managed by the Subjects or by Forreigners Many Reasons might be produced in the case upon each hand but to make a short decision 't is evident that Foreigners must be allowed to gain by our Merchandises if we would have them take them off For if we carry them home into their Ports we shall make less sales and be at greater cost than if they came to fetch them Yet that our Merchants may share in the profit they may enter into Partnership with them or be their Commissioners here or freight them themselves provided they sell at somewhat cheaper rates and so be content with moderate gain or take in payment and exchange the Foreign Commodities By means of Commerce as well as by War there may be French Colonies planted abroad and so the dominion of the King extended even to far distant Countries All the Nations of the Earth are intermix'd and may be termed Colonies some of one People some of another Of as many as are known few can be affirmed to be originally of the places they inhabit But to plant Colonies out of danger they must be seated in as much nearness still as is possible For if they be separated at too great a distance it will be difficult to relieve them and perhaps
they may revolt or some one or other make himself Master of them and so the State will be in danger to lose its Subjects Secondly it is necessary that Colonies be placed in such Countrys as are able to maintain the Families that are design'd to make them up otherwise Provisions and Money it self must be carried to them which would cause loss and damage to the Common wealths that send ' em In the third place the Country should bear things that may yield profit to the State which erects the Colony Fourthly the Scituation should be such as the State may have succour and forces from them both for War and for Commerce In the fifth place the Country should not be so Fertile and so much profit to be there made that the ancient Subjects should be drawn thither and the State drein'd of People as hath happen'd to Spain by means of the West-Indies In fine for prevention of the inconveniences I have mention'd means must be used to have always Hostages from those of the Colonies that they may be kept in their duty and in the greater adherence to the interest of the State CHAP. XIII 1. Of the Education of Children 2. At what age it is expedient to Marry them NAture gives us the first fundamental dispositions for Arts and all sorts of Prosessions and we feel a certain propension leading us to one kind of life rather than another Some say this impression comes from the Power of the Stars which by secret influences from our temper others affirm that we derive our inclinations from our Ancestors However it be 't is certain we have movings the Principles whereof are in our selves we bring them into the World with us and cannot quit them 't is true rules may be applied to them and they corrected when faulty but to change the quality of them is impossible This regulation or amendment is effected by discipline which can only give an after perfection to the works of Nature keeping to her foregoing draughts and designs and compleating what she hath begun A principal point then in reference to Children is to know their Genius that they may not be put out of their natural order but employ'd in things to which they are Originally bent The Philosophers to make known the difference of capacities have told us that as for Souls some are of Gold others of Silver other of Iron and that as a good Essayor must not mistake himself in distinguishing these three Metals so a good Politician should not fail in the judgment he makes of the Children that are in the State it 's a piece of his profession to discern what each of them will be proper for that the intentions of nature may be sortify'd and polished by precepts There are no Common-wealths but have in them Priests Judges Counsellors of State Soldiers Sea men Merchants Artificers Husbandmen Children must be educated for these different Professions and timely enabled to discharge them 'T is fit that in the case of the younger sort Three Ages be distinguished The First from their Birth to the end of the Seventh year The Second from that Seventh year to the Fourteenth The Third from Fourteen unto one and twenty Childrens first Five years should be spent in their Nursing up and they not disquieted with any higher documents 'T is good to put them upon some gentle exercise as they are growing and cause them to endure cold they will have the more Vigour by that means There are some Nations that plunge their Children into running Water and give them slight Clothing in the midst of Winter so the ancient Gauls are noted-to have done The bodies of Children must be plyed to the acting of all kind of Postures and Motions this will get them a facility and dexterousness for any thing After the age of Five years unto Seven 't is convenient to tell them stories that may raise in them a desire to do well in that profession to which they shall be destinated From Seven years unto Fourteen those that are intended to be given to the Church or to the affairs of Justice or those of the State should learn Latin and Greek because in those Languages they have the source of all the Doctrine they will be obliged to profess as likewise after Fourteen unto One and Twenty they shall be taught Rhetorique Philosophy Theology Law or Politicks which must be continued also after that Age in the usual manner It is very necessary that Seminaries for Priests be erected in every Diocess and our Lords the Bishops ought to take all possible care in it The young Persons that are intended for the Wars may be taught Italian Spanish and High Dutch they that are design'd for Trade should know somewhat in those three Languages but such as are thought on for Commerce in further distant Countrys ought to Learn the Arabic or the Sclavonian or some other of the general Tongues that are current in Asia or in Africa as the Latin is in Europe There must be publick Professors for these Languages as there are for Latin and Masters places endowed at the Publick charge After fourteen or sixteen years of Age the Youths should be dispos'd of unto places where they may learn the Art of Traffick As for those that are destin'd to the Wars whether Gentlemen or Plebeians they should be sent at fifteen or sixteen years unto Garisons and the skill of serving on Horseback or on Foot there taught them and they exercised once a weak constantly which would most conveniently be done on Sundays and Holy-days They shall be taught to handle the Pike and the Musket the use of the Sword the Halbard Partisan Broad-sword and other Arms they shall be put to Run and Leap and Wrestle The Lacedemonians ordinarily exercis'd their young People which was very providently done of them For Strength and Expertness is not attained but by long and daily exercise In the Garisons shall be taught Fortification the Mathematicks Dancing Vaulting Ridiug and it would do well to take away Academies and Masters of Exercise from places not Garison'd that the Garisons may be the Academies as I may term them where these things are learnt Yea to the end that all sorts of Persons might betake themselves to the Garisons it should be ordained that no private Masters shall take any Apprentices but in Garison'd places and that no one keep a Shop or exercise any Trade in any City of the Kingdom without a Testimonial from the Governor that he hath serv'd his Apprentiship in a Garison Town as we see that no Physicians or Advocates are admitted to practise but such as have studied in some University Order must be given that Masters cause their Lacquies to learn a Trade and that for this they give them after four years service 200 Livres and a suit of Cloaths or if they serve less time a sum proportionable after that rate Nor must it be suffered that Lacquies have wages given them as is
the Second the Kings of France were the Soveraigns as well in Spirituals as in Temporals And though they had lost their Soveraignty about the end of the Second Line and under the Third by their negligence and by the cunning of the Popes watchful for their advantage nevertheless an infinite of Persons in those times both of the Clergy and of the Law took notice of and Taxed the Usurpations of the Popes upon the Rights of our Kings Amongst others Aegydius Romanus Archbishop of Bourges in the time of Philip the Fair this Archbishop for the Reasons Registred in the Court of Parliament remonstrates That the Gallicane-Church has that Right and that Liberty to provide for its occasions by Synods of the Bishops of the Country without that the Pope ought to meddle unless by way of exhortation Cardinal D'Offat Letter 90 to the King shews That the Pope ought not to meddle at all with the Election of tâ—â— French Bishops and this he proves by the Ordinance of Orleans An. 1560 and saith That since the Popes have reserv'd to themselves the provision of Bishopricks they have been very ill serv'd The excellent Archbishop of Paris Peter de Marca in his agreement of Empire and the Priesthood has wisely and boldly Remonstrated That since the Pope would hold the same Degree in France that the Soveraign Sacrificer held in the Synagogue he ought not to pretend to more Authority in our France than the Soveraign Sacrificer had in the Kingdom of Israel where he was the Kings Subject his Person his Jurisdiction the Affairs of the Church the Order of Ceremonies were within the Kings Jurisdiction who depos'd the Sacrificer and set another in his place out of his pure and full Authority God be prais'd for that in these later times where the Throne of iniquity the Papal See is so much adored he has rais'd up such brave Assertors of our Christian Liberty which would bear up again and for which we want only to shake off the Yoak What is alledg'd the most specious for the necessity of a Pope to superintend the Christian Kingdom is that the Kings need an Arbiter of their Differences that may be generally respected and whose Dignity and Sanctity may oblige them to Submission and Veneration But if this general Arbiter instead of making Peace amongst Princes foment their Differences and embroil their Affairs to fish in troubl'd Waters they shall do wisely to let him alone and yet more wisely to rid themselves of him There 's no question but that when a general Peace is for the advantage of the Pope that then he will set himself seriously about it But it rarely happens otherwise then that the good of one party shall be disadvantageous to the Pope and then 't is ill trusting to his Arbitrement France has more reason to stand upon its guard than any other Nation for the Court of Rome has always sought its ruin has favour'd its Enemies or rais'd them up anew When the English made War against us Rome abetted their quarrel and aided them with Spiritual Weapons I cannot let pass the ridiculous assistance sent to Henry V. of England when he levied an Army to go into France this was a Ship loaden with Consecrated Apples which were distributed to all who would List themselves for this War and they listed themselves with a good Will having scrambl'd for the Apples with Greediness and Devotion and were well satisfied in Conscience of the Justice of this Expedition by these Apples Apostolical The Pope employ'd more powerful means against us when France was weak and the Spaniard powerful whom he assisted with all his Forces Spiritual and Temporal What a strong League did he make to destroy both King and Kingdom What Evils did he heap on France and after the injury done us how much praying did he require before he would be appeas'd Thomas Campanella speaks thus of this Judge of differences Who shall carefully read History shall find that the Popes have made more Wars amongst Christians than they have quieted Let France mark what he adds So far have the Popes been from opposing himself Hispanis Imperiorum helluonibus to the Spainiards unsatiable devourers of Empire that the Pontifical Authority has lent pretences to their Voracity Witness Navarre and France in the times of Henry III. For this last hundred years all the Popes except Vrban the VIII have favour'd the Spaniard And what reason can we have to expect better from them seeing that the greatest part of the Cardinals are born Subjects to Spain in the Principalities of Milan of Naples and of Sicily and that the Court of Rome is inclos'd within these Principalities Judge what confidence we can have in such Arbiters France loses plainly both Money and Pains ' sending Ambassadors to these Gentlemen courting them and enriching them when they are assembled for the Election of a Pope The fear they have of France's Power may gain some respect but it is a respect without Friendship and when France has gain'd it I do not see what France has gain'd They have reason to fear the King knowing that this Great Prince is sensible of their Usurpations and they have no great reason to love his Subjects because they are no great purchasers of Indulgences And the less the King cares for them the more will they fawn upon him but we may assure our selves they employ all their strength and set to work all their Art and Subtilty to put a stop to his Progress and to pull down his Greatness That agreement of the Pope with the Duke of Guise ought never to be forgotten What rancour did he testifie against the Royal Line that Reigns at this day what Pains did he take to disinherit and destroy it Into what combustion did he cast the poor Kingdom that he might have a King of his own Choice who might abolish the Liberties of the Gallican-Church and make France a Fief of the Court of Rome Let us for our experience learn the truth of that Character given by Aeneus Sylvius who was afterwards Pope Pius II. That there was never any great Slaughter in Christendom nor any great Calamity happen'd either of Church or State whereof the Bishops of Rome were not the Authors Hist Austria And as much is said by Machaivel in his History of Florence And if we consider that the great Evils done by the Pope to Kings were done under the colour of com-promise we shall find that 't is the surest way to decline his kindess and to have nought to do with him and that he always comes better off that affronts him than he that flatters him The Marquess after he has wisely consider'd that the name of Religion is a false pretext laid hold on by the Court of Rome thereby to encrease their Temporal Power and raise them Creatures every where the abuses he would have retrench'd after the example of Charlemaign and of many more great Kings But to compass this it is not