iudgements to correct his lawes to restraine or constraine him at pleasure and with case Religion is seated within the soule and conscience of man and is a most potent ruler of the same The life saith Plinie consisteth in religion If then the consciences of a people be commanded by a stranger if their soules be subiect to a forraine power if their liues be at the seruice of an external Prince it is but a weake but a dead dominion which the naturall Prince shall hold ouer their bodies That Prince whose subiects soules are in subiection to a stranger for matters of religion shall neither preuaile more against his enemies nor beare greater authoritie amongst his owne people then that stranger shall limit him leaue All men of themselues are moued with religion but when they are also thrust on by those who make it their purchase as Liuie speaketh to possesse soules with superstition then doe they not inconsideratly only but in a wild furie runne and rush vpon most desperate aduentures The multitude saith Curtius being weake fierce and mutable when it is once possessed with vaine religion is more obedient to their Priests then to their Commander or Prince Diodorus Siculus hath a memorable Historie concerning this point of the Priests of Iupiter in the Iland Meroe enuironed with the riuer Niliu who held the people of Aethiopia in so superstitious dependancie vpon them that they would send to them at pleasure and giue in charge the slaughter of their Kings no man making offer either to deny or to delay their cruell command vntill Ergamenes a King of Aethiopia suddenly surprised and slew them all whereby both their office and authority did surcease Florus writeth that Eunus a slaue counterfeiting a fanaticall furie and pretending some diuine inspiration was able to see 60. thousand armed men in the face of the Romans euen in the principal time of their policie and strength being then hardlie able to deliuer Sicilia froÌ„ his subiection Iosephus reporteth of an Aegyptian in the time of the Emperour Claudius who bearing himselfe to be a Prophet vnder that pretext adioined 30. thousand men vnto him in the country of Iudea with whom he maintained head against the forces of the Romans Tacitus writeth the like of Maricus who giuing forth that he was the God and deliuerer of Gallia drew 8. thousand men vnto him with whom he attempted against the Romane garrisons One of our late writers reporteth that because in one chapter of the Alcoron all the Musulman Princes are forbidden to call themselues Lords except their Caliph or great Vicar of their Prophet Muhamed by colour thereof the Mahometan Bishops vsurped absolute soueraignety aboue all their Princes disposing of principalities at their pleasure vnder the name and title of gouernments At last the Muselman Princes supposing that Chapter not to haue been inserted by Mahamed their Law-giuer but by their Caliphes for aduancing their owne authoritie at such time when of diuers corrupt Alcorons they composed one long time after the death of Muhamed they tooke aduantage of a diuision among their great Bishops when three of them did take vpon them the title of great Caliph together and thereupon the Princes of Persia the Curdes the Turkes the Tartars the Sultans of Aegypt the Kings of Marrocco of Fez of Telensin of Tanes of Bugia the people of Zenetes and of Luntune quitted themselues of their obeysance to the Caliphes and maintained Soueraigntie within their states Elmahel in Africa hauing gained a great opinion of sanctitie among the people of Marocco raised them against Abraham their King and dispoyled him both of his Empire and life With like industrie and art an other impostor called Chemin Mennal stirred the people against the King of Fesse and constrained him by armes to yeeld vnto him the kingdome of Temesna Schacoculis being of the sect of the Persians by pretence of piety gathered such strength that he tooke many Cities in Asia ouerthrew the Turkes forces in three great battailes and brought his whole Empire to a dangerous distresse How Iohn of Leiden a Taylor by his trade set all Germany in vproare and in armes by bearing himselfe to be a principall man in religion it scarce exceedeth the memory of this present age And what practises in this kind haue been either atchieued or attempted in other Christian countries I shall haue occasioÌ„ hereafter to touch But for auoiding of these and the like dangers I find that two policies were aunciently obserued One consisted in excluding all externall ceremonies and rites the other was in commâ—ting the gouernment for matters of Religion to the soueraigne power and authoritie in the State In regard of the first the Iewes would not conuerse or accompanie a man who was not of their owne religion Among the Grecians Socrates and Protagoras were condemned Anaxagoras and Aristotle were accused for holding opinions contrarie to their receiued religion Iosephus writeth that the Athenians had a seuere law against any man who should speake a word in religion against that which was established by law The Scythians put Anacharsis to death for performing the tites of Bacchus after the manner of the Grecians Liuie writeth that among the Romanes the Aediles receiued in part of their charge that no externall religion or ceremony should be brought in And to the same purpose M. Aemilius recited a decree that no man should sacrifice in a publike or sacred place after a new or externall rite How often saith the same Liuie haue our fathers and ancestors giuen charge to the Magistrates that externall ceremonies should bee forbidden Maecenas in Dio gaue this exhortation and aduice to Augustus Obserue religion after the fashion of your country and compell others to do the like but those who bring in strange and foraine rites hate and correct because they perswade many to worke alterations from whence conspiracies and seditions are oftentimes occasioned Concerning the second point Iustine reporteth that it was a custome among the Iewes to haue the same men both Princes and Priests This was at sometimes true in the gouernment of the Iewes At other times the Kings gaue order in matters of religion and appointed not only inferiour Priests and officers as did Iosias but also high Priests as did King Salomon to execute the same For this cause Moses left in charge that the King should reade in the booke of the law all the daies of his life that he might learne to feare the Lord his God and to keepe all the words of that law and those ordinances for to dee them For this cause also they were sacred with oyle to declare saith Eusebius both their dutie and authoritie in matters of religion From hence it proceeded that as the Kings prooued good or euill so the true religion was either obserued or neglected From hence also Tacitus hath
that they must seeke the Pope for receiuing the Imperiall crowne whereforuer he shall be and follow him if he chance to remoue with diuers like tokens and testimonies of deâ—ection of the Maiesty of that State and subiection thereof to the Sea of Rome For further declaration whereof during the life of the Emperour the Popes challenge to be his Iudge and the Emperiall feate being void they claime the exercise of Imperiall power and haue giuen inuestitures and receiued fealtie of those who held of the Empire as of Iohn and Luchiâ— Vicounts of Milane For which cause the Canonists also who set vp these strings to the highest strame doe maintaine opinion that the Emperour cannot resigne his Imperiall dignitie to any other then the Pope and that it is a streine of heresie not to beleeue that the Emperor is subiect to the Pope and that the Emperour is but the Popes Minister to vse his sword only at his becke Lastlie Pope Clement the fifth expressely declared by decree that the oath which the Emperour maketh to the Pope is no other then an oath of fealtie Neither hath it been against the Empire only that the Popes haue had this power to preuaile but against diuers other Christian countries in so much as they haue claimed to hold either as feudataries or as trubutaties to their Sea the kingdomes of Naples Sicilie Hierusalem Sardinia Corsica Arragon Portugale Nauarre Ireland England Scotland Poland Hungarie to which Cuiacius adioyneth the kingdome of France which Pope Boniface the eight declared to be deuolued to the Church for the contempt and disobedience of King Philip the faire And Pope Alexander the sixt in diuiding the late discouered parts of the world betweene the Kings of Castile and Portugale expressely reserued to his Sea the Iurisdiction and soueraignety of them by consent of both Kings who from that time became his vassals of all the purchases and conquests which before they had atchieued or intended to enterprise in times to ensue Generally they do challenge temporall soueraigntie in all countries habitually at the least which at pleasure they may produce into act whereby the subiects of any State may haue recourse vnto them to some complaint or suite against their Prince to be relieued or protected by them and to receiue priuiledges and immunities at their hands Whereby also they may iudge the actions of Princes and vpon such cause as they shal thinke meet punish excommunicate de priue them denounce publike warre against them free their subiects from subiection vnto them As Pope Pius the first not only absolued the subiects of England from their alleagance to the late Queene Elizabeth but commanded them also to turnâ— traytours and take armes against her After which Bull few yeeres passed without some notable attempt either against her person or against the State It would be very redious to giue but a light touch to all the desperate distresses that hereupon haue bin occasioned in diuers foraine countries which out of their Annal may be furnished with ease And the sequell now sheweth that the chiefe encrease and establishment of the Turkish Empire hath proceeded from the outragious warres which by this meanes haue been occasioned among the Christians which made Europe on all sides to bath her limmes in the blood of her children Against our owne State we cannot be ignorant what heretofore hath bin acted especially vnder the raigne of King Iohn What hath been lately what freshly what is daily attempted it cannot possiblie escape the memorie of those that liue in this present age and for helpe of those who are to succeed report there of shall be made at large in a historie Intended for the times lately passed and now presently running The accumulating of these examples in this place would be a matter of some labour for cleering that which hath litle doubt Thus much in substance but somwhat more briefly deliuered it seemed that there was not any man in that presence who either in replie or in supplie had not somewhat to say That only was a hinderaÌ„ce to the discharging of their minds which is pleasantly said to haue dissolued the Parliament of women because they could not agree to speake one at once Many shewed themselues so impatient of silence and they who vpon aduisement could haue said least were vpon the suddaine most franke and forward in words At the last that which was the cause that no man could haue free libertie of speech did driue them all into a dumbe dumpe which opportunity was forthwith apprehended by a thick Theologian whose formall attire countenance and cariage was a good supplie to other defects And so hauing composed himselfe to al complements of grauitie and grace he began his speech after the set and solemne manner of those disputers who contenting themselues with commendation of memorie doe more diligently endeuour to repeate then to reply You haue declared vnto vs said he that the proper qualities of the rights of Maiestie are to be both perpetuall and also absolute as neither depending vpon any other nor yet held either vpon charge or with exception and restraint That these rights coÌ„sist in managing affaires of highest nature which cannot be separated from the soueraigne power because vpon the guiding of them all the fortunes of a State do follow That nothing is of so high nature in a State as is religion and that therefore the ordering thereof is annexed as a right of Maiestie to the soueraigne power whether it be setled in a King or in the Nobilitie or in the peopleâ— For seeing religion commandeth the conscience and holdeth the soule in subiection if supremacâ—â— therin be acknowledged to be in a forren Prince the sinewes of domesticall soueraigntie are cut in sâ—nder You haue brought certaine examples of dangerous consequence when either strangers or subiects haue bin followed for religion You shewed yâ— for auoiding the like dangers two policies were anciently obserued one consisted in excluding external ceremonies rites the other in setling the gouernment for matters in religion in the supreame power and authority in the State That this last was practised among the Iewes Aegyptians in diuers other countries In the foure great Monarchies also of Assyria of Persia of Graecia and of Rome Of Rome you say first vnder the gouernment of Kings secondly in the popular state thirdly vnder Heathen Emperours and lastly for a good space vnder Christian Emperors who in matters of circumstance and of external forme in religion both vsed and were acknowledged to haue supreame authoritie of whose lawes diuers were afterwards either assumed by Popes or attributed vnto them Concerning matters of substance and of internall forme they assembled generall Councels wherein they held the Primacie and confirmed the acts of them by Imperiall decree You declared also that when Constantinople was aduanced to be the head of the Empire a stiffe strife did arise
A REPORTE OF A DISCOVRSE CONCERNING SVpreme power in affaires of Religion Manifesting That this power is a right of Regalitie inseparably annexed to the Soueraigntie of euery State and that it is a thing both extreamely dangerous and contrarie to the vse of all auncient Empires and Commonwealths to acknowledge the same in a forraine Prince 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 AT LONDON Imprinted by F. K. for Iohn Hardie and are to be sold by Iohn Flasket dwelling at the signe of the blacke Beare in Paules Church yeard 1606. THE SVMMARIE 1 THe occasion of this discourse 2 The proposition That supreme power in Ecclesiasticall affaires is a right of Soueraigntie 3 Soueraigne or maiesticall power must be perpetuall 4 Soueraigne power must also be absolute 5 Affaires of greatest importance are annexed to the Soueraigne Maiestie 6 Nothing in a State of so great importance as is Religion 7 Affaires of Religion are to be managed by those who beare the Soueraigntie 8 It is dangerous for others to be depended vpon in regard of Religion 9 Two policies aunciently obserued for auoyding these dangers To exclude externall ceremonies and to commit the ordering of matters in Religion to the Soueraigne authoritie within the State 10 Instance of the first 11 The second practised by the Iewes 12 By the Aegyptians 13 By diuers other people 14 In the Empire of Assyria 15 In the Empire of Persia. 16 In the Empire and principall States of Greece 17 In the Empire of Rome vnder the gouernement of Kings 18 In the popular State of the Romane Empire 19 In the Romane Empire vnder heathen Emperours 20 In the Romane Empire vnder the first Christian Emperours 21 Matters of Externall or accidentall forme in the Church depended altogether vpon the first Christian Emperours 22 Many lawes of the first Christian Emperours attributed vnto Popes 23 Matters of Faith or of Essentiall forme ordered by direction and authoritie of the first Christian Emperours 24 The eight generall Councels called and confirmed by Emperours 25 A strife betweene the Bishops of Rome and Constantinople whether should be greatest 26 Diuers Emperours fauoured the Bishops of Constantinople 27 By giuing this prerogatiue to the Bishops of Rome the East Empire was dismembred 28 The absolute power of the Bishops of Rome in Ecclesiasticall affaires reduced the West Empire not only to a feeble state but to be held in Vassalage to the Sea of Rome 29 By the same power the Bishops of Rome claimed Soueraignty also ouer diuers principall kingdomes in Europe and generally ouer all States in the world 30 Diuers distresses by this meanes occasioned 31 The Conclusion 32 Certaine questions propounded TO HIS HONORABLE FRIEND SIR I. P. Knight SIr holding my selfe beholding vnto you for many kind courtesies I cannot but oftentimes bend and busie my deuise to thinke how in some sort to thanke you for the same and if not fully to discharge yet freely to acknowledge and professe my debt to satisfie I say in desire when in deed I am not able But howsoeuer in other performances I shall be weake yet I will not faile to leaue a large memorie of your true habit of honestie and vertue and in the meane season not omit to visit you with such exercises of penne as the streightnes of other occasions shall permit me leisure to contriue For this present I haue made choyce to present vnto you a small enlargement of certaine passages of speech lately raised at the table of N. which being much frequented by persons of most principall note hath commonly the great varietie of dishes answered with like varietie of discourse The first part of the dinner was passed ouer in a sad and sober silence our tongues seeming to giue place to the office of our teeth and euery man commending the goodnesse of our fare by close feeding vpon the same At the last silence was broken and some speeches spent in matters of conceit In which veine one of the companie tooke often occasion to speake of a Terrible blow alluding to the same words in that letter whereby the late practise against his Maiestie and the whole body of the State was beaten out and brought into light Hereupon N. did breake forth into a liberall commendation of the Lord Mounteagle to whom the letter was directed affirming that hee was a personage of true honour and merit for that by his felicitie and faith not onely the liues of many thousand particular persons and whatsoeuer else was deerest vnto them but the life also of this Empire was at that time preserued that his high Nobilitie enobled and made pretious both with curtesie and magnanimitie had now iustly placed him in the formost ranke of same He proceeded to declare the fashion of that hot and hatefull attempt what faire opportunitie was thereby opened to secure our selues from the fierie furie of those homebred enemies who rather than wee should not bee destroyed would ouerwhelme vs in the ruines of the state That seueritie could not hereupon be interpreted crueltie that hereupon nothing could be interpreted to be done in regard of religion but onely for the necessarie defence of our safetie This speech was diuersly taken according as affections were diuersely disposed some did liuelie some faintly and as it was coniectured fainedly approue it none did openly oppose against it From this they fell to talke of the Bill propounded in Parliament against Recusants and of the Oath of supremacie which was appointed generally to be taken Of the first they did but sparingly speake as being a matter then handled in highest place of deliberation vpon the second they maintained a longer stay N. repeated many conueniences for which this Oath ought generally to bee taken Whereto a certaine Knight replied not directly contradicting him but inuoluing his intents in such soft and nice distinctions that hee seemed rather to declare that he would not haue the Oath imposed at all then in what fashion he would haue it imposed These obscure speeches hauing bred some incertaintie whilest euery man rather coniectured then assured what should be ment and controuersies of conuâ—niencie being not alwaies easie to bee determined by way of discourse because all men are apt to attribute much to their owne conceits I drew the question to a higher degree Affirming that it seemed not onely conuenient but necessarie also in all grounds and reasons of State that a King who acknowledgeth no superiour vnder God should be acknowledged to haue supreame authoritie vnder God in Ecclesiasticall affaires That this is a principall point of Regalitie and therefore necessarily annexed to the soueraigne maiestie of euery state That it is a hard matter if not impossible for any nation either to grow or long time to continue very great wherein a foraine power doth hold the regiment in Religion That in all ancient Empires and Common wealthes it hath been vsed That I could not finish that which I was about to speak being interrupted by a confused clamour of
three or foure at the table who esteemed that which I had said not for a paradoxe but for an Adoxe or flat absurditie seeing many Christian countries both lately and at this present haue admitted forain gouernment in matters of religion By this time the Basons and Ewers were set vpon the table and all of vs were attentiue to the giuing of thankes After wee had washed and the cloath was taken away N. in this sort renewed speech What hath been the vse of auncient Empires and Common-wealths concerning supreame gouernment in matters pertaining to religion I haue not I doe confesse obserued But it seemeth indeed that the politicall gouernment in Ecclesiasticall affaires should be a point of Regalitie and that it is a hard matter if not impossible for any state either to grow or long time to continue very great wherein a forraine power doth hold the regiment in religion At the least either to grow or continue any greater then that forraine power shall thinke expedient That which from me was openly reiected being allowed by N. and in the very same words by him repeated found good acceptance among the rest Whereupon I tooke occasion to say that speech I perceiued was oftentimes like vnto coine which passed for currant not in regard of the mettall onely but chiefely in regard of the stampe that was set vpon it Nay said N. beautifying his speech with a courteous smile we will also bring your mettall to the touch There is but one truth in religion which is not subiect to any humane power but the discipline thereof or matters of circumstance and externall forme are held by our Church to depend vpon the power of the Prince If question be made touching matter of substance the same also may be determined within the realme by the Clergie thereof assembled together by authoritie of the Prince Or if the Clergie of any other countrie should be taken to assistance or aduice they come as equals and not as superiours For so Eusebius reporteth that Cyprian Bishop of Carthage did aduise with the Bishop of Rome concerning the affaires of the Church and that Dyonise of Alexandria aduised in like sort with Cornelius Stephen and Sixtus Bishops of Rome without attributing vnto them either title or qualitie otherwise then as men of their owne order and ranke Now I haue read many controuersies in Diuinitie concerning this question whereof the multitude doth rather cloy then content and therefore I will not embarke you in that disputation If you can make proofe out of other writers that this authoritie in matters of religion is a right of Regalitie it will follow I suppose that it cannot without apparant danger depend vpon a foraine power If also you do manifest that in all principall Empires and Common-wealths this authoritie hath bin exercised by the chiefe in state you may probably conclude that it is a Regalitie For these rights doe little varie but remaine in a manner the very same in all states of what kind soeuer they are And although true religion is reuealed vnto vs by God yet religion in the generall proceedeth from nature in regard whereof there is some coherence and communitie in all sorts of religions as to acknowledge that there is a God to worship him to worship him by oblation and sacrifice c. For although all nations doe not acknowledge and worship the true God yet there is no nation as Cicero saith which doth not both acknowledge and adore some These generall points which naturally or by consent of nations are common in religion may well bee considered without contending which religion in particular is true For this will hardly by all parties be agreed because euery man as Philo saith either by vse or by instruction iudgeth his owne religion best So Chrysostome affirmeth that in all differencies of religion euery man will say I say true But this argument which you haue propounded being new this point being not pointed at by any whom I haue seene I would gladly here you fortifie the same The argument being new answered I and now newly raysed into question you must not engage your expectation too farre I shall doe much if I minister some matter for better iudgements to work into forme The rights of Soueraignty or of maiesty so termed by Cicero and by Liuie the rights of Empire and of Imperiall Maiestie by Tacitus sacraregni by Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Lawyers Sacra sacrorum sacra indiuidua iura sublimia by the Feudistes iura regalia are nothing else but an absolute and perpetuall power to exercise the highest actions and affaires in some cretaine state These are the proper qualities of Soueraigne or Maiesticall power that it be both absolute and also perpetuall If it be absolute but not perpetuall thâ—n is it not soueraigne for such power hath been oftentimes committed by the Romanes to their Dictators by the Lacedemonians to their Harmostes by many Kings to their Regents Viceroyes or Lieutenants But because they haue no proprietie of power inherent in them but only an execution or exercise thereof committed to their charge vnder limitation of time because also it may vpon iust cause bee reuoked within that time they are not accounted to haue the same in Soueraignetie And this holdeth true although such power bee committed for a very long time as the Athenians did to their great Archos for tenne yeres although it bee committed also in a most ample manner which the auncient Latines called optima lege without controlement or account such as had the Pontifices in Rome or as the Cuidians euery yeere chose 60. of their Citizens whom for this cause they called Amimones that is men without imputation or account And lastly although it be without certaine limitation of time as sometimes had the Regents of France created for the infancie furie or absence of their King who before the law of Charles the fifth dispatched matters in their proper name Againe if it be perpetuall but not absolute as either depending vpon some other or else giuen either vpon charge or with exception and restraint then is it not soueraigne For such power was giuen by decree of Charles the fifth Emperor to the Senate of Milan To confirme the constitutions of the Prince as also to infirme and abrogate the same to dispence contrarie to the statutes to make enablements giue prerogatiues graunt restitutions c. that no appeale should be made from the Senate c. And whatsoeuer they should doe should haue like force as if it were done or decreed by the Prince Yet might they not graunt pardon for offences or giue letters of safe conduct vnto parties conuicted So likewise in the ancient forme of inaugurating the Kings of Arragon the great Magistrate or Iustice said thus vnto him Wee who are in vertue not inferiour and in power greater then thy selfe create thee King yet with this condition that one amongst vs shal haue
more power and command then thy selfe I will not particularly rehearse what actions are proper vnto soueraigne power generally it may be said that those affaires of state which are of greatest importance and weight are annexed vnto the soueraigne Maiestie and cannot be separated from the same For because some matters are of so high nature that vpon the ordring of them dependeth not onely the honour and dignitie but the safetie also and libertie of the people not the florishing constitution only but the very life and being of the Common-wealth it hath been thought fit by generall consent of Nations that they cannot bee managed by any other authoritie than that wherein the soueraignetie is setled whether it be in one man as in a Monarchie or in a few as in an Aristocrace or in all as in a popular or Democraticall gouernment They cannot bee vsurped they cannot be prescribed they cannot bee distracted or aliened from the same they cannot be absolutely exercised by any other than by them who beare the supreame Maiestie They to whose trust a Common-weale is committed must order the chiefest affaires of the same they who are appointed for the very head of a societie must giue both direction and motion to the principall actions of the whole bodie And therfore they are termed sacra sacrorum as hath been said and also iura indiuidua because they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the firme foundation and groundworke of a state and can no waies be separated from the soueraigntie thereof But there is nothing in a Common-wealth of so high nature nothing of so important weight as is Religion for this conserueth families as Euripides testifieth and is a most excellent ornament in a Citie yea Lactantius affirmeth it the onely meanes to knit and conserue men in mutuall societie and that without religion the life of man would be filled with all foolishnes madnesse and mischiefe So likewise Plutarch calleth religion the band which containeth all societies and the very foundation of iustice and lawes For as a building cannot be either faire or firme if the foundation be not fairely and firmely laid so if there bee defect in this part of gouernment the whole frame of state will be neither seemly nor yet sure Sinesius saith First let pietie be setled the base and piller whereupon this Statue of a kingdome shall firmely stand Plutareh was of opinion that a Citie might more easily be built and not vpon the ground than a Common-wealth either constituted or conserued if you take away Religion And therefore Numa in Liuie did first of all establish Religion as a most effectuall thing to settle the vnskilfull multitude Afterwards also Valerius witnesseth that the Citie of Rome made lesse estimation of all things than of Religion For this cause likewise Aristotle affirmeth that the principall care in a Common wealth must be concerning matters of Religion First for that it setleth obeâ—tence and quiet within the state being a bridle to retaine men in order and in awe for so Cyrus reasoneth in Xenophon If all men should be religiously affected they would beare themselues more iust and vpright in cariage both among themselues and towards him Secondly for that it is an assured defence for so Trismegastâ—s saith Pietie is a custodie and defence Thirdly for that it aduanceth victories abroad For so Cicero aduoweth that not by policie not by power but by pietie and religion the Romanes vanquished all other nations And so Valerius hath written Empires haue not thought much to submit themselues to sacred seruice suppâ—sing to obtaine the rule of humane affaires if they were we and constantly seruiceable in diuine Also the Poets Dis te minorem quod geris imperas Generally for that in all affaires whether publike or priuate it draweth our endeuours to a prosperous euent for the most part better found in the end than it can be coniâ—ctured by the meanes For so Aristotle did acknowledge That God is more fauourable and inclinable to those by whoÌ„ he is most honoured On the contrarie it is impossible for that State to stand much lesse to florish and thriue where those two extreames of religion are highly in strength whereto Plutarch saith the weakenes of man is exceeding prone the one is vaine superstition the other is cold carelesnesse and proud contempt The first Plutarch doth appropriate to barbarous people Seneca termeth it a mad error Cicero saith that it stirreth the minds of men and maketh them vnquiet And that it breaketh the courage and heart Lucretius doth in these words affirme Faciunt animos humiles formidine diuûm depressosque premunt ad terram The second is called by Hermes a great disease and sicknes of the soule making it inclinable to all actions that are euill From hence ariseth discord and disturbance in the state from hence Cicero saith great calamities are cast vpon it which is also confirmed by that of Horace Di multa neglecti dederunt Hesperiae mala luctuosae For these causes Cicero obserued that the Common-wealth of the Romans was most enlarged vnder the command of them who had religion in regard After him Constantine the Emperour left written that a Common-wealth is contained in order more by religion then by trauaile of body And Iustinian also professed that he was the more carefull about the gouernment of the Church because If that be kept in good fashion and forme the other parts of gouernment shall thereby be redressed Hereupon also it is necessarilie expedient that they who beare the soueraigntie of State should alwaies manage the affaires of religion either by themselues or by some at their appointment within the same State and neuer receiue direction and rule from a foraine power For the Church saith Optatus is a part of the State and as another said Religion must bee in a Common-wealth and not the contrarie Vpon which ground Diotogenes in Stoboeus said A perfect King must of necessitie bee a good Commander and Iudge and Priest And againe the best must bee held in honour by the best and that which ruleth by him that beareth rule But Aristotle in this point is most expresse For I must often cite these Authors to giue satisfaction vnto those who regard more by whom a thing is spoken then what is said The King saith hee is ruler and directer of those things that pertaine vnto the Gods Whereunto somewhat agreeth that of Iustine he is accounted next vnto God by whom the Maiestie of God is maintained For how should he be esteemed a Soueraigne who in the greatest actions and affaires of the State acknowledgeth the iurisdiction of another greater then himselfe what maiestie should he be adiudged to beare who is vnder the authority of another man to reuerse his
written The honor of Priesthood is a great assurance of power to the Iewes The Scriptures doe further testifie that Melchisedeen was both King and Priest and that Balak King of Moab offered sacrifice together with Balaam The Aegyptians from amongst whom the Iewes were extracted and with whom they communicated in many ceremonies are reported likewise by some to haue annexed the royall and priestly dignitie together Marcilius Ficinus affirmeth out of Plato and Seuerus in Stobâ—â—us that their custome was to elect Priests out of their Philosophers and out of their Priests whom Diodorus placeth next in dignitie to the King as Strabo writeth of the Priests of the Albanes to make choice of the best approued for their King Wherupon Mercurius the grand-child of that Mercurie who was sonne to Iupiter and Maia being called by the Aegyptians Tenot by the Grecians was named Trismegistus which signifieth thrice greatest because he was the greatest Philosopher for so is he also termed by Tertullian the greatest Priest and the greatest King although Suidas coniectureth that name to be giuen him because he did expressely write of the Trinitie Strabo saith that in Aritia hee was a King who was Priest of Diana the same is confirmed by Suetonius and mentioned by diuers Poets namely Ouid Ecce suburbanae templum nemorale Dianae Partaque per gladios regna nocente mann And Lucane Qua sublime nemus Scythicae qua templa Diana And Valer. Flaccus Etsolâ— non mitis Aritia regt And laâ—tly by Martial Qua triâ—ne nemerosa petit dum regna viator Octauum demina marmor ab vrbe legit The like doth Hartius report to be obserued in the Temple of Beâ—ona in Cappadocia The like also doth Virgil write of Anins â—â— Rex idem hominum phoebique facerdos Diodorus Siculus affirmeth that the Priests of Pantheon were both Leaders in the field and also Iudges and arbitratours in controuersies of right Strabo testifieth that in Zela the Priest had supreme both dignitie and authoritie in all things Iustine writeth that Mida sonne of Gordius King of Phrygia being by Orpheus entred into the orders of the sacred and solemne mysteries of those times filled all Phrygia with religion wherewith he more assured himselfe then hee did by armes Tacitus reporteth that among the Germanes it was permitted to no man to beate or bind or otherwise to punish but only to the Priests Strabo saith that in Cuma of Pontus the Priest did weare a Diadem twise in the yeere which is the ensigne of a King Vitruâ—iâ—s declareth that among the Trallians the principall Priest had a princely Palace appointed for his aboad Diodorous Siculus Orosius and Pausanias doe write that the priest of Hercules in Tyre was apparrelled in purpure and did weare a Diadem vpon his head Herodiane writeth that the Priest of the Sunne among the Phoenicians was attired in a long garment consisting onely of purpure and gold and did weare a Crowne of gold set with precious stones and that Heliogabalus being Emperour of Rome did exercise that priesthood Ferd. Lopex affirmeth that the Kings of Malabar in East India are Priests or Bramenes and must die in their sacred place as men consecrated vnto God And in China there is an auncient law that no religion bee brought in without allowance of the King and of his Councell he that violateth this law is punished by death In the first great Empire Berosus hath left written that Ninus first dedicated Temples to Iupiter Belus and Iuno his parents and caused them to bee honoured as Gods Zamies Ninias his sonne exceedingly both amplified and adorned these Temples Belochus with the rule of his Empire exercised also the office of the high Priest of the same Iupiter Belus and for that cause the name Belochus was giuen vnto him The Kings of Persia vnder whose gouernment the second great Empire was founded are acknowledged by all writers to haue been inaugurated to be the Princes of their sacred ceremonies In Athens and Lacedaemonia the two eyes of Greece as Leptines and Iustine doe rightly tearme them the ceremonies of their religion were ordered by their Kings The Athenians had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or King as Demosthenes testifieth who was president and chiefe directer in all their sacred ceremonies Xenophon saith that the Kings of the Spartanes or Laced â—monians so soone as they were assumed to that state of dignitie did discharge also the office of chiefe Priest to the celestiall and Lacaedemonian Iupiter Alexander the great Monarch of Greece did oftentimes offer sacrifice giue order for their kinde of religious obseruations and at the last commaunded diuine honours to bee done vnto himselfe Among the Romanes this was one of their ancient royall lawes Sacrorum omnium potestas sub regibus estâ— Let all sacred matters bee vnder the power of Kings Which law was stablished by their first King Romulus but seemeth also to haue been more anciently in vse insomuch as Seruius noteth that Virgil alwaies bringeth in Aeineas as president both in action and drection in all offices of their religion Whereof Ouid also seemeth to make mention in these words Vtque ea nunc certaest ita rex placare Numina lanigerae coniuge debet ouis After Romulus Numa PoÌ„pilius performed al those sacrifices and rites which afterward were committed to yâ— Diall Flamen Dyonisius Halicarnassaeus and Plutarch doe affirme that he did beare the office of Pontifex Liuie writeth that hee committed the same to one of the chiefe Senators named Marcius Of these two Kings Cicero saith Romulus auspicijs Numa sacris constitutis fundamenta ieccrunt Romanae ciuitatis The Kings succeeding performed the most high and sacred rites of their religion with whom as Liuie writeth the Priests tooke often aduice concerning sacrifices and al sorts of ceremonies Whereupon Dionysius Halicarnassaeus affirmeth that they had the principalitie or chiefest rule of sacred matters and of sacrifices and that all things pertaining to diuine worship were ordered by them After that the Kings were cast out of state that the chiefest in power had authoritie to giue order in religion it may appeare by the two decrees of Senate before cited out of Liuie for excluding the vse of foraine ceremonies and rites but more plainely it appeareth in that it was decreed that no Bacchanalls should be kept either at Rome or within Italie if any man should esteeme such sacred solomnitie to be necessarie and that hee could not omit it without offence and violation of Religion he should declare the same to the citie Praetor the Praetor should consult with the Senate If it should be permitted him when a hundred and no fewer should be assembled in Senate that solemnitie might be performed so that no more than fiue should be present at the Sacrifice And although the
name of King at that time was hatefull to the Romanes yet they created a King whom they called Rex Sacrificulus or Rex sacrificus to performe those offices of their religion which in former times were proper to their Kings His office was not annuall but perpetuall which ioyned to his high title lest it should draw him to dangerous attempts they stripped him of all ciuill authoritie He might not beare either charge in the armie or magistracie in the common wealth He might not make any oration to the people nor deale with them about publike affayres His authoritie was restrained only to religion to offer sacrifices and to determine doubts if any did arise His person was sacred as Seruius noteth so that neither violence notr despight might be offered vnto him And yet the greatest Pontifex was preferred before him insomuch as in their festiuall solemnities hee was placed next to their greatest Pontifex aboue all the Flaminos His daughters might not be compelled to become Vestals His wise was called Regina sacrorum who euery Calendes did offer sacrifice to Iuno her head circled with a white wand of a Pomegranate tree called inarculum to whom the Vestals resorted vpon a certaine day in the yeere to admonish her not to neglect the solemne rites committed to her charge They erected also a Colledge of Pontifices First consisting of foure afterwards encreased to eight lastly by Sylla enlarged to fifteene Their office was both to preserue and interpret all solemnities pertaining to their religion to keepe a true record and remembrance of them to bee carefull that no Roman ceremonie were neglected and no externall obseruation brought in to determine what things were sacred and what prophane to appoint what sacrifices were to be offred vpon what daies in what Temples in what manner and whence the charge should bee supplied to decide doubtes concerning funerall obsequies performancies of vowes and oathes obseruation of festiuall times and such like If in any matter they did differ in iudgement that was obserued wherein the greatest part being three at least did fully agree They had also the interpretation of the Ciuill lawe which for many yeeres was reputed sacred among the Romanes They kept the Annales as Cicero saith of most memorable accidents and atchieuments euery yeere which were termed Annales maximi as Macrobius doth write and did set them forth in a white table called album pontificium out of which it was free for any man to write them It was also a part of their charge to repaire the bridges which vntil the time that Aemilius was Questor were made of timber and not fastned together with any iron or brasse These were esteemed sacred by the Romanes and if they were in any part decayed they might not be repaired but with sacrifices other ceremonious obseruancies From hence it is commonly supposed that they were called Pontifices but Scaeuola as Varro saith did more properly deriue that name from posse and facere not only in regard of their eminent authoritie but because the word facere in ancient Latine did signifie to sacrifice as Vigil speaketh Cum facer em vitula The principal of this Colledge was called Pontifex Maximus who as Iestus Pompeius and Valerius Maximus do write was the greatest Iudge in their religion And although other priests could not beare Empire in the armie or office in the state or be carried vpon horse or be three nights absent from the citie yet the same man might be Consul or Censor or Praetor or Magister equitum the greatest offices of that common wealth and also greatest Pontifex As Liuie writeth of P. Liciunius Crassus and M. Marcellus and of diuers others This Pontifex Maximus was so highly honoured in the populare state of Rome that hee was reputed to approach neere vnto the degree of dignitie which the kinges held in former times insomuch as L. Florus reporteth that a fine was imposed vpon Câ— Tremelius Tribune of the people for vsing vnciuill speeches against M. Aemilius Lepidus the greatest Pontifex A Sergeant was appointed to goe before him he was carried in a Coach-chaire called Curules sella which was reputed a royall ensigne because Romulus vsed the like by example of the Hetruscanes His doores were adorned with greene Lawrell if he vndertooke any office or charge he was not lyable as were other men either to controulement or account whether to the Senate or common people His proper ornament was a hat in token of his loftie estate If any offender did slie vnto him that day hee was protected from punishment Hee was married after a speciall manner called confarreatio His wife must be of singuler example and he might not iterat marriage the second time he might not behold a dead bodie hee might not foyle his hands with blood and neither giue nor assist sentence of death Hee was chiefe not onely of the College of Pontifices but also of him that was Rex sacrorum the Augures Flamines and vestale Virgins vpon whom hee might impose either fine or other punishment as the qualitie of their offences did require All their sacred matters whether publike or priuate did principally depend vpon his direction And yet this authoritie was often borne as hath been said by the highest ciuill Officers of that Common wealth the election of him pertained to the people and prouocation or appeale did lie also from him to the people For so Linie writeth that a contention did arise betwixt C. Seruilius the greatest Pontifex and L. Cornelius Dolabesta Duâ—muir because the Pontifex commaunded him to abdicate his office that he might be inaugurated Rex sacrificus in place of Cornelius Dolâ—bella This when the Dâ—umuir refused to doe the Pontifex set a fine vpon him for which cause hee appealed and brought the matter before the people Many tribes being assembled the difference debated on both sides they commanded the Duâ—muir to bee obedient to the Pontifex and yet they remitted his fine in case hee should abandon his office In the meane time the heauens were couered with darke and thicke clowdes which brake forth into a terrible teÌ„pest This being taken for ominous the assemblie dissolued and the authority to inaugurate was taken from the Pontifex The Common-wealth of yâ— Romans being changed againe to the gouernment of one the chiefest authoritie in all affaires depended vpon the Emperours For so Tertullian acknowledgeth the Heathen Emperours to be second and inferiour only to God before all and aboue all Againe he saith Wee worship the Emperour as a man next vnto God and inferiour only to God So did Eleutherius in those times Bishop of Rome write vnto Lucius King of Britaine You are Gods Vicar within your owne Realme according to the
betwixt the Bishops of Constantinople and of Rome whether should be greatest that diuers Emperours fauoured the Church of Constantinople but at the last Pope Boniface obtained of the Emperour Phocas that the Sea of Rome should be the chiefe of all other Churches This you account an errour in gouernment to settle a power of so high qualitie in a place farre distant from the principall strength of the Empire For hereby the Bishops of Rome did grow to such greatnesse that they drew the west part of the Empâ—â—e to reuolt and left the residue for a pray to the baâ—barous Infidels Lastly you haue shewed that the Bishops of Rome aduancing their authoritie by degrees haue been of power to reduce the west Empire to a feeble state and to hold not the Emperour alone but all the chiefe Kings in Europe either as vassals or as tributaries to their Sea Generally that they haue challenged Soueraigne iurisdiction ouer all Kingdomes and Common-wealthes in the world whereby they haue cast diuers countries and among others this Realme of England into desperate distresses Now before answere should be offred to all these seuerall points I would think it fit vnder the leaue of better Iudgements to take some reasonable respite to aduise vpon them because questions of this high nature are not alwaies the same which sodainly they seeme and he bewrayeth too great opinion of his owne sufficiencie who presently will vndertake a controuersie of this weight But if Christ hath committed supreame power in religion to the Sea of Rome then is no place left to these rules and reasons of state Nay answered N. I haue protested before that we haue neither leasure nor lust to engulphe our selues in such an Ocean If Christ hath committed to the sea of Rome This is a large supposall indeed and that which will neuer settle in the opinion of many who are otherwise firmely affected to the doctrine of the Church of Rome Yea I am assuredly perswaded that the violence of ambition hath pulled many Bishops of Rome from their owne iudgement in making claâ—me to that authoritie which they neuer had either title to hold or abilitie to rule For diuers of them being sodainely borne out of a low retired state namely from some Cloister or heremitage into an vnknowne Sea of absolute authoritie they were ouerswayed therewith like a small boate with too large a saile And being men for the most part spent in age vntrained in experience and neither by nature nor by education of abilitie to conceiue the bounds and degrees of great affaires they tooke to themselues a licentious libertie supposing it reasonable yea altogether necessarie that all the Kings and Princes of the earth who hold their estate immediately from heauen who receiue their power from the hand of God should be subiect to the pleasure the passions the fierie furie the ignorance the errors the malice of one haughtie and humerous man whose weaknes is subiect as it hath bin plainelie declared by their liues to all immoderate motions of humanitie And al this vpon no other ground but because Christ said to S. Peter Thou art Peter and vpon this rock will I build my Church c. But what is this to Supremacie what is this to the Bishop of Rome diuers questions must be cleered before this will serue the one or the other For first it is but weakely assured that S. Peter euer was at Rome Many reasons are alleaged against it and many authorities are brought for it But it often happeneth that the common consent of writers is like vnto a flocke of fowles as one flieth all doe follow Secondly it is lesse assured that euer he was Bishop of Rome For being an Apostle his charge was generall goe teach all nations and therefore not to be as a Bishop either limited or settled in any one particular place Or if we wil say that either by appointment or by choise some part of this generall charge was apportioned to S. Peter then this seemeth or rather is most assured to haue been Iudea by that which S. Paul hath written that the Gospell of Circumcision was committed vnto Peter as the Gospell of the vncircumcision was vnto him And therefore we find in Scripture that S. Paul was expressely sent to Rome but that S. Peter was euer at Rome we hold it by tradition This is further confirmed by the long aboade which S. Peter made in Iudea and by the short stay which is possible he could haue made at Rome euen by computation of them who best fauoured the dignitie of that Sea With that he called for Onuphrius and out of him read vnto vs that S. Peter liued after the death of Christ 34. yeeres 3. monethes and odde daies that the first nine yeeres he remained in Iudea that in the tenth yeere after Christs Passion in the end of the second yeere of the Empire of Claudius he departed from Iudea for feare of Agrippa from whose imprisonment hee had been deliuered by an angell that after he had trauailed preaching through many couÌ„tries he came to Rome and there contended with Simon Magus That after foure yeeres Agrippa being dead for feare of whom he â—orsooke Iudaea he returned to Ierusalem and was there present at the Councell of the Apostles wherein circumcision was abrogated That after this he remained seuen yeeres at Antioch that in the beginning of the Empire of Nero he returned to Rome and from thence trauailed almost thorough all the parts of Europe that comming againe to Rome in the last yeere of Nero S. Paul and he were there martyred To this agreeth that which Ireneus saith The blessed Apostles Peter and Paul laying the foundation of the Church of Rome committed to Linus the Bishopricke or charge of administration of that Church Now said he the third question is whether by these words Thou art Peter c. Christ gaue vnto S. Peter any speciall power or Iurisdiction either spirituall or secular more then vnto the residue of the Apostles where he did exercise when make claime to any such power by which of the Apostles it was acknowledged by what ancient father of the Church aduowed For diuers testimonies of S. Paul do beare against it S. Augustine S. Cyprian and others of principall authoritie in the Church doe expressely denie it Whereas the Scripture giueth so large and plaine testimonie both for the title and authoritie of Kings as it seemeth no greater can be added thereunto The fourth question may bee whether any power was giuen vnto S. Peter as Bishop of Rome which before the ascension of Christ hee could not bee otherwise how falleth it that the same should bee rather fixed in the Church of Rome then in any of those Churches where it is manifest by the scriptures that he remained many yeeres imploying himselfe in the exercise of his charge Fiftly what assurance can we haue that the power which is said to be committed to S.
Peter was to be transmitted entirely to any of his successors in place who are so farre from being mentioned as it is nothing probable that euer they were ment For as Matthias was not the worse for succeeding vnto Iudas in place so is not any man the better onely for his locall succession to S. Peter Lastly seeing the promises of God are with exception if we continue in obedience to his wil and therefore although all the land of Canaan was expresly promised to Abraham and to his seede for an euerlasting possession yet was the posteritie of Abraham for their disobedience first cast out of the greatest part thereof and afterwards dispossessed of all And although the kingdome of Israel was expresly promised to Dauid and to his seede for euer yet the succession was broken off by reason of their sinnes Againe seeing the Church of Ephesus although furnished with many excellent vertues was threatned notwithstanding that the candlesticke should bee remoued out of his place onely for that their first loue was abated If wee should suppose supposall is free that expresse promise was made to S. Peter and to his successours the Bishops of Rome that they should represent the authoritie of Christ vpon earth it will be a hard piece to perswade men who haue not abandoned their owne iudgement that this power was not long since either expired or reuoked by reasoÌ„ of the dissolute disorders the irregular outrages and impieties which haue bin ordinarie in that Sea Marcâ—lline sacrificed vnto Idols Liberius was an Aâ—ian another a Nestorian Anastasius the second embraced the errour of Acatius Sabinian was a man of base behauiour and altogether opposite to the vertues of S. Gregorie Constantine the second procured himselfe to be elected by corruption and force Ioan the eighth was a woman and a harlot Romanus Theodorus Iohn the tenth and Christopher were infamous for seditions symonie lust and other base abuses in life Iohn 11. the bastard of Pope Sergius was elected by fauour of Theodora his mistrisse Iohn the 13. was accused of many vile villanies before the Emperour Otho the great Boniface the 7. attained his place by corruption and maintained it by sacrilege Siluester the second was a Magician and came to his dignitie by couenanting with the diuell Benedict the 10. was compelled to quit his place because of his Symony Boniface the 8. was aduanced like a Foxe reigned like a Lion and died like a dogge What shall we say that all these were the oracles of heauen the heads of the Church the guides and grounds of religion the successors of S. Peter the Vicaâ—s generall of Iesus Christ wil worldly Princes endure such who are not only vnseruiceable vnto them but dishonorable but rebellious for their liefetenants And seeing good life is a sruite of faith seeing faith is expressed by actions of life shall we say that these men who liued in this sort could neither erre nor faile in faith Alas how then would they haue liued if they could haue erred or failed in faith I will not digge deep into this dunghill I will not speak of the heresies of Iohn the 23. of the scandalous deportments of Eugenius the 4. of the Incests Sorceries poysonings cutthroat cruelties of Alexander the 6. of the couetousnes the cruelties the periuries the blasphemies the adulteries the Sodometries the disdainfull pride the cunning dissimulatioÌ„ and other infamous behauior of diuers other Bishops of Rome I will not speake of the two monsters lately hatched within that Sea to the broad blemish of religion to the vtter ouerthrow of ciuill societie the one aequiuocation the other parâ—icide of Princes raising rebellions for the cause of religion In one word to the point of our purpose as Christ denied the Iewes to be the children of Abraham because they did not the workes of Abraham and as S. Paul said that the children not of the flesh but of the faith of Abraham were to bee accounted his seede in regard whereof S. Iohn also said that many affirmed themselues to be Iewes who were not so we may safely defend that the true succession of S. Peter and of the other Apostles consisteth not in comming after theÌ„ in place but in holding their doctrine and imitating their godlines in life This saith Gregorie Nazianzene and not succession in place is in proper sense to bee taken for succession For to expresse the same iudgement and mind is to possesse the very same Chaire the difference of Sea is the difference in opinion for doctrine and for life This is a succession in truth and indeed that is only a succession in name Stratoâ—les published in the citie of Athens that whatsoeuer the tyrant Demetrius should ordaine the same was to be esteemed holy before God and iust before men When Cambyses was desirous to espouse his Sister the fact was iustified by this law of the Persians The King may do what soeuer he please Doubtlesse said he many Bishops of Rome in claiming Hyperbolicall power to beare through Diabolicall dristes haue bin rather successors to these men then vnto any of the Apostles To conclude with answere vnto those who can find a difference betweene the Pope and the Pope betweene the Pope as being a man and the Pope as being Bishop of Rome betweene the Pope in his Consistory and the Pope in his Palace or among his Souldiers in the field betweene the Imperiall and Pontificall Pope I will tell you what Fulgosius he that was throwen out of state in Liguria reported of a certaine Archbishâ—p of Colen As this Archbishop being also Duke of Colen passed through a small Village in Germanie with so great a trame of armed men according to the fashion of that people that it neerly approched the greatnes of an armie a certain countrie fellow brake forth into a loude laughter against him And being therefore presented before the Archbishop hee boldly said that hee could not refraine both to laugh and to admire considering the great pouertie the great humilitie wherein the Apostles passed the trauailes of this life that they who carrie themselues for the Apostles successours should thus plunge themselues both in plentie and in pride Simple fellow said the Archbishop I doe now beare the state and presence of a Duke I represent an Archbishop when I am within the church At this speech the fellow did â—ise into a more broad and bolde laughter And being demaunded the cause thereof I pray you said hee whilest this Duke ruineth the Church both by action and example how is the Bishop in the meane time busied and when this Duke for this cause shall goe to the diuell what shall then become of the Bishop There was not any amongs vs who did not countenance this conceit with a smile And this had put a period to our discourse had not one maintained it with further speech that he would gladly heare these questions so fullie followed as then hee saw