his Person and Estates he was received by his Catholick Majesty and his Lieutenants General with a sincere friendship and taken into his particular Protection with so much love and care of his Concernments that he had always included him in all Treaties touching the General Peace which sufficiently shewed forth the candidnëss of his proceeding and the honourable esteem had of his Person admitting him besides into all Councils of War and other debates of his Majesties Officers and Ministers of State that notwithstanding these so great benefits recerved by him he had contrary unto his duty and the tyes of gratitude wherein he stood ingaged done many things prejudiciall unto the Interests of the Crown from which he had received so great advantages For that besides the Plundrings Rapines Sacriledges and inhumanities exercised upon the Subjects by his Forces which were to be imputed unto the Duke himself and were rendred sufficiently notorious and publick by the general Out-cries Teares and Lamentations of the people there was an ample discovery made of his secret intelligences and the carrying on of designes by him no way conducing to the advantage of the publick service which he was bound to promote sincerely by the assistance of his Forces that every man was capable of discovering his inconstancy and affected irresolution in the matters to be resolved on touching the War and the delays used by him in executing the designs of most importance which was the cause that by his sole default many considerable Enterprizes which according to all probability and humane providence were likely to have been of great benefit and advantage had miscarried That all these things were so well known not only to the Lieutenants General Colonels and other Officers of the Army but even to the very Souldiers and common People who were Eye-witnesses thereof that they exclaimed and admired so abominable abuses were let to run on without a remedy That true it was the King of Spain by reason of his own innate goodness and the affection he bears unto the House of Lorrain had been indulgent even to the extremity hoping still the Duke touched with remorse of his own conscience and consideration of his Majesties unparallel'd bounty would at length return unto his duty But things proceeding still from bad to worse and his irregular deportments being arrived even to the utmost bounds of sufferance were come to such extremity that all his Majesties Subjects and all the Neighbouring Princes and States had them in such abomination that the effects of their revenge were even upon the point of falling upon Flanders on that account His Majesty therefore that he might no farther provoke the Divine wrath against himself nor the indignation of the abused Princes and People against his subjects could not longer defer the taking such courses as were necessary to stop the Current of this mischief by the securing of his Person wherein he swarved not in the least manner from the Law of Nature and of Nations which permits all Soveraign Princes to prevent without respect of any Person whatsoever all oppressions and violences exercised against their Dominions and Subjects and do justice unto themselves their People and the Neighbouring Princes and States in Amity with them having first in vain made trial of ways of sweetness for the effecting of it That he did this not out of any aversion to the House of Lorrain but on the contrary protested that he would alway protect it and espouse their interests in testimony whereof he had proposed the Prince Francis of Lorrain his Brother to command his Forces and until his arrival the Arch-Duke declared and commanded all should observe and obey the orders of the Count Ligneville Lieutenant General of the said Forces giving farther an assurance unto all the Officers and Souldiers of a general pardon of all excesses they had before committed under the said Dukes command and this Manifesto was made the very day on which the Duke was arrested which was the 25th day of February 1654. It was afterwards insinuated among the Souldiers that the Duke should not be sent away for Spain but that some points being adjusted with him and security given for his Fidelity he should be set at liberty wherewith the minds of the Officers and Souldiers affectionate unto the Service of their Prince were something quieted and that bitterness removed which this unexpected accident had raised amongst them The news of this Action coming to the Court of Spain was received with that content which an Affair deserved whereon depended consequences of so great importance but these superficial reflections corresponded not to those were made by them who looked deeper into the matter because although the Action were judged to be necessary and that a longer dissimulation would have been improper to give a remedy to those disorders yet the ill consequences such an example might produce rendred the execution of it to be no way suitable unto the rules of Policy It was considered that the Services the Duke had done the House of Austria were publick but his failings published in the Manifesto and declarations of the Arch-Duke were yet unknown little credit being usually given to what is published by interested Persons that it was very hard to wipe out the opinion already settled that the Duke had provoked France against him only to comply with the Spaniard and upon that account only had lost his Country so as if he were after the loss thereof refuged in Flanders it seemed rather to be the effect of an Obligation than their courtesie That by how much the deeper he was charged with Crimes by the Spanish Ministers by so much more the proceedings of France against him seemed to be justified with this consideration that if he had given just cause unto the Spaniard whom he had so much obliged to punish him the French against whom he had raised Arms had certainly a just occasion for what they did besides it was some trouble to the Spaniard to consider that upon this example any Prince or Person of Quality who had well deserved from them might hereupon have a just cause to think that the Services done to them meet with ingratitude but the injuries they receive are never pardoned and thereupon desperately resolve to employ themselves no more in performing Services which are not like to be acknowledged but choose a party that may be able to secure them against their power of being able to inflict punishment The Court of France upon this news made a great stir and endeavoured to improve this good opportunity of decrying the Actions of their Enemies which because it may be gathered from the Manifesto published in the King of France his name the 2d of Iuly 1654. in Sedan where the Court then was It will not be â—â—niss here to insert it WHereas the most Christian King hath been given to understand that divers Commanders and a great part of the Souldiery and other Persons belonging to the Army
Duke of Orleans his Speech The first President his The Duke's Reply Resolutions for the peoples ease Endeavours to straiten the King Treaty of Noysy Duke of Longueville's disgusts Debates in the Kings Council The Cardinals opinion seconded by Milleraye Proceedings in Flanders Treaty at Munster begun by Pope Urban 8. Richlieu dies and the French King Protestants at Osnaburgh Deputies for the several Princes Hollanders for their own ends The Swede constant to their Allyes A Truce propounded Bavaria for the French The Hollanders conclude a Truce apart change it for a Peace Zealand excepts against the Peace Sum of the Peace Modena his disgusts with Spain The King of Spain marries the Emperour's Daughter FRANCE continued in the same Fortune and Condition the Year of our Lord 1648 that King Lewis the Thirteenth left it And was in the highest and happiest Posture that she ever had been in the Reign of any whatsoever other King being wholly united and all of a piece She extended her Conquests from the Banks of the Mosel to beyond the Rhine in Germany and beyond those of the Iberi in Spain by the possession of Flix and Tortosa and scouring throughout the Mediterranean with a powerful Fleet was both dreaded and respected Lewis de Bourbon Prince of Conde as famous for War as any of our Age having continued his Victories in Flanders had filled all those Provinces with Dread and Fear Marshall Turenne by his preserving of so many places taken and by his seâ—eral Deâ—eats â—iven to the â—nemy in Germany hâ—d penetrated beyond â—he River Lecâ—â— in the 〈◊〉 of Bavaâ—â—a and made the French Forâ—es formiâ—able thrâ—ugh the whoâ—â— Emâ—ire Count Plessis Pâ—alin joyning with Francis Duke of Modena declared to be General of the King of France his Forces in Italy occasioned no little apprehension in all those Princes by his Siege laid to Cremona it being evident that if he should succeed in that Enterprize the French would get footing in the State of Milan The Armies were composed of Warlike People all of them almost of the same Nation which by Vivacity and Courage makes her self as fit for the managing of Arms and effecting of great Enterprizes as any other Nation and her Commanders were most part of tried Valour and conspicuous as well for Birth as Courage France was Confederated in Germany with the Swissers and with the greatest part of the Protestant Princes the Peace not being yet concluded with the Emperour and in Italy with the Houses of Savoy and Modena and kept excellent Correspondency with almost all the other Princes of Italy In Spain the Catalonians continued constant and the Portuguezes confident Nor could she be jealous as then of England or Holland the former being busied in Civil Wars and the latter willing to enjoy that Peace which she had obtained at the expence of so much Money and Blood Europe being a Spectator of these her Prosperities looked upon this her Prepotenza with the same reflexions as she had looked upon the Success of the Emperour Charles the Fifth's Forces when Fortune smiled most upon them Nothing appeared wanting to crown her Felicity but a Moderation in some of her Natives who were guided by Ambition and by Spleen against him who manged this so great weight So as these natural and almost unalterable defects being taken away she might peradventure not have found any thing to withstand her in her highest and most generous Designes For the better knowledg of what hapned in these times it will be requisite to look a little back and take the beginning and true reasons of the first Revolution in Paris which afforded Fuel to raise the Flame of Civil War a little higher And because this had no other rise but his fortunate guidance who directed the Kingdom which won him so much credit as awakened jealousies and envy in those who saw themselves not so much respected we must attentively examine the Motives that we may the more clearly deduce the Fallacies of the Conclusions King Lewis the Thirteenth leaving the Queen his Wife Regent when he died left a great share of managing the Affairs to Cardinal Mazarino moved thereunto by the trial he had often had of his Loyalty and Worth in divers difficult Emergencies And he may be truly said to be even now one of the greatest Ministers of State that France ever had For Fortune favouring his designs made him not only effect unexpected Enterprizes but won him Applause throughout all Europe It is rather incredible than strange that an Infant-King a Queen of a Rival Nation a Forreiner chief Minister of State have not only been able to resist the Contracts of so many divers Opinions amongst a People so lively Spirited but being badly looked upon by so many Princes and Lords at Court but have at the same time won so many Battels taken so many Towns and dilated the French Dominion on all Sides having no reason to envie the fortunate Government of the late King nor the Administration of the ever-memorable Cardinal Richelieu The most Christian King advancing amongst so many Conquests to his Majority it is hard to relate what confusion arose amongst those that were enemies to his Crown who found cleerly that notwithstanding the Peace concluded between Spain and Holland the affairs of France were grown to that height as had it not been for Novelties introduced by the French themselves the Spanish Monarchy would have been reduced to very bad terms For if you will consider Italy Cremona was besieged by the French which if it had been taken would have put the State of Milan in much danger and the Kingdom of Naples would have been indangered by the Fleet at Sea that Kingdom being more in the power of the people than of the Spaniards and Tarragona might have been blockt up by the same Fleet when the French had taken Tortosa so as there would have been but small hope of preserving that place the loss whereof would have made way for the French to have entered into the Bowels of those Kingdoms and would have kept the Spaniards from entering into Catalognia And in Flanders the winning of the Battel of Lens by the Prince of Condè made it be known that the French were sufficient to get the better of the Spaniards best Forces without any diversion of the Vnited Provinces But because by how much the King's Authority grew greater so much more did the jealousies and apprehensions of some few Male-contents increase who feared the loss of Favour and Authority and began to be sensible how slowly Favaours were conferr'd upon them which they desired more than became them they thought that in the conjuncture of the pressing occasions of Court they might advance their designes by causing some rents in Court before the King should be out of his Minority They therefore took a seeming pretence of the common good and under the specious asserting that the King's Authority ought to be bounded within the terms of moderate Dominion they
dead and sent Saravedra back to Spain From the King of France the Counts Avaux and Servient and at last the Duke of Longueville who pretending to be called by the title of Highness caused much hindrance in the carrying on of the business The Elector of Bavaria sent Baron Haslare thither as his Embassador All the other Potentates of Europe sent their Deputies for there were but few who were not in some sort concern'd therei So as the multiplicity of affairs the weight thereof and the hardness of the pretences some whereof were ever and anon altered according to the success of Arms was the cause why the Mediators being drawn from off the main point lest the affair involved in such difficulties as are not yet overcome The French being confederated with the Swedes and Hollanders intended that their Interests should be treated on joyntly but the Swedes declared that they would have nothing to do with Spain and the Hollanders intended not to meddle with what concerned the Empire so as France was forced to change her form of proceeding the Princes with whom she was to treat being divided into two Classis the one whereof included the Swedes Empire and Emperour the other the Hollanders and the King of Spain and yet this division wanted not difficulties which were almost insuperable For the Hollanders would not as then listen to any more than a Truce and the Swedes and other Confederates with France declared they would have a Peace Castel Roderigo offered a Blank unto the Hollanders which they might treat of at home The Hollanders pretended Truce onely and not Peace for that their Commonwealth being maintained by Arms thought it would be dangerous to reduce it to Idleness which they had by experience found to be so To this the Prince of Orange his Interest was added who getting great advantage by War would not willingly listen to a long peace They intended also to make this Truce so as that if France should enter thereinto she should oblige herself upon any breach to reassume War But though the other Confederates did not correspond herein the Treaty of Truce was continued which was afterwards converted to a perpetual Peace New Articles were therefore agreed upon between the Counts of Avaux and Servient as they passed thorough Holland to Munster on the one side and the States General on the other Wherein the parties did reciprocally binds themselves not onely not to treat of any thing without the assent and participation of the other Colleague but that the Treaty should be carried on so equally as if one of the parties should see the others business advance more than its it should desire the other to proceed no further till its affairs were equally advanc'd The French inclined to Peace because it made for them to have Peace in such a conjuncture of time as they could not be more glorious nor more powerful and it proved very advantageous for them for thereby they eased the Kingdom of the vast expence they were at by War and secured themselves from the Conspiracies and Troubles which usually arise in France in their Kings minority It is true they pretended thereunto upon such advantages as they thought became them by reason of the great Forces they were Masters of and by the Intelligence which they held in Germany and elsewhere The French Agents ends were these nor would they ever be drawn to any thing apart from their Confederates concernments The Swedes and Princes and States of the Empire were of the same minde The Hollanders who supposed that by their abundance of Shipping they might assume unto themselves all Traffick during the War between the two Crowns and thereby swallow up all the Wealth of France and Spain seemed not to insist upon their Colleagues senâ—e for as a Commonwealth which measures Affairs onely so far as they tend to their own advantage they knew they could not advantage them more than by the disadvantages of the two Crowns leaving them engaged in War and therefore they seemed to steer a course differing from the rest and it was thought that thereby they did very much prejudice the business which was otherwise in a fair way The Spaniards did really desire Peace for being weary of so many long Wars and depressed by the Revolts of their own Dominions they loved once to put an end to the inconveniencies which people feel by the long course of sinister fortune and the rather for that the Kingdom wanting Male succession the people were less willing to contribute to the Grandezza thereof they applied themselves to more adequate means whereby to moderate the high pretences of the French and sought to break the Union of their Enemies that they might make them more pliable to fair and honest things They therefore endeavoured to make Caesar treat with the Hollanders apart not including the French but the Queen of Swedeland and her Council carried her self with much faith and constancy towards her Colleagues They found matters better disposed with Holland for to boot with the aforesaid Reasons and Interests the business was to be managed by particular men and more subject to be corrupted And the French gave out that here was the Rent for some of the Holland-Deputies were bribed by Count Pignoranda but none were found guilty but Myn here Niderolfe Deputy of Guelderland In the first Proposals the French projected that the King of Spain should call himself no more King of Portugal nor of Navarre nor Prince of Catalonia that the Elector of Treves should be set at liberty And they together with the Swedes pretended that the Deputies of the Cities and States of the Empire should assist in the Assembly Caesar would not consent hereunto thinking that it became not his Vassals to appear as Soveraigns in these management he demanded the making good of the Treaty at Ratisbone the year 1632. The Spaniards required what had been taken from them upon the example of the several Peaces made at Cambray Crespy and Vervins and they would not by any means have that the Duke of Braganza should be included in the Peace who had usurped the Kingdom of Portugal and that whilst the King of France was in his Minority wherein they hoped that the face of Affairs might alter and for their greater security the Parliament of Paris was to take Cognizance of the whole Affair The War between Sweden and Denmark being hereunto added the Treaties slept for eight months This War was made by the Swedes not so much concerning the Sound as to keep the King of Denmark from medling with their Affairs as Mediator of Peace whom they held to be their antient Rival The Mediators did at this time demand the Deputies that they would shew their Plenipotentiary Patents The French denied to deliver theirs till those of the Emperour and the Swedes had delivered theirs which was thought to be a pretence to prolong time whilst by reason of the War with Denmark they had not been
delivered at Osnaburgh and their Mediator was wanting The Plenipotentiary Patents came at last to the Officers of the Crown as was agreed upon by the Mediators and from Ianuary to Iune the time was spent in general Propositions Upon Count Oxenstern's coming to Munster to agree the Proposals which were to be joyntly made by the Swedes and French the Confederate Crowns took advantage by the Victory had at Tabore and by other proceedings of the French and Swedish Forces and obliged the Emperour to set the Elector of Triers at liberty which caused much prejudice afterwards and they protested that unless this were done they would be gone and leave all things unperfected The Emperour gave way thereunto and restored all his possessions unto him except it were Philipsburg which being in the hands of the French was not spoken of by them and this was thought to be the effect of haste which they made to have him freed to oblige that Elector and that he might speak no more of that place It was moreover granted that the States of the Empire might be called at Munster and at Osnaburgh In the beginning of December the Imperialists and Spaniards gave in their Propositions the French did the like and upon these the business lasted for three whole years for when the Articles were to be concluded they were disturbed or altered by accidents of Arms. The Spaniards said that the French did sometimes grant sometimes gain-say things that had been agreed upon The French said that the Spaniards did sometimes assent unto sometimes make difficulty of Proposals that were yielded unto The Writing which after a long time the French gave in contained That all the Confederates of France should be satisfied and have tehir Interests decided together with those of the Crown That for the affairs of Italy the French were ready to agree unto what the Pope the Venetians and the other Potentates of that Nation should think fit whilst they should not be prejudicial to his Christian Majesty And that the Princes and States of the Empire and of Italy should be bound for security of these Treaties The Spaniards thought this Writing rather likely to break the Treaty of Peace than to continue it since the number of the Confederates with France were not named and some Chapters thereof were not to be admitted of by the Spaniards whilst it was therein mentioned that neither the Princes of the Empire nor those of Italy would be bound to maintain the Peace between the two Crowns nor that the Pope nor Venetians would accept of the Office of being Councellors to France All which the Spaniards said were unsubstantial and denoted with what designe that Instrument was made They therefore did briskly oppose it and pretended that the Mediators themselves did know the rubs which were cast in by the French and that they had desired the Mediators to moderate them who wisht they might not be forced to that till the Duke of Longueville should be come In which interim they exhibited the new Plenipotentiary Patents in the same form as was judged by the Mediators to be agreed upon on the 20 th of November 1644. This was also found by the Spaniards to differ in nine points more than the Nuntio and Cavalier Contarini had contrived A Truce was propounded by the Mediators to Count Pignoranda six days after he was come to Munster as well for that it was necessary to the better negotiating of Peace as that they might assist the Venetians who desired help against the Turks to the benefit of Christendom But nothing was concluded therein for though the Spaniards seemed willing to assent thereunto the Interests of many Princes besides the French were so differing as they could not agree therewith The Spanish Agents offer'd to remit all to the Mediators but the French suspecting some deceit said That they had no authority to make compromises but that they had order to make Peace which they were ready to do They tried all their power with the Mediators and States of the Empire to have the Portuguese admitted and were very earnest herein that they might not abandon their Friends which the Spaniards complain'd mightily of saying That this was to puzzle the whole Treaty for they knew if this were done the Spanish Agents had strict orders to forego Munster presently The French were at this time more feared than loved in the Assembly for their continual Victories made all men apprehend that they might end in the common Prejudice Their Demands were obliquely fomented by the Elector of Bavaria who desired the Protection of France to be maintained in his Electoral Title and in the possession of his Dominions which the Swedes did sorely threaten who were worse satisfied with this Prince than with any other for having broken the Peace which he had made at Vlm with the French and Swedes apart from the Emperour which was the right way to bring on the general Peace at Munster The Prince of Orange who knew the States inclination wish'd the French that they should not care for making the Deputies of the Vnited Provinces come so soon to the Assembly but that they should first seek their own advantages by other means with the Spaniards for otherwise they would be deceived by the Holland-Deputies who were already won by the Spanish Agents and that they should no sooner be come to Munster but that the Peace would be concluded apart as was by them desired and that it would be better for them to treat in Holland where about the Religion and civil Government they would hardly agree The French suspected this advice considering that he might give it for his own particular Interest in keeping his Command and in making the War continue They notwithstanding continued their desires by their Deputies to the Assembly and thought that if they were come with a real resolution of cooperating friendly according to the establish'd Covenants they might expect a glorious and good Peace The Council of France foresaw therefore that though the Spaniards should conclude of Peace upon any whatsoever conditions yet since it made for their interest to make use of those disorders which usually arise in a King's Minority they might break it upon some new pretence upon any troubles in France especially when they should be sure of the disunion and disarming of the Colleagues it seeming almost impossible that these two Rival-Nations should continue long together in Peace Count Servient came Extraordinary Embassador into Holland and made it appear plainly to the States that the true way to make a firm and lasting Peace was to binde themselves in an undissolvable Union and in obliging themselves to take up Arms each other for their Confederate in case that the Agreement should by any accident be broken This business was treated of above three months for though the Hollanders should assent to the Proposal yet they did not understand themselves obliged to take up Arms unless the Spaniards should break the Peace in
the year 1617. That Don Duarte of Portugal should be set at liberty before the Treaty were ratified That all the Goods that were formerly belonging to the house of Aquavia in the Kingdom of Naples confiscated by Ferdinando King of Aragon should be restored to Seignior de Angliere the pretended Duke of Atria And that the pretensions to the Kingdom of Navar should be reserved to the King of France notwithstanding the Peace Some dispute arose hereupon which the French said was made by Pignoranda to spin on time and to conclude nothing for they said they had been already determined and that they were now mention'd only to know how they might be established The Spaniard said that they were new additions but that notwithstanding they were contented they should be decided by the Mediators by whom at last they were adjusted in the end of February 1647. The Hollanders wrought it so as the Spaniards accepted of an Instrument of Peace presented by the French which contained 76 Articles amongst which they included Portugal which the Spaniards absolutely refused and the French were forced to leave it out but with addition of something else which the Spaniards thought to be contrary to the Declaration of the 17 th of September 1646. which the Interpositors had made which made it be yet the more believed that the French Agents thought not of any agreement building upon the assurance they had from the Hague that the States would not treat separately The Spaniards would by no means yield up Piombino and Portolongona the Count of Avaux who was an Enemy to Count Servient and did not square with Longueville insisted upon the detaining of Portugal This mean while Count Pignoranda made new offers to the Vnited Provinces as well by means of their Plenipotentiaries as by two Writings given in on the 13 th of March and on the 11 th of April which occasioned that some of the Deputies that were returned home were ordered to be in a readiness to return to Munster and they writ to all the Provinces that they should send their Deputies to the Hague to take a final resolution touching the Treaties begun in Spain On the fourth of May the French declared that they had received orders from Paris that the King of France intended to be at liberty to assist the King of Portugal and that if Pignoranda did not presently accept of this Proposal he would demand a Truce for Portugal for 30 years and perpetual Peace for Catalonia Whereupon the Spaniards declared that if the French held themselves free not to observe what they had at first propounded to the end that they might occasion Novelties in the affairs of Portugal that it was also fair for Spain not to maintain what she had offered The Mediators that the Treaty might not break told the Spanish Agents that it would farther the business much if they would admit of a new Instrument which they had delivered to the French wherein they insinuated how the third Article of the already-thrown-out Writing touching each parties assisting their Confederates might be regulated To which the Spaniards answered that that Article was so well established already in the first Instruments of Peace as it needed no further explaining Notwithstanding this Negative the Mediators did still Negotiate and on the first of Iune they framed a rough draught of a Clause which might be severally given touching the manner how the Confederates might be assisted which being refused the Treaty was suspended till the midst of August at which time they did reassume it resolving to read distinctly all the Instruments which had been presented by both parties the second time and to pick out all the contentious points in which the Spaniard said that the French had added that whilst a League was established between the States and Princes of Italy for the security of the Peace between the two Crowns they might reciprocally retain the Towns which they were possest of in the States of Savoy and Mantua which was refused by the Spaniards who were resolved that each party should have that which was theirs restored affirming that since Savoy and Mantua could not dispose of the other Princes of Italy as they listed they ought not to be bound to expose themselves to the prejudice of no restitution till a League were made which depended upon the Will of others After this whilst the Mediators were negotiating very hotly the French on the eighth of September declared that they had received orders not to treat any longer unless Spain would first consent to abandon totally the Duke of Lorain's Cause which the Spaniards absolutely refused complaining that the French would be at liberty to assist the Portugal who was an unjust Usurper and that they must not defend Lorain who was unduly driven out These things altered as occasions altered the French were confident in their opinions of being seconded by their Confederates to make use of the weakness of Spain which was at this time not a little threatned by what had hapned in Sicily and in Naples and they were strong Reasons to make them lay hold of a conjuncture so propitious for them But that which appeared to be a powerful Antidote proved pestiferous Poyson For the greater that populous and Warlike Nation grew they raised the more apprehensions in their Neighbours nay in their Friends This was one of the chief reasons which was thought made the Hollanders forego their Engagements and Agreements with the French and which made the pretension good of treating apart from their Colleagues wherefore the next Iune without making it known to the Mediators they concluded a Truce not much unlike that of the year 1612 to the great distaste of the French as contrary to their Conventions whereat they were highly scandalized and sent to Holland to complain thereof Embassador Pau who was Deputy for Amsterdam did so much as this City of and by her self made good what was done against the other six Provinces These would have saln to some other resolution but the proceedings of France made the Hollanders so jealous as they bethought themselves of their business and being afterwards left by the Spaniards to their own free will to accept either of Truce or Peace the Truce was at last changed to a perpetual Peace as being that which establish'd them to be a free and 80-verain State excluding all pretensions which the King of Spain or any of his Heirs could have thereunto They therefore appointed the 30 th of Ianuary for the subscribing of this their particular Treaty Whereupon the French put in their Protestation before it was published which made the Hollanders desire a further time from Pignoranda but he foreseeing that if the business were discovered it might easily be diverted declared not onely that he could not give way thereunto but that they should establish it before they went out of the House where they were or that the Treaty should be for ever broken and all the Writings
burnt They therefore signified to the French Agents by two of their Colleagues that if they should not admit of the advantageous Conditions which were offered them by Spain they could not defer the concluding of this their Treaty apart The French demanded 15 daies time to dispatch away an express to the Court without the consent whereof this being a new thing they could resolve nothing Whereupon the Hollanders desired the Spaniards that an authentick Act might be made whereby they might be bound to keep the same Conditions with France concerning Peace for two months which were already granted them and this was readily granted Two days after the Duke of Longueville return'd to Paris and the Express which was sent being come thither before him the Queen sent for the Marquiss of Bagni who was the Apostolick Nuntio in France and for Cavaliere Michel Morosini the Venetian Embassador that they who were very intelligent persons might examine the Conditions of Peace which were newly exhibited and should speak their opinions therein They had several meetings hereupon and having well weighed the business told her Majesty That they thought them very fair and advantageous whereof the Mediators were soon advertised who visited Count Pignoranda and told him That the French were ready to continue the Negotiation and to and all Controversies they in the name of France offer'd to refer the Six undecided Articles to be terminated either by the Queen of Sweden alone or by her joyn'd with the States of the Empire or by those alone or by the Vnited Provinces That therefore they might begin the Articles which were refer'd by Pignoranda to the Arbitrement of Holland and reassume the Treaties where they were left in November and December the year 1647. the Count answered that he was first engaged with the Holland-Plenipotentiaries and that he could not condescend thereunto till they should free him of his word or that the French should again declare that they did not assent to that Interposition Cavaliere Contarini assured him that the French were resolved not to admit of it knowing that the Holland-Plenipotentiaries were won over by the Spaniards and so he pass'd on to discourse upon the undecided points which were That the Spaniards did not intend to yield up the Territories of the Cities which were granted to France in Flanders and in Rossiâ—â—on That the French should not be suffer'd to fortifie themselves in Catalonia nor in Cassal during the Thirty years Truce That Portugal should not be therein comprehended nor the freedom of Don Edward di Braganza who was Prisoner in the Castle of Millain That Piombino and Porta Longone should be restored That the Fortifications at Nancy should not be demolished and that the time wherein Cassal should be restored to the Duke of Mantua should be specified Upon these differences Pignoranda told the Mediators That if France did not readily accept of the Conditions which were offer'd he conceived himself to be at liberty and not obliged to any thing which had been formerly exhibited The Hollanders ratified the concluded Peace with no little diminution of the opinion which the French had of them since is to satisfie their Colleagues as they were bound to do they had forborn ratifying but for fifteen days the French believed the Spaniards would either have agreed with France or else would have subscribed to any Conditions Pignoranda was aware that the Department of the French might have made the States to be of this Opinion wherefore as there is nothing which more facilitates the effecting of any thing than necessity when advised by fear 't is said that he protested to the Holland Agents That if they had forborn this Ratification any longer he would have made Peace with France upon any terms Wherefore it was thought that this consideration being added to what hath been said was of great force to make the Council of the seven Vnited Provinces at the Hague ratifie what they did For all this Pignoranda shew'd himself prone to a suspension of Arms the next Cmapagnâ—a which was thought proper to draw on a good end of the Treaties which he signified to Seignior Maynersuich who was the onely one that remained at Munster for the Vnited Provinces But Servient who was also the onely one that was now at the Assembly for both Longueville and Avaux were gone being angry at the Hollanders proceedings and thinking himself deluded by the Spanish Agents refused it thiâ—king it but a trick to make advantage of the time and to make it be believed that the French desired Peace which they dreamt not on He therefore refused another Proposal made by the Hollanders That notwithstanding the two moneths should be expired if they would accept of what was at first offered them they would endeavour that the Spaniards should grant it but he published a sharp Writing on the 14 th of May as he had good reason to do and within a few daies went to Ofnaburg to solicite an end with the Emperour and Empire excluding Spain and Lorain The mean while on the 16 th of May 1648 the mutual ratification of the Hollanders was perfected and on the 22 of Iune a new Proposal was made to facilitate an Agreement between the two Crowns But Servient refused all both in Words and Writing that they were but tricks to deceive the World and so he retired from Munster The Spaniards conceiving this mean while high hopes to make great advantages of having thus separated the Union between Holland and France thought their designes would succeed the better for that they found certain Gabals arise of some of the Parliament and other Malecontents against the Regency and to pull down the Cardinal Pignoranda finding that all the French Agents were gone from Munster and that there were none left for him to treat with he also went about the end of Iuly to Brussels much praised for his wife Conduct of those affairs He left notwithstanding Don Antonio Brown a person of great capacity with the same Plenipotentiary-power to continue any Treaties that might be made of new declaring that there was no more need of any meeting since the Assembly was broken by the French Agents having abused the opportunity of a rational and fair Accommodation Don Lewis de Haro Conde Duca d'Olivares the King of Spain's chief State-Minister declared that it was better it should be said that the Spaniards had refused Peace than to have made it with so much prejudice to the Crown just when Fortune glutted with the prosperity of France began to turn the Wheel Cardinal Mazarine hearing that the Treaties were embroiled and being resolved to make Peace with credit and advantage to the Crown forthwith reassumed the business and made the Nuntio write to Pignoranda offering him a meeting wherein the business might be quickly discust and ended The Nuntio writ on the 7 th of August 1648 to the Count who accepted the invitation and answered by the Pope's Internuntio in Flanders that he
then possess'd of the fourteen Villages which were held by Frederick Duke of Holsatia di Gottorpe and by those that descended from him in the Jurisdiction of Holsatia Tritoâ—â—ico and Rimbeck being for ever to remain to the said Duke Fâ—â—derick To the Elector of Brandenburg the remainder of the further â—ost Pomâ—rania and in lieu of that part that was granted to the Swedes the Bishopricks of Magdeburg and Minden together with some lesser Lordships The Palatine of Rhine was restored to the lower Palatinate and to all the prerogatives injoy'd therein before the Rebellion of Bohemia and an eighth Elector was to be made which was to be the said Palatine the upper Palatinate and County of Câ—mb with the Title of Elector was given to the Duke of Bavaria he being to renounce his pretensions to the thirteen Millions and all other claims upon the upper Austria Six hundred thousand Dollars were to be paid to the Lantgrave of Hâ—ssen within nine months space by the Electors of Mentz and Culen for restitution of the Towns taken in these Wars That the Town of Brisack with all the Territories thereof the Lantgraveship of the upper and lower Alsatia and of Langaw the Provincial Jurisdiction of the ten Emperial Cities in Alsatia viz. Hagenan Colmar Slecstat Weisemberg Landaw Oberstein Rosheim Munster in St. George his Valley Kaiserberg and Tarinhaime should for ever be incorporated into the Kingdom of France and the King of France might keep a Garrison perpetually in the Town of Philipsburg he being to pay three Millions of French Livres in three years which were to commence when the King of Spain should have subscribed the Treaty and the rest of the Cities and Towns that were taken were to be restored unto him The Emperour and Empire were to relinquish to the King of France the right of Soveraignty which they could pretend unto in Pinarol in Italy and to take away all occasions of further Ruptures between the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua the King of France was to pay 494000 Crowns to the Duke of Mantua which were promised him by the late King at the discharge of the Duke of Savoy to whom the Emperour was to give the Investment of the Fee-farms and States which were adjudged unto him at the Treaty of Chirasco Caesar promising moreover never to molest the Duke of Savoy in his right of Soveraignty in Rocaverano Olmo and Cesol and what belonged thereunto as if they were wholly independant upon the Empire Five Millions of Dollars were to be paid to the Crown of Sweden at three limited payments with due Cautions Many other Articles were specified in the Articles to the satisfaction of other Princes States Cities and interessed Seigniories and in this Peace all the Confederates Friends and adherents as well of the Emperour and Empire's side as of the French and Swede's were comprehended And this Torâ—ent of Miseries being thus ended all those parts were full of joy and content The Nuntio Chigi who had carried himself zealously in the Peace between the two Crowns conceiving when they should be agreed the Protestants would not be so high in their pretensions as also in the other between the Emperour and France when he knew that in this Setlement certain Conditions were inserted which were prejudicial to the Catholick Religion he accounted all his labour and mediation ill spent Out of Zeal to God and the Church he forbad the Plenipotentiaries to speak to him any more of that Peace he shut up his House where all the Meetings had been held and protested against the Agreement made in Osnaburg he made his name and the names of Pope Vrban and Pope Innocent be cancel'd out of the Instrument of Peace he protested against the Subscription made at Munster on the 6th of October and he also protested against the Ratification between the Emperour and the King of France made in the February following as he had protested against the Peace of Spain with the Hollanders by reason of the prejudice that was therein done to the Catholick Religion And this Nuntio who had never mediated in the Protestant Treaties but was against them always that he might as much as in him lay restore and sustain the Catholick Religion and Pontifical Authority sent back the Presents made him by the Emperour and King of France to the value of more than 14000 Crowns for reward of the pains he had taken declaring That he would have no hand in a Peace which was made to the prejudice of the Catholick Religion the honour whereof he preferr'd before any particular advantage whereby he merited so much from the Holy Sea as he was made Cardinal and afterwards Pope But because Polititians value appearance much as that which makes good or bad impressions in peoples minds who are not capable of the secret dealing of Statists the Spaniards denied what had been divulged against them by the French blaming them for having broken the Treaty without concluding Peace and giving out both in Words and Writing that the carriage of the Cardinal of Count Servient and of other of the King's Agents did not correspond with their appearances So as it was easie to make them be thought little zealous of the publick Quiet and to be hated by those people who wish'd for nothing more than to have an end of their miseries from whence it arose That it was not hard for those who sought for disturbances to augment such a pretence and to cause the Revolutions which are the subject of this History The Spaniards did also reiterate their complaints against the Emperour's State-Ministers for not disswading their Master from separating himself from the Union of their King now that the Hollanders were no less apprehensive of the French greatness than were the English so as it was to be believed that as the one had fallen off from the French to avoid their further fomenting their unsatiateness the others would apply themselves to oppose so vast presumptions They blamed the Caesarian State-Ministers of unadvisedness and pointed particularly at some of them as if to the end they might possess Lands and Lordships in the Country which was possess'd by the Swedes they had been easily perswaded rather to make Peace with them to recover what they had lost than to do what was good for their Master And for these reasons they were a long time resolute not to restore Frankendal and other Towns which they possess'd in the lower Palatinate But the Dutch who were open enough in their actions not listning to such Whispers seem'd to be content with Peace They said It was better for a wise Prince to purchase assured Peace to his Subjects though upon some disadvantage than to continue War with uncertain hopes of profit They observed religiously what they had promised and thereby won applause The French on the contrary said They needed no justification where there was no fault and did therefore refer themselves to the judgments of such as were best inform'd Cardinal
honest and permanent Peace he had sent him to the Members of Parliament who he knew were concern'd in the real Interest of the King and State to offer them to be Arbitrators of the Peace and that his Catholick Majesty would willingly submit to their judgment wherein if they would not be Judges he would permit the same Parliament to chuse Deputies out of their own Members and to let them be in what place they pleased yea even in Paris if they would and that the King of Spain would send his Deputies thither to treat of and to conclude a good and convenient Peace sufficient to give lasting quiet to the two Crowns In which Treaty the Duke of Lorain should be comprised who refused to accommodate himself to the Cardinal but kept joyned to the Spanish party That he had declared he had well-nigh 20000 men upon the Frontiers and that he would pass his word not to meddle with any of the Towns of the Kingdom as he easily might do considering how bad a condition they were in there being but 200 Foot in Peronne as many in St. Quintins and fewer in Chatelet and proportionally in other Towns That he had offered all these Forces to serve the Parliament if they should have occasion for them and that they might make use of them as they should please and make them be conducted by French Officers such as did depend upon the Parliament or that they might take what other course they pleased to free themselves from all fear that the said Forces should do any thing otherwise than for the service of the Parliament and according to their intentions And in case they should have no occasion to make use of them he would pass his word they should keep upon the Frontiers and do nothing whilst the Peace was negotiating He concluded with desire of an Answer which he might carry back to his Master These offers were debated in Parliament with diversity of opinion according as men were diversly concerned the greater number were minded rather to yield to the lawful fair pretences of their King than to be obstinate in those pretensions which being fomented by Forreigners must needs be ruinous The most of the Generals were of this sense who being sorry that they had entred into this Labyrinth sought all means to reconcile themselves to the Court and to reap that satisfaction by submission which is easilier in the Clemency than in the Justice of a Soveraign They considered that they were not of themselves to withstand the King That the Parisians were weary of the Siege That their Victuals grew daily less That the people would one day value Bread more than all the Victories and advantages of the Parliament or Princes That to throw themselves into the Arms of the Spaniards who were naturally their Enemies was to shun an April-shower and expose themselves to a Winter-tempest for that doubtedly they sought to weaken both parties equally that they might put the Yoak upon them both That if the French could so ill endure one sole Forreigner who was so affectionate and so advantageous to their King it was to be imagined that so many others who were naturally Enemies to France would be more hateful to them That if they had taken up Arms to obtain satisfaction from the Court they ought to endeavour the getting of it in this conjuncture of time than which they could not wish a better whilst for fear they should close with the Spaniard the Court would be glad to come to an agreement These things being thus reflected upon the first President the Presidents of Mesmes and Viola for the Grand Chamber the Counsellors of Chaumont and others for other Chambers and Courts were chosen to go at Deputies from the Parliament to the Queen to thank her for having received their former Members so gratiously to desire her that she would make good her words and raise the Siege before Paris as also to carry her a Copy of the Arch-Duke's Letter and acquaint her with what Arnolfini had said that their Majesties might see how sincerely the Parliament was minded not to fall from their due obedience by which generous action they hoped to regain the Regent's favour and make her yield to such an agreement as was desired by those that were wisest both in Parliament and Paris The Princes sent also Messengers with secret Instructions not to confer with any of the Kings Deputies save joyntly with those of the Parliament of Paris of Roan and with those of Duke Longueville and that touching the manner of Conference they should do as those of the Parliament did and regulate themselves according to the conference at Ruel That if those that were sent by Longueville and by the Parliament of Roan should not be come to where the meeting was to be they should wait their coming That if the Court should insist upon any Instruction contrary to this Instruction they should presently send word to the Prince of Conty and do nothing till they should have received an answer That in case the Court-Deputies should pretend that such a condition were repugnant to the full and absolute power which the Deputies ought to have and that they should refuse to do any thing without their present consent they should demand time to let Conty know it that there might be no interruption in the Conference That they should be careful to give daily intelligence of what should pass That they should demand for the Parliament and for Paris all that was demanded at the Conference of Ruel That they should pretend for the Parliament and for all the Territory thereof whatsoever was demanded by the Parliament at the Conference of Ruel That they should also insist upon the execution of all the Decrees of Parliament for the ease of the people and for a discharge of all the Taxes for two years for the Parishes belonging to the Territory of Paris and for 8 Leagues about the City in respect of their being ruinated by the passage and by the abode of the Kings Army That because the people could not expect ease nor the State safety during the War they should insist upon proceeding of the Treaty of Peace and that they should name some of the Parliament and of the Prince's people that it might be proceeded in effectually and unimpeded by any that were concern'd in the War and before Spain could make advantage of the present discords of France and to oblige the Arch-Duke who had offered the Parliament to become Arbitrator of all differences and to see all the promises performed that nothing should be undertaken against the Kingdom as appeared by a Letter of the 10 th of February and that in case of denial the Deputies should enter their Protestation against whatsoever mischief might thereby happen unto France or Christendom That the Article of Oblivion should be confirmed in terms answerable to the Treaty of Loudun in the year 1606 made with the late Prince of Condé Father to
great sum of Money Hennet and two other of his Companions had their Heads struck off and the City was sin'd to keep from being Sack'd The Elector came thither afterwards and to keep them from the like Rebellion he took all the Chains from the Streets and gave order for the building of two Citadels And thus did this War end At the same time that these things hapned in these parts new Broils were heard of in Italy for Pope Innocent being resolved to force the Duke of Parma to pay the Creditors of Monti Farnest which he was not able to do by reason of the great expence the Duke his Father had been at in the late Wars in Ianuary this year some Commissaries of the Apostolick Chamber were sent to Borghetto a Town in the State of Castro and carried with them four Companies of Souldiers to put the Sentence in execution which was made against the said Duke in behalf of the Dutchess of Nerula who being withstood by the people of Parma and made to return without doing any thing such distastes grew thereupon as did by degrees increase and were much increased by the assassinate which was committed on the Bishop of Castro as he went to his own residence though it hapned against the Duke's will for hereupon open War broke forth Duke Ranuccio did what he could to stave it off and the Pope declaring that his designe was onely to gather in the approaching Crop to satisfie the Montesti therewith the Duke professed much respect and reverence to his Holiness listning to all Proposals of Agreement being as desirous thereof as the way was easie if the Declarations which came from Rome had been as those of Parma said as sincere in effect as they were in appearance for since it was civil Interest that was treated on they thought the Pope might not make it criminal and that instead of spending his Men and his Money against a Prince who was obsequious to the Holy Church he might with more glory have employ'd them against the Enemies of Christ and of the Catholick Faith The Duke offered to disburse as much money as the pretended Harvest would come to and did at the same time desire his Holiness that touching the lapsed Fruits if it should be found that he were liable to the payment thereof they should be added to the whole sum which he promis'd to pay together with Interest within the space of twelve years To these Proposals the Pope answered sometimes in one manner sometimes in another and though he gave out that he had given order to the great Duke's Embassador to pretend onely to such payments as were due whilst the State of Castro was in possession of the Family of the Fernesses It was at last resolved that the Duke should be bound to make payment for the whole time though the Apostolick Chamber had possessed the State during the late War Whilst these Treaties were on foot and that the Pope declared he intended not to take Castro not to suffer any Hostility to be done in the State his Forces were no sooner entred thereinto but they did the quite contrary they fate down before Castro commanded by the Counts David Vidman and Girollimo Gabriele The Duke being loth to lose it and finding that the Great Duke's Negotiation nor that of Cardinal Albernots and of the Marquiss Caracene in the name of his Catholick Majesty did no good raised some Forces in the Territories of Parma and Piacenza and resolved to go to the relief thereof the same Gaufredi and Count Francisco Baiardo led on his Forces who advancing by the way of Vastalla and Mirandola toward the River Lens in the Bullonese with no little terrour to those Inhabitants they were met by the Church-Army commanded by Marquiss Matthei accompanied by the Marquiss Villa and the Marquiss Tassoni and coming together on the 13 th of August neer the Town St. Pietro in Cassal those of Parma were routed after five hours fight and Gaufredi was forced with little honour to return to the Territory of Parma with the remainder of his worsted Army whereat the Duke was highly offended especially for that he had heard that Gaufredi had abused the Duke's Name upon many occasions and that amongst other things he had put the Bishop of Castro to death he made him be imprison'd in the Castle of Piacenza where Process being made against him and he being convinced of inexcusable Faults he was in publick view beheaded Gaufredi was Son to a Physitian of a little Town in Provence called Ciutal and being by his Wit gotten to be Secretary to Duke Edward he got to have the whole power in the Court and in this his greatness giving distaste to the Dutchess and chief Lords of the State he drew upon him that envy which usually attends so violent a Fortune as was his and instead of altering his haughtiness with the death of his Master he still grew prouder under the Duke his Son whom he did totally govern in despite of his Mother and of the great ones of the Court and confiding in this his prosperity he fancied to be a General though he had never been a Souldier and to go with these well-appointed Forces to frighten Rome as the Duke of Bourbon had done But at his first encounter with the Church-forces he ruined that Enterprize and his Fortune being dazled with the splendor of that Ambition which always when unaccompanied with the lustre of Birth proves dark and cloudy Sauson Arsinelli Governour of Castro who till then had defended the Town valiantly despairing of Relief by reason of this unfortunate encounter parlied on the first of September and surrendered the Town upon as honourable and advantageous terms as in like cases are given to men of Honour He delivered up the Town and State into the Popes hands whose Garrison entred thereinto and his Holiness became Master thereof without any more ado And though by this Surrender all Hostility should have ceased yet the differences between the parties pretending was not so quickly husht For the Pope being resolved that the Duke should not onely pay and discharge the Fernesan Debts but that he should be further proceeded against for having made opposition by way of Arms they did still continue At last all the Spanish Agents together with the Great Duke being become Mediators and being desirous to oblige the said Duke left he might desperately throw himself into the hands of the French the Agreement was made by their means the State of Castro remaining in the Pope's power till the said Principal should be satisfied by the Duke which was not without some prejudice to the esteem which France was then in in Italy since the Princes thereof were forced to have recourse to Spain whose reputation the greater it grew the more did that of the French lessen who were not less prejudiced by Duke Charles of Mantua his joyning in straighter alliance with the House of Austria whilst thereby he left depending
been guilty of much Violence and Extortion in the execution of his Commission The President Bailleul was ordered to go to Court with these Instructions who was to be attended by one Councellor out of every Chamber and two out of the Grand Chambre these were the Messieurs Meusnier St. Tot Canaye Camus Pon Casse Bitrult and the Counts Montanglau Mangis and Martmean who set forward upon the 8 th of Iuly towards the Court. There were in France at the same time several Councellors sent from the several Cantons of the Switzers to sollicite on the behalf of their several Countries the payment due by the King unto the Forces of that Nation under his pay the same amounting to a very considerable sum upon occasion whereof many of the Commanders and Souldiers being discontented had in several places laid down Arms and declared that they would serve no longer unless they were paid all their Arrears and secured of their Pay as it should grow due for the time to come This affair was a matter of great consequence in that conjuncture of time and was also very carefully considered by his Majesty's Council who were sensible that 't was a thing of huge importance not to disoblige these Forces which being well paid do serve truely and faithfully on all occasions And the Marquiss of Chasteau Neuf Keeper of the Seal Monsieur de Longue Treasurer and Monsieur de Tillier Secretary of State were therefore appointed to treat and agree with them who after several Meetings and Treaties had between them at last upon the 20 th day of Iune came to the conclusions following First That they should be forthwith paid in ready money 40000 Doublons and 60000 more at three days of payment the first at the end of July then next following the second upon the last of September and the last Payment to be made on the last day of December the same year together with 1000 Doublons more for the Interest of those Sums For the Payment whereof his Majesty was to deposite some Iewels as a pledge for the securing of those Payments Besides which his Majesty was to pay in five years following the sum of 250000 Doublons more by 50000 Doublons at each Payment The first to begin upon the first of January 1651 and that the sum of 66000 Doublons more should be paid in the year 1656. all which said Payments should be secured by assignations to be made upon the Kings Revenues of Lyons Valentia and those of Paris for which the Farmers of those places were to give security As to the payment of the Colonels Captains and Souldiers that should be in his Majesties service there should be a Fond established and 15000 Doublons paid monethly until all was satisfied This Agreement was signed by both parties Registered and Verified by the Parliament in solemn form with which the Cantons were all satisfied and the Deputies returned home highly contented with the Honours and Favours his Majesty had been pleased to bestow upon them declaring that they would continue to serve him faithfully with their Lives and Fortunes upon all occasions The end of the Fourth Book THE HISTORY OF FRANCE The FIFTH BOOK The CONTENTS The King and Court Return from Champagne to Paris The Spaniards raise their Siege from before Guien a Iourney to Guise is proposed and resolved upon The Frondeurs are apprehensive thereof and Mutiny again against Mazarine commotion in Burdeaux at the news that the King is marching that way The Princess of Conde incourageth the Burdelois who therefore joyn with the Princes and prepare to make Resistance something of action insues and soon after agreement is made The Kings entry into Burdeaux who within a few days parts from theme and comes to Fontenbleau The Spaniards besiege and take Piombino and Portolongone in Italy and make themselves Masters of La Capella and of Rethel in Flanders The Princes are carried from the Castle of St. Vincennes to that of Marcoussi The Archduke moves a general peace with the Duke of Orleans his ends and Artifice Mazarine goes to the Army in Champagne Marishall Plessis Pralin takes Rethell gives Battel to General Turenne Routs him The Spaniards take Flix Mirauet and Tortosa in Catalonia The Princes liberty is proposed by the Duke of Orleans and by the Frondeurs Many Treaties are had and many disorders arise thereupon THE Court being returned from Champagne to Paris it was not hard for the Cardinal to free himself from being Prest to Transport the Princes into the Bastile as well out of his great affection which he bore unto the King and Queen as by the instigation of the Princes Friends and Kindred who apprehended Condé's life if he should fall into the hands of the Frondeurs and especially of such as being full of Malice and Revenge made them not a little afraid knowing very well that all of them being fully bent to effect their desire which was to strengthen their Faction the most they could either by totally annihilating the Prince or by winning him wholly over so to destroy afterwards either by his assistance or without his obstacle the Cardinals Authority which made them press the Queen that the Princes persons might be secured rather in the Bastile than elsewhere News came this mean while that the Spaniards had raised their Siege from before Guise whereat the King's Ministers did not a little rejoyce seeing their advice had succeeded so well Wherefore the courage of the Cardinals Enviers failing who saw him grow daily stronger and stronger The Duke of Orleans took occasion thereupon being eg'd on by the Coadjutors to joyn the rather with the Frondeurs so to counterpoize that greatness which did not a little vex him They therefore by common consent resolve to hold up their Authority especially in Paris wherefore the time of choosing the Provost of Merchants a place of concernment especially then when the City was divided into Factions being now at hand they gave out that for the following years they would have Monsieur La Feure have that Office who was a Counsellor of Parliament and in whom they did much confide to the end that being joyn'd in interest with the Inhabitants they might the more freely dispose of the Counsel of the City so as they press the Cardinal now no longer in a fair becoming way but told him boldly that they would be gratified in that person And the Dutchess of Chevereux the Dutchess of Monbazon and Duke Beaufort told him freely that if he would have them esteem him their Friend he must by no means refuse it The Cardinal was much troubled at this he complained much of the Frondeurs boldness which setting aside the respect they ought unto the King they durst so sawcily meddle with that which did not belong unto them but as in a great storm a wary Pilot strikes the main yard and takes down the Masts to keep the Vessel from being exposed to the injury of the winds so the Cardinal the
Friends put forth a Declaration wherein the Prince promised to second the Duke of Orleans in making the Coadjutor Cardinal All these acts were by Croisy and Camertine intimate friends to the Coadjutor carried to the Duke of Orleans who underwrit two copies without reading them nor knew he what the contents were more than what the Coadjutor was pleased to acquaint him with Without whose suggestion doubtlesly Orleans intended no ill to the Cardinal nor would the Princes friends have demanded more than the Prince his liberty which when it should have been had the Parliament would not have prest for keeping the Cardinal from Court These writings being afterwards carried to the Princess Palatine and to the Duke of Nemeurs to be subscribed by them they agreed that they should remain with Croisy who was to deliver them to the Duke of Orleans or to Conde when he should be at liberty Incouraged by these Treaties the Frondeurs began to solicit the Princes liberties which made the Cardinal aware ere long of Orleans his alienation from him not so much out of any coolness that he found in him as for the bad speeches which many of his Court used concerning him but he was not yet fully inform'd of the secret plots that were a weaving against him and it was strange that so many days being spent in these Treaties he got no perfect notice of them they were too far advanc't before he perceived them so as after having imploi'd many persons in Messages and Proposals he at last offer'd in the presence of both King and Queen to be reconciled but this was rather in appearance than real but though Orleans forbore not the Cardinals Conversation and Dined sometimes with him yet after he had underwritten the aforesaid Treaties he could not so well dissemble as not to discover his inward mind The Cardinal who was not to be parallel'd for wariness finding this and knowing that there could be nothing but the ill impressions suggested by the Frondeurs and of his other Enemies speaking thereof with the Queen in her Chamber on the Twenty sixth of Ianuary at night told her that her Majesty must warily observe the proceedings of Parliament where it might be there were Fairfaxes and Cromwells The Duke who minded nothing but how to execute the Coadjutors suggestions thought the pretence fit to give fire to the Mine so as the Parliament being met on the first of February to think of the fittest means how to get the Princes out of Prison being perswaded that the Court did not desire it and that the Kings promise was only to gain time the Coadjutor being now sure to be assisted by Orleans unmasked himself and spoke more freely than before he shewed how necessary it was to get the Princes liberty as soon as might be and that he had order from the Duke to assure them that this was his opinion which he would imploy all his power to effect The Counsellors wonder'd much to hear this for believing hitherto that the Duke stood well with the Queen they could not discern whence this alteration should proceed Beaufort ratified what the Coadjutor had said and declared that he was of the same mind nothing was resolved upon that day for the Members being astonished at the novelty adjourn'd till the next day and the Coadjutor going to acquaint Orleans how well the Parliament was pleased with what he had told them in his name made him the more inamored with their applause and established him more firmly in the Resolution which he had taken Monsieur Tillier going at that instant to know from the Duke whether what the Coadjutor had said in Parliament was by his Highness permission or no or done barely by the Coadjutors self answered somewhat angrily that what the Coadjutor had said was done by his desire and that he should always approve of what he should say or do The whole Court was much surprised with this answer and made them resolve to send to Treat with the Princes touching their liberty The next day the Duke of Orleans moved thereunto by the Coadjutor sent for the Lord Keeper for Marishal Villeroy and for the Secretary of State Tillier and bad them tell the Queen in his name That he would never come to Court nor sit in Council as long as the Cardinal was there and said further to Villeroy That as Lieutenant General of the State he assigned over the keeping of the King's person unto him which his head should be answerable for On Friday the third of February having with yet greater energie by order from Orleans repeated his opinion touching the Princes liberty told the Assembly how the Cardinal had told the Queen in presence of the King that there were Fairfaxes and Cromwells in the Parliament that it was to be feared that their intentions were to suppress Regal Authority according to the example of England That the Duke not able to tolerate so great a Calumny had assured the King that it was altogether false and that there was none but faithful servants to his Majesty either in the Parliament or City whereof he would become surety both in general and in particular and that the Duke had told the Cardinals self that he was a wicked man and worthy to be reprehended for instilling such ill opinions into a young King against his affectionate Subjects by whom his Majesty was generally loved their hatred extending only to the Cardinal whom they knew to be the only cause of the Kingdoms ruine And that upon this the Duke had sent the day before for the aforesaid Lords and had wisht them to tell the Queen that he would come no more to Court whilst the Cardinal was there At the names of Cromwell and Fairfax they were all highly scandalized insomuch as three propositions were made against the Cardinal the first that he should be made Prisoner the second and this was made by President Viola who was more incens'd against him than all the rest that he should be sent for to the Parliament to give an account of his Administration and for the words which he had said to the dishonour of the French Nation Here the first President interrupted him saying he was too hasty and after some contest between him and Coulin who spoke impertinently against the Cardinal the third proposal was made which was humbly to desire the Queen that he might be sent from Court the meanwhile the Coadjutor's friends having divulged throughout the City the aforesaid words spoken by the Cardinal of Cromwell and Fairfax the male-contents resented it and said they were injured for the French do not only love but even idolatrize their King so as in a moment the whole City which was quiet before grew mutinous the people running up and down the Streets yea even in the Palace it self crying out Let the King live and let Mazarine dye The Queen sent the next day to the Duke of Orleans to know whether he would be content or no that
she should come and visit him and bring the Cardinal along with her who answered Her life would not be safe amongst in incen'sd people The Queen repli'd she would come alone without the Cardinal he answered He feared the people would rise Then the Duke sent to the Marishals of France to forbid them to take orders from any one but himself who was Lieutenant General of the State and of his Majesties Armies they answered That whilst the King was present they were to depend upon the King upon no other He sent the same order to the Provost of Merchants wishing him to will the Colonels and Captains not to take up Arms without his Command they excused themselves with ambiguous words and went presently to acquaint the Queen therewith who answered They might not do ill to receive orders from the Lieutenant General of the Crown since she could not believe that he would command any thing contrary to the Kings service at the same time many of the Nobility being assembled together in the Marquess of Vieville's House who was not over affectionate in his heart to the Cardinal to think how to get satisfaction from the Cardinal for what he had said to their shame he carried them to L' Hostella d' Orleans telling him That if he pleased he would frame their assembly to which the Duke not dissenting they had their first meeting and choosing the same Vieville and the Marquess Lordis for their Presidents both which were desirous of novelty that so they might be of some consideration and get advantage thereby since as yet they were in no great credit at Court The Coadjutor finding that the Parliament delaid the execution of the three proposals against the Cardinal and that the first President with many of the more moderate sort sought to sweeten bitterness and that suiting himself to the most plausible opinion he desired earnestly the Princes liberty insisted that they were to acknowledg it from the Queens goodness who had already given way thereunto and had sent Marishal Gramont Monsieur de Lyon and Monsieur Goulas to treat with the Princes selves And he perswaded Orleans to come to the Parliament and by his Authority to foment what was desired the Duke suffering himself to be perswaded by the Coadjutor came to the publick Palace on the fourth of February accompanied by the Dukes of Beaufort Gioyuse and Rets by the Coadjutor's self and by all the great ones of Parliament he told them that he had given the Coadjutor order to acquaint the Assembly with what the Cardinal had said to the King to their detraction and with what his answer was both to the Queen and Cardinal and how that in regard of such unworthy speeches he had sent word to her Majesty that he would come neither to Court nor Council so long as Mazarine was there adding That he was come to Parliament intending to joyn wholly with them and to see all things performed that they should Decree that for above a month nothing had been spoken of in the Privy Council but private business instead of taking order for the Emergencies of State or the Princes liberty that the Cardinal would not have them disimprisoned though himself had solicited any time these three months He also declared that it was the Queens importunity that had made him consent to their imprisonment and that she was induced thereunto by the Cardinals false suggestions He made also a Narrative of what had been done since the Princes imprisonment blaming what had been done at Burdeaux by the Cardinal and that if he had consented thereunto it was only that he might not displease the Queen to whom he had always profess'd much obsequiousness but that perceiving now that instead of growing better things grew worse he was resolved to go no more to Council as long as the Cardinal was there that he was come to the Assembly to acquaint them with thus much and to be advised by them knowing that so he should not erre This the Duke speaking so freely against the Cardinal was applauded not only by those few that were his Enemies but made deep impression in many others who had altered their minds since they had heard what the Coadjutor had related and which was afterwards confirm'd by Orleans The first President who was a good man and of great experience answered in very respective terms to the Duke and with much moderation That he was absolutely for the Princes liberty but not by violence nor by any other hand than the Kings Then entring upon the Dukes discontents he said That if they arose from the Princes imprisonments he might be sure they should be freed from imprisonment but if from the Cardinals greatness he was to make use of his wisdom therein for it was lawful for the King to make use of whose service he pleased and that if he thought himself injured by the Cardinal if he would declare his reason there were means to satifie him without putting France into confusion here the Duke interrupted him saying That for what concerned the Princes liberty he the Duke ought to know more than he but that he did not believe him for he had a tye in writing upon Bar that he would never set them at liberty without order from the Queen and from him the Duke Whilst the Counsellors were giving their Opinions the Master of the Ceremonies came to the Parliament with a Letter from the King commanding them to send Commissioners to him Some were of opinion not to hear him but the Duke would not suffer any such contempt they therefore resolved to continue the Assembly and in the interim to send the first President and President Bailleul with twenty Counsellors more to receive his Majesties commands Then came Count Brien the first Secretary of State who in the Queens name desired Orleans to come and assist in Council in the Court assuring her self that he who had always born such affection to her Majesty would not refuse her such a favour The Duke replied he could not answer her there but when he should be returned to his own house he would as he did that very night declaring that there could be no safety for him whilst the Cardinal was there when the Commissioners came before her Majesty the Lord Keeper acquainted them with the reason why the King had sent for them and at the same time he delivered a writing containing what the Queen had to say to them to the Secretary of State Guinegaute who read it After which the first President said that the Assembly marvelled why after the Parliaments Remonstrance and after her Majesty had past her word that the Princes should have their liberties there was so little sign thereof to which the Queen answered that Marishal Grammont was already gone to treat with them and that she was content they should come out giving necessary precaution for the safety of the State afterwards inlarging her self and re assuming what had been
read she said That all the relations that had been made to the Parliament were mere Calumnies suggested by the Coadjutor who had told them falsehoods that he pretended to too much and that he was of an unquiet spirit that he infused pernicious Counsel into the Duke of Orleans because he was not chosen Cardinal which he had been so bold as to desire threatning if otherwise be would set fire on the four quarters of the Kingdom She afterwards recounted what had past in Council the Tuesday before between the Duke of Orleans and the Cardinal she complain'd of the Duke having refused to let her come unto him under pretence that the people might commit some outrage upon her person which consideration she said should not at all have altered her Resolution but on the contrary if she should have perceived the people begin to stir she would have come out into the Streets being sure that her presence would suddenly have quieted all disorders for she very well knew what Reverence the Parisians bore to Royal Personages she added further that such affairs as these should be carried on mildly That Marishal Grammont was already gone and that therefore they needed not have any more meetings about that and she moreover told them that the King was growing out of his minority and sufficiently inform'd to distinguish between those who were seditiously given and those who were well affection'd of which number she said they were and that the King would one day remember them for it so she dismist them The Commissioenrs being returned to Parliament the first President related what the King had said and made the writing which was given him be read and which contained almost the same thing whereupon they began to consult and there was difference of opinions But at last Orlean's Authority prevailing the Frondeurs and tumultuous people whereof the Hall was full joyn'd in a Resolution of beseeching the Queen to send a letter away speedily for the freedom of the Princes and to send the Cardinal from Court grounding their pretence upon what the Duke had said that he would not go to the Council so long as the Cardinal was there And they further said That since there was a necessity that one of the two should retire it was fair and honest that his Highness the Kings Uncle and Lieutenant General of the State should tarry and that the other who was a Forrainer should be sent away this being decreed in the Assembly the first President was sent to acquaint the Queen with it and humbly to desire the Princes liberty Thus the Assembly ended and Orleans returned to his own house attended on by many of the Gentry and by a great number of the Populacy The next morning he sent for the Duke of Espernoâ—n and for Marishal Schomberg and told them That he being Lieutenant General of the Crown they were hereafter to come to him for orders touching their imployments the one being Colonel of the French Infantry the other of the Switzers they both answered That they knew very well what became them to do and the respect which they were to bear him but that whilst the King was present they were only to depend upon his Majesty the same day the Queen sent for the Dutchess of Orleans and for Madamoselle and discoursed with them above two hours but no good came of this conference for there were few who through either envy or emulation did not declame against the Cardinals greatness neither had the Dutchess of Anguien's indeavours better success who labour'd to take off Orleans from the sinister impressions which the Coadjutor had made in him of the Cardinal But though there was so great concourse of people about the Duke yet the Palace Royal was frequented by much Nobility and those of the greatest esteem who kept their due obedience to their Majesties Amongst which all the Marishals of France except de Estempes Duke Mercure who still was of the Queens party never waver'd from the friendship which he protest to the Cardinal and sent a challenge that very day to his Brother Beaufort but Marishal de Estre hindred their meeting Whilst things were in this posture both sides studied how to win the peoples affection wherein the whole affair did consist but they being born away by the desire of Novelty inclined rather to favour the male-contents than the Court which made the Frondeurs joyn the more closely to the Princes and to the Duke of Orleans It will not be much from the purpose upon this occasion to say something upon the Court interests which consisted wholly in the Kings and Queens Authority and in the Forces of the Kingdom which were firm in the same Resolution with the Cardinal never to set the Princes at liberty till the King being come to years of Majority might be able to divert those Plots which they had framed in his minority to the prejudice of his power for now they were in a safe place The Duke of Orleans together with his Wife and Daughter being joyn'd to Beaufort and the Frondeurs solicited the Parliament and the Parisians to concur in freeing the Princes to the end that the Cardinal's credit being lost their Authority might be the more considerable in the King's minority The Dutchess of Chevereux and the Coadjutors aim was the same She by reason of the Marriage agreed upon between the Prince of County and her only Daughter and the Coadjutor promising himself by this Alliance that the Dutchess was to have with the Prince of Conde to arrive at the Cardinals Cap since he had no such hopes from the Court Thus Paris being wholly set by the concurrance of so many Princes and people of quality upon pulling down the Cardinal nothing was seen in the Parliaments Palace but the concourse of people and of Cavalliers who publickly cri'd out for the Princes liberty and against the Cardinal So as instead of seeing the Court quieted after the favourable successes in Champagnia and the peace of Guienne it was on the contrary become fuller of confusion But the Cardinal not being aware of the correspondency which the imprisoned Princes had with their adherents was not much troubled thereat by reason of the assurance he received from La Bar who thought not to be deceived by his own people for the Prince of Conde won one of Bar's Servants who was appointed to attend him by whose means he received Letters corrupted the Guards and had notice of all things by the means of Physicians Chirurgions which visited him so as he sent and received advertisements without the knowledg of Bar or of the Cardinal Thus the Dutchess of Chevereux having made the Marriage sure and the Coadjutor having won the Duke of Orlean's favour they kept him always firm to them the Dutchess of Chevereux and the Princess Palatine carried all things with great dexterity and secresie and amidst all the tumultuous meetings that were made in Ianuary the first President did great
resolving not to consent thereunto he presently acquainted Orleans with it so as the Princess being sensible how her service was neglected thought she was no longer bound to back him Those who were gratified by him were Count Marsine who after the Prince his return from Haure de Grace was made Governour of Steney Marquess Boutevile who was made Governour of Belgarde Monsieur Arnault made Governour of the Castle of Dijeon Marquess Persan made Governour of Montrond Count Melle made Governour of Cleremont Count Tavanes destined to command the Princes Troops and Regiments in Champagnia and Burgundy of all whose fidelities he did no ways doubt beside some others to whom he gave several imployments The Princes together with their liberties were restored by order from the Queen to all their Governments the Duke of Longueville was restored toh is Government of Normandy But he and his friends in that Province and Count de Alets with his adherents in Provence severed their interests from those of the Prince and left him to himself in affairs which did occur that which moved them chiefly thereunto was for that these Princes being of more mature years and of a more setled nature would not hazard themselves upon such misfortunes and ruine as wisely they foresaw but as for the Duke of Nemeurs and Rochfaucolt though neither of them were fully pleased with the Prince the first kept faithful to him by means of the Dutchess of Chastillion and the other by the Dutchess of Longueville His most considerable friends were the Duke of Orleans by Beaufort's means the Dutchess of Monbason the Frondeurs and part of the Parliament who fearing the Queen and Cardinal sided with him The whole Clergy of France were already sufficiently wounded by the Decree of Parliament and by the verification thereof in excluding all Cardinals from the Kings Council which made them by frequent meetings of Prelats seek remedies for this wound Many Gentlemen also who were weary of the Wars and grown poor did frequently assemble under pretence of proceeding to a Convocation of the States General whereby to amend disorders of the Kingdom many thought good to add the Clergies grievances to theirs so to seek remedy for so many evils wherefore some of the Nobles having had discourse with the Church-men they all joyned in indeavouring the Convocation of the States General to this purpose was Count Fiesco chosen who was President of the Assembly and more imbittered than the rest He with the Secretary and with twelve Gentlemen of the twelve Provinces of France went on the seventh of February to the Covent of the Augustine Fryers where Fiesco in a Hall where the Clergie was met spoke as followeth Gentlemen The whole Nobility which is now in Paris being brought together under the Protection of the Duke of Orleans the King's Vnkle and the States Lieutenant General the first thing resolved upon was to desire you to joyn with them which desire being so just and grounded upon so many examples they cannot doubt but you will readily imbrace it the rather for that this assembly is no other than a continuation of that which was made the year 1649. by leave from the King Queen Mother and the Duke of Orleans where you made the same Vnion with us which is now demanded You may remember Gentlemen that when we broke up we were allowed to meet again whensoever the things that were then promis'd us were not observed and when remedies should not be applyed to the violence used to Gentlemen contrary to the priviledges and immunities of their birth We should go less in our condition and in what our predecessors have won for us by their blood lost for the aggrandising of this Crown if we should silently lose them and not use all just and lawful means to preserve them our design being so justifiable we beg of you to joyn with us and co-operate with us adding your Suffrages to ours and second the Duke of Orleans his generous resolution in obtaining the liberty of the Princes of the blood-Royal and in assisting his Highness to break the Cords of these unfortunate Princes who have been declared innocent by Parliament their detention being so prejudicial to the King's service and to the common good Behold here Gentlemen our Commission which we beseech you to approve of for which our Assembly doth by us promise you their respect and service The Archbishop of Rheims first President of the Clergies Assembly answered That the Nobility had always been gracious to the Clergy and that the Assembly acknowledged the obligation so with specious words dismist the Nobilities Commissioners They then presently fell to examine the Proposals which were made unto them and resolved to represent to the Queen and to the Duke of Orleans that there had ever been an Union between these two bodies insinuating their inclination to continue it The chief thing desired by the Nobles was the Princes their liberty wherein the Assembly had formerly been supplicants to his Majesty and would still continue to be so and would desire the Duke of Orleans to use his power therein with the Queen and because the Clergy had not as yet paid their respects to the King and Queen they sent to the Duke of Orleans to know if he would be pleased that they should send Deputies to their Majesties which he approving of the Archbishop de Ambrune with divers other principal Prelates went on the ninth of February for audience to the King where they express'd the reasons of their Assembling alledging the example of the year 1949. and the Duke of Orlean's Authority and in fair words did supplicate their Majesties for the Princes liberty The Guard de Seaux answered them That the Assembly of the Nobles was unlawful that the Queen did disapprove thereof and that she would not take it well that they of the Clergy should joyn with them that for what concerned the liberty of the Princes it was that which her Majesty did desire so as they that were of their party would lay down their Arms and that she had sent Marishal Grammont to treat with them then the same Deputies went to the Duke of Orleans and desired him to continue his noble inclinations and put an end to a business of such importance for the publick peace The Duke thanked them praised their indeavours and said that as for their joyning with the Nobility they might do it that by all means he would have the Princes out of Prison and that they needed say no more unto him wherefore the Bishop of Cominges was sent by the Clergy the next day to the Assembly of the Nobles accompanied by divers other Bishops and Abbots and acquainting them with what he had to say from the Assembly he assured them of a constant confederacy To which the Marquess of Lordis answering with like civility an Union was agreed upon but that the Duke of Orlean's assent in writing must be seen for the meeting of the Nobles which
they obtained from him in these words We do consent and approve that the Nobility do Assemble to give in their grievances in writing so asthey put them into our hands and that they comprehend not any thing therein which is not conformable to the orders and decrees of the States General and that when they shall have received satisfaction in their grievances they dissolve when we shall bid them Vpon these conditions we promise them our protection This was written and subscribed on the second of February 1651. They then sent to the Prince of Conde and to the other Princes to congratulate their liberty and Marquess Lordis President of the Nobility made an Encomiastical Oration to the Prince the act of Union was subscribed on the 21 th of February as it had been drawn up seventeen days before by all the Nobility of the Assembly except the elder Marquess Vieville who was won over to the Court upon hope of being made superintendant of the Finances The Princes were well satisfied with the Assemblies complement they then dispatched away Letters through all the Provinces to exhort all other Gentlemen to enter into their Union and continued the Assembly that they might advance their designs Count Fiesco did very much labour the Convocation of the States General as the only means to come by the wisht for general peace strove to keep the Clergy firm to their first intentions and accordingly Archbishop Ambrune and Bishop Cominges spoke boldly for this Convocation using examples and places of Scripture to draw all men to the same opinion In this interim the Parliament which did not like the Convocation of the States General as well for fear left their Authority might thereby be moderated and that the Sale of places might peradventure be thereby suppressed and confer'd upon better deserving men as also out of the innate jealousie which is commonly found between Parliaments and States the latter pretending to be superior in Authority and the other did maintaining that States can resolve nothing unless it be by them verified notwithstanding met And here Monsieur de Coqueley brought a request presented by the Procurator General wherein he blamed the Assembly of the Nobility for being met without the King's Authority and insisted upon the inhibiting thereof but whilst they were deliberating hereupon and that the first President moved that the first Authors thereof should be punished reading the Letters sent by the Assembly to the several Provinces wherein the Duke of Orleans was concerned by whose permission the Assembly met that Duke and the Prince of Conde were intreated to come to the Parliament to deliberate upon this weighty affair for the Assembly began to be in great vogue in the Provinces and there was danger that by continuing the Assembly new disorders might arise This mean while the Queen by agreement with the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Conde sent on the 16 th of March to the Marishal de L' Hospitalle to inform the aforesaid meeting that it should break up and that as for their desire of having the States General called they should have it granted to meet on the first of October next at Tours The same was confirmed by the Duke of Orleans and the Captain of his Guard past his word that what had been said by the Marishal de L' Hospitalle in the name of the King and Queen should be punctually perform'd The like did the Cavaliere de Vieville by order from the Princes of Conde and County none of which were pleased with the calling of the States General as things too prejudicial to Regal Authority and to themselves in particular and therefore they sought by such excuses and promises to carry things on to the end that all might afterwards dissolve into nothing The Duke of Orleans instigated by the Coadjutor who partook of all his secret Councils became Protector of the Assembly of the Nobility the major part whereof depended upon him as being his intimate friends And the Coadjutor being very much troubled that even French Cardinals were by Decree of Parliament debar'd being of the Privy Council whereby he was deprived of his hope of becoming the chief Minister of State and of being Cardinal made the Duke of Orleans incourage the Clergy to joyn with the Nobility and to complain onto the Queen of the unjust proceedings of Parliament whereat the Court was not at all displeased seeing her adversaries at variance within themselves This Assembly of the Nobility was introduced when the King's Authority began to totter by reason of the hatred conceived against the Cardinal and it was begun by certain Bishops who were discontented at the Court proceedings and by certain Nobles who were not therewith well pleased only to make a noise and to make themselves of some consideration at first these Assemblies were held but by a few and in private houses The chief Authors of those of the Clergy were the Archbishop of Sens Brother to Marquess Termer the Bishops of Orleans Haghen and the old Bishop of Albi who were all three of the house of Bene and come to France from Florence the Bishop of Cominges and others the Marquess of Lourdis and of Vieville the Counts of Betumirs Fiesco Montresore Vrse Fourilles Montignack and others who were all without any charge and but little considered at Court they took their pretence from some ill usage of the Nobility in the Country of Vexin by the King's Officers about a suit touching some counterbar'd Salt brought in by the Soldiers and hid amongst their baggage in the March which the Army made towards the Frontiers some of them came to Paris to complain thereof and finding men displeased at the imprisonment of the Princes and laying hold of that pretence that Mazarine had told the Queen in full Council that the Nobility of France hated the King and that the Parliament would do as that of England had done they bethought themselves of calling the Assemblies by the Assent and Authority of the Duke of Orleans who was not altogether content with the Court. So as nothing but novelty was sought after whereby to win credit and get some Office or place in the King's Council The same whereof being spread over the whole Kingdom so numerous was the concourse of Prelates and of Cavaliers as they became formidable not only to the Court and Parliament but even to the Princes who had first protected the Assembly for they thought that the States General would moderate their power by taking away their Governments and places and that peradventure they would take the boldness of England for when the third Estate should concur and the States General should be met the Arbitrement of affairs would almost depend upon these Afterwards private houses proving too little for these Assemblies they were adjourned to the Covent of St. Francis and St. Augustine where in the great Halls thereof affairs were disposed of in good order But this being done without the King's
in this whether they were to have the Queens permission or whether it was sufficient to have leave from the Lieutenant General that the Nobility had Assembled for three reasons for the liberty of the Princes for driving out the Cardinal and for the maintaining of the Nobilities priviledges which were lost by the bad Government of State Ministers That nobody could doubt but that the two first points were contrary to the Regents desire since the Princes had been imprisoned by her that therefore it was unnecessary to ask leave for the Assembling of the Nobility seeing it was contrary to her sense wherefore not being able to address themselves to her Majesty they had be taken themselves to the Lieutenant General who having given them leave to meet the occasion of taxing them for having taken upon them an unjust power ceased That those who sided with the Cardinal said this was a Criminal fact but that they could not shew any other way which was more innocent that they were shut up between two great extreams either to become guilty by complaining or to be opprest by holding their peace and to suffer that without remedy the honour of their Wives and Daughters their Goods their Houses and all they had should be exposed to the insolence and violation of Soldiers Marishals Task-masters and to the avarice of Officers and that their liberties and immunities should be opprest through the jealousie of those who had neither birth nor worth thatthe Kingdom of France was a free Kingdom and that the most noble and freest part thereof ought not to be forbidden lamenting and demanding justice against such excesses and their conclusion was that any thing might be done which was just and reasonable at last the Clergie and after them the Nobility did acquiesce upon the reiterated desires and perswasions of the Duke of Orleans and of the Prince of Conde and much the rather for that they had not met with such correspondences as they looked for from the meeting of the third order without which and contrary to the King's power the Clergy and Nobility could of themselves do nothing So all was husht up upon hopes of the next Assembling of the States General which Orleans and Conde did under their hand assure them of The Cardinal being gone from the confines of France Paris grew weary of keeping continual Guards at the gate for which the Soldiers had no pay wherefore those Guards were taken away so as the Court being at liberty to go into the City and Country the Princes party was thereby not a little weakned who confided much in Armed men Conde began to apprehend a second imprisonment which he feared as himself said more than death wherefore he grew more circumspect than usual The Court began to take courage and to think how to uphold the King's Authority and because the Cardinal at his departure counselled the Queen to recall Count Chavigny who was Conde's friend to keep him from thinking to return by some other means he was sent for back and the seals were taken away by the Queens direction from the Marquess of Chastauneuf who was suspected to be become a friend to the contrary party and were given to the first President Mole which made it be believed that the Queen did all by intelligence with the Prince who was a friend to Chavigny and Mole and an Enemy to Chasteauneuf the next day he took the wonted Oath and the Queen used him with honour and esteem whereat the Duke of Orleans was much amazed in whose House the Prince of Conde Duke Beaufort the Dutchess of Chevereux and of Moâ—bason met together with the Coadjutor and other conspicuous persons of that party and they discoursed long upon the Queens taking too much upon her contrary to their pretentions speaking openly that if the Duke of Orleans would suffer such shame he would incourage his Enemies who would grow the more haughty But because the Council differ'd in their opinions it will not be amiss to lay open the affections of the one and of the other because private interest is more minded in France than in any other Court or Nation and is prefer'd before any publick consideration The Duke of Orleans his Daughter Madamoselle Duke Beaufort and the Dutchess of Monbason minded only their own greatness The Prince of Conde and his adherents cared not much for this mutation as being adversaries to Chasteauneuf and friends to the first President the Dutchess of Chevereux and the Coadjutor as friends to Chasteauneuf were more incens'd against the Queen than all the rest the rather for that they thought they had been upon good terms with her Majesty Orleans broke forth into sore complaints against the Queen for making such alterations without his knowledg Duke Beaufort offer'd to make the people rise in his behalf when he should please Count Montresore a great friend to the Coadjutor said it was no longer time to dally that the people must forthwith take up Arms and force the first President to forgoe the Seals and afterwards go with the like fury to the Queens Court and do as occasion should serve it was thought that this being a violent proposal came from the Coadjutor who was of the same opinion but the Prince of Conde who held private intelligence with the Court declared he would not ingage himself in a War in the Streets of Paris as not being accustomed to fight with stones and that therefore he would leave the care thereof to others That he would be ready to obey the Duke of Orleans if he should so command him in going presently into Burgundy to raise men and make War wheresoever he should please Upon these speeches of so renown'd a man the diversity of opinions ceased and the Marishal de Estampes one that loved not troubles said it was now late and that the business might be defer'd till the next morning which was done The Coadjutor finding Conde to declare thus much intreated the Duke of Orleans to give him leave to withdraw himself from the intrigues of the Court and follow his study and seemed to continue a while thus resolved The Queen was somewhat troubled at the taking the Seals from Chasteauneuf and giving them to President Mole by reason of Orlean's so highly resenting it which the Frondeurs also did so as fearing some extravagancy though she did much protect the first President she was at last forc'd to forsake him and to take the Seals away from him and to deposite them in the Lord Chancellor's hands with promise under hand to the said President by Marishal Grammont that they should be restored unto him when the King should be of years yet was not he well pleased since the Queen had made him accept that place against his will not being able to protect him therein but he was more offended with Conde from whom for his past service he promis'd himself more fervent assistance wherein the Prince failed him to keep from breaking with the
discontentedly towards Burges a chief City in Berry which had declared for the Prince here Croisy met him and proposed unto him a meeting with Orleans which Conde refusing he offer'd that if he would keep quietly in his own Governments till the calling of the States General he should have good quarters assigned him for his Forces to the end that during the Assembly of the said States he might be in a condition of being considered and he further promised him in the name of the Duke and of Chasteauneuf that the States should be kept in an unsuspected place and that if they could get the Queens good will they should be kept in St. Denise where by the neighbourhood of Paris he might have intire liberty The Prince considered the advantage of these propositions whereby he might preserve his Troops and fortifie them during the winter an unfit reason for War foreseeing that he should hardly withstand the King's Forces with his new men and he knew that if the Cardinal should be re-called whilst he was in his Government that finding him Armed and stuck unto by so many friends all that he could desire either for himself or his friends must necessarily be granted him and that if the Cardinal should return without his consent all the Provinces and Parliaments that were the Cardinals Enemies would declare for him And that if the Cardinal should keep away which he could hardly believe all France would acknowledg this satisfaction from him and would be obliged to him for it When he had well weighed these proposals and was willing to accept them he called the Prince of County unto him and the Dukes of Nemeurs and Rochefaucolt and acquainted them therewith but these believing that when Arms should be taken up the Court would grant all that he could pretend unto told him that these were but tricks to weaken him and his faction They wish'd him to consider that Burdeaux was ready to declare and that Spain did with impatience expect this resolution that if he should lose this occasion he should lose all the succour and assistance that he could expect from thence and that he would lose all his chief friends in this diversity of opinion the Prince would put on no resolution till he went to Montronde to debate every particular with his Sister Longueville and willed Croisy to follow him He held divers consultations in Montronde and freely made it known that he was inclin'd to an agreement but being contradicted by all the rest it may be said he was forced to a resolution contrary to his will and as he was walking in his Park he said aloud that since they were absolutely for his taking up Arms not to oppose them he agreed thereunto but bad them remember that he was the last who as inforced thereunto took his Sword in hand but that he would be the last who should sheath it soon after he called for Croisy and charged him to present his respects to the Duke of Orleans and to desire him not to slacken his indeavours and authority in finding out some way of accommodation for he would be ready to accept of peace when he knew he might safely do it But his friends and kindred were so desirous of a breach as left he might agree whereunto they found him willing enough the Prince of County Dutchess of Longueville Dukes of Nemeurs and Rochefaucolt President Viola and divers others agreed privately amongst themselves promising never to separate but to joyn even against the Prince himself if he should agree with the Court without obtaining such-satisfaction for them as they pretended to and this they did to make themselves considerable and not totally dependant upon the Prince So as first Chavigny and then the rest were the impulsive reasons of the Prince his precipice and of all the troubles that befell France afterwards for all things would have been sweetned and the Prince re-assuming the Military imployments of the Crown would have triumphed over his Enemies he not being really corrupted in his will but by the inticement of others so as it may be said that from hence arose the civil dissentions The Prince leaving his Wife and Son in the Castle at Montronde together with the Duke of Nemeurs who followed him and Prince County and Dutchess Longueville staying in Burges went on the 16 th of September towards Vertuile where he found many of Rochefaucolt's friends whose house that was to whom he gave Monies and Commissions to raise men he from thence continued his journey without any interruption and arrived at Burdeaux where he was received with extraordinary applause and upon his coming thither made the first President be told that he should not come before him and that as being partial to the Queen he should go out of the City whereunto he was incited by the Frondeurs and by Blanck the second President but the Prince assured him of his friendship if during these commotions he would keep neuter in his Castle at Rilandraut When Conde came to Burdeaux he sent his trusty servant Lenet into Spain to treat with Spain which treaties were concluded as soon as begun for the Spaniards thought it was not now time to slight a Prince of France furnish'd with friends and one so famous in War the treaty was agreed upon between his Catholick Majesty and him and his adherents with these expressions First that the treaty of Stenay between the Archduke the Dutchess of Longueville and General Turenne should be confirm'd in all parts That the Prince should be bound never to treat of peace without the King of Spains consent who also promised never to make peace with France without comprehending the Prince upon such terms as should satisfie him His Catholick Majesty obliged himself to pay 500000 Crowns to raise men and to keep a fleet in the River of Burdeaux which might be able to secure that City and to keep commerce open with Biscay That he should absolutely command all the Armies of Spain and that all the Towns which should be taken in France should remain in his hands save one Haven which should be allowed the King of Spain for the security of his Fleets at Sea and of the Towns which had been taken from the Spaniards in the present War That the King of Spain should send about 8000 to the Prince his Soldiers who were in Campagnia which should be independantly under the sole command of the Prince or of him that he should send The King promised to pay yearly 600000 Crowns for maintenance of the Forces and the Prince having given hopes upon such ends as hath been formerly touched upon that the Duke of Longueville should enter into the same concernment the King promised that in such a case he would assist him with Arms Money Men and Shipping that he might wage War in Normandy In prosecution of which treaty Conde did what he could to make Marishal Turenne take upon him the command of his Army in Campagnia
to the other misfortunes of France we will resume those Affairs a little higher that they may be the better known It is already sufficiently known why Charles the First Duke of Mantua put Cassalle into the King of France his hands and it is also known That the Mantuans not being well pleased with the French-mens too high carriage of themselves made them bear with what was not answerable to their expectation The business went on therefore without any notice-taking till by reason of Civil Wars that Crown began to be less fit for Forreign Affairs the Spaniards making use of the same Conjunctures made great progress in Flanders Catalonia and in Italy whereby they became dreaded Wherefore Duke Charles the Second of Mantua found himself bound to have a care of preserving that place which he had recommended to the Protection of France Affairs standing thus in the year 1651 the King of France Commanded Count Argenson to go immediately as Embassador from him to Venice in order whereunto Argenson took his Journey in the beginning of May but soon after his Arrival at Venice he died of a Feaver His Son succeeded him in his Embassy in November and in his passage negotiated in Piemont Parma and Mantua but as soon as he had had publick Audience he returned to Mantua to manage the Agreement between that Family and Savoy It is long since known that the Treaty at Chierasco was the chiefest cause of discord between these two Princes Savoy did always demand the performance thereof which Mantua always opposed Yet this Treaty was confirm'd by many other Treaties which were had â—fterwards and is much strengthened by the last Treaty which was held at Munster The Emperor and King of France are bound to maintain it by Arms so as Mantua câ—n hardly withdraw himself out of it yet till now by reason of his near Alliance with Caesar he hath staved off the blow and kept Savoy out of possession which he continually prest for At first the Mantuan Agents said the Emperor could not give it because the Christian King had not done what he was by the same Treaty obliged to do to wit he had not paid the Mony which was promised on the behalf of Savoy This made it be believed that Duke Charles would end the business and to this purpose Argenson had order That as soon as he should be come to Venice that he should go and let Mantua know that France was ready to make payment so as he would yield to Savoy's pretended Investure The Embassador perform'd his Order about the end of the year 1651 but he found Mantua to be otherwise minded than he was said to be in the French Court. The Dukes Answer was That the refusal which he made at the Emperor's Court was not to the end that they imagined but that he was resolved never to yield to the Treaty of Chierasco till he had been righted for the great wrong which had been done him yet he would advise with his Council how to give his Majesty all possible satisfaction Not long after Marquess Francisco Rolando della Val Monferino the Dukes Chief Minister of State went to acquaint the Embassador with the Dukes resolution which was That his Highness did not oppose the desired Inâ—â—stiture so much for the non-payment of the Monies due to him by the Treaty of Chierasco as for the prejudice he should receive in the Execution thereof that he had oft-times made his Reasons known and made his Protestations at the Meeting at Munster And this was all the Ambassadour could get concerning this The Mantuans offer'd many things to find some way to an Agreement but never could hit upon any for it was of too great consequence to part from the Treaty of Chierasco whereof no one point was to be altered The Ambassadour was contented to carry the Copy of the Orders and the Proxy which the Duke had sent to his Agent at Vienna to oppose the business which was in hand Argenson was not only sent foâ— the above-said business but for another thing which did much trouble the Court of France which was to keep Cassalle from falling into the Spaniards hands promising to restore it to the Duke upon some Conditions viz. To remove all the French out of it to put a Garrison of Swizzers into it which wâ—â—e to take an Oath to the King and to the Duke That his Majesty should pay half the Garrison the Duke a fourth part and that they should endeavour to engage the other Princes of Italy for the rest to the end that they might all have a share in the preservation of that place which was of such importance for the Common Liberty All these Proposals were agreed upon and they would have been fully effected had it not been for the Disorders which hapned in France The Ambassador being returned from Mantua desired the Commonwealth to contribute to the perfecting of the business and received great demonstrations of good will towards the quite of Italy But withal how impossible it was for them to mind the preservation of other men's Estates she being to defend her self without any assistance from others against so potent an Enemy as the Turk Wherefore the French not being able to rely upon the Venetians Affairs were suspended Argenson writ to the Court that they must begin some new Treaty to put the place into the Duke's hands to keep the Spaniard from besieging it But the King's Council found it not necessary to do so and their home Disorders made them not mind forreign Interests This mean while the French Forces parted from Piemont as hath been said with Marquess St. Andrea Monbran which was followed with the loss of Trino and Cressentino which facilitated the like of Cassalle The Duke of Mantua did again and again desire the King of France that he would put on some resolution for the maintenance and preservation of that place which wanted Victuals Men and Commanders and in such a condition as though the Spaniards should want sufficient Forces for such an Enterprise they might notwithstanding think upon it now that France was so weak Wherefore he cunningly held the Spaniards in hand that he might afford the French time to accommodate their Home-Affairs and to relieve Cassalle or to restore it handsomely He made his desires first known by Girolimo Pirandi a Gentleman of Montferrat his Agent in France when the Court was at St. Germains where the Cardinal weighing the importance of the business caused presently 15000 Doubloones be assigned over to the end that Victuals being thereby provided and the Militia paid the City might not need fear the Enemies attempts but through the misery of those times the Payments were so neglected and diverted as Cassalle languished still more and the Spaniards were daily more encouraged Pirandi did therefore reiterate the same desires to whom the Duke sent express Messengers when the Court was at Pontois where the Cardinal caused another Assignment be made besides the
following will know this only can be said That the Price of 50000 Crowns set on his head and all the Scorns and Contempts cast upon his Reputation were onely the Effects of a Passion which being wisely dissembled by this Cardinal served afterwards to let them see his good and just Intentions and made him at last triumphant overall his Persecutions and rendred his Ministry Glorious to all Posterity The same Night his Majesty kept him to Supper with himself in the Lodgings of the Mareschal de Villeroy that Night were many Bone-fires made and the next day as he returned from Mass he cast some Money amongst the people as he had done the day before upon the way in the Countrey as he passed along And the Visits which he received from the Grandees at Court and other particular Persons of all Orders and Conditions being over he betook himself unto the management of the Affairs of the Crown The same day there came to Paris also his three Neeces who had been alwayes with him who were also met out of the Port of St. Honorè by the Princess of Carignan the Marshal of Guebran his Lady the Marchioness of Ampous and several other Ladies of Quality These Ladies were also Lodged in the Louvre in a Quarter apart over the Queens Lodgings The King since his return had not done any thing in the distribution of Offices and Charges either Ecclesiastical or Secular although many were void and there were a great number of pretenders being desirous to expect the Cardinal's coming and to give him the Honour of disposing them as he who was best informed of each man's merit whereby he made himself also to be much more observed whilest every man being in hope to be rewarded according to his merit became more ready and careful in the Service of his Majesty He had notwithstanding of himself passed the Edicts for New Impositions and done all other things which were like to prove displeasing to the People because had it been done after the Cardinal's Return it might seem to have been done at his sollicitation whereby those Crimes would have been afresh imputed to him whereof he had formerly though without cause been esteemed guilty But there remaining unto him now by the special Favour of his Majesty the disposition of the Church Benefices and divers other Offices and Charges of the Court and Kingdome he began presently to make a distribution of them among such persons as he esteemed best deserving and fittest for the Imployments reserving notwithstanding a good part of them undisposed that he might keep up the hopes of such as were for the present disappointed of Imployments To the Count Servient who was a Minister of State of great Wisdome well deserving of the Crown and most Affectionate to his Majestie 's Service in which he was grown old having spent his time in the management of sundry Charges to the advantage of the Publick he gave the Office of super-Intendant over the Finances vacant by the death of the Marquiss of Vienville with whom was joyned Monsieur Fouquet Procureur General who was also made Minister of State a Person of great Merit for his continued Loyalty to his Majesty to whom upon all occasions and particularly in the Translation of the Parliament to Pontoise heâ—â—ad rendred very particular Service so as there was then seen at the same time two super-Intendants of the Finances as there was also a Chancellor and a Keeper of the Great Seal a thing seldome practised although the like hath been before during the Ministry of the Cardinal Richelieu To these Super-Intendants were also added four Intendants of the Finances who were the Monsieurs Paget Boisleue Housset and Brisaccier he took also good order for payment of the King's Revenues to the great ease and satisfaction of the Farmers of them Cardinal Anthonio Barberini coming about that time to Paris the Dignity of Great Almoner of France vacant by the death of Cardinal Richelieu Archbishop of Lions was conferred upon him by the means of Mazarine who endeavoured to give testimony of his gratitude and to oblige him more strictly to the Crown as conceiving his protection in Rome necessary unto the Interests of France the Cardinal Francisco his Brother being accounted averse to them by whom ill offices had been then lately done unto his Majesty by Letters censuring the Conduct and direction of Affairs It was reported in Court That this change in Cardinal Barberini was because he was gained by the Pope and Spaniard upon the hope of restoring to him the Profits of the Ecclesiastical Benefices of Naples and Sicily and the Money sequestred in Rome when the Pope pretended by calling him to account to undo the House of Barberini That which moved the Pope to a re-union with the Barberins was because having not long to live he thought not fit to leave a lasting Feud between his own Relations and that Family which was still powerful in Rome and the Spaniards also desired the same that they might take off the dependence of that Family upon France and find no opposition from them upon the Election of a new Pope The Cardinal Francisco therefore being transported with this hope because he had no other pretext made use of this That he had been neglected in France the Cardinal Mazarine having married his own Niece to the Duke Mercoeur without concerning himself to find a party for his Niece as he might have done And seeming to resent this highly he commanded the Abbot his Nephew who was at Lions to take away privately the Prince Praefect and all his Family from thence causing them to retire into Italy near Vincenza and this he did whilest Cardinal Anthonio was in Paris without giving him the least notice of it This sudden Resolution appeared strange in France and the rather because there had been alwaies a good intelligence between that Baberini and Cardinal Mazarine unto whom he had proposed some years before the Marriage of one of his Nieces Colonel Vaini her Cousin being sent into France about it and the thing had been agreed by his Majestie 's consent and Writings drawn up touching the Marriage After this Reconciliation of Cardinal Barberini with the Pope that this Union with that House might be more firm there was a Marriage concluded between Don Maffeo Barberini then the Abbot and a little Niece of the Pope in consideration of which Marriage the Prince Prefetto was promoted to be Cardinal and renounced the Inheritance unto his said Brother the Bridegroom The Bishoprick of Poictiers worth about 30000 Crowns yearly was also given to the said Cardinal Anthonio the same being void by the death of Monsieur Rocheposay an Excellent Prelate who had enjoyed that Dignity 40 years and had in two important occasions preserved that Countrey to the King himself with a halfe Pike in hand followed by the people who were much devoted â—â— him standing in opposition to the Nobility who in the former Wars had taken Arms for