of Flanders In the sixth year he combineth with the Flemings contraâ—nimicos communes against the enemies of them both with the Kings of Naples Sicily Navarre and Arragon de mutuis auxiliis for mutual aid and with Winceslaus the Emperour Contra Carolum Regem Franciae Robertum Regem Scotiae against Charles King of France and Robert King of Scotland In anno 8. with the Kings of Jerusalem Sicily and Portugal In the tenth with Portugal who at his own charges aided this King with ten Galleys And with William Duke of Gueldres de mutuis auxiliis for mutual aid And anno 12. 18. and 19. with Albert Duke of Bavaria And an 20. with the Earl of Ostrenant de retinentiis contra Regem Franciae against the King of France And Rupertus Count Palatine of the Rhene anno 20. became a Homager for term of life to this King Henry the fourth entred alliance of mutual aid in two years with William Duke of Gueldres and Mons. In the twelfth with Sigismund King of Hungaria And in the thirteenth by siding with the Factions of the Dukes of Berry and Orleans laid the basis upon which his Son that succeeded reared the Trophies of his Renown For Henry the fifth going forward upon the Advantage left and daily offered strengthened himself anno 4. by a League perpetual with Sigismund the Emperour renewing that of Richard the second with John King of Portugal as his Father had done He entred a contract with the Duke of Britain and with the Queen of Jerusalem and Lewis her Son for the Duchy of Anjou and Mayn and with the King of Portugal and Duke of Bavaria for supply of Men and Munition by them performed And the year before the Battel of Agincourt sendeth the Lord Henry Scrope to contract with the Duke of Burgundy and his Retinue for Wages in servitiâ— suo in Regno Franciae vel Ducatu Aquitaniae in his service in the Kingdom of France or the Duchy of Aquitain esteeming the alliance of that house the readiest means to attain his end Henry the sixth i so long as he held the Amity of Britain for which he contracted and the confederacy of Rurgundy his friend of eldest assurance and best advantage which he did to the sixteenth year of his Government there was no great decline of his Fortune in France But when Burgundy brake the bond of our assurance and betook him to the Amity of France and dealt with this Crown but as a Merchant by way of intercourse first at the Treaty of Bruges 1442. then at Callis 1446. the reputation and interest we held in France declined faster in the setting of this Son than ever it increased in the rising of the Father And Edward the fourth who succeeded sensible of this loss wooed by all the means either of Intercourse or Marriage to win again the house of Burgundy which in anno 7. he did to joyn for the recovery of his right in France And drew in the year following the Duke of Britain to that Confederacy In the eleventh year he renewed with Charles of Burgundy the bond of mutual Aid and contracted the next year the like with the King of Portugal And in an 14. pro recuperatione Regni Franciae contra Ludovicum Usurpantem for the recovery of the Kingdom of France out of the hands of Lewis the Usurper as the Record is entred a new Confederacy with the Dukes of Burgundy and Britain And in the end wrought from them a round Pension of money though he could not any portion of land Henry the seventh anno 5. 6. entertaineth an Alliance with Spain against the French King The like in the eighth with the King of Portugal and in the tenth with the house of Burgundy for Intercourse and mutual Aid Henry the eighth in anno 4. reneweth the Amity of Portugal and the next year combineth with the Emperour Maximilian against Lewis the French King who aideth him out of Artoys and Henault with four thousand horse and six thousand foot whereupon he winneth Tournay Consilio Auxilio favoribus Maximiliani Imperatoris with the advice assistance and countenance of the Emperour Maximilian In anno 7. to weaken the French King he entreth league with the Helvetian Cantons by his Commissioners Wingfield and Pace and with Charles of Spain for Amity and mutual Aid into which Maximilian the Emperour and Joan of Spain were received the year following In an 12. with the Emperour Charles and Margaret Regentess of Burgundy he maketh a Confederation against Francis the French King as the common enemy quia Rex Angliae non possit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum numerum congerere the King of England could not furnish such a quantity of Horse of his own Subjects as was mentioned in the contract the Emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany And the Pope in furtherance of his intendment interdicteth the French Territories calleth in aid Brachii Seculdris of the Secular power those two Princes appointeth the Emperour Protectorem advocatum Ecclesiae the Churches Advocate and Protector and stileth their Attempt sancta expeditio an holy expedition And this is by the Treaty at Windsor the next year confirmed and explained Renewing in the years twenty one thirty five and thirty eight the association and bond of mutual aid with the same Princes and against the French King if he brake not off his Amity with the Turk And although Edward the sixth in the first year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy perpetual yet forbore he to aid the Emperour in the wars of France disabled as he pretended by reason of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him And therefore offered the Town of Bullen to the Imperial Protection During the Reign of Queen Mary there was no other but that of Marriage Aid and Entercourse with the Emperour Spain and Burgundy and besides that tripartite bond at Cambray of Amity and Neutrality Our late Renowned Mistris entertained with the Prince of Conde about New-haven and with Charles the ninth 1564. and at Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the accession of the Crown of France to him and after Britain and lastly by the Duke of Bullen in ninety six And with the States of the Netherlands in the years eighty five and ninety eight divers Treaties of Amity Confederation and Assistance By all these passages being all that well either our Story or Records can discover it appeareth manifest the Kings of England never to have undertaken or fortunately entertained any Forreign Enterpize without a party and confederate Amongst which by situation those of best advantage to us have
his Souldiers Richard the second pawned Vasa aurea â—…iversa Jocalia Vessels of Gold and divers â—…ewels to Sir Robert Knowles Henry the â—…urth anno 3. to a Merchant for money invadiâ—…vit Tabellam Triscllas suas Argenteas de â—…ispania ingaged his Tablet and stools of Silver which he had from Spain Henry the sixth â—…ageth and selleth to the Cardinal of Winchester â—…nd others an 10 12 and 29. many parâ—…els of his rich Jewels And the late Queen in â—…e end of her dayes to ease her Subjects did the â—…ke with many in the Tower And Extremity hath yet stretched some of our Kings to so high a strain of Shift that Edward â—…e third invadiavit magnam Coronam Anâ—…liae pawned his Imperial Crown three several â—…mes an 17. in partibus transmarinis in forâ—…aign parts and twice to Sir John Wâ—senham his â—…erchant first in the twenty fourth and â—…fter an 30. in whose custody it remained â—…ight years To Henry Bishop of Winchester Henry the fifth invadiavit magnam Coronam auream gaged his Imperial Crown of Gold in 〈◊〉 fifth of his Reign And when Henry the thiâ—… had laid to gage omnia Insignia Regalia 〈◊〉 his Robes and Kingly Ornaments and upon assurance of redelivery or satisfaction had pawneâ—… Aurum Jocalia Feretri S. Edwardi Confessâ—…ris the Gold and Jewels belonging to the Shriâ—… of S. Edward the Confessour A course moâ—… moderate than by force to have taken as Williâ—… the Conquerour did the Chalices and Shrines 〈◊〉 other Churches or as Clement the seventhâ—… who to pay the Souldiers of Charles the fifth meâ—…ed the Consecrated Vessels was in the end whâ—… he had neither means of his own left nor reputatioâ—… with others constrained to beg relief of his Subjectâ—… in this low strain c Pauper sum omni destituâ—… The sauro necesse habeo ut me juvetis nec aliquiâ—… erigo nisi per gratiam I am poor and have 〈◊〉 Treasure left ye must needs relieve me neither dâ—… I demand any thing but of your meer love and courtesie And turning to the Abbot of Ramsey to say Amice obnixe supplico quatenus me juvas miâ—… centum libras conferendo My friend I beseecâ—… thee for Gods sake to help me with an hundred pound adding withall majorem Eleemosynâ—… fore sibi juvamen conferre pecuniamve quâ—… alicui ostiatim mendicanti that it would be a greater deed of Charity to contribute to his Wants than to give to one that begged from door to door So that of the waste of these timeâ—… and want of those Princes I may truly with the Satyrist say Ossa vides Regum vacuis exuta medullis Thou seest the Bones of Kings spoil'd of their Marrow IT now resteth by some few particulars to observe with what Wealth we have returned â—ome loaden with the Spoils of our Enemies â—ince no motives are so powerful to the Common greedy People as the hopes of gain which will â—asily enforce them Ire super gladios superque Cadavera patrum Et caesos calcare Duces Tread upon Swords and on their Fathers Graves And spurn their slaughter'd Captains In the Expeditions of Henry the third their purchases were so great that the Londoners were more grieved at the intolerable Beggeries that the King and his Army brought back than for the expence of their own moneys For Cum labor in damno est crescit mortalis egestas When Toil brings Loss Begg'ry must needs increase The same King although called in by the Nobility of France in Faction against their Master returned no better rewarded than Consumpta pecunia infinita Nobilibus Militibus innumer abilibus vel Morti datis vel infirmitati vel fame attenuatis vel ad extremam redactis paupertatem with the having spent an infinite deal of money his Nobles and Souldiers without number being either slain or sickly 〈◊〉 maimed or half-starved or else reduced to 〈◊〉 tream poverty Innocentius the Pope repayed the expence 〈◊〉 Henry the third and his people in his Sicilian Sâ—…vice with no better wages than this Scoffe Thâ—… England was Puteus inexhaust us quem 〈◊〉 lus poterat exsiccare a Well not to be empâ—… which no man could draw dry What the succeeding times afforded may be well gathered oâ—… of the many Petitions in Parliament in the twenty second of Edward the third the fourth and seventh of Richard the second the eighth of Henryâ—… the fifth and tenth of Henry the sixth ever complaining of the extream Beggery the people brought home and desiring some speedy Relief The Treasure Henry the eighth spent in aid of Matoimilian about recovery of Veronâ—… nullum aliud factum nisi damnum dedecâ—… peperit brought him nothing else but Loss and Dishonour For the Emperour having his turn served delivered contrary to Contract that City to the French threatning to Confederate with them ni Rex ei continuo persolveret unless the King would forthwith pay him down a great summ of money believing as the words are Minis terrore ab hoc Rege pecuniam posse haberi that this King would part with his money upon threatnings and great words For the great Army of this King sent over into France and the Million almost of Crowns he supplied the Emperour and Duke of Bourbon with in their wars of Millan his People enduring new and unheard of Taxes at home and his Souldiers great Extremity abroad he was himself at the last of all their ends effeâ—â—ed having spent the Treasure of his Father â—nd the Bounty of his Subjects forsaken and â—â—st as the Pasquil painted him inter Maysem â—hristum Mahumetem betwixt Moses Christ â—nd Mahomet with this word Quo me vertam â—â—scio Which way to turn me I know not For â—wo Millions of Crowns bestowed in purchase â—f Tournay not without suit of his own he deliâ—ered it with little or no recompence and rated â—is potential Interest of France at no greater â—umm than an Annuity of 100000 Crowns What from the thirtieth of this King until the last â—f his son Edward the sixth for 3173478 l. â—5 s. 4 d. spent at Sea and Land in Forraign wars his State received of inrichment it seemeth so â—ean as not worthy any place either in Story or Accompts Until the late Queen was drawn into wars â—he had in Treasure 700000 l. but after she was â—nce intangled it cost her before the thirtieth of â—er Reign 1517351 l. at which time she was but â—ntering into the vastness of her future Charge For the annual expence of 126000 l. in the Low-Countries from 1587. until 1593. the yearly disbursement for Flushing and the Brill â—8482 l. the debts of the States 800000 l. and the Aides of the French King since he attained to that Crown to above 401734 l. was after that time Thus by reason of war besides Taxes upon her People to the Summ of
it hath blessed both us and that Kingdom with the benefit of Peace yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by forraign Dominions As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and forraign Territories it may suffice in answer That so long as this Crown was actually possessed of any such Signiory the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassalage than which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England who is Monarcha in Regno tot tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio a Monarch in his Kingdom and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire could be more in blemish or opposition To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae To our Lord the King of France as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usually did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown can be called no addition of Honour And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity as first in putting off the Imperial Crown the kneeling low at the foot of that King and taking an Oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France a liege subject to the Kings of France c. we in performing so the duties of a subject do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign is no question of doubt From these considerations of Reputation and Honour the greatest stayes that support Majesty and retain Obedience our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories either avoided or refused the services As King John did Normandy and Edward the second resigned to his Son the Duchy of Aquitain to put off the act of homage from himself to whom it could not in respect of his Regality but be a dishonour As appeareth in Henry the second who having made his Son Consortem Imperii a King of England with him Homagium à Filio noluit saith the Record quia Rex fuit sed securitatem accepit would not receive Homage of him because he was a King but took his Security In the seventeenth of Richard the second the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France unless the King might not do Homage they held it so basâ— supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territory those subordiante Duchies in France added to this Crown As for the Kingdom of France the people of England were so little in love with that Title as any Honour to them that by Acts of Parliament 14 Ed. 3. and 8 Ed. 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France nor the Kingdom of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown And so much we have ever been in fear of that place lest it might leave this State to the misery of a Provincial Government as in 17 H. 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown answered that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State besides the transport of our money in the mean time which would inrich that Countrey and impoverish the Realm at home whereby we should justly again say Britannia servitutem suam quotidie emit quotidie poscit The Britains are every day begging to be slaves every day giving money for it THe last motive is the advantage we now have of greater Facility and assurance of Success in any forreign enterprise by this happy Union of both Kingdoms than ever any of our Ancestors had To which in answer nothing can be more full than laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts weigh how they suit these times and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to them of equal worth and valuation The first consideration is in Place the next in Person In the wars of France whether those for the defence of particular Signiories or competition of the intire Kingdom we had ever Ports to land at and Forts to retire to which now we have not The coast of Normandy was our own by which we might enter the midst of France And Edward the third when he intended to annoy the East part sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys whom he invested with the Duchy of Britain that so he might have there an easie footing Thus by leave of his Confederates in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side and a sure retreat when upon any occasion he would come back as he did to Antwerp And wheresoever any Army may have a quiet descent the greatest difficulty is overcome for the rest consisteth in Chance wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevail than Vertue But ibi grave est Bellum gerere ubi nullus est Classâ— Portus apertus non ager pacatus non Civitassocia non consistendi aut procedendi locus quocunque circum spexeris hostilia sunt omnia There 't is a hard task to wage war where there is no Port open for our Navy the Countrey our enemy no City our Confederate no place to make a stand or to march out from but whithersoever a man looks he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us And this must be now our case which was never our Ancestors Advantage personal was either A Party found made For the Persons considerable the aâ—… the Subjects to our enemies or our own Confederates Of the first our Kings heretofore did either work on the opportunity of any dissention ministred or by Pension and Reward either make a fraction in Obedience or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary The Dukes of Burgundy Earls of Britain Dreux and others in France offended with their Sovereign Confederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico Regi Angliae became Confederates with Henry Earl of Britain and King of England and thereupon drew him over into Britain The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000 l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyalty Edw. 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France if Robert de Artoys displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldom had not incited and complotted for him as Godfrey of Harecourt did after Nor Henry 5. if the unsound memory of the French King the jealousie of those Princes and Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune Confederates THe
should become Homager to Henry the eighth as to his Soveraign But after that Bourbon had advanced his Army and distressed the French King he in his answer to Master Pace the Kings Ambassadour refused that assurance of duty and gave a just suspicion that he by help of his Party intended to usurp upon that State himself which the Emperour never meant to the King of England left by such footing in France he might grow so great as to give Law to his neighbours And to fall off upon such grounds hath ever been excusable howsoever the bonds of Alliance were Thus did Henry the eighth as often change his hand of help as either Princes of Spain and France got ground of the other And the Spaniard now to keep the States in Italy disunited compoundeth differences at his pleasure or taketh part with the weaker not suffering any though his own dependant to grow too strong which was lately seen in patronizing the D. of Mantua against Savoy according to the Rule of Quinctius in Livy Non tantum interest Aetolorum opes minui it doth not stand us so much in hand to break the strength of the Aetâ—lians yet they were enemies quantum non supra modum Philippum crescere as it doth to see that Philip grow not too potent who was their friend The difference in Religion may bring likewise a twofold danger The one with our Confederates the other with the Subjects of this Crown For whensoever we shall attempt upon a Catholick Prince as France where we have the fairest pretences for with any other we are like to have no question then is all Contract of mutual aide left to the election of our Confederate who may with all easiness procure from the See of Rome a discharge of all Contracts although they were by Oath For if in Leagues where either party have been Catholicks as that between Edward 3. and John King of France and that between John of Gaunt and the King of Castile they ever out of such suspect inserted this Clause That neither side should procure dispensationem c. either per Ecclesiam Romanam vel per aliquam aliquam a Dispensation either by the Church of Rome or any other way to do contra formam Tractatus contrary to the form of Agreement How much more must their jealousie be to us And therefore in a Consultation in Henry the eighths time whether with best security we should Confederate with France or Spain it was resolved that either of them may slip of their advantage by colour of our Separation from the Church of Rome if there be no better hold in their Honesties than in their Bonds For it will be held not only worthy dispensation but merit to break all Leagues with the enemies of that Church by the Doctrine of that See which teacheth all Contracts with any Catholick Prince to be instanti dissolved because we are by them ranked in the list of Hereticks which holds proportion with the Rule and Direction that Urban the sixth sent by Bull to Wenceslaus King of Bohemia and Charles the Emperour before the Council of Constance declaring all Confederations Leagues and Conventions to be Lege Divina temerariae illicitae ipso jure nullae etiamsi forent fide data firmatae aut Confirmatione Apostolica roboratae to be by the Law of God invalid void and in Law null although confirmed by the plighting of faith nay though strengthned by confirmation Apostolical if the parties were separati ab Unitate sanctae Ecclesiae separate from the Unity of Holy Church when the league was made or si postea sint effecti if they become so after What assurance can there then be either with France who is received by his Rebenediction into the Bosome of the Church and his son made Adoptivus Filius Ecclesiae an adopted Son of the Church or against him with Spain who being Protector and Champion of that See Apostolick submitteth himself as he hath ever done to the Popes pleasure and design and must not only forsake but aide against us in any war we should there undertake Besides it is considerable howsoever all sides of our own will joyn in point of defence to a mutual aide whether they will so in a forraign Invasion especially when the party assailed shall be of their own Religion For when the Interdiction of the Pope could draw against John King of England and Lewis the twelfth a side of their own Subjects as it did after in the same Kingdom against Henry the third though all three conformable in points of Religion to that See how much more will it work with the people devoted to their opinions in a State divided from their obedience For amongst us the Catholick Church hath many Jesuits to raise Faction and divert people from duty the Recusants many and Malecontents not few all which with war will discover themselves but now by this happy calm unassured of assistance lock up their riches in security and their hearts in silence And therefore by any enterprize it is not with the rule of Seneca safe concutere felicem statum For by provoking of some adversary in respect of Papal protection they pick advantage to ground a quarrel of Religion and then the sancta expeditio the holy expedition against Lewis will be made Bellum Sacrum a holy War against us But admitting no less than in former times an easiness to attempt it is not a meditation unnecessary to think in general of the dangers and impossibilities to retain For first we must more than transgress Limites quos posuerunt Patres the Bounds which our Fathers owned and relinquish that defence of Nature wherewith she hath incircled divided and secured us from the whole world Te natura potens Pelago divisit ab omni Parte orbis tutaut semper ab hoste fores From all the Earth Nature hath parted thee With Seas and set thee safe from Enemy and commit our Frontiers had we never so much upon the next Continent to the protection of an Army which besides the continual Charge if we give Ambitious and able Commanders as unable for our Interest we will not how ready shall it be in such a Leader and so backt if he please to give Law to his own Countrey For Trifles will be quarrels good enough for such as can make them good by Power And whensoever means and Ambition leads any to trouble the State he will be sure to colour his pretext with honest Titles Alii sicuti Jura populi defenderent Pars quo Senatus authoritas maxima foret bonum publicum simulantes some declaring to maintain the rights of the People others to uphold the authority of the Senate all pretending to act for the publick good Hence was it that Augustus refused to add any more of the Barbarous Nations to the body of his Empire which with great facility he might have
observing the divers humours accidents and dispositions thereof findeth at length the cause from whence it is or well or ill-affected and so by mixture of Art and Observation sets to his Patient rules of exercise and dyet so is it in a Kingdom or Commonwealth If then out of the Registers of Record and Story the true Remembrancers of Art and Errour in passages of State it shall appear Answers to the former Arguments 1 Affections of our wisest Princes ever to peace 2 Forraign expeditions 1 Rebellions at home 2 Cause of 1 Endless taxations 2 Vassalage 3 Danger to the State 3 Confederacy alliance the means of former victories no ways to be restored as heretofore that those times wich have been glorified with the mightiest Princes and wisest Councils would ever acknowledge that Pax una triumphis Innumeris potior one Peace outgoes for worth Innumerable triumphs That Combustions at home were like Meteors ever kindled in another Region but spent themselves there That our men instead of Lawrel and Olive Garlands to adorn with victory and peace our Gates and Temples have ever brought home fire-balls to burn our Cities That forraign spoils have been summed up with Taxes and Penury That this addition of Revenue hath tyed us to a perpetual issue of our own Treasure That by these titles of Honour we have bought Slavery and by extenture of Territories Danger And that difficulty either to undertake or pursue any forraign enterprise now is much more than in any age before I think that no Englishman will either love his own errour so much or his Countrey so little as to advise a course so far estranged either from judgement or security IT is manifest by warrant of our own examples that the Kings of England except in some heat of Youth which is not the best director of Counsel preferred unjust Peace before the justest War none inthralling their minds with ambitious desires of extending Territories or imaginary humours of licentious Soveraignty every one willing to pass his time with content of his private fortunes Upon this ground Henry the second gave 20000 marks Expensarum nomine under the notion of expences to the French King ut firmior Pax haberetur that he might have a firm and setled Peace His succeeding son pro quieta clamatione de sorore sua ducenda for a peaceable claim to the marriage of his sister which was like to make a fraction gave to the French King docem millia librarum ten thousand pounds Three hundred thousand marks John gave to the French King to match his calm entrance to a secure peace Until the Confederacy with Scotland and invading of the Land by Charls de Valoys the French King provoked Edward the first he never disquieted France with noise of war as after he did by the Earls of Richmond and Lancaster although Boniface the Pope incited him thereunto His Son the second Edward anno 2. requireth the Bishops and Clergy to pray and offer alms for him and the people of this State the words are ut Deus nos regat dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus that God would rule and direct us in the troubles of this world for that having sought all means with France he could for Peace ut Guerrarum discrimina vitaret that he might avoid the dangers of war he reaped nothing but bitterness and detention of his Messengers Son and part of his Dutchy of Gascoigne his Rebels injoying all Protection and his Merchants all Inhospitality whose ships his enemy hostiliter cepit Mercatores interfecit took in a hostile sort and slew the Merchants The Parliament quinto of Edward 3. was especially called to consult how Peace might be procured In his 17 year the Peers and Commons petition him to labour a peace with France and to sollicite the Pope for mediation The truce from hence effected he would by no means violate but in the twentieth year moveth peace by all the offers he can as Contracts Intermarriage and to take up the Cross with France in succursum Terrae Sanctae for succour of the Holy Land But all he could do could abate no whit of the French â—ury who invaded by themselves Aquitain England by the Scots surprizing in breach of Truce his Nobility of Britain whom at Paris ignominiosae morti tradidit he put to shameful deaths there and in Gascoign murdering the rest of his Subjects and rasing his Castles nor would upon a second meditation admit any way of peace War then was left his last refuge Et pia Armaquibus nulla nisi in Armis spes est War is to that man just and lawful who hath no hope of help but by war And this his Clergy was injoyned to open in Sermons that he might eschew the infamy of Christian blood-shed In his two and twentieth year finding war to have brought to his people gravia onera multa mala heavy burthens and many mischiefs as the Record saith and that the fortune of War cum splendet frangitur when it shineth clearest is then nearest breaking he passed over into France to seek peace divers times and to strengthen his affections with the best hopes he injoyneth all the Bishops of England to offer devotas preces suppliciter ad Deum humble and devout prayers to God to direct his actions to Gods glory and the peace of his Countrey nec non ad totius Christianitatis commodum and the advantage of the whole Christian world which he believed could not follow but by a firm amity with his neighbours This is the dislike of war he openeth himself in the five and twentieth year in Parliament declaring the great means he had wrought by the Pope but could not effect it And in the third year after calleth again the body of the State to devise with him the means to obtain it for that he saw his Subjects by war so greatly wasted But when anno 29. to redeem himself and subjects from the hard tasks they had undertaken and to avoid effusionem sanguinis Christiani quantum potuit vel decuit pacem quaesivit the shedding of Christian blood he sought peace as much as in him lay and as far as was fitting sending the Duke of Lancaster to Avignon in intercession but all in vain he stood upon his own strength By which his confident adversary the year following captive that was afore obdurate justly found that one hour can overthrow simul parta sperata decora at once both the honours we enjoy and those we hope for And we may truly conclude of this Kings success as Livy of the Roman fortune Propterea bella felicia gessisse quia justa that therefore his wars were prosperous because they were just To obtain his desire and Subjects quiet he was contented to disclaim the interest that Right and Fortune had cast upon him And after though often again incited yet
two Millions and eight hundred thousand pounds by Subsidies Tenths and Fifteens she hath spent of her Lands Jewels and Revenues an infinite proportion As for the imaginary Profit grown by thâ—… many rich Spoils at Sea and Attempts in Spain it may be well cast up by two examples of oâ—… best Fortunes The Journey of Cales defrayed not the Charge to her Majesty by 64000â—… And our times of most advantage by Prizes between anno 30 and 34 of the Queen wherein we received but 64044 l. defrayed not the Charge of her Navy arising in the same yeaâ— to 275761 l. As to the greatest Loss expence of Christian Blood it may well susfice to bemoâ—… with Horace Parumne Campis atque Neptuno superfusum est Latini sanguinis Neque hic Lupis mos nec fuit Leonibus Unquam nisi in dispar feris Is there as yet so little Latine Blood Spilt on the Fields and Floods Nor Wolves nor Lions do we ever find So cruel to their kind THe last motive from Utility is increase of Revenues to the publick Treasury by addition of Forreign Dominions Which can receive no answer so full of satisfaction as to instance the particular Summs exhausted in every Age to retain them Beginning first with the Duchiâ— of Normandy For retention whereof William the Conquerour from hence as the Author saith laden Thesauris innumeris with unaccountable Treasure exacted sive per faâ— sive per nefas in Normanniam transfretavit gathered together by hook or by crook wafted over into Normandy His Son ad retinendam Normanniam Angliam excoriavit to retain Normandy flayed off Englands skin To the same end by Henry the first Anglia fuit bonis spoliata England was despoiled of its Goods His Grand-child took Scutagium pro Exercitu Normanniae a Scutage for his army in Normandy three times at a high rate and was inforced then against incursions of the French to build and man thirteen Castles de novo integro intirely new Richard the first exacted heavily upon his people ut potentes homines Regis Franciae sibi conciliaret ut terram propriam Normanniae tutaretur therewith to make himself friends amongst the most powerful Courtiers of France so to keep quietly his possessions in Normandy King John as wearied with the Charge neglected it And his Son feeling a burden more than benefit resigned his interest there for a little Money When it was again reduced by Henry the fifth the judgement in Council was That the keeping of it would be no less of expence than to war forth for all France In the quiet possession of his Son Henry John Duke of Bedford then Regent this Duchy cost the Crown of England 10942 l. yearly In an 10. â—…t appeareth by the Accompts of the Lord Cromâ—…wel Treasurer of England that out of the Kings Exchequer at Westminster the entertainâ—…ent of the Garrison and Governour was deâ—…rayed the Rents of the Duchy not supporting â—…he charge ordinary When Richard Duke of York was in the fifteenth year of Henry the sixth â—…egent the certain Expence over-ballanced the Receipt 34008 l. And an 27. the Lord Hastings Chancellour of France declareth in Parliament that Normandy was not able to maintain it self But thus it continued not much longer for this Crown was both eased of the Duchy and Charge shortly Of the Principality of Aquitain the Duchy of Gascoign Guien and the Members I find the state thus in record In the twenty sixth of Henry the third there was issued from the Treasurer and Chamberlains at Westminster 10000 l. for payments in Gascoign besides an infinite proportion of Victuals and Munition thither sent To retain this Duchy in Duty and possession this King was inforced to pawn his Jewels being are alieno graviter obligatus Thesauris Donativis Tallagiis extortionibus in Anglia consumptis very much indebted and having spent all his Treasures Grants Tallages and other Extortions in England Besides the people there at his departure extorserunt ab eo confessionem quadraginta millia Marcarum forced an acknowledgment from him of 40000 Marks And a Story of that time saith of anno 38. Ille per multos labores expensas inutiliter recuperavit Castra sua propria Vasconiae with a great deal of toile and expence he unprofitably recovered his own Castles in Gascoign of which the Labour was more than ever the Benefit could be And thus it appeareth to have continued for an 17. of Edward the second the money disbursed out of England to defray the surcharge there came to 46595 l. 9 shillings 7 d. besides 29660 Quarters of Grain and of Beeves and Bacons an infinite proportion In the first of Edward the third the issues of Gascoign were 10000 l. above the Revenues The Signiories in Aquitain cost in eight years ending the thirty sixth of this King 192599 l. 4 shill 5 d. de receptis forinsecis only it was delivered in Parliament an 1 Rich. 2. that Gascoign and some few other places that were then held in France cost yearly this Crown 42000 l. And in the seventeenth of this King a Parliament was summoned for no other cause especial than to provide money to clear the annual expences of those parts The charge of Bordeaux but one Town surmounting in half a year all Rents and perquisites there 2232 l. As Fronsack in Aquitain 5787 l. for double that time when the intire Duchy exceeded not 820 l. in yearly Revenues The Charge of Guien all the Reign of Henry the fourth was 2200 l. annually out of the Exchequer of England By accompt Aquitain besides Guien 6606 l. was the first of Henry the fifth in surplusage of charge 11200 l. and the Town of Bordeaux the five first years of the same King 6815 l. In the eleventh of Henry the sixth Sir John Ratcliffe Steward of Aquitain received from the Treasury of England pro vadiis suis c. 2729 l. and for expence in custody of Fronsack Castle only he payed 666 l. 13 shill the profits of the Duchy no wayes able to clear the Accompts The Benefit we reaped by any footing in Britany may in a few Examples appear Henry the third confesseth that ad defensionem Britanniae non sufficiebant Angliae Thesauri quod jam per triennium comprobavit that the Treasure of England would not suffice to maintain Britany which he had found to be true upon three years tryal and left in the end tam laboriosis expensis amplius fatigari to tire himself farther with such toil some expences The Town of Brest cost Richard the second 12000 marks a year and it stood him in an 9. in 13118 l. 18 shill For Callis I will deliver with as much shortness as may be from the first acquisition until the loss in every age the Expence for the
been the Dukes of Britain Lords of the Netherlands the City of Genoa the Kings of Portugal and Spain and the Empire since knit into the house of Burgundy As for the remote and in-land Princes of Germany the Kings of Denmark Poland and Sweden so far removed I have seldome observed that this Crown hath with them contracted any League of Assistance or Confederacy but of Amity and Entercourse only IT remaineth to observe a little what were the reasons that first induced and then preserved the Affection and Alliances of these several Nations respectively to this Crown The assurance we had of the State of Genoa was their Pensions and Traffick here All which time by equality of Neighbourhood they stood of themselves without any jealousie of Surprize But as soon as Vicinum Incendium the fire began in Millain they put themselves into the protection of Spain foreseeing how dangerous it would be for a weak State to stand Neutral according to Aristhenus counsel to the Aetolians Quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili praeda victoris erimus What else will become of us being in firm friendship with neither side than to be made a prey to the Conquer our Since which time Spain by estating Doria Grimaldi and the Spinellos chief Families of that City with great Patrimonies in Naples retaining their Gallies in his perpetual service and salary the Inhabitants of all sorts in beneficial Trade and no less in Policy to ingage that City than to supply his own Wants continually owing the wealthiest Citizens such vast summs of money as the Interest of late exceeded twenty five Millions he hath tyed it more sure to the Spanish party than if it were commanded by a Cittadel so that it must ever now follow the faction and fortune of that Crown Navarre and Britain while States of themselves were so long firm to our Confederacy as they were tyed with the bond of their own Calamity occasioned by that power which incorporating lately the one by Descent the other by Contract is by that Union and return of all the Appennagii more potent than ever it hath been under the House of Capet Burgundy was so long our friend as either they were enriched by Staple of our Commodities or had protection of our Swords against France who not only claimed Soveraignty over most but a proprietary interest in part and therefore had reason to give Aid and Arms to such a Confederate as did by a diversive War secure and by particular Immunities inrich that State But now growing into Spain they need no such assurance in the one and we almost undone by their draping of our Wooll which is happily called home not able to return them the benefit of the other cannot presume upon any such assurance of their aid as heretofore Spain may seem to give us the best hope of a fast Confederate for two respects First for that he is absolute and that we be equally devoid of demand neither having against the other any Titles Next for that the entercourse of Trade is more reciprocal between us than France and our Amity founded upon long love and old blood To this may be made a two-fold answer from the change of their Dispositions First for that they never assist any now but to make themselves Master of their State Thus ended they the strife between the Competitors of Portugal And when they were called into Naples by the Queen against the French they combined with her Adversary and divided the Kingdom And after upon the River of Gaâ— rillon under their Leader Gonsalves taking an advantage they defeated the whole Army of the French holding ever since that entire Kingdom themselves For Spain will admit neither Equality nor Fellowship since upon Union of so many Kingdoms and famous Discoveries they begun to affect a fifth Monarchy The other that the late hostility between them and us hath drawn so much blood as all forms of antient Amity are quite washt away and as Paterculus saith of Carthage to Rome so may we of Spain to England Adeo odium Certaminibuâ— ortum ultra metam durat ut ne in victis quidem deonitur neque ante invisum esse desinet quam esse desâ—t The hatred begot by former quarrels doth endure so lastingly that the very conquered party cannot forget it and in such a case the very places must cease to be before the hatred and envy towards it can cease BEsides these local considerations there will two other Dangers now fall out from any Contract of mutual aid The one from diversity â—f Intention and the other of Religion In the one when either the Confederate hath safely attained his own secret End whatsoever he pretendeth in the entrance he leaveth the other to work out his own designs Thus was Henry the third served called over by the Earls of Tholouse and March they in the mean time having made their Peace with France Et expertus jam infidem imo perfidiam Pictavensium turpiter recessit festinans non pepercit Calcaribus insomuch that having found the treachery and perfidiousness of the Poictovins he was forced dishonourably to retreat and for haste to spurr away the peril the poor King was left in being so great He was handled like to this by Pope Alexander the fourth who having drawn him into the wars of Apulia against Manfred in the end depauperato Regno Angliae undique bonis suis spoliato his Kingdom of England being impoverished and wholly despoiled of its Goods left him to his own shift The King of Navarr calling in the aide of Edward the third against France and appointing the Isle of Gersey the Rendezvous of their forces revolteth to the French after he had by countenance of that preparation wrought his Peace Maximilian the Emperour to induce Henry the eighth not only contracteth to aide him in person to recover the Crown of France pro tyrannico Rege repellendo and to remove the tyrannical King they are the words of the League but conferreth upon him in the same Coronam Imperialem Imperium Romanum the Imperial Crown and the Roman Empire in reversion and estateth the Duchy of Millain after recovery upon his person suorum naturalium masculini sexus haeredum modo feodorum Imperialium and his heirs male lawfully begotten to hold in Fee of the Empire yet in the close left the King to his own fortune his turn for Millain and Verona served Charles the fifth when by the incursion of the French he saw his portion in Italy distressed in safety whereof consisted the whole Pulse of the Spanish as he used himself to say for it supplied his Army with great Levies and was fitly seated for a fifth Monarchy he then ingaged Henry the eighth in the wars of France and bound himself as Bourbon his Confederate that he would assist him to the full Conquest of that Kingdom and the other