and to yield to all that the Holy See should think fit to order The nineteenth and twentieth The Pope wrote a Letter to the Princes of Germany having recounted what was said on one side and the other to maintain the Validity of each Election he lays open to them the mischiefs that this division might produce and exhorts them unanimously to choose one only Prince In the mean while the Archbishop of Mentz having called an Assembly at Andernach and at Coblentz had there made the Princes promise that they would execute what should be ordered in the first Assembly that should be held The Pope was angry that this was done without his having a hand in it and wrote thereof to the Archbishop in the twenty second Letter Hitherto the Pope had not declared himself but now seeing that there was a necessity of doing it he weighs the Reasons and Interests that the Holy See might have and finds that it is most for its advantage to declare for Otho He himself has told us his Motives in his Memoir Intituled The Deliberation of Pope Innocent upon the three Competitors for the Empire Frederick Philip and Otho He examines the matter by three Principles Quid liceat quid deceat quid expediat He says that it seems to him quod non liceat to reject the Election of Frederick which was the first that the Princes of Germany made quod non deceat because he was put by his Father under the protection of the Holy See quod non expediat because there was reason to fear that when he should become powerful and see that the Holy See had baulk'd him of the Empire he should cast its Authority out of Sicily and not make to it the ordinary Submissions that he might revenge himself upon that which had taken the Empire from him But then he sets against this that his Election had been gained by force and an Oath to maintain if had been taken by violence that he was elected at a time when he was not capable of managing the Empire and that supposing he had been chosen in a time that the Empire had been vacant in yet non decet because it is not reasonable that he who is under the Tutorage of others should command and govern them that non expedit because the Kingdom of Sicily would by this means be united to the Empire and there was reason to fear that the King of Sicily being become so powerful would not do homage to the Holy See For the Election of Philip he alledges quod non liceat to reject it because it had been made by the greatest number non deceat for fear he should think that the Holy See minded only to revenge the Injuries done it non expediat because he was the most powerful Then against his Election he says quod non liceat to approve it because he had been excommunicated and elected while he was excommunicated which is so true that he would since have gotten his Absolution which was nevertheless 〈◊〉 given him in due form because he was a favourer of Marcovaldils because he had taken an Oath to Frederick and in the mean while acted contrary to this Oath quod deceat to oppose him in it because else it would seem as if the Empire was hereditary when one Brother succeeded another quod expediat because he is a Persecutor and of a persecuting Race Against Otho quod non liceat to acknowledg him because he was chosen by the least number quod non deceat for fear it should seem to be out of partiality quod non expediat because his Party seemed to be the weakest For this Prince because sanior pars consentit because he is the most proper because God will assist him The Conclusion is to counsel the Princes of Germany to agree upon one person and to advise them to declare for Otho The twenty ninth Letter After having made this Resolution he wrote a Letter to the Archbishop of Cologn and his Suffragans and to the Princes of Germany wherein he tells them that it belongs principally and finally to the Holy See to decide all Differences that should arise about the Empire that they might be made up principally because 't was that See that translated the Greek Empire to the Latins and finally because 't is that that gives the Imperial Crown that he had waited to see whether the two Contenders would agree but since that was not done he had sent the Cardinal of Palestrina his Legate into Germany with Philip a Notary and had order'd Octavian Bishop of Oâ—… his Legate in France to repair thither if he could and see what was to he done The thirtieth Letter He wrote the same thing to the Prelates and Princes of Germany The thirty first In fine he declar'd openly for Otho acknowledging him to be King of Germany lawfully elected made a Declaration of it to the Princes of Germany and order'd them to obey him The thirty second and following Letters He wrote likewise to the King of France to draw him to the same side with himself and to the King of England to keep him firm on it The forty seventh and forty muth Letters The Princes of Philip's Party astonished at what the Legate had done complained of the Court of Rome's meddling in the Election of an Emperor any more than the Emperor did in the Election of a Pope which he might pretend to a right of doing They said that the Cardinal of Palestrina could not do as he had done either in quality of an Elector for that did not belong to him or of a Judg because he had given Judgment in the absence of one of the Parties and because he had no power to judg in this matter The sixty first Letter The Pope answer'd That he acknowledges that the right of choosing a King who is afterwards to be made Emperor lies in the hands of the German Princes but that he hath a right to see what this Person is because he is to consecrate and confirm him That his Legate had acted the part neither of an Elector nor of a Judg but of a Denunciator by declaring that Duke Philip was unworthy and Otho worthy of the Empire That the Election of Philip was disorderly c. The sixty second Letter Philip King of France complains of the Election of Otho and tells the Pope that if he still protected him he would take his own measures and assures him he had no reason to fear any thing from Philip. The sixty third Letter The Pope answer'd That he had no design to do any thing that might be a prejudice to France That he had a greater affection for the King of France and his Subjects than for all other Kings and States Utpote in cujus exaltatione exaltars credimus Apostolicam sedem in cujus depressione quod absit ipsam deprimi crederemus Then he gave the Reasons why he put by Philip 1. Because he is of a Family that
This very much displeased the Pope But that which made the Pope and the King of France fall out downright was the Judgment which the former gave between the King the Earl of Flanders and the King of England by which he ordained that Philip the Fair should restore to the Earl his Daughter whom he kept Prisoner since the Year 1296. to Marry her as he pleased as also some Lands he had taken from him and that he should go into the East to make War upon the Infidels The Pope dispatch'd a Bull of this Judgment The Pope's Bull in favour of the Earl of Flanders and put it into the hands of the English Ambassador who carried it to Paris But when it was read in the Presence of the King of Charles Earl of Valois his Brother of Robert Earl of Artois and the Earl of Evreux the Earl of Artois snatched away the Bull in a rage and threw it into the Fire Swearing That it should not be so and the Pope should not revenge himself at the Cost of the Kingdom The King protested That he would not put in Execution what the Pope had Decreed but as soon as the Truce was expired he would begin the War afresh In the Year 1300. Boniface published a Jubilee in which he granted Plenary Indulgences The appointment of a Jubilee by Boniface to all who should visit the Churches of St. Peter and St. Paul at Rome decreeing that the same thing should be renewed every Hundred Years The opening of the Jubilee drew a great Concourse of People to Rome and Boniface to make the Soveraign Authority which he pretended to have over the Temporality to be owned appeared at the Ceremony one while in his Pontifical Habit and another in Imperial Robes and took for his Motto Ecce duo gladii The King not willing to quarrel with the Pope downright sent to him the same Year Boniface quarrels a-new with the King William of Nogaret Baron of Calvisson in Quality of an Ambassador to give him Advice of the Alliance he had made with the Emperor who on his part likewise sent him an Ambassador The Pope had no great regard to the one or the other blamed the Election of the Emperor and threatned him that he would cross it if he did not give him Tuscany said many disobliging things of the King and did all he could to break off the Alliance between the two Princes Nogaret who understood the ill Designs of the Pope upbraided him therewith to his Face which exasperated his Spirit and made him yet more a verse than before to the King's Interests Boniface proposed to the Christian Princes a Crusado to go into the East against the Infidels The Bishop of Pamiez Envoy to the King gives iâ—l Language and is Arrâ—sted He sent Bernard Saisset Bishop of Pamiez a Bishoprick he had Erected in the Year 1296. in spite of the King with Orders not only to set forward this Expedition with Philip the Fair but likewise to demand the Enlargement of the Earl of Flanders and his Children The King refusing to hearken to these Proposals the Bishop forgot the respect he owed the King telling him That he held nothing of his Majesty but that he owed all to the Pope whose Subject he was both as to Spiritual and Temporal Concerns threatned to Interdict the Kingdom and maintain'd the Pope's Temporal Power over Soveraign Princes The King offended at this Procedure caused this Bishop to be accused of divers Monopolies which he had exacted and of Rebellion and ordered him to be cited before the Parliament where appearing he was sent to Prison Boniface enraged at this Imprisonment in the Month of February in the Year 1301. sent James Norman Archdeacon of Narbonne to the King to order him to set this Bishop at Liberty The which the King did putting him nevertheless under the keeping of the Arch-bishop of Narbonne his Metropolitan to punish him for his Rashness according to the rules of the Canon Boniface not content herewith required that the King should set him at full Liberty and give him a Grant of all his Goods After that by a Bull of the 4th of December in the same Year he suspended the Favours A Bull against the King's Privileges and Privileges he had granted to the King of France and his Successors and to his Counsellors Clergy or Laity and particularly those he had granted for the Relief of the State and decreed that the Clergy without his consent should not Pay the King what he demanded under the Title of Tenths or Aid though he had consented to it and had given time till the 1st of November in the Year following to make Report of the Privileges to the Holy See to the end they might be Examined Two days after he set forth another Bull wherein he declares that God had established him A Bull of the Soveraignty of the Pope and against the Rights of the King over Kings and Kingdoms to pluck up to destroy to scatter to build that the King of France ought not to think he has no Superiour and is not Subject to the Pope that he who is of that Opinion is a Fool and an Infidel He therein Discourses with the King about the Summs of Money which he exacted of his Subjects He therein complains that he had fill'd the Benefices and Prebends vacant in the Court of Rome without the Pope's Leave that he had seized on the Goods of the Clergy that he vexed them with several Grievances particularly the Church of Lions though it be out of the Bounds of his Kingdom by receiving the Revenues of the Cathedral Churches during the Vacancy which he falsly calls a Right belonging to the Crown He orders the Prelates Chapters of Churches and Doctors of Divinity in the Kingdom to attend him in order to provide for the Reformation of the Realm He inveighs against the King's Evil Counsellors and exhorts this Prince to undertake the Holy War By another Bull of the same Date directed to the Prelates Chapters of Cathedrals and other Doctors of the Realm he writes to them that not being ignorant of the Oppressions which the Clergy suffer from the Kings his Officers Earls or Barons he has taken up a Resolution after he had communicated it to the Cardinals to Summon them to Rome He orders them to appear there on the First of November following with Powers and Instructions necessary and Promises them that Care should be taken for the Preservation of the Honour and Freedom of the Gallican Church and the Reformation of the State He writes the same thing to the Abbots in a Bull very like it But to the end his Bull might make the deeper Impression he made an Abridgment of it in these words Boniface the Bishop a Servant of the Servants of God to Philip King of France Fear God and keep his Commandments We will you to know that you are Subject to us both in Spirituals and Temporals
You have no Right to bestow Benefices and Prebends and if the Custody of the Goods of some Vacant Benefices belongs to you you ought to reserve the Profits to their Successors If you have bestowed any Benefices we declare the Donation Void and revoke the actual Possession which ensued thereon We declare them Hereticks who believe the contrary Given at the Palace of Lateran on the 5th of December in the 7th Year of our Papacy These Bulls were delivered and published in the Kingdom by the Archdeacon of Narbonne The Assembly of the States against the Attempt of the Pope The King to obviate the ill Consequences which they might have caused the short Bull to be publickly burnt on the 8th of February 1302. and called together the Three Estates of his Kingdom to advise about Ways of Self-preservation This Assembly was held in the Church of our Lady at Paris 10th of April 1302. The King proposed there the Pope's Pretensions to the Temporalties of his Kingdom and the Summons he had sent to the Prelates to appear at Rome Peter Flotte who spake for the King represented to the Assembly the pernicious Designs of the Pope the Injuries which the Court of Rome did to the Gallican Church by her Reservations by * Grants before the Death of the present Incumbents then call'd Mandata de providendo Gratiae expectativae by Civilians Much may be seen enacted against them in our Statutes especially in the reign of Edw. 3. Provisions of Archbishopricks Bishopricks and other Benefices which she bestowed on Strangers that were Non-resident and by other Methods by which she assumed the disposal of all Benefices by Impositions upon the Clergy by the right she challenged to take Cognisance and to Judge of all Causes He Protested on the King's behalf that he own'd God only his Superior in Temporals that it was his intent before the Arrival of the Nuncio if there were Occasion to regulate the Behaviour of his Officers towards the Clergy but that since he had Superseded the doing it for fear the Pope should take Advantage by it and believe it to be done at his instance and by his order The King demanded the Opinion of the Assembly upon all these Points and chiefly about his Soveraign Jurisdiction in Temporals The Nobility having withdrawn awhile to Deliberate answer'd by the Earl of Artois That they thanked his Majesty for the good Will he had to maintain the Rights and Honour of his State and declared that they were ready to expose their Lives and Fortunes in its Defence and though his Majesty would suffer or pass by these Attempts they would oppose it and said that they own'd no other Superiour but the King The Clergy was unwilling suddenly to give their Answer and desired time to deliberate more fully but the King pressing them to speak their Mind the Prelates declared That they believed themselves bound to Defend the King and the freedom of the Kingdom and that some of them were engaged thereto by Oath and others by Duty Nevertheless they besought the King to permit them to attend the Pope who had sent them a Summons but the King refused it by the Advice of the Nobility The third Estate was of the same Opinion with the Nobles This Assembly being broke up the King sent the Pope a short Answer like his abridged Bull in these terms Philip by the Grace of God King of France to Boniface who stiles The Answer of the King and States to the Pope himself Supreme Bishop little or no Greeting May your great Extravagance know that we are not Subject to any Person whatsoever in Things Temporal that the bestowing of Vacant Churches and Prebends does of Regal right belong to us that we can Appropriate the Fruits of them to our selves that the Grants we have made or shall make for the time to come are Valid that we will Maintain powerfully those that are in Possession thereof and we declare them Fools and Senseless that think the contrary The Dukes Earls and Barons of France wrote to the Cardinals the same Day That though they desired to maintain the Ancient Union which ever had been between the Holy See and the Realm of France yet they could not suffer the Attempts which Boniface made upon the They send them word what was resolved in the King and Kingdom Assembly of the States Prove that the King is not Subject to the Pope in Temporals and that the Pope has no right to send for the Prelates of the Kingdom nor undertake to reform it they represent the Prejudice the Prelates going out of the Realm would cause to the State upbraid Boniface that he has taken great Summs of Money for the Grants of Ecclesiastical Dignities that he had filled the Benefices with Persons of no Merit that he bestowed Benefices the Grant of which belonged to the King They besought the Cardinals to hinder the Consequences of this Undertaking that the Church may continue in Peace The Prelates wrote a little after the same things to Boniface informed him what passed in the Assembly the Complaints the King there made in what manner the Nobility there spake how that being asked they desired time to Consult with desire to appease his Majesty and to Establish the Union between him and the Holy See but that being obliged to answer upon the spot that they might not be looked on as Enemies to the State they had declared they thought themselves bound to Assist the King and Preserve his Person his Honour his Liberty his Rights and those of his Kingdom as well by the Oath of Allegiance which some of them had taken to the King upon account of their Fiefs as by the Duty of Faithful Subjects They added that they had besought his Majesty to permit them to go to Rome whither his Holiness had cited them but that the King and the Lords had forbid them They earnestly besought the Pope to apply a Remedy to the Mischiefs that would necessarily ensue if the Dissention which is begun between him and the King continued and prayed him to re-establish the Union and revoke the Summons he had caused to be given them by his Nuncio The third Estate wrote likewise a Letter to the Cardinals to the same Effect The Pope's Answer to the Prelates contain'd nothing but Complaints against the Assembly which the King had caused to be held at Paris and principally against Peter Flotte whom he The Replies of the Pâ—â—e and Cardinals to the King and States calls Belial semividens corpore mente totaliter excaecatus and reproaches against them that had not taken his part He affirms That the Doctrine delivered in this Assembly is Schismatical because it tends to the Establishment of two Supreme Heads and that the Design of those Persons who composed this Assembly was to separate the Gallican Church from the Union of the Church Universal and to Erect a See against the Vicar of Jesus Christ. In the
The necessity of Celebrating it in Parishes 97. Confession to be us'd at the introitus 98. Nothing to be taken for Celebrating it nor more than one to be said on a day 101. When the Mass de Beata is to be said 102 108 Mirepoix made a Bishoprick 〈◊〉 Monkery See Religion Monks Reform'd by Benedict XII 30. Rules concerning them 47 94 117. Monks Apostatiz'd excluded from Benefices and Ecclesiastical Offices Begging Monks that enter into any other Order to be depriv'd of their Pensions and Benefices 97. A Regulation about them and the Ordinaries 96 109 118 Montsault A Priory by whom Founded 64 Montauban made a Bishoprick 22 N NAme of Jesus An indulgence to such as pronounce it with the bowing of the Head 102 107 Naples Charles Duras by whom made King of it 36. Jane the Queen gives it to Lewis Duke of Anjou ibid. Neutrality Publish'd in France during the Schism 46. Disapprov'd by several Bishops of France 47 Nicholas V. Anti-Pope The Reasons of â—is Election 24. He is deliver'd to John XXII and dies penitent 24 Nicholas of Calabria his Errors and Condemnation 115 Nicholas Laurentius His Attempts in Rome and his Tragical end 31 32 Nominals A sort of School-men Antagonists to the Averroists or Realists 48 Notaries Rules concerning them 95 98 Nuns A Canon relating to them 98 O OFfice Divine Its Celebration 94 97 107. The Obligation of Clergy-men to be at it and say it 104 107. The Oâ—fice of the Order of S. Benedict ought to be the same in all the Monasteries 97 Omphalopsychi Greek Quietists Why so call'd 84 Operation Disputes among the Greeks about the Essence and Operation of God 84 85 86 Oratories Not to be built without the permission of the Bishop 118 Ordinations Of Bishops ought to be by Metropolitans 98. Publick Prayers and Processions for their Ordination 97. The Age prescribed to receive Orders 94 98. The Qualities of such as are to be Ordain'd 110. None to receive them without Letters Dimissiory from his Bishop except Mendicant Friers 97. Beneficed Persons oblig'd to be Ordain'd 117 Order of Alcantara Its Establishment 118 Order of S. Ambrose Approv'd by Gregory XI Ibid. Order of Christ Its Establishment Ibid. Order of the Star When Instituted in France Ibid. Order of S. Francis A Contest amongst them about the Meaning and Practice of some parts of their Rule 24 25. An Order of the Pope about the Form of their Habit Ibid. Order of Hieronymites Their Institution 118 Order of the Garter By whom Instituted in England Ibid. Orders Military Such as are Establish'd for the defence of the Faith ought to enjoy the same Privileges as other Monks 15 Order of S. Saviour By whom Instituted 73 118 Ornaments of the Churches What care ought to be had of them 97 Otho Duke of Brunswick Forsakes the Interests of Urban VI. 35. Taken Prisoner by Charles Duras 36. Gets out of Prison and recovers the Kingdom of Naples 37 P PAlamites Their Contests with the Barlaamites 84 85 86 Pamiez Made a Bishoprick 4. Subject to the Arch-Bishop of Tholouse 22 S. Papoul Made a Bishoprick ibid. Paul Ursmi Hinders the City of Rome from submitting to Ladislaus King of Naples 44. The Recompence he had for that Action ibid. Pennance Publick Forbidden to Clerks 94 Perjur'd persons Canons against them 93 Perpignan A Council held there by Benedict XIII 46 Peter Bishop of Chalons Accus'd of Crimes and Absolv'd in a Council 100 Peter d'Ailly Bishop of Cambray Refases to go to Clement VII 38. Sent by King Charles VI. to Benedict XIII 39. Publishes the Restitution of Obedience to that Pope 42. Accus'd afterwards for Adhering to him 46. And prosecuted for it 47. The Conclusions of that Bishop in favour of the University of Paris 114 Peter of Bononia Proctor for the Templars His Reasons brought for the Defence of that Order 16 17 Peter de Chasteau-Renaud a Dominican Accus'd of Poysoning the Emperor Henry VII 22 23. Testimonies against it 23 Peter de Corbario Chosen Anti-Pope by the Clergy of Rome 24. Loses that Dignity soon after and dies Penitent ibid. Peter de Courtenay Arch-Bishâ—p of Rheims Canons made by him in a Council 100 Peter de Cuguieres Counsellor to the King of France His Discourse of the Ecclesiastical and Secular Powers 64 Peter Flotti An Officer of Philip the Fair. His Declaration to the States of the Realm against the Attempts of Boniface upon the Temporalities of Kings 5 Peter Frerot or Fretot Arch-Bishop of Tours His Constitutions in a Council 106 Peter Guadaffinaria Founder of the Order of Hieronymites 118 Peter le Juge Arch-Bishop of Narbonne Canons made by him in a Council 108 109 Peter de Luna Cardinal afterwards Pope Benedict XIII Sent as Legate to Spain under Clement VII 36. The Council he call'd there 109 Peter de Macerata and Peter de Foro Sempronio Authors of the Sect of Frerots or Spiritual Friers 112 Peter Roger Arch-bishop of Roan The Constitutions he made in a Council 106 Peter John Oliva de Serignan a Grey Frier His Errors 27 112 Philp the Fair King of France His Difference with Boniface VIII 1 sequ to 12. His Death 22 Philip the Long King of France How he oblig'd the Cardinals to proceed to an Election of a Pope at Lions 22. His Coronation ibid. Philip de Marigny Arch-Bishop of Sens. His Canons Publish'd in a Council 99 Philip de Valois King of France His Threats of John XXII Philip de Villette Abbot of S. Denis His Election to that Abbey 40 Pileus de Prato Cardinal Why called the Cardinal with three Caps 37 38 Pilgrin Arch-Bishop of Saltzburg His Canons made in a Council 109 Pisa. An Assembly of Cardinals there 45. They appoint a Council ibid. Plurality of Benefices forbidden 32 92 Poisoners A Canon against them 46 102 S. Pons made a Bishoprick 22 Popes Their Authority 50 51 54 59 60 61. The Different Opinions of Barlaam about the Pope's Supremacy 86 87. As also the Judgment of Nilus Cabasilas 88. That they cann't Depose Kings 51. But may be depos'd themselves ibid. That they correct one another 29 40. The Protestations of several Popes at the point of Death concerning their Life past 31. Such as resided at Avignon 21 22 29 30 30 31 32. When their Residence was remov'd into Italy 32. The Pretensions for the Pope's Residence at Rome 24 30. The ill effects of their Residence at Avignon 116. The substraction of Obedience from the Pope's Benedict XIII And Boniface IV. 40 41. That Substraction taken off in France as to Benedict on certain Conditions 41 42. Remov'd in that Kingdom again 43 Prague made an Arch-Bishoprick 31 Predestination Bradwardin's Judgment of it 70 Prelates oblig'd to reside in their Churches 30 Priesthood Age to receive it 94 98 Procuration The Right of it abolish'd in France during the Schism 43 44 Profession of Monkery Novices oblig'd to make it at the end of the year 100 Power Ecclesiastical and Secular Of both
young Princes and to desire him to Protect the Church and to appoint these Princes some Counsellors and Tutors who might have a care to Educate them well and to teach them all Virtues necessary for Princes At the beginning of the Reign of Lewis III. the Church of Beauvais having been vacant some The Election of the Bishop of Beauvais time Hincmarus and the Bishops of his Province of Reims being met in S. Maries Church proceeded to the Election of a Bishop and chose Odo The Clergy and People of Beauvais had before chosen two one after another but they were rejected as uncapable by reason of their Ignorance and corrupt Manners The Bishops who had chosen Odo had wrote to the King to pray him that he would leave the Election of their Bishops to their Metropolitan and the Bishops of their Province with the consent of the People and Clergy and after they would present the Bishop chosen to him that he might put him into the Possession of the Revenues of the Church which was under his Protection And when this is obtain'd he shall be Ordain'd by the Bishops The King pretending to Name him whom he would have who was already chosen refused to grant the Bishops Request and wrote to Hincmarus That his Intention was to govern and dispose both Ecclesiastical and Civil Matters and desired him to be obedient to him as he had been to his Predecessors And that he would have the Church of Beauvais given to Odacer in whom the Votes of the People concurred with him Hincmarus answered him That the Election of Bishops ought to be left to the Bishops Clergy and People that he ought not to force them to choose the Person he had Named to them That the Ecclesiastical Laws which give power of Electing Bishops were revived in the Ordinances of the Kings his Predecessors That he was not Lord over the Church Revenues to dispose of them as he pleased He puts him in mind of the Profession he made at his Coronation to protect the Church That as for Odacer he could never endure that he should be Bishop of Beauvais and if he put him in possession of the Church he would not permit him to execute the Orders of his Priesthood in his Diocess That he ought not to be Ordained although he was chosen by the Suffrages of the Clergy and People of Beauvais unanimously because they having Elected two unfit persons successively the Right of Election was fallen to the Bishops King Lewis having again earnestly sollicited Hincmarus by a second Letter to grant his Request and to approve of the Election of Odacer to the Bishoprick of Beauvais he answered him with greater resolution than before and when Odacer was put in possession of the Revenues of that Church against his will he Excommunicated him by a Circular Letter directed to all Priests and all the Faithful of the Church Lastly Lewis being Dead and Caroloman only remaining King of France Hincmarus according Hincmaruâ— ' s Advice to Caroloman to his Custom sent an Instruction to him how he ought to govern himself It is written with Gravity and Authority He inserts the Duties of the Kings Servants and Counsellors of State It is not certain to what King Hincmarus Dedicated his Letters against Rapes a Vice common in those Ages He proves both by the Ecclesiastical and Civil Laws that that Crime ought to be Hincmarus's Writing against Rapes punished severely that Marriages with Ravish'd Women are forbidden and that Kings ought neither to tolerate them nor compel Fathers to consent to them He hath also made a Treatise about the Proof by Water sent to Hildegard Bishop of Meaux either when Men to prove their Innocency are dipped in Scalding Water without burning or Hincmarus's Tract about Proofs when they cast themselves into Cold Water and yet Swim on the top of the Water and endeavours to justifie this Custom but the greatest part of his Reasons are meer Sophisms which are destroyed by the Principle which forbids us to tempt God He hath also a Letter written to Hildebold Bishop of Soissons who being Sick had sent him a His Absolution by Letter General Confession of his Sins in Writing praying him to give him his Letters of Absolution He writes to him again That by the Apostolick Authority he Absolved him of all his Sins and prayed God to forgive them to him by the Grace of his H. Spirit to deliver him from all Evil to keep him in perpetual Peace and Safety and guide him to Eternal Life These are the terms in which he gave him Absolution To which he also added That not being able to come to him and pronounce it himself he hoped his Ministers and Priests would do it And tells him That he had sent by one of them the H. Oil with which being Anointed he shall receive Remission of his Sins He exhorts him also to make besides this General Confession a particular one to God and a Priest and adds some Precepts about a true Conversion The Form of Episcopal Ordination which he sent to Adventius Bishop of Mets is very remarkable The Form of Episcopal Ordination He says That the Bishops of the Province ought to meet the Saturday before the Bishop Elect is to be Ordain'd and there openly Read the Decree for his Election and the Bishops must demand if their Votes are unanimously for him if he hath all Virtues requisite for a Bishop and no Man hath any thing to say against him Then they ought to Ordain him according to a Canon of the Council of Carthage That on the Lords-Day the Bishops Clergy and People ought to meet in the place where the Metropolitan useth to Ordain That the person Elected ought to go out of the Vestry Cloathed with his Pontifical Vestments and take the lowest Seat among the Bishops That the Metropolitan shall begin the Service as far as the Gloria That after the Gloria he shall Read the Prayer for the Consecration and when that 's ended he shall Exhort the People to Pray for him who is to be Ordain'd and for them that Ordain him That taking him by the Hand he shall kneel down before the Altar twith all the Bishops his Associates while they read the Litany That when the Agnus Dei is begun to be Sung they shall rise up That the Metropolitan shall take the Gospels and lay them upon the Neck and Shoulders of him that is to be Ordained That that Book shall be held by him that Consecrates him and two other Bishops That all three of them shall lay their Hands upon the Head of the Person to be Ordained and he that Consecrates him shall read the Prayer Then he shall go on with the Service and when he comes at the places marked with the Crosses the Bishop that Consecrates him shall take the Vessel of Holy Oil in his Left Hand and taking some of it with his Thumb of his Right Hand shall make Crosses
they treated of several matters The Bishops approved of the Excommunication of Lambert and Adelbert and declared that they would look upon all those as Excommunicated who had been so by the Pope They pronounced an Excommunication against those that had invaded the Goods of the Church They confirmed the Judgment given against Formosus They made a Canon forbidding all Christians to Marry a Second Wife while the First is living and Bishops removing from one Church to another and in the conclusion made Seven Canons In the First it is commanded that Secular Noble-men should pay respect to the Bishops by not sitting down before them and that Lay-men should not meddle with Church Revenues The Second enforces the same prohibition The Third orders that the Canons made the year before at Ravenna should be observed The Fourth enjoyns the Bishops to assist each other in the defence of the Revenues and Interests of their Churches The Fifth requires that those persons who have been Excommunicated or subjected to Penance by one Bishop shall not be received by his Brethren The Sixth asserts that they will not receive another Man's Servant without his consent The Seventh says that they will not entertain a private Accusation against any Man The Pope having seen the Body of the Gothick and Spanish Laws brought by the Arch-bishop of Narbonne and finding no Law in it against Sacrilege Wrote to them to observe the Law made by Charles the Emperour who Fined such as were guilty of it Thirty pounds He sent also a Letter to the Bishop of Poictiers forbidding him to encroach upon the Revenues of his Church and enjoyning all those that had invaded it to make Restitution By another Letter he confirms the Privileges of the Church of Tours and grants a Privilege to the Monastery of Fleury Hincmarus Bishop of Laon presented a Petition to this Synod and his Affair was here determined as we have said In this Synod King Lewis the Stammerer was Crowned by the Pope They made a Motion to put out Gozelin Abbot of S. Denys but 't was not put in execution Lastly They determined some affairs concerning the Bishops of Avignon Troyes and Besancon This Council was ended at Five Sessions or Actions which have we have Abridged with the Seven Canons and the Decisions of John the Eighth of which we spoken The Council of Fismes IN 881 several Bishops of France met at Fismes April the 2d where after they had recited The Council of Fismes that excellent passage of Gelasius about the Distinction between the Ecclesiastical and Civil Power and another place out of S. Gregory concerning the Episcopal Vigilance they admonish King Lewis to preserve and increase the Honour and Revenues of the Church and to maintain the Authority of the Bishops They require that Monasteries and Nunneries be visited by the King's Commissioners who shall represent the state of those places They exhort the King to punish Ravishers severely They also exhort the King's Officers and Judges to hinder Disorders and punish Crimes They invite Sinners to Penance and Lastly addressing their Speech to the King they advise him to provide wise discreet and impartial Counsellors who love Justice and Religion and will employ their knowledge and zeal to suppress Vice The Council of Cologne IN the year 887 there was an Assembly held at Cologne made up of the Arch-Bishops of Mentz The Council of Cologne and Cologne Four or Five Bishops some Abbots several Priests and Deacons and some Lay-men in which Drogo Bishop of Metz was Ordained Afterward they renewed some Constitutions made against them who had taken away some Revenues belonging to the Church Nevertheless they gave them to the end of June to be received to Penance if they would come in They also revived divers other Canons of Councils about unlawful Marriages The Council of Mentz THis Council was called by King Arnoldus at that time when Germany was much afflicted by The Council of Mentz the Inroads of the Normans The Arch-bishops of Mentz Cologne and Treves were at it with several of their Suffragans In it after they had declared by way of Preface the miserable condition that Germany was reduced to they made the following Canons The First obliges to Pray continually in the Church for King Arnoldus his Queen and all Christians In the Second they give the King a short Abridgment of the chief Duties incumbent on him The Third shews him that he is obliged to Administer Justice impartially both to great and small The Fourth says that they who are Founders of Churches should leave the disposal of the Revenues they give to the Bishops according to the Nineteenth Canon of the Third Council of Toledo The Fifth enjoyns that no Priests be put into any Church without the permission of the Bishop The Sixth requires that those shall be punished as Murtherers of the Poor who detain the Revenues of Churches Monasteries or Hospitals The Seventh declares that those who do any injury to Clergy-men shall be put out of the Church till they have made a proportionable satisfaction The Eighth orders that they who had cut off the Nose of a Priest of the Church of Wirtzburg should be Excommunicated The Ninth commands that Masses shall not be celebrated in all places but either in such places as are consecrated by the Bishop or are allowed by him for that use That in the places or Churches Burnt by the Normans Mass may be celebrated in the Chapels till they are Re-built and that in a Journey if Men can't find a Church they may say it in the open Field or in a Tent provided they have a Consecrated Table for an Altar and other things necessary for that Service The Tenth enjoyns Clergy-men absolutely to have no Woman to co-habit with them The Eleventh says that all that Invade the Lands of the Church shall be Excommunicated and Banish'd The Twelfth is a Canon falsely attributed to Pope Silvester about the Accusations of Clergy-men The Thirteenth imports that ancient Churches shall not be deprived of their Tythes and Revenues to Endow New Chapels The Fourteenth holds that no Bishop can retain ordain or judge a person that belongs to another Bishop's Diocess The Fifteenth asserts that he that doth so shall not be received at a Council till he hath had a Reproof The Sixteenth imposes a severe and long Penance upon him that shall kill a Priest The Seventeenth orders the Payment of Tythes The Eighteenth is against a person that had Marryed his God-mother and being divorced from her had taken her again The Nineteenth revives some old Laws against Unchast Priests The Twentieth is against them who by their Petitions get the Revenues of the Church into their possession by a precarious Title The One and twentieth revives the Prohibitions made by Charles the Great to hold Meetings about Secular Affairs in the Churches or Church-porches The Two and twentieth is against those who defraud the Church of part of their Tithes
Sabbath nor the Jews to labour or trade on the Lord's Day not to eat in Lent with them not to eat any Flesh they have killed nor drink any Wine that they sell. Lastly not to converse familiarly with them nor trade with them because they daily Blaspheme the Name of Christ. Then he describes the insolence of the Jews because they found themselves upheld by the Authority of the Commissioners He beseeches him to hear the humble entreaty of Himself and Brethren and rectifie this disorder To this Petition he joyns a Letter written in his Name and in the name of Bernard Arch-bishop of Vienna and another Bishop called Eaof or Taof in which they produce the Authorities of the Fathers and Scripture to justifie the Severity they treated the Jews withall They relate the example of S. Hilary who would not salute them of S. Ambrose who writes that he would rather suffer Death than rebuild a Synagogue of the Jews which the Christians had burnt They add to these two Fathers S. Cyprian and S. Athanasius who wrote against the Jews Then they alledge the Canons of the Councils of Spain and Agda which forbid Christians to eat with the Jews and the Constitutions of the first Council of Masco which declares that according to the Edict of Childebert it is not permitted to the Jews to be Judges or Receivers of the publick Revenues nor to appear in publick in the H. Week and renew the prohibition given the Christians not to eat with them This is Confirmed by the Canons of the First and Third Councils of Orleans and the Council of Laodicea which forbids Christians to converse with them They forget not the Action of St. John who fled from the Bath in which he saw Cerinthus the Heretick entered who was an Heretick of the Sect of the Jews They accuse the Jews of their time to be worse than Cerinthus because they believed God Corporeal and had gross and false Notions of the Divinity allowed an infinite number of Letters and believed the Law to be written several Years before the World were perswaded that there are several Worlds and Earths introduced many Fables about the old Testament and uttered Blasphemy against Jesus Christ published the false acts of Pilate used the Christians as Idolaters because they hated the Saints and did infamous Actions in their Synagogues from whence they conclude that if they ought to separate themselves from Hereticks they ought with more Reason to have no commerce with the Jews which they maintain by several passages of H. Scripture 'T is very probable that Agobard went to Court about this Business He applyed himself to Three Persons who were in great Favour at Court viz. Adelardus Abbot of Corbey Vala the Son of Bernard Brother of Pepin and a Relation to the Emperour and Helesacharius Abbot of S. Maximus at Treves having complained before them of those that defended the Jews they brought him into the King's presence to relate it but he received no Satisfaction and was ordered to with-draw Being returned he consulted those Three Persons by a Letter what he should do with those Jewish Slaves who desired to become Christians and be Baptized He shews by several Reasons that he could not refuse to do it and that the Jews might have no ground of Complaint he says that he offer'd to pay them for those Slaves what was ordered by the ancient Laws But since the Jews would not receive that Price because they were perswaded that the Court Officers were their Friends he prays them to whom he wrote to direct him what to do upon that occasion about which he was much perplexed fearing on the one Side Damnation if he denyed Baptism to the Jews or their Slaves who desired it and on the other Side being fearful of offending the great Men if he granted it to them In Agobard's Letter to Nebridius Arch-bishop of Narbonne he shews how dangerous it is to hold a familiar converse with the Jews and tells him that he hath admonished his People of it all along his Visitation of his Diocess and boldly opposed the attempts of the Emperour's Commissioners Agobard presented another Petition to Lewis the Godly in which he prays him to abolish the Law of Gundobadus which ordered that private Contentions and Differences should be decided by a single Combat or some other proofs rather than by the Deposition of Witnesses He shews that that Law which was made by an Arrian Prince is contrary to the Spirit of the Gospel to that Charity that Christians ought to have one for another and to the peace both of Church and State He observes that it came neither from the Law nor Gospel That the Christian Religion was not established by such sort of Combats but on the Contrary by the Death of him that preached it That the most Wicked and Guilty have often overcome the more Just and Innocent He adds that Avitus Bishop of Vienna who had some Conferences about Religion with Gundobadus and converted his Son Sigismond disallowed this Custom He complains of the little Regard had to the Canons of the Church of France Lastly he says he could wish that all the Kings Subjects had but one Law but because he believed that impossible he desired he would abolish at least that Custom which was so unjust and so prejudicial to the State In the Treatise of the Privileges and Rights of the Priest-hood dedicated to Bernard Bishop of Vienna Agobard Treats of the Excellency of the Priest-hood He says that all Christians being Members of Jesus Christ who is our Chief Priest are Kings and Priests of the Lord. That in the beginning of the World the First Born were Priests and Sacrificers There he produces several Examples taken out of the Holy Scripture and many Authorities to shew that God hath often heard wicked Priests and had no regard to the Sacrifices of good ones because he looks chiefly upon the Dispositions of the Heart of those for whom they offer Sacrifices and that otherwise 't is not the Merit of the Priest nor his Person that God respects but his Ministery and Priest-hood For this Reason it is that wicked Priests may administer Sacraments which the most H. Lay-men cannot do And upon this account Men ought to hear and believe what the Priest teacheth if he do not corrupt the Doctrine of Jesus Christ for if he teach any thing that Christ hath not Commanded he that hears him saith Agobard is a Leper that follows another Leper a Blind Man lead by another Blind Man and consequently both of them ought to be driven out of the Camp and shall both fall into the Ditch This gives him occasion to cite several Texts of Scripture to exhort the Priests of the New Testament to behave themselves worthy of their Ministery and to complain of the Irregularities of his time He observes that the Great Lords of his time kept Domestick Priests in their Houses not to obey them but to employ them
would never communicate them nor suffer them to be copied notwithstanding the importunity of Father Dachery made by Cardinal Bona and the Ambassador of the Duke of Savoy whether 't is because they knew not where this Treasure lay or because they were minded it should lye dormant there The Works of this Author are nothing else almost but a Collection of Citations out of Scripture the Canons and the Fathers which were very applicable to his purpose What is his own is writ with some spirit and after a lively and natural manner LUITPRAND LUITPRAND or LIUTPRAND is one of the greatest Ornaments of Italy Trithemius LUITPRAND assures us that he was an Italian and descended from a Family of Pavia Others suppose that his Family was Spanish However it be his Father was sent by Hugh King of Italy to the Emperor at Constantinople and being return'd from that Embassy he embrac'd the Monastick Life leaving Luitprand very young He was brought to Pavia and made Deacon of that Church His Relations presented him to Berenger II. to be his Secretary He serv'd him a long time and was sent Ambassador by that Prince about the Year 948. to Constantine Porphyrogenetta Emperor of the East Some say that soon after his return he was Bishop of Cremona but 't is more likely that he was not advanc'd to that Dignity till Otho I. had render'd himself Master of Italy for he soon fell into disgrace with Berenger who persecuted him and all his Family so that he was forc'd to fly into Germany where he compos'd his History on the top of which he only assumes the Title of Deacon He came into Italy with Otho and assisted at the Council held at Rome in the Year 963. against John XII in the quality of Bishop of Cremona where he was the Emperor's Interpreter In the Year 968 he was sent Ambassador by that Prince to Phocas Emperor of the East and has writ himself the Relation of that Embassy which contains very excellent Remarks on the Manners of the Grecian Emperors of that time His History is dedicated to Raimond Bishop of Elvira in Spain It is divided into six Books and begins with the Reigns of Leo Emperor of the East and of Arnulphus Emperor of the West and ends at Luitprand's Embassy from Berenger to Constantine But the last Book is imperfect and instead of continuing the History a Fragment is added containing the History of the Expulsion of Berenger of the Condemnation of Pope John XII and of all that happen'd at Rome till Pope Benedict was outed of his Popedom The Fragment seems to me to be Luitprand's if we may judge by the style and certainly it belongs to an Author of that time The third Book is intituled The Counterpoison that is The Revenge because therein he undertakes to revenge himself of the base usage he had receiv'd from Berenger This History and the Relation of his Embassy to the Emperor Phocas are the only genuine Pieces of Luitprand For the Book of the Lives of the Popes from S. Peter down to Formosus is not writ in Luitprand's style nor is it mention'd in Sigibert or Trithemius Some believe that it belongs to a more ancient Author but they are mistaken for it ends with a passage copied out of the History of Luitprand which is a farther evidence that this Work is none of his But what time soever it was of 't is nothing else but a vile Copier of Anastasius the Librarian As for the Chronicon which goes under the name of Luitprand 't is apparently a spurious Piece which ought to be reckon'd among the Romances made in the form of ancient Chronicons by the Spaniards Luitprand's style is harsh and rough but strong and vehement He wrote his History in a pathetical manner but such as is not pleasant without observing the Regular Order and Series of Times He therein speaks particularly of the Affairs of Italy and of that which concern'd the Empire of the West and therein likewise inserts something of the Empire of the East and of the History of the Popes His History was printed at Basil in the Year 1532. The Relation of his Embassy at Ingolstat in the Year 1600. The Book of Lives of the Popes which is foisted on him at Mayence in the Year 1602. And all his works together with the spurious Chronicon were publish'd by Jerom of Higuera the Jesuit and printed in Folio at Antwerp in the Year 1640. CHAP. III. An Account of the Churches of France IN the Tenth Century the Church of Rheims was look'd upon as the chief Church of France The Dignity of the Church of Rheims and its Archbishops had the principal share in the Ecclesiastical and Civil Affairs of that Kingdom The Priviledges which the Popes granted to them the great Revenues which they possess'd and which were considerably augmented at that time the Prerogative which they had of Consecrating Kings the Post they held in the Assemblies both of Church and State their Quality their Reputation and their Personal Merit rais'd them to a higher pitch of Power and Dignity than any Prelate could hope for But forasmuch as all great Dignites are envied and eagerly thirsted after and the higher the Post is the more 't is expos'd to storms and dangers 't is not at all to be wonder'd at that there were so many Artifices us'd to come into this Archbishoprick so many heats to keep in it and if those that had the possession of it have been subject to so many Scandals as the ensuing History will make appear But because the Ecclesiastical Affairs of the Churches of France and particularly of that of Rheims bear so near a Relation to those of the State and because the Changes of Kings and the Revolutions of the Government have likewise produc'd very many Alterations in the Affairs of the Church 'T is necessary to begin with giving you a Scheme of the State of the French Monarchy and of the Succession of the Kings who govern'd France during the Tenth Century After the Death of Charles the Gross which happen'd in the Year 888. * Other Historians say he was Son to Lewis the Bald. his Son Charles sirnam'd The state of France after the Death of Charles the Gross the Simple being still in his Minority the Neustrians met at Campeign elected Odo or Eudes Count of Paris and Duke of France to govern the Kingdom gave him the Quality of King and caus'd him to be crown'd by Gautier Archbishop of Sens. On the other side Radulphus the Son of Conrad made himself Master of the Country between Montjou and the Appenine Mountains that is Savoy and Switzerland and caus'd himself to be crown'd King of Lower Burgundy Lewis the Son of Bozon seiz'd on the Country which lies from Lions to the Sea between the Rhone and the Alpes and went under the name of King of Arles or Provence and caus'd that Kingdom to be conferr'd upon him by a
Differences between this Pope and the Emperor Henry and other Princes of Europe With an Abstract of his Letters THERE happen'd no disturbance among the People upon the Death of Pope Alexander For Hildebrand who had the whole Power in his own Hands gave such Gregory VII good Orders that all was still and quiet He order'd a Fast to be kept and Prayers to be made for three Days together before they consulted about the Election of another Pope But at the very time of Interring the Corps of the deceased in the Church of S. Saviour April 22 in the Year 1073. being the very Day of his Death the People being mov'd thereto proclaim'd Hildebrand Pope and put him into the Possession of the Holy See The same Day he acquainted the Prince of Salerno of his Election and pray'd him to come to Rome to defend him This is what he says himself about the manner of his Election But he withal declares that it was much against his Will and that he was very Angry at it His Adversaries tell us quite another Story and say That they were his Soldiers and other of his Creatures who made this tumultuary Proclamation That neither the Cardinals nor the Clergy nor the most considerable among the People had any Hand in it However there is an Act of Election in the Name of the Cardinals and the Clergy of Rome made in the presence of the Bishops and Laity which bears date the very Day of his Election However the Case was it must be own'd that this Election was very Precipitate and that Didier Abbot of Mount Cassin and Cardinal had a great deal of reason for the Reply he made to Hildebrand who check'd him for coming too late when he told him that it was himself who was too hasty since he took possession of the Holy See before the Pope his Predecessor was lay'd in his Grave And Hildebrand himself has acknowledg'd the Fault of this Election which he casts upon the People and maintains that he had no Hand in it He was of Tuscany of the Borough of Soana the Son of a mean Artificer if most Historians may be credited He spent the first Years of his Life in Rome where he had for his Master Laurence Arch-bishop of Melpha and was extreamly in the favour of Benedict IX and Gregory VI. He attended the latter in his Banishment to Germany and after his Death retir'd into the Abby of Cluny where he abode till such time as Bruno Bishop of Toul who was nominated for Pope by the Emperor Henry going through France took him along with him to Rome not questioning but by the Acquaintance and Interest which he had in that City he might be very serviceable to him He was no sooner return'd but he renew'd his Familiarity with Theophylact or Benedict IX and grew within a while so Rich and Powerful that he became Lord and Master of all Affairs and the Popes were in a manner his Dependents It was he who negotiated the Election of Victor II. between the Emperor and the Romans and under Victor's Pontificate he was sent Legat into France He turn'd out Benedict IX and caus'd Nicholas II. to be Elected in his stead who made him Arch-deacon In a Word it was by his means that Cadalous was turn'd out and Anselm Bishop of Lucca ordain'd Pope under the Name of Alexander II. It was he who supported that Popes Interest and having taken upon him the Character of Chancellor of the Holy See had the absolute Administration of all Affairs both Ecclesiastical and Civil as well as the entire disposal of the Revenues of the Church of Rome during his Popedom Hildebrand foreseeing that his Election might be molested because it had been carry'd on so precipitately and without the Consent of Henry King of Germany he forthwith wrote to him about it and requested by his Deputies that he would be pleas'd to confirm it assuring him that he had been elected against his Will and that he put off his Ordination till such time as he was inform'd of his Will and Pleasure King Henry took some time to consider on it and sent Count Eberhard to Rome to learn after what manner that Election had been carry'd on Hildebrand shew'd so many Civilities to this Count that he wrote to the King in his behalf And Henry perceiving that it signified nothing to oppose his Election because he was more powerful in Rome than himself gave his Consent to it By this means Hildebrand was ordain'd Priest and afterwards Bishop of Rome in June Anno Dom. 1073. At his Ordination he took upon him the Name of Gregory VII in honor to the Memory of John Gratian his old Patron who had assum'd the Name of Gregory VI. when he was seated upon the Papal Chair No sooner was this Man made Pope but he form'd a design of becoming Lord Spiritual and Temporal over the whole Earth the supreme Judge and Determiner of all Affairs both Ecclesiastical and Civil the Distributer of all manner of Graces of what kind soever the Disposer not only of Arch-bishopricks Bishopricks and other Ecclesiastical Benefices but also of Kingdoms States and the Revenues of particular Persons To bring about this Resolution he made use of the Ecclesiastical Authority and the Spiritual Sword which God had put into his Hand not only to maintain the Faith and Discipline of the Church to reform Abuses and to punish those who were guilty of Spiritual Offences but he likewise made use of it to deprive Kings of their Kingdoms Princes and Lords of their Estates and Revenues to render them his Tributaries to dispose at his pleasure all that belong'd to them and to force them to do whatsoever he desir'd to engage Arch-bishops and Bishops to pay him a blind Obedience and to do nothing in their own Diocesses without his Order He liv'd in times very lucky for him and very proper to establish his Pretensions the Empire of Germany was weak France govern'd by an Infant King who did not much mind the Affairs of State England newly Conquer'd by the Normans Spain in part under the Government of the Moors the Kingdoms of the North newly Converted Italy in the Hands of a great many petty Princes all Europe divided by several Factions so that it was easy for him in such a juncture to establish his Authority But this undertaking created a World of Business to him and engag'd him in Contests with a great many European Princes The most considerable was that which he had with Henry King of Germany which lasted all his Popedom and was of very pernicious Consequence both to the Church and the Empire The account of which is as follows Henry the Fourth King of the Germans of that Name since Henry the Falconer succeeded An Account of the Difference between Henry and Gregory VII as we hinted before his Father Henry in the Year 1056. being then about five Years old His Father at his Death recommended him to Pope
Good Mantuan 157 Zara in Dalmatia The Pope's Invectives on the taking of this City by the Croisade-Men 45 Abbey of St. Zeno at Verona The Church of St. Proculus Subjected to this Abbey 22 Zoan Bishop of Avignon The Council which he held ar Alby 116 FINIS A NEW Ecclesiastical History Containing an ACCOUNT of the CONTROVERSIES IN RELIGION THE LIVES and WRITINGS OF Ecclesiastical Authors AN Abridgment of their Works And a JUDGMENT on their STYLE and DOCTRINE ALSO A Compendious HISTORY of the COUNCILS AND All Affairs Transacted in the Church Written in FRENCH By Lewis Ellies du PIN Doctor of the SORBON VOLUME the TWELFTH Containing the HISTORY of the FOURTEENTH CENTURY LONDON Printed for TIMOTHY CHILD at the White-Hart in St. Paul's Church-Yard MDCXCIX PREFACE THE Fourteenth Century furnishes us with many Subjects very Pleasing for it represents to us the Contests between the Regal Dignity and Priesthood or rather the Kings and Popes for the Kingly Function and Priesthood do always fully Agree although the Men who are raised to those Great Dignities differ much about the bounds of their Power the Destruction of a famous and powerful Order the Church of Rome divided by a Schism of Forty Years continuance the decay of the Greek Empire endangering the Ruin of it the Greek Church disturbed with frivolous Questions the Order of Franciscan Monks torn in pieces by odd Opinions and extravagant Practices Divers Errors taught by Divines and condemned by the Bishops or Universities and several Disorders suppressed by the Constitutions of Councils and Bishops The Divines which flourished in this Age followed the Method of the Schools as their Predecessors had done The Commentators upon Holy Scripture the Preachers and Monks produced nothing great nor excellent and the Historians nothing exact or perfect But the Study of the Civil Law came to its Perfection almost and Humane Learning which had been a long time neglected was much studied and improved about the middle of this Age by a certain number of ingenious Men who by imitating the Ancients were eminent for their Skill in Languages Oratory and Poetry and brought again into the World a Desire of Antiquity and a Love of Profitable and certain Sciences A TABLE of the CONTENTS CHAPTER I. THE History of the Quarrels of Philip the Fair King of France and Boniface VIII as well under the Pontificate of that Pope and Benedict XI his Successor as during the Vacancy of the Holy See and the beginning of the Papacy of Clement V. Page 1 The Election of Benedictus Cajetanus named Boniface VIII Ibid The Beginning of the Broil of the Pope with that King upon the account of the Earl of Flanders Ibid The Bull of Boniface forbidding to raise any Taxes upon the Clergy 2 That King's Prohibition to carry any Silver out of his Realm Ibid The Pope's Bull against that Prohibition Ibid The King 's Manifesto against the said Bull Ibid The Letter of the French Bishops to the Pope about his Bull 3 An Embassy to continue the Truce Ibid The Explication of the first of the Pope's Bulls Ibid The Pope's Proceedings against the Colonni and their Condemnation Ibid Boniface's Bull in favour of the Earl of Flanders 4 The Appointment of a Jubilee by Boniface Ibid Boniface quarrels afresh with the King Ibid The Bishop of Pamiez sent to the King to whom speaking ill he is Arrested Ibid A Bull against the King's Prerogative 5 Bulls about the Supremacy of the Pope and against the Right of the Kings Ibid An Assembly of the States against the attempts of Boniface Ibid The Answers of the King and States to the Pope 6 The Replys of the Pope and Cardinals to the King and States Ibid Writings against the Pretences of the Pope 7 The Petition of William de Nogaret against the Pope Ibid The Publication of the Bull Unam Sanctam Ib. The Propositions of Cardinal Lemoine the Pope's Nuncio in France Ibid The King 's Answer to the Articles proposed by the Nuncio 8 Bulls against the King Ibid An Assembly of the States at the Louvre Ibid Accusations brought against the Pope Appeals to a Council 9 The Pope taken by Nogaret at Anagnia Ibid The Deliverance of the Pope and his Death Ibid The Letters of Boniface VIII Ibid The Election of Benedict XI Ibid The Accusation of Boniface before Benedict XI Ibid The Revocation of the Bulls of Boniface VIII against France and the Colonni 10 The Excommunication of Nogaret and those who assisted him in taking Boniface Ibid The Death and Letters of Benedict XI Ibid The Petition of Nogaret and the French against the Memory of Boniface Ibid The Election of Clement V. Ibid The Revocations of Boniface's Bulls by Clement V. 11 A Rule of Process against the Memory of Boniface VIII Ibid The Judgment of the General Council of Vienna concerning the Affair of Boniface 12 CHAP. II. THE History of the Condemnation of the Templars 12 The Original Progress and Decay of the Templars Ibid The Accusers of the Templars Ibid The Templars arrested and their Goods seized 13 Informations against the Templars Ibid The Crimes of which they were accused Ibid The Pope forbids the Bishops and Inquisitors meddling with the Cause of the Templars 14 The Answer of the Doctors of Divinity in Paris about the business of the Templars 15 The Pope himself questions the Templars Ibid The Promises of the Pope to proceed against the Templars Ibid The Informations taken by three Cardinals at Chinon Ibid Bulls against the Templars Ibid Judges Commission'd by the Pope to proceed against the Order of the Templars 16 Informations taken by the Pope's Commissioners Ibid A Provincial Council held at Paris against the Templars 17 The Execution of the Templars at Paris 18 Prosecutions against the Templars in several Kingdoms Ibid The Judgment of the Pope in the Council of Vienne against the Templars Ibid The Execution of the Grand Master and a Templar at Paris 19 The Use which the Templars Estates were put to in divers Nations Ibid Objections alledged in Justification of the Templars 20 Reasons to prove the Justice of the abolishing the Order of the Templars Ibid CHAP. III. THE History of the Popes that had their Residence at Avignon from Clement V. to the Death of Gregory XI and what Remarkable Things happened in the Empire Italy and the Church in their Papacies and among other things the Contest of Lewis of Bavaria with the Popes The Contest of the Grey-Friars with John XXII and the Question about the Happy estate of Souls after this Life moved by that Pope 21 The Election of Pope John XXII Ibid The Elections of Archbishopricks and Bishopricks by John XXII 22 The State of the Empire and Italy Ibid Nicolas V. Antipope 24 The Death of John XXII Ibid The Contest of the Grey-Friars about the fashion of their Habits Ibid The Disputes of the Grey-Friars concerning the Property of such
Church in his Sermon he made it known to the Churches and Monasteries of Aegypt by his Letters which were called Paschal Letters Theophilus having taken an occasion to write in one of these Letters against the Error of these Monks they were extreamly disturbed at it and all the Monks of the Monastery of Schete except Paphnutius treated their Archbishop as an Heretick and undertook to confute his Letter These good Monks had accustomed themselves to represent God in the figure of a Man and they could not free themselves from this Imagination which was so strongly engraved in their Minds that an old Man named Serapion who was convinced of his Error by the Abbot Paphnutius and a certain Deacon of Cappadocia called Photinus going to Prayers and not representing God to himself in a bodily Shape as before fell to Weeping and Crying Oh miserable Man that I am They have taken away my God insomuch that I know not how to adore and pray unto him more This having passed after the first Conference which Cassian and Germanus had had with the Abbot Isaac they thought at their return to find him full of the fancy of the Abbot Serapion and asked him What he would do since so holy a Man was fallen into so gross an Error The Abbot Isaac having answered them That that Error was a Relick of Paganism which the Devil still preserved in the Minds of many ignorant Persons adds That those that are perfect and well instructed have no such thing for the object of their Prayers the only end of which is spiritual Love which hath nothing carnal Afterward he recommends a very useful practice to them which is to say every moment and in all the actions of Life this short Prayer of the Psalmist O God haste thee to help me make haste O Lord to deliver me He speaks in the Last place of the way to avoid distractions and to restrain the Thoughts from wandring The Seven following Conferences are dedicated to Honoratus the Abbot of * Lerina an â—â—â—and adjoyning to France Lerins who was after ordained Bishop of †Massilia Marseilles in 426. The Three first contain the Discourses of the Abbot Chaeremon In the First he treats of the State of Perfection and the way to attain it Charity is the principal In the Second he speaks of Chastity and the means of obtaining it The third is that famous Conference of the Protection of the Divine Assistance wherein he treats of Grace and Free-will These are the Principles which Cassian lays down in it under the Name of the Abbot Chaeremon 1. He supposes that Grace is the source not only of our good Actions but also of our good Thoughts He adds That this Grace is always present with us and sometimes goes before the beginning of our good desires but always follows them That the Free-will is much impaired by the Sin of the first Man but is not utterly extinguished That there remain in us some knowledge of Goodness and Seeds of Vertue That Grace is given to perfect this Knowledge and strengthen these Beginnings That altho' Man can naturally chuse good yet he hath need of Grace to accomplish it That this Grace goes sometimes before the desires and first motions of the Will but most commonly follows them That these two things being usually mixt together it is hard for us to know whether God shews us Mercy because we have good inclinations in our Hearts or where God's Mercy is precedent to those Motions That it is safest to say That sometimes Grace inclines the Will to good as it did in the Conversion of S. Paul and S. Matthew but there are some Occasions when it follows it as it happened in the Conversion of Zacchaeus and the good Thief That Man may of himself have a desire to be converted and of the beginnings of Repentance and Faith That he may Pray seek a Cure send for the Physician resist Temptation but he can't be cured he can't be just he can't be perfect and he can't be a perfect Conqueror without Grace That this Grace is a Free-gift altho' God never denies it to those that are laborious on their part That we ought not to believe that no good proceeds from Man The good we do depends partly on Grace and partly on Free-will These are the Principles which Cassian delivers in his 13th Conference under the Name of the Abbot Chaeremon which have given Prosper an occasion to write against him in defence of S. Austin's Doctrine which Cassian seemed to oppose in this Conference The 14th Conference is a Discourse of the Abbot Nestorius touching Knowledge and spiritual Sciences The 15th is another of his Discourses about the Miracles done by the Anchorets Having discoursed upon them for some time he makes two Reflections viz. one is That Humility is to be preterred before the Power of doing Miracles The other is That it is more for our advantage to banish Vice from our Hearts than Devils from the Bodies of others The 16th is a Discourse of the Abbot Joseph about Friendship grounded upon Charity Humility Kindness and Christian Patience In the 17th the same Abbot desiring to perswade Germanus and Cassian not to return to their Monastery in Palaestine altho they had promised it undertakes to demonstrate by several Examples taken out of Scripture that it is sometimes lawful and profitable to lye The Seven last are written to four Abbots after the Ordination and yet before the Death of Honoratus that is to say between the Years 426 and 429. The 1st which is the 18th speaks of the several sorts of Monks the Abbot Piammon is made to speak it He distinguishes the Monks into three sorts 1. Coenobites who live in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 common under an Abbot imitating the Life of the Apostles 2. Anohorets who after they have been instructed and educated in the Monasteries withdraw into the Desarts The Authors of this Order were S. Paul the Hermite and S. Anthony And 3. Sarahaites who pretended to retire from the World and joyned themselves together by two or three in a Company to live after their own Humour not being subject to any Man He looks upon these last as a corruption of the Monastick State rather than a distinct Order He adds to these a 4th sort of Monks made of those who not being able to endure the Monastick Life in a Convent retreated alone into certain Cells to live more at liberty This Discourse concludes with some Instructions about Humility and Patience and against Envy The Abbot John who speaks in the following Conference having been an Anchoret had betaken himself to a Monastery It was therefore demanded of him which of the two Orders was to be preferred He thought the Life of the Coenobites to be best for those who are not absolutely perfect and he shews that none but those who have attained to a degree of eminent Perfection are capable of living an Hermite's Life The 20th
unjust Pretences of the Court of Rome without making a Schism or slighting the H. See But it was not against the Popes only that he maintained the Rights of the Church he also defended them against the Kings and tho' he was much in favour yet he courageously defended his Rights by telling them freely what was their Duty Some persons may perhaps blame him for intermeddling so much with Affairs of State but this may be sufficiently justified by the usage of France in his time where the Bishops were looked upon not only as the Spiritual Pastors of the Church but as the Principal Members of the State His Style is fitter a great deal for Precepts and Instructions than for Works of Doctrine or Eloquence for 't is clear and plain but neither smooth nor elegant the faults which are to be met withal in reading his Works are recompensed by abundance of excellent Rules and Authorities for the Government of the Church There is no Author where we meet with such plenty and so well Authoriz'd and from whom we can know the Rights of the Church so well Altho' he doubted of the falshood of the forged Decretals of the Popes yet he Quotes them often but 't is usually when they are agreeable to the Common Right for when they disagree he rejects them and grounds himself chiefly upon the Canons of the General Councils or other Councils received and approved by the Church and upon the Decretals of the Popes which are agreeable to that Discipline A Part of his Works were Printed at Mayence by the care of John Busaeus in 1602. and at Paris in 1615. by Cordesius who added several Tracts of Hincmarus to the former Edition but Father Simondus put out a much larger Edition in 2 Vol. in Folio Printed at Paris by Cramoisy in 1645. Since F. Cellot Published in 1658. four little Pieces of his against Hincmarus Bishop of Laon with Learned Notes of his own and joined to them the Council of Douzi which are also inserted in the 8th Tome of the Councils with some new Letters of Hincmarus about the same business CHAP. VII The History of the Controversie upon the Eucharist Debated in the Ninth Century THE Famous Controversie of the Church of Rome with the Lutherans and Calvinists upon The Importance of the Controversie upon the Eucharist the Eucharist has made Men more attentive to all Controversies formerly raised about that Mystery The Ninth Century affords us one no less Important than Abstruse It cannot be deny'd that there were Great Contests in this Age about the Eucharist occasioned by the Book of Paschasius Radbertus Concerning the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ but the Difficulty is to know the True State of the Question And that 's the thing which lies now upon me to Clear by giving a Faithful Account of the Authors that have Written upon this Subject as well as of their Writings I shall begin therefore with Paschasius Radbertus whose Book has occasioned the Debate upon this Subject Paschasius was a Native of Soissons Who being from his Infancy forsaken by his Relations was The Life of Paschasius brought up by the Charity of the Nuns of our Lady of Soissons in the out-parts of their Abbey He became afterwards a Monk in the Monastery of Corbey then under the Government of St. Adelardus Brother of Theodrada the Abbess of our Lady of Soissons who had taken care of Paschasius in his youth He proved a very Studious Man Managed divers Conferences and Writ several Books In short having got a great Name both by his Learning and Vertue he was chosen Abbot of Corbey Anno 844 but would not take upon him the Order of Priesthood and contented himself with that of Deacon which he had taken when he was a private Monk Some Difference hapned betwixt him and the Monks which made him quit his Charge and he spent the rest of his Life in Reading and Writing of Books He died in the year 865. His Treatise concerning the Body and Blood of our Saviour was Written when he was yet a Paschasius his Treatïse concerning the Body and Blood of our Saviour Monk and that during the Exile of his Abbot to whom he gives in his Preface the Name of Arsenes and whom he calls another Jeremy It has been a received Opinion that it was Adelardus who was Exiled Anno 814. But it is plain by the Dialogue made by Paschasius upon the Life and Actions of St. Adelardus that it was not Adelardus but Wala whom he called by the Names of Arsenes and Jeremy Which Wala was Exiled in the beginning of the Troubles raised by the Division that hapned betwixt the Emperor Lewis Surnamed the Godly and his Children of which Paschasius himself takes notice in that Book which made Father Mabillon Conjecture that this Book of Paschasius was not Written till the Year 832 notwithstanding that in a Manuscript of the Abbey of Corbey it is said that this Abbot Arsenes is Adelardus Sanctus Adelardus which words seem to be foisted in and are not to be found in other Manuscripts This Book Concerning the Body and Blood of our Saviour bore likewise the Title of A Treatise of the Sacraments for it is not true that Paschasius Writ two Books with those two different Titles but one Book with both Titles as it appears by some Ancient Manuscripts By other Manuscripts we find that it was Dedicated to an Abbot named Placidus which is confirmed to us by the Testimonies of Sigebertus and Trithemius This Placidus was the Famous Varinus Abbot of the New Abbey of Corbey in Saxony as it appears by a Letter of Paschasius to be seen in the beginning of this Treatise in the Manuscript of Annecy published by Father Mabillon who informs us besides that this Book was Composed for the Instruction of the Saxons who were not as yet well Instructed in the Christian Faith In it having first prepared their Minds to believe the Ineffable Mystery of the Eucharist by demonstrating that God by his Omnipotency may bring to pass many things Supernatural and to us Incomprehensible he says That * No Man ought to doubt c. Although in this sum of Radbertus's Book de Sacramento Corporis Sanguinis J. C. there be many Expressions that manifest the Ancient Doctrine of the Spiritual Presence in the Sacrament onely yet it must not be deny'd but that he speaks very plainly of the Substantial Conversion and stands up stoutly for it yet that this was a New Doctrine and a strange Notion in the Church appears by the General Opposition made to it by the Learned Men of the same Age viz. Rabanus Scotus Bertram c. the sequel of the Controversie will manifest no Man ought to doubt of its being the Body of Jesus Christ and that his Flesh and Blood be really there and shews that none ought to be ignorant of so great a Mystery daily Celebrated in the Church
ibid. Simeon Metaphrastes ibid. John Cameniates 4 Constantine Porphyrogenneta ibid. Hipppolytus Thebanus ibid. Eurychius Patriarch of Alexandria ibid. Nico of Armenia ibid. Nicephorus the Philosopher 5 Moses Bar-Cephas ibid. CHAP. II. An Account of the Church of Rome and other Italian Churches during the Tenth Century 5 The State of the Church of Rome in the Tenth Century ibid. The Ordination of Pope Formosus ibid. The Condemnation of Formosus by Stephen VI. 6 Romanus and Theodorus two Popes 7 Pope John IX ibid. The Wars between Berenger and Lambert ibid. The Council of Rome and Ravenna in favour of Formosus ibid. Benedict X. Pope ibid. Pope Christophilus 7 Pope Sergius condemns Formosus ibid. Pope Anastasius ibid. The Death of Lambert 7 Landon an unworthy Pope ibid. Pope John X. ibid. Pope Leo VI. ibid. Pope Stephen VII ibid. John XI A Monster of a Pope ibid. Alberic becomes Master of Rome 8 The Wars of Italy ibid. Manasses relinquishes his Archbishoprick of Arles to go into Italy ibid. Pope Leo VII ibid. Pope Stephen VIII ibid. Pope Marinus II. 9 Pope Agapetus II. ibid. The Wars between Hugh and Berenger ibid. Pope John XII 10 The Wars of Berenger and Otho ibid. Otho crown'd Emperor by John XII ibid. The Disloyalty of Pope John XII ibid. Otho returns to Rome and causes John XII to be depos'd 11 The Council at Rome against John XII ibid. The Ordination of Pope Leo VIII 12 The Tragical Death of Pope John XII 13 Benedict the Antipope ibid. Benedict is depos'd and Leo the VIII re-establshed ibid. Pope John XIII ibid. The Council of Ravenna in the year 967. ibid. Pope Donus and Pope Benedict VI. ibid. Boniface the Usurper ouâ—ed by Benedict ibid. The Wars and Death of Otho II. ibid. Otho III crown'd Emperor ibid. Pope John XIV ibid. Boniface returns to Rome ibid. Pope John XV. 15 Pope Gregory V. ibid. John the Antipope ibid. Gerbert nam'd Pope Sylvester II. ibid. The Letters of John IX ibid. Herveus Archbishop of Rheims ' s Memorial concerning Repentance ibid. The Letters of Benedict IV. 16 The Letter of Hatto Archbishop of Mentz to John IX ibid. The Letters of the Bishops of Bavaria to John IX ibid. The Council of Rome under John IX 17 The Council of Ravenna under John IX 18 The Letters of Pope John X. ibid. The Letters of Charles the Simple about Hilduin ibid. The Letters of Pope Leo VII 19 A Letter of Pope Agapetus ibid. The Letters of John XII 20 The Letters of John XIII ibid. The Letters of Benedict VII ibid. The Letters of John XV. ibid. The Letters of Gregory V. ibid. Ratherius Bishop of Verona ibid. Atto Bishop of Verceil 26 Luitprand Bishop of Cremona 28 CHAP. III. An Account of the Churches of France 29 The Dignity of the Church of Rheims ibid. The State of France after the Death of Charles the Gross 30 The Reign of Charles the Simple ibid. The Reign of Radulphus ibid. The Reign of Lewis d'Outremer ibid. The Reign of Lotharius ibid. Lewis the Fainthearted the last King of the Corolignian Race ibid. Hugh Capet and Robert Kings of France ibid. Fulcus Archbishop of Rheims 31 A Letter of Pope Stephen V. to Fulcus ibid. Other Letters of Stephen V. to Fulcus ibid. Other Writings of Stephen V. in favour of the Church of Rheims 32 The Letters of Fulcus to Formosus ibid. The Letters of Formosus to Fulcus ibid. The Letters of Fulcus to Pope Stephen VI. 33 The Letters of Fulcus to the Kings and Princes ibid. The Letters of Fulcus to the Bishops 34 The Letters of Fulcus to the Abbots 35 Herveus Archbishop of Rheims ibid. The Council of Trosly in the year 909. ibid. The Council of Trosly in the year 921. 36 Seulfus Archbishop of Rheims ibid. Hugh elected Archbishop of Rheims ibid. The Wars between Hebert Count of Vermandois and King Radulphus ibid. The State of France under King Radulphus ibid. Artaldus Archbishop of Rheims ibid. The Council held at Soissons for the Deposing Artaldus and Ordaining Hugh 37 The Council of Verdun in favour of Artaldus ibid. The Council of Mouzon against Hugh ibid. The Council of Ingelheim in favour of Artaldus 38 The Council of Mouzon in the year 948. ibid. The Council of Treves or Trier in the same year 39 The Death of Artaldus Archbishop of Rheims ibid. Odalric and Adalberon Archbishops of Rheims ibid. Arnulphus Archbishop of Rheims ibid. The Council of Rheims against Arnulphus 40 Gerbert Archbishop of Rheims 43 The Council of Mouzon in the year 995. ibid. The Synod of Rheims against Gerbert 44 The Re-establishment of Arnulphus in the Bishoprick of Rheims ibid. The Writings of Gerbert ibid. Flodoard Prebendary of Rheims 45 Aurelian Clerk of the Church of Rheims 46 Bernerus Monk of S. Remy at Rheims ibid. Gautier Archbishop of Sens 47 Of the other Bishops of France ibid. The Resolutions of the Bishops of France concerning the Dedication of a Church ibid. The Council of Charroux in the year 989. 48 The Council of Poitiers in the year 999. ibid. The Council of Ravenna in the year 997. ibid. The Marriage of King Robert with Bertha ibid. The Council of Rome in the year 998. under Gregory V. ibid. The Founding of the Abbey of Cluny 49 Otho Abbot of Cluny 50 John Monk of Cluny ibid. Odilo Abbot of Cluny ibid. Abbo Abbot of Fleury 51 The Council of S. Dennis in the year 995. ibid. Aimoin Monk of Fleury 52 Stephen Abbot of Lobes ibid. Fulcuin Abbot of Lobes 53 Heriger Abbot of Lobes ibid. Aldebold Bishop of Utrecht ibid. Albert Abbot of Gemblours 54 Odilo Monk of S. Medeard at Soissons ibid. Gerard Abbot of S. Medard of Soissons ibid. John Abbot of S. Arnulphus at Mets ibid. Helperic or Chilperic Monk of S Gall ibid. Berthier Priest of Verdun 55 Adso Abbot of Luxueil ibid. Adso Abbot of Deuvres ibid. Letaldus Monk of S. Memin ibid. CHAP. IV. The History of the Churches of Germany ibid. The Revolutions of the Empire of Germany in the Tenth Century ibid. S. Ulric Bishop of Augsburgh 56 Adalbero Bishop of Augsburgh 58 The two Adalberts who were Saints ibid. Bruno Archbishop of Cologn ibid. Roger Monk of S. Pantaleon ibid. Rathboldus Bishop of Utrecht 59 Hildebert Archbishop of Mentz ibid. William Archbishop of Mentz ibid. Bonno Abbot of Corbey in Saxony ibid. Waltramnus Bishop of Strasburgh ibid. Solomon Bishop of Constance 60 Utho Bishop of Strasburgh ibid. Notger the Stammerer ibid. Witichindus Monk of Corbey in Westphalia ibid. Roswida a Nun 61 Reginaldus Bishop of Eichstadt ibid. Thierry Archbishop of Triers ibid. Othlo Bishop of Mets ibid. Uffing or Uffo Monk of Werthin 62 A Council at Coblentz in the year â—22 ibid. A Council at Erfurdt in the year 932. ibid. A Council at Augsburgh in the year 952. ibid. CHAP. V. An Account of the Churches of England 63 The State of England in the Tenth Century ibid. A Council at Canterbury under King Edward and
that if he were not surrounded and as it were Besieged by the Barbarians who were not above five Leagues off his City and who Beleaguer'd Paris he would have undertaken a Journey to Rome He informs him of the part he bore in the Snares which were laid against him and makes his acknowledgments for the favour shew'd by the Pope to his Son Guy who was the Arch-Bishop's Kinsman He promises Obedience to the Pope and exalts the Dignity of the Church of Rheims which he pretends had been Founded by Saint Sixtus who was sent by S. Peter and was the chief of the whole Kingdom He adds that Pope Hormisdas had established the Arch-Bishop of Rheims his Vicar in Gaul and desires him to confirm the Privileges granted by his Predecessors He presses him to order Ermenfroy to be Excommunicated by the Arch-Bishops of Sens and Roan and intreats him to write to King Charles to oblige him to restore in full to the Church of Rheims the Revenues which belong'd to it The Pope answer'd Fulcus that he was glad to see he had such good thoughts of the Holy See A Letter of Stephen V. to Fulcus he assur'd him that he look'd upon Guy as his own Child that he was deeply affected with the Desolation of France caus'd by the Barbarians that he pray'd God to deliver that Kingdom out of all its Trouble And Lastly he acquainted him that he had sent Letters according to his desire to the Arch-bishops of Sens and Roan Fulcus wrote a Second Letter to this Pope wherein he renews his complaints against Ermenfroy who would not obey the Injunctions of the Two Arch-Bishops and intreats the Pope to cause him to be Excommunicated At the same time he asks his Advice whether it be lawful to ordain Bishops every Festival day The Pope sent him afterwards several Letters The first is a Letter of Consolation for the Miseries he under-went The Second is a Recommendatory Letter in behalf of a Man who was oppress'd by his Children Other Letters of Stephen V. to Fulcus and Relations The Third is directed to the Bishops of France against Frotarius who had seized upon the See of Bruges after he had been turn'd out of the Bishopricks of Bordeaux and Poitiers He injoyns him under the Penalty of Excommunication to relinquish Bruges and return to Bordeaux The Fourth is in favour of Teutboldus whom he had ordain'd Bishop of Langres He therein tells him that after the Death of Isaac Bishop of that Church Aurelian Arch-Bishop of Lions had ordain'd in his room a Monk call'd Egilon without being Elected by either Clergy or Laity who had Elected Teutboldus and desir'd the Pope that he might be Consecrated that being willing to maintain the Privileges of all Churches he had sent to Aurelian to ordain Teutboldus provided it appear'd to him that he had been unanimously elected by Clergy and Laity That he had sent a Bishop to be upon the spot to see that this Order were duly put in Execution but that Aurelian had put a trick upon him by sending him before to Langres with a promise that he would be there soon after him and that instead of being so good as his word he suffer'd the Bishop to wait for him to no purpose That the Clergy and Laity had sent an Act of the Election to Rome and pray'd that Teutboldus might be Consecrated that he had writ again to Aurelian requiring him to ordain him but that instead of obeying his Order he made it his Business to bring the other into Possession Lastly That upon the fresh Instances of the Clergy and Laity of Langres he had ordained Teuâ—boldus he enjoyns Fulcus to put him into Possession Fulcus reply'd to him that he was very willing to put his orders touching Teutboldus into Execution but that he had been obliged to defer it upon the Instance of King Eudes who would send his Ambassadors to him to know his Resolution He adds that the Bishops were very glad at his declaring that he was willing to maintain the Rights and Privileges of Bishops in their full force He desires to know of him whether it be lawful for any of his Suffragans to execute the Orders of the King or of any other without his leave or to undertake any thing contrary to his Prohibitions The same Pope confirms the Privileges of the Church of Rheims and prohibits all Persons whatsoever Other Writings of Stephen in favour of the Church of Rheims from seizing or detaining any of the Revenues which belong to it He likewise wrote to Fulcus about the difference which happen'd between Herman Arch-Bishop of Cologn and Aldegairus Bishop of Hamburg and Breme They had both written to the Holy See upon that Subject and had been cited thither Aldegairus came to Rome accordingly but Herman did not appear However the Pope being unwilling to determine a matter of that Consequence without hearing both Parties he orders Fulcus to call a Synod in his Name at Worms with the Bishops his Suffragans and Neighbours and to cite thither Herman and Aldegairus with the Arch-bishop of Mayence and his Suffragans to examine strictly the Pretensions of both Parties He invites him to come to Rome upon that Affair and others or at least to send thither some able Person with the Parties concern'd that so he might be fully inform'd of all things The Pope being dead before this Affair was adjusted Fulcus wrote about it to his Successor Formosus The Letters of Fulcus to Formosus praying that he would continue him in the same Commission He thank'd him at the same time for the Complements he had sent him by the Abbess Bertha and asks his advice what ought to be done against one who had a mind to seize on the Estate which his Brother-in-Law Count Everard had bequeath'd to a Monastery which he had built in Honour of Saint Calixtus whose Body he had brought from Rome He withal declares to him that he was very sorry to hear that there were some Persons who gave disturbance to the Church of Rome and he was ready to stand in its defence In the Conclusion he gives the Pope to understand that several Bishops of France requir'd the Pall which they ought by no means to have since it would cause them to despise their Metropolitans and that he ought to take special care about it because this abuse might be the Cause of a great deal of trouble in the Church of France Pope Formosus return'd him this Answer that he was oblig'd to him for the Concern he shew'd at The Letter of Formosus to Fulcus the unhappy state of the Church of Rome That the Eastern Churches were likewise disturb'd by antient Heresies and new Schisms That the Bishops of Africa had sent their Deputies to Rome for the adjusting and making up a Schism which was then on foot between the Bishops of that Country and that there were several other Deputies at Rome from
they took without being perjur'd 12. Against quarrelsome Persons who took delight in Law-Suits and vexatious Prosecutions 13. Against Homicides and Lyars 14. Against the Abuse which then prevail'd of rifling the Goods of Bishops after their Decease Upon this he advises that two or three of the neighbouring Bishops upon the News of the Death of their Brother should go and perform the last Offices over him In the Conclusion he exhorted the Bishops to refute the Errors of Phetius Lastly He sums up in a few words what Christians ought to believe and practice and exhorts them faithfully to discharge their Duties In the Year 921. Herveus held another Council at the same place wherein he took off the Excommunication The Council of Trosly in the Year 921. issued out against Count Ertebold who had seiz'd upon some of the Church Revenues This Archbishop assisted Charles the Simple in his Expedition against the Hunns who ravag'd Lorrain and was the only Man who continued Loyal to that Prince when he was abandon'd by the French Lords In the Year 920. he brought him back to Rheims and adjusted Matters betwixt him and his Lords and re-establish'd him in his Kingdom But within a short time after the Lords revolted again and being met at Rheims they elected King Robert and Herveus was constrain'd to crown him He did not survive this Coronation but four days and dy'd in the Year 922. having presided over the Church of Rheims Two and twenty years lacking four days Robert caus'd Seulfus to be elected in his room who was then Archdeacon of that Church He had been the Disciple of Remy of Auxerra who had instructed him in the Sciences both Divine and Seulsus Archibishop of Rheims Prophane He was ordain'd by Abbo Bishop of Soissons and by the other Bishops of the Province of Rheims Eudes the Brother of Herveus and a Nephew of that Name were cited before him being accus'd of Disloyalty to Robert and they not justifying themselves were strip'd of all the Revenues of the Church of Rheims in their possession and cast into Prison the former in the Custody of Hebert Count of Vermandois and the latter at Paris In a Provincial Council held in the Year 923. he impos'd a Pennance on those who had born Arms in the War between Robert and Charles and in another Council held in the Year 924. at Trosly he put an end to the Difference which was between Count Isaac and Stephen Bishop of Cambray the former paying an hundred pounds to the latter for the wrong he had done to his Church 'T is said that Seulfus agreed with Hebert to resign the Arch-bishoprick to the Son of that Count. However the case was Seulfus did not enjoy this Dignity long being prison'd in the Year 925. by the order of Hebert as it is supposed Presently after his death that Count came to Rheims and having called thither Abbo Bishop of Soissons and Bauvo Bishop of Chalons he caus'd his Son Hugh who was not then above five years old Hugh Archbishop of Rheims to be elected by the Clergy and People of Rheims Afterwards he procured the Confirmation of this Election by King Radulphus who committed the Temporalities of this Diocess to Hebert till his Son came of Age to take upon himself the Government thereof The Spiritualities were conferr'd by Pope John X. on Abbo Bishop of Soissons so that Hebert became absolute Master of that Church and drove out of it all the Clergy whom he suppos'd to be against his Interests and among others Flodoard as he himself informs us In the Year 927. King Radulphus and Count Hebert fell out upon the account of the Earldom of Laon which Hebert would have had given to his Son Odo and which the King desir'd to keep for The Wars between Hebert and Radulphus himself Hebert willing to rely on a Power which might support his Pretensions had an Interview with Henry King of Germany and struck up an Alliance with him He caus'd a Council to be conven'd the same Year at Trosly notwithstanding the Prohibition of King Radulphus which consisted of six Bishops of the Province of Rheims Afterwards he deliver'd Charles the Simple out of Prison brought him to S. Quintin and procur'd an Interview between him and Radulphus Duke of Normandy from whence he brought him to Rheims and writ to Pope John X. for the restablishing of that Prince This attempt oblig'd Radulphus to quit the City of Laon to Hebert and to adjust Matters with him Radulphus Duke of the Normans would not restore to Hebert his Son Odo till he had set Charles at liberty and promis'd to obey him At the same time Hebert invited to Rheims Odalric Archbishop of Aix who had been turn'd out of his Church by the Saracens that he might there discharge his Episcopal Functions and to reward him he gave him the Abby of S. Timotheus with the Revenue of a Prebend France was then as it were parted between the great Lords and the Regal Authority was extreamly cramp'd Hugh the White Count of Paris and Hebert were two of the most powerful The State of France Radulphus had the Title of King and that little of the Regal Authority which remain'd For Charles was the sport and pastime of all three As soon as Hebert was reconcil'd to Radulphus he threw Charles again into Prison and Radulphus afterwards returning to Rheims gave him a seeming sort of Liberty which he did not long enjoy dying on the Seventh of October in the Year 929. After his Death Hugh and Hebert fell out the Umbrage of which quarrel was that the Latter had given Entertainment to several Vassals belonging to the former and among others to Herluin Count Artaldus Archbishop of Rheims of Monstreuil Radulphus sided with his Brother-in-law Hugh and there was a warm War between them but Radulphus having taken the City of Rheims in the Year 931. caus'd Artaldus a Monk of S. Remy to be ordain'd Archbishop of the place who the year after receiv'd the Pall from Pope John XI This Archbishop held a Council in the Year 934. at Chatteau-Thierry where he ordain'd Hildegarius Bishop of Beauvais and in the same year he ordain'd Fulbert Bishop of Cambray The year after he held another Council at Fismes wherein he Excommunicated those who had made an unlawful Seisure on the Revenue of the Church King Radulphus being dead Hugh the White recall'd out of England Lewis Charles the Simple's Son call'd upon that account Lewis dâ—Outremer and caus'd him to be crown'd at Laon by Artaldus Archbishop of Rheims who continued in the peaceable possession of his Archbishoprick for some time and ordain'd Bishops in all the Churches of his Province except Chalons and Amiens But Hebert would not endure that any other but himself should be in the possession of so considerable a Post and thereupon sent several of his Troops to take and rifle the Castles and Villages which
Hildebrand his Legat Otho and his Adherents were there Condemn'd together with the fourteen Prelates of the Assembly of Quintilineburgh whom they depos'd as being Guilty of Perjury Rebellion and Homicide They excommunicated Herman Eckbert of Saxony and the Lord Welpho prohibited all Christians from holding any Correspondence with them and plac'd other Bishops in the room of those who were of Herman's Party Whilst these things pass'd in Germany Gregory VII not finding himself secure enough in The Death of Gregory VII Rome because the Romans look'd upon him as the cause of that Desolation which they endur'd went to Mount Cassin and from thence retir'd to Salerno where he dy'd May 24th of the Year 1085. Authors do not agree about what were the last Thoughts he had concerning his Difference with Henry Some say that he testified a great deal of regret for what he had done and others on the contrary tell us That he continued fix'd in the same Mind to his very Last and that he said that he dyed in Exile because he had lov'd Justice and hated Iniquity However the Case stood 't is plain that his Death did not put an end to that notorious Quarrel which he had rais'd and which had drawn along with it such dreadful Consequences as were the cause of a world of Mischiefs both to the Church and to the Empire as we shall shew in the sequel after we have done with that which relates to Gregory VII The Emperor was not the only Person with whom Gregory VII was Engag'd He had likewise Contests with the Kings of France and England and his aim was to bring all the The Difference between Gregory VII and Philip I. King of France Crown'd Heads under his subjection and to oblige them to hold their Kingdoms as Fiefs from the Holy See and to govern them at his Discretion Philip I. was then King of France And since the Death of Baldwin who had been Regent of the Kingdom during his Minority he took the Government into his own Hands but he Administred it so remissly that France was full of Disorders and Disturbances The Churches which have always greater Sufferings than other Societies when Justice is not maintain'd in a State were the first who were oppress'd Gregory VII who never slip'd an opportunity of making himself the Judge and Reformer of Princes cast several reproaches upon him for it and threatned to punish severely his unjust proceedings against the Churches The King assur'd him by Alberic that he would reform his Conduct and govern the Churches according to such Rules as his Holiness should prescribe him Gregory who was not satisfied with empty Words required that he would begin to demonstrate the reality of his Promises by permitting that the Arch-deacon of Autun elected Bishop of Mascon after a long vacancy by the Clergy and People and even by the consent of the King should be put into the Possession of that Church without giving any Thing for it To this purpose he wrote to the Bishop of Chalons upon the Seyne and to the Arch-bishop of Lions And at the same time acquaints them that in case the King should refuse to do what he desir'd and would not permit the Churches of France to be supply'd with Bishops without Simony he should be oblig'd to excommunicate all the French Nation if they continu'd in their Alliegance to Philip. He likewise enjoyns the Arch-bishop of Lions to ordain that Arch-deacon Bishop of Mascon what opposition soever he might meet with either from the King or the other Competitor These two Letters are dated December 4th 1073. and are the Thirty fifth and the Thirty sixth of the first Book The Bishops of France would not venture to ordain the Bishop of Mascon whereupon the Pope ordain'd him himself as he sent word to the Arch bishop of Lions by the Seventy sixth Letter of the same Book dated August the 4th 1074. Two days before he had written expressly to King Philip to oblige him to make reparation for the wrong he had done to the Church of Beauvais And had absolv'd those of that City who had abus'd their Bishop See the Seventy fourth and the Seventy fifth Letters of the same Book That same year Gregory VII renew'd his Complaints and his Threatnings against Philip with a great deal more Noise by writing a large Letter to all the Bishops of France wherein after he had given a description of the Disorders of that Kingdom he says that the King whom he ventures to call Tyrant is the Author and Cause of all because his whole Life being one continu'd Debauch he took no care to punish the Crimes whereof he himself gave so bad an Example That he not only converted the Revenues of Churches to Profane and Criminal uses but within a little while ago exacted a very considerable sum of Merchants who were come from all parts to import their Effects into France under the publick Faith He likewise accuses the Bishops of contributing to these disorders either by their Approbation or Connivance He upbraids them for their Remissness and exhorts them to meet and to tell the King plainly of his Faults that he may correct them and regulate the Affairs of his Kingdom and in his Name to declare that if he does not do it he can no longer shelter himself from the Censure of the Holy See That afterwards they should separate themselves from Communion with that Prince and forbear performing Divine Service in all France That if he does still hold out notwithstanding this Punishment he would have the whole World take notice that he would use his utmost endeavours to deprive him of the Kingdom of France This Letter dated September the 10th 1074. is the Fifth of the second Book Some time after he wrote likewise to William Duke of Aquitain against King Philip and pray'd that Duke to do all he could to bring the King to change his Conduct declaring that if he did not reform he would excommunicate him and all the Subjects who paid him any Obedience and that he would lay this Excommunication on S. Peter's Altar in order to reiterate it every day This Letter dated November the 13th of the same year is the Eighteenth of the second Book He continu'd these menaces in the Two and thirtieth Letter of that Book dated December the 8th directed to Manasses Arch-bishop of Rheims However it does not appear that Gregory has acted any thing more against the Person of the King of France but he took upon him the sole Jurisdiction over the Bishops and the Ecclesiastical Affairs of that Kingdom and sent thither Hugh Bishop of Dia The Judgments pass'd by Hugh Bishop of Dia. with other Legats who took cognizance of the Life Manners and Elections of the Bishops took upon them the liberty of citing them to the Synods which they call'd of passing Sentence upon them of injoyning them Pennance and even of deposing them in case they would not make their Appearance
In spight of all his endeavours it was established there and there continued as we are informed by a Letter of Enervin Provost of Stemfeld near Cologne written to St. Bernard wherein he gives him The Hereticks of Cologne to understand that within a short time they had discovered several Hereticks near that City some whereof had abjur'd their Errors and two others having maintain'd them obstinately had been burnt by the People These Hereticks taught that they were the only Persons among whom the true Church had subsisted because they alone had follow'd the Example of Jesus Christ and had possess'd nothing of this Worlds Goods They forbid the eating of Milk meats and the Flesh of Beasts They would not discover what their Sacraments were however they had own'd that they believe that the Bread and Wine which they did eat every Day was consecrated by the Lord's Prayer for the nourishment of those who were the Members and the Body of Jesus Christ that in this Sense it became the Body of Jesus Christ that Others had not the true Sacraments but The Hereticks of the 12th Century only the Appearance of them and that they held a false Tradition of men They admitted of a Baptism by Fire and the Holy Ghost as more Excellent than the Baptism of Water for which they had no great Esteem They believ'd that their Elect had a power of Baptizing and Consecrating They distinguish'd three sorts of Persons among them Hearers Believers and the Elect. Lastly they condemn'd Marriage without giving any reason for it The same Author likewise takes notice that there were likewise in that Country several other Hereticks different from the former who had been even instrumental in discovering them who deny'd that the Body of Jesus Christ was Consecrated on the Altar because all the Priests of the Church are not Consecrated and that the Ministry is corrupted by the secular and prophane lives of the Ecclesiasticks That therefore they have no other power than to teach and Preach and that all their Sacraments are Null except the Baptism of Adult persons for they did not believe that Infants ought to be baptiz'd They likewise taught that only Marriages contracted between a Man and Maiden were lawful and that all others were no better than Fornication They had no trust or Confidence on the Mediation of Saints They Asserted that Fasts and other Mortifications were not at all necessary for the Just no nor for sinners themselves They styl'd all the Usages of the Church which were not Establish'd by Jesus Christ and the Apostles Superstitions They deny'd Purgatory and maintain'd that the Souls departed immediately went into the Place allotted for them and by consequence they render'd the Prayers and Sacrifiees of the Church for the Dead Null and Void These are the Errors which Enervin attributes to those two Sorts of Hereticks to oppose which he excites the Zeal of Saint Bernard who at that time in discoursing upon these Words in the Cantieles Take us the little Foxes took an occasion from this Text to write against those Modern Hereticks whom he compares to Foxes At the First he represents their Morals in the 65th Sermon wherein he accuses them of Being Proud Lovers of Novelties of making no scruple to swear and forswear themselves of concealing their Mysteries of â—eading dissolute Lives of being too familiar with marry'd Women and Maids of being Cheats and Hypocrites Afterwards in the 66th Sermon he refutes in particular their Errors about Marriage Abstaining from Meats Infant-Baptism Purgatory Prayers for the Dead the Efficacy of Sacraments and the like Lastly he speaks of their false Constancy which made them suffer Death and the greatest Torments and he reproves several Princes and even several Bishops who tolerated those Hereticks by receiving presents from them Those Sermons of Saint Bernard were written about the year 1140. which serves to fix the Epocha of the time wherein those Hereticks of Cologne first appear'd These are the same Hereticks whom sometime after Ekbert Abbot of St. Florin in the Diocess of Treves oppos'd in his Tracts dedicated to Reginald Arch-Bishop of Cologne He had often had Conferences with them whilst he was Canon in the Church of Bonne and whereas they were frequently discovered to be in the Diocess of Cologne he thought himself oblig'd to expose their Errors and refute them This is what he has done in his six Discourses which are to be met with in the Bibliotheca Patrum He therein takes notice that those Hereticks in Germany were call'd Cathari in Flanders Piphri in France Fisserani and makes them to be the off-spring of the Manichees We will now give you an Account of the Errors which he attributes to them and refutes in those Discourses They condemn says he Marriage and threaten Damnation to those who dy'd in a marry'd state Some among them only condemn such Marriages as are contracted between any beside such as have never been marry'd They eat no flesh because they believe it to be unclean which is the Reason which they give of it publickly but in private they say that Flesh is the Devils Creature They have divers Opinions about Baptism some of them say that 't is of no use to Infants in secret they add that the Baptism with Water is of no avail for which reason they re-baptize those who enter into their Sect in a particular Way and assert that 't is the Baptism of the Holy Ghost and of Fire They Believe that the Souls of the Departed enter the very day of their Death into a State of Everlasting Happiness or of Everlasting Misery and do not believe Purgatory By consequence they reject the Prayers the Alms and the Masses for the Dead If they come to Church hear Mass and communicate there 't is only for show for they suppose that the Sacerdotal Order is utterly extinct in the Church and only subsists in their Sect. They do not believe that the Body of Jesus Christ is Consecrated on the Altar but call their own Flesh the Body of Jesus Christ and in taking of Food say that they make the Body of Jesus Christ. I have heard adds He from a man who had left their Sect after he had discover'd the Turpitude and the Errors thereof that they asserted that Jesus Christ was not born of the Virgin that he had not real Flesh that he did not rise again really but in a Figure he believ'd that 't is for this Reason that they keep not Easter but have another Festival which they call Bema Lastly he accuses them also of teaching that the Souls of Men are those Apostate Angels who were turn'd out of Heaven This Sect had likewise some Followers in the Diocess of Toul as we are inform'd by the Letter of The Hereticks of Toul Hugh Metellus a Regular Canon of that Diocess written to his Bishop Henry wherein he gives him to understand that in his Diocess there were dangerous men who began to start
from that engagement by the Pope neither could his Successors be induc'd to renew it because the Monastery of Vendome depended immediately on the Holy See To discharge that Obligation to his Holiness Geffrey took a Journey to Rome the same Year that he was constituted Abbot where he did Pope Urban II. a very notable piece of Service in supplying him with means for the recovery of the Palace of Lateran out of the Possession of Ferruchius who kept it for Guibert the Antipope He receiv'd the Order of Priesthood from the Hands of that Pope who made him Cardinal of St. Prisca Afterwards returning to France in 1094. laden with Honour he took upon him the Government of his Monastery of Vendome and was employ'd in the Administration of the most important Affairs of the Church and State He was invited by the Popes to divers Councils and was chosen by Lewes the Gross King of France to be Arbitrator of a Difference that arose between that Prince and the Count of Anger 's He vigorously maintain'd the Interests of the See of Rome pass'd over the Alps Twelve times for the Service of the Popes was taken Thrice by his Enemies and at last for his own part was involv'd in many Law-suits with Bishops Abbots and secular Lords about the Rights and Possessions of his Monastery which he preserv'd entire and even augmented considerably 'T is not precisely known in what Year he died but he was still living in the time of Pope Honorius II. A. D. 1129. The first Book of the Letters of this Abbot contain 31 directed to the Popes Urban II. Paschal II. Calixtus II. and Honorius II. and to the Legates of the See of Rome They are almost all written for the preservation of the Immunities and Possessions of his Abbey demanding the Protection of it of the Popes as a Right unquestionably belonging to him in regard that all the Revenues of his Monastery by its Foundation were an allodial Tenure of the Holy See for which he paid a certain Duty In the second Book are compris'd 32 Letters directed to Ives Bishop of Chartres and to Geffrey his Successor in the greatest part of which he vindicates the exemption of his Monastery avouching that it depends solely on the Holy See that the Bishop of Chartres has no right either over their Persons or Possessions that they are not to be look'd upon as †Destitute of a Head Acephala because they have Jesus Christ for their Head and after him the Pope that the Promise he made to Ives Bishop of Chartres was extorted by surprize and afterwards declar'd null by Pope Urban Some of those Letters relate to the Contests that he had with the Monks of Marmoutier and the Countess of Vendome In the Nineteenth he discusses the Question concerning the Reiteration of Extreme Unction and concludes with Ives of Chartres that it ought not to be re-iterated by reason that it is a Sacrament The Third Book comprehends 43 Letters written to several Bishops more especially to those of Anger 's and Mans Some of them purely relate to Morality others to the Monastical Discipline and many others to particular Affairs 'T is asserted therein that a Monk accused by his Abbot ought not to be left to his arbitrary Proceedings This Author likewise vigorously opposes the Investitures shews that Bishops are forbidden to exact a yearly Salary for the use of the Altars which they grant to Monks and lastly observes that 't is reasonable that those Churches which have Possessions in the Territories of other Churches should pay the Tithes of them to the latter The Fourth Book contains fifty Letters directed to Abbots or Monks which for the most part relate either to Morality or to particular Affairs among which the 47th directed to Robert d' Arbriselles has been much talkt of It is written to advertise that Abbot Founder of the Order of Fontevrault that there was a report concerning him about a Business which did not tend to his Credit and which he ought speedily to reform if that report were really true viz. That he convers'd so familiarly with Women that he permitted them to co-habit with him that he kept private Correspondence with them and that he was not ashamed even to ly with them under pretence of mortifying himself by enduring the Stings of the Flesh which is a new kind of unheard of Martyrdom but very dangerous and of a very bad Example We have also in our possession another Letter written by Marbodus Bishop of Rennes which passes the same Censure on Robert d' Arbrisselles Indeed these two Letters plainly prove that the Enemies of Robert had caus'd those false Reports to be spread abroad against him but they are no proof that he was guilty of such enormities as were laid to his charge and his Conduct is sufficiently justify'd by the advantageous testimonies that are given of him by the Writers of that time who look'd upon him as a Man of great Sanctity However the Monks of Fontevrault imagin'd that the better to vindicate the Memory of their Founder it was requisite to call in question the truth of those two Monuments and to make them pass for spurious Pieces Father Mainferme has exhibited this Charge against them in the Name of his Collegues and has made it a part of the Subject of his Book call'd The Buckler of the Order of Fontevrault Amongst all the Conjectures alledged by him against Geffrey's Letter there is only one direct that deserves any consideration viz. that Abaelard in one of his Letters says that Roscelin of whom we have made mention in the preceeding Century wrote an invective Epistle against that excellent Preacher of Jesus Christ Robert d' Arbriselles whence Father Mainferme concludes it to be that of Geffrey or that of Marbodus or perhaps both but he has mistaken Abaelard's meaning For that Author does not say that Roscelin compos'd one or two Letters under the Name of another Person to declaim against Robert d' Arbriselles but that he wrote a Letter against him and St. Anselm so that this has no relation to those of Geffrey and Marbodus As for that of Geffrey now in Question it cannot be denied but it belongs to him for 1. 'T is apparently his Style and if it be never so little compar'd with the others we shall soon be perswaded that it was written by the same Author 2. It is not only extant in the Manuscript of Mans which Father Sirmond made use of but also in Two other Manuscripts viz. one in the Library of Christina Queen of Sweden and the other in that of Santa Croce at Florence which are referr'd to the time of Robert d' Arbriselles Father Mabillon having also seen and cited the latter in the Relation of his Voyage to Italy In the fifth Book are contain'd 28 Letters directed to divers particular Persons which are full of moral Discourses and Compliments In the Sixteenth he asserts the necessity of making Confession of
therein absolutely forbid the Clergy to grant any Aid to the King for the Defence and Necessity of the State but to do it without special leave from the Holy See and that upon consideration of the intolerable Exactions which the King's Officers had made upon the Clergy in his Kingdom Moreover that the Holy See had always been and likewise for the time to come should be ready in the pressing Necessities of the State to oblige the Clergy of the Kingdom of France to afford Succour to their King without sparing even the Chalices the Crosses and other Sacred Utensils if need were rather than suffer so great a Kingdom and so dear to the Holy See to want Necessary Succours for its Defence but that at this juncture all Kings and Princes Neighbours to France complained of his Invasions and among others that the King of the Romans alledges That the King of France has seized on divers Imperial Towns especially on the County of Burgundy and the King of England says That he likewise keeps from him a Country in Gascony that these Princes would very willingly referr themselves to the Holy See to whom the Judgment belongs in regard it is a Sin to detain that which is anothers and to make an Unjust War In fine the Pope declares That he would not be understood in his Decree to speak of the Impositions and Aids which the Prelates and other Ecclesiastical Persons owe the King on the account of the Fiefs which they hold dependant on the Crown He conjures the King to follow his Advice and to revoke his Ordinance being desirous to use all gentle means with him before he would make use of Ecclesiastical Censures He sent the Bishop of Viviers to him at the same time that he might represent the thing to him Viva voce and gave him a Letter of particular Credence bearing Date the 22d of the same Month. The King set forth a Manifesto in Answer to the Pope's Bull wherein he observes that before there were any Clergy in France the King had the Protection of his Kingdom and The King 's Manifesto against the Pope's Bull. Power to make Laws which he judged necessary for its Defence so that he could forbid the carrying Money and Arms out of his Kingdom for fear his Enemies should get some Advantage by them that he had not absolutely forbid the doing it but only without his Permission with a design to grant it to the Clergy in case that it brought no Prejudice to the Kingdom that were it true that the King detained by Violence the Persons and Goods of the Clergy it would be surprizing enough that the Pope should not pronounce him Excommunicate that the Church is not only composed of the Clergy but also of the Laity and that they are not only the Clergy but likewise the Laity whom Jesus Christ has delivered from the Slavery of Sin and set at Liberty That the Clergy have in truth particular Privileges which have been granted to them by the Decrees of Popes by the Bounty or at least by the Permission of Secular Princes but that they ought not to deprive Princes of the Government and defence of their Kingdoms nor of the Things necessary to that End That we must give to Caesar that which is Caesar's and that every one whether Church-man or Laick who is not willing to contribute to the Necessities of the State is an unprofitable Member which must be cut off That if the Enemy prevail'd the Clergy would be they who would Suffer most and their Goods be most liable to the Spoil That it overthrows the Ancient and Natural Right to hinder one from succouring one's self That it is a shame for the Vicar of Jesus Christ to forbid the Paying of Tribute to Caesar and to thunder out his Censures against the Clergy who lend their Assistance to the King and Kingdom or rather to themselves while they are permitted to bestow their Riches on Players and their Friends and to wast them in superfluous Expences That it is Unjust that the Church-men enriched by the Bounty of Princes should refuse them necessary Aids for the defence of the State That this is to assist the Enemy to commit Treason and betray the State to maintain such a Prohibition As to what concerns the King of England the War which he hath with him arises from this because that Prince would not make his Appearance when Summon'd to do Homage for the Lands he held of France His Majesty was obliged to seize them till he had done his Duty but in stead of doing it he had declared War against him and had renounced the Fealty and Homage which he owed him for those Lands And as to the King of the Romans that he had offer'd that Prince to referr himself as to the Differences between them to Four Umpires That he had not taken the County of Burgundy till after that King had declared War and bid him publick Defiance In fine the Kings his Predecessors had been very liberal to the Clergy who could not without Ingratitude refuse to grant him such Aids to the end he might be in a Condition to oppose his Enemies The King was not the only one that opposed this Undertaking of the Pope the Archbishop The Lettâ—â— of the French Prelates of Rheims and the other Bishops of his Diocess sent him a Letter wherein they humbly presented to him That the King the Princes Barons and other Lords of the Kingdom finding his Decree burdensom and prejudicial to their Rights had resolved to Summon all the French chiefly such as ow'd Fealty to the King of whom almost all the Prelates of the Kingdom had taken the Oath of Fidelity to defend and preserve the Rights and Honour of His Majesty and his Kingdom That they could not live in quiet if they were not protected by the King That if the Clergy did not grant the King what he demanded the Church of France which hitherto had enjoyed Peace and Liberty would be in danger of falling into Trouble and be tossed with a Tempest which might occasion its Ruin Wherefore they beseech his Holiness to find out a Way to appease this Disturbance and to maintain Peace between the Church and State That they therewith had sent to him two Bishops to set forth more particularly by word of mouth the Danger to which the Gallican Church is like to be exposed In the mean time the Pope sent two Nuncio's to France namely Berardus Bishop of An Embassy from the Pope for the continuance of the Truce Albania and Simon Bishop of Praeneste to whom he gave Order to Levy the Money in that Kingdom for the Holy See to transmit it to Italy and to Declare the King and his Officers Excommunicate if they opposed them in it He likewise sent by them a Bull by which he continued the Truce between the King of France the King of England and the King of the Romans for the space of two
other Author Gulielmus Durantus or William Durant the Nephew of the famous Canonist Durantus Bishop Gulielmus Durantus Bishop of Menda of Menda of whom we have spoken in the last Age was Archdeacon to his Uncle and Succeeded him in his Bishoprick in 1296. and governed that Church till 1328. Being Summoned to the Council of Vienna in 1310. by Pope Clement he composed an Excellent Treatise of the Manner of Celebrating a General Council divided into Three Parts in which he hath collected and disposed under several Titles a great number of Rules out of Councils and Fathers to reform the Abuses and Disorders of all sorts of States and Conditions and particularly the Popes and Court of Rome Prelates Clergy and Monks Philip Probus a Lawyer of Bourges caused this Work to be printed at Paris in 1545. and dedicated it to Pope Paul III. to the Cardinals Bishops and Abbots and other Christians who were to meet in the Council of Trent as very useful to those that would endeavour a Reformation of Manners among Christians It hath been since printed at Paris in 1535. and lastly in a Collection of several Works of the same Nature which heretofore Mr. Faure a Doctor of the Faculty of Divinity in Paris caused to be printed there by Clousâ—…r in 1671. The time is not certainly known when Victor Porchet de Salvaticis a Carthusian of Genoa flourished Victor Porchet but 't is probable it was about 1315. He Composed a Treatise Intituled A Conquest quest for the Defence of the Christian Religion against the Jews printed at Paris 1520. by the Care of Augustine Justinian Bishop of Nebio in Corsica He shews a great deal of Jewish Learning and reading of their Books in it He has made use of a Book written by Raimundus Martin called Pugio Fidei i. e. the Sword of Faith out of which he owns that he hath transcribed much of what he has written in that Work Malachias a Grey-Friar a Divine of Oxford and Preacher to Edward II. King of England Malachias was in very great Reputation at the beginning of this Age. We have a Treatise of Piety written by him and printed in 1518. by Henry Stevens named Of the Poison of Mortal Sins and their Cure William le Mair or Gulielmus Major a Penitentiary and afterwards Bishop of Anger 's governed William Major the Church of that City from 1290. to 1314. in which Year he died He wrote an History of what passed in his Church while he was Bishop published by Mr. Luke Dacherius in the Tenth Tome of his Spicilegium p. 247. and has made a Collection of the Synodal Orders and Decrees of his Predecessor Nicholas Gelant and of his own made in the Synods held twice a Year viz. at the Feast of Pentecost and on S. Luke's Day from the Year 1271. to 1314. in which there are many remarkable things concerning Discipline which are also published by F. Dacherius in the 11th Tome of his Spicilegium p. 201. William de Mandagot or Gulielmus Mandagotus Born of the Illustrious Family of Lodeve Arch-deacon William de Mandagot of Nismes and Provost of Tholouse was made Archbishop of Ambrun by Boniface VIII in 1295 from whence he was translated to Aix and at last made Cardinal-Bishop of Praeneste by Clement V. in 1311. after whose Death the Italian Cardinals intended to make him Pope He Composed the Sixth Book of the Decretals and made a Treatise of the Election of Prelates printed at Colen in 1573. and in other places He died at Avignon in November 1321. Berengarius de Fredol Canon and after Chanter of S. Nazarus Abbot of S. Aphrodisius of Berengarius de Fredol Beziers and afterward made Bishop of that City in 1298. a Famous Canonist composed the Sixth Book of the Decretals with Richard Siennensis and Gulielmus de Mandagot He hath dedicated an Explication in an Alphabetical Order upon the Summ of Cardinal Ostionsis to which he gave the title of Oculus which was printed with that Summ at Basil. He wrote also a Treatise about Excommunication and Interdiction which is found in MS. in the Library of Mr. Colbert Cod. 249. and 3345. He was appointed Cardinal-Priest by the Title of the S. S. Nereus and Achilles by Clement the Vth. and in the Year 1309. he was made Cardinal-Bishop of Frescati and died in 1323. June 10. He had a Nephew who was made Bishop of Beziers in 1309. and made Cardinal-Priest in the room of his Uncle and afterward Cardinal-Bishop of Portâ— in the Year 1317. Jacobus de Termes Abbot of Charleiu an Abby of Cistertians in the Diocess of Senlis Composed Jacobus de Termes in the Year 1311. during the Sitting of the General Council of Vienna a Work against those who opposed the Exemptions and Privileges of the Monks and chiefly against Giles of Rome Archbishop of Bourges This Treatise is printed in the Fourth Tome of the Bibliotheca Cistertiorum i. e. the Collection of Writers of the Cistertian Order p. 261. Antonius Andreas a Grey-Friar of Arragon and Scholar of Scotus flourished from the beginning Antonius Andreas of this Age to the Year 1320. He Composed a Commentary upon the Books of the Sentences printed at Venice in 1578. and 1584. A Book about the Principles of Gilbert Porritanus printed at the same place in 1512. and 1517. Divers Comments upon the Books of Aristotle and Boethius printed at the same place in 1480. 1509. and 1517. Harvaeus Natalis a Britain in France and a Friar-Preacher of whom he was the Fourteenth Harvaeus Natalis General made in 1318. hath Composed a Comment upon the Four Books of the Sentences printed at Venice in 1405. and at Paris in 1647. Four great quodlibetical Questions printed at the same place in 1513. A Treatise about the Pope's Authority printed at Paris with his Commentary on the Sentences in 1647. and an Apology against those who opposed the Orders of the Friars-Preachers and reproached them that they did not lead an Apostolical Life printed at Venice in 1516. He died at Narbonne Aug. 10. in the Year 1323. Ptolemaeus Lucensis a Monk of the Order of the Friars-Preachers a Scholar of S. Thomas Aquinas Ptolemaeus Lucensis and Conâ—essor to John XXII was made Bishop of Torcello in 1321. hath Composed Annals from the Year 1060. to 1303. and a Chronicon of the Popes and Emperors These two Works were printed at Lyons in 1619. There is found in several Libraries an Ecclesiastical History of this Author divided into 24 Books to the Year 1303. which is sometimes quoted by Rainaldus Philip an Abbot of the Cistertian Monks and afterward made Bishop of Aichstat in the Philip. Year 1305. died in the Year 1322. He wrote the Life of S. Walpurgis Abbess of Hildesheim at the desire of Ann Queen of Hungary the Emperor Albert's Daughter He took it out of the Collections of Wolfarus It is in the Fourth Tome of the Collections of Canisius He hath
of this Bishop in the Appendix of his Work Intituled Marcha Hispanica P. 1454. There is another Terrenâ named Arnoldus who is thought to be the Nephew of the former Arnoldus de Terrenâ of whom we have spoken He was a Doctor of Law and Sacrist of Perpignan who flourished about the End of this Age and wrote about the Year 1373. a Treatise of the Mass and Canonical Hours and Theological Questions which he Compiled at Avignon which Works are found in MS. in Mr. Colbert's Library Franciscus Mayronius Born at Digne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Grey-Friar a Scholar of Scotus being Batchelor Francis Mayronius of Divinity in the University of Paris first introduced by his Example an Act in the Sorbonne which is held from Morning to Night in the Schools of the Sorbonne by one Respondent without any President and without interruption There he received the Doctor 's Cap in 1323. and died at Placentia in 1325. His Comments upon the Four Books of the Sentences and some other Treatises of School-Divinity have been printed at Venice in 1517 1520 1556 and 1567. His Sermons upon Lent and the Saints-Days were printed in the same City in 1491 and 1493. and at Basil in 1598. The following Treatises of the Poverty of Jesus Christ and his Apostles of the Cardinal Virtues and Vices Of the Articles of Faith Of Baptism Of Humility Of Indulgences Of the Body of Jesus Christ Of the Angels Of Prayers for the Dead Of Penances Of Fasting Of the Last Judgment Of the Seven Gifts of the Holy Spirit Upon the Lord's Prayer and the Magnificat were printed at Basil in 1498. He has an Explication upon the Ten Commandments which is printed at Paris in 1619. Theological Truths upon S. Austin and the City of God printed at Tholouse in 1488. and at Venice in 1489. His Commentaries upon the Predicaments upon the Categories and upon Aristotle's Books of Physicks were printed at Venice in 1517. and some other Works yet in MS. are in several Libraries as that of Mr. Waddingus and the Grey-Friars at Leige Bertrandus de Turre a Grey-Friar of the Diocess of Cahors and General-Minister of the Province Bertrandus de Turre of Aquitain was made Archbishop of Salerne in 1319. and in the following Year Cardinal-Priest of S. Vitalis by John XXII and lastly Bishop of Frescati He was appointed in 1328. Vicar or Administrator-General of the Order of Grey-Friars and approved of the Deposition of Michael de Caesenas in the Assembly of a General Chapter of that Order held at Paris in 1329. He died in 1334. He Composed several Sermons which are in several Libraries Two Volumes of them are in the Library of Cardinal de Bouillon and Three in that of the Sorbonne His Sermons upon the Epistles of the Year were printed at Strasburg in 1501. Durandus de S. Porciano a Village in the Diocess of Clermont in Auvergne of the Order of Durandus à S. Porciano Friars-Preachers a Doctor of Paris flourished in that University from 1313. when he was Licentiate to 1318. when he was made Bishop of Puy or Annecy by the Pope from whence he was translated in 1326. to the Bishoprick of Meaux which he governed to 1333. in which he is said to have died His chief Work is a Treatise of Divinity upon the Four Books of the Sentences which he began when he was very Young and finished a little before his Death as he himself tells us In them he departs much from the Opinions of S. Thomas and Scotus and taught several Doctrines very particular and bold which gave him the Name of the Most resolute Doctor This Commentary was printed at Venice in 1561. several times and at Lyons in 1595. He also Composed a Treatise about the Ecclesiastical Power upon the Occasion of the Question which was disputed upon that Subject in France in 1329. between the Bishops and Peter de Cuguieres of whom Peter Bertrandus makes mention upon the Sixth Book of the Decretals which was printed at Paris in 1506. He also Composed a Treatise against the Opinion of John XXII about the State of Souls but we have it not as also an Instruction for his Clergy and some Sermons Odericus de Port-Naon in Friuli a Grey-Friar after he had travelled a long time in the East Odericus de Port-Naon and Preached the Gospel in Asia and the Indies Composed a Relation of the Wonders of the Eastern Tartars which is in MS. in some Libraries in England and a short Chronicle from the beginning of the World to the Papacy of John XXII Some Sermons and Letters Guido Abbot of S. Denys in France flourished about the Year 1320. and was Abbot of Guido that Abby between Giles de Pontoise who died in 1325. and Walter de Pontoise who succeeded him in 1333. He made some Notes upon Usuardus's Martyrolegy which is in MS. in the Library of S. Victor William of Nottingham a Canon and Chanter of the Church of York and after a Franciscan William of Nottingham Monk flourished in England about 1320. and died Octob. 5. 1336. None of his Works are printed but there are several of them in the Libraries of England and among others some Questions upon the Four Gospels Reflections upon all the Gospels of the Year Questions upon the Lord's Prayer and a Treatise against the Errors of Pelagius William Mount an Englishman Canon of Lincoln flourished in 1330. and Composed several William Mount Works which are in MS. in the English Libraries These are the Titles of some of them which are published Collections with a Paraphrase upon the Psalms The Mirrour of Penance A Summ for Pastors Theological Distinctions Sermons A Numeral A Similitudinary and a Treatise of Tropes Philip de Montcalier in Piedmont became a Monk in the Convent of Grey-Friars at Tholouse Philip de Montcalier and was after Divinity-Lecturer at Padua He Composed in 1330. a Postill upon all the Gospels of the Year and Sermons for the whole Year The Abridgment of his Sermons drawn up by Janselmus de Canova Keeper of the Covent of Cordeliers at Cuma was printed at Lyons in 1510. and 1515. This Author lived to 1350. or thereabouts Astesanus so called from the Village of Ast in Piedmont where he was Born a Grey-Friar Astesanus is the Author of a Summ of Cases of Conscience divided into Eight Books which was printed at Noremburg in 1482. by the Care of Bellatus and Gometius and since at Venice in 1519. from whence Antonius Augustinus hath taken his Penitentiary Canons printed at Venice in 1484. This Author lived to the Year 1330. There is another Astesanus of the same Order who flourished some time after whom Waddingus believes to be the Author of some Commentaries upon the Books of the Sentences upon the Revelation and some Sermons which are not printed Nicholas de Lyrâ a Town of the Diocess of Eureux was Born of Jewish Parents who taught Nicholas
Utrâ—cht and Earls of Holland by John Becanus Canon of that City With Additions The History of the Bishops of Liege from 1247 to 1348. by Hortensius The History of S. Gothalmus by Bernard Dapifer A Chronicle of the Arch-Bishops of York by Thomas Stubbs The Life of Bartholus Bishop of Strasburg by Albert de Strasburg A Catalogue of Saints by Petrus de Natalibus The Mirrour of Carmelites by Ribot The Viridarium of that Order and their Illustrious Men by John Grossius The History of the Abbots of Canterbury by Thorn The History of the three Bishops of Liege by Radulphus de Rivo The Letters of Lucius Colutius Stignano The Lives of the Popes at Avignon by Peter Herentals The Passion of S. Cordatus by Nicephorus Gregoras Works of Morality A Summary for Confessors by John de Friburg A Treatise of the Poison of Mortal Sins and their Cure by Malachias A Moral Mirrour by Vitalis de Furno A Treatise of the Seven Estates of the Church by Ubertinus de Cassalis Some Treatises of Franciscus Mayronius A Summary of Cases by Astesanus A Summary of Cases call'd The Golden Summary by Monaldus A Summary of Cases by Bartholomew de S. Concordia Two Books of the Remedies of both Fortunes Two Books of a Solitary Life Two Books of the leisure of Monks Two Books of the Contempt of the World A Paraphrase upon the Penitential Psalms A Treatise against Avarice Some Letters By Petrarch An Addition to the Mirrour of Durantus by John Andreae A Treatise of Usury by Gregory Ariminens Nineteen Books of Morality by Bartholomew Glanvile A Treatise of the Care of a Common-wealth and the State of Sovereign Princes by Philip de Loydis The Consolation of Divinity or the Mirrour of Wisdom by John de Tambach Sophologia by Jacobus Magnus Two Letters of Morality by Baralam Works of Morality by Manuel Palaeologus the Greek Emperor Works of Piety and Mortification Hymns and Proses by Jacobus de Benedictis A Commentary of Augustinus Triumphus upon the Lord's Prayer and Angelical Salutation The Tree of a Crucifyed Life by Ubertinus de Casalis Five Treatises of Franciscus Mayronius The Works of Ludolphus a Carthusian A Treatise of the four Instincts And Sermons of the Passion by Henry de Urimaria A Treatise of the Actions of Jesus Christ and a Treatise of the Virgin by Simon de Cassia The Treatise of Richard Hampole The Mirrour of the Monks of S. Benedict by Bernard Abbot of Mount Cassin The Pomegranade by Gallus Abbot of Konigsael The Revelations Sermons and Rules of St. Bridget The Letters of St. Catharine of Sienna A Treatise of Providence by her as also A Discourse of the Annunciation of the Virgin The Divine Doctrine of the Eternal Father to the Holy Spirit by Raimundus de Vignes Three Works of Gerhard Groot The Works of Piety of Ruysbrokius The Mirrour of the Virgin by Bonaventure of Padua The Ascetick Treatises of Gerhard de Zutphen The Works of Raimundus Jordanus The Angelical and Christian Life of Fr. Ximenius The Mystical Divinity of Henry de Palma The Conformity of Jesus Christ and St. Francis by Bartholomew Albicius The Treatises of Piety of Manuel Palaeologus A Discourse of the Contempt of Death by Demet. Cydonius Six Books of the Praises of the Virgin by Barthol Albicius Sermons and Works about Preaching A Summary of Examples and Comparisons for Preachers by John de S. Geminiano Funeral Orations and Sermons for Lent by him A Sermon of Justus in a Chapter of the Carthusians A Summ for Preachers by John of Friburg Bishop of Osmo Sermons upon Sundays Lent and the Festivals of the Saints by Hugh de Prato Sermons upon the Immaculate Conception by Petrus Aureolus Sermons and Explications of the Gospel by Jacobus de Lausanna The Sermons of Franciscus Mayronius An Abbridgment of Sermons by Philip de Montcalier The Sermons of Peter de Palude Historical Morals for Preachers by Robert Holkot Sermons in commendation of the Virgin by Richard of Armagh The Sermons of Thaulerus The Dictionary Reductory and Inductory of the Bible by Petrus Bercherius A Summ of Sermons by Jordanus Saxo. Sermons for all the Year by Nicholas Gorham A Summ for Preachers by John Bromiard The Sermons of Bartholomew Glanvile The Sermons of Bartholomew Albicius The Sermons of Planudes upon the Burial of Jesus Christ. His Sermon upon St. Peter and St. Paul The Funeral Oration of Theodorus by Gregorius Metochita A Homily upon the Exaltation of the Cross by Callistus Patriarch of Constantinople The Sermons of Philotheus The Panegyrick of Theodorus by Manuel Palaeologus Commentaries upon the Books of the Fathers A Commentary upon the Books of St. Augustine De civitate Dei by Tho. Joisius Another Commentary upon the same Work by Nicholas Trivet A Milleloquium of St. Augustine begun by Triumphus and finish'd by Bartholmew Urban who also made the Milleloquium of St. Ambrose A Translation of St. Augustine's Books De Civitate Dei by Radulphus de Praelles A Treatise of Franciscus Mayronius upon St. Augustine De Civitate Die Philosophical Works A Commentary of Joannes Scotus upon Aristotle and other Treatises Some Treatises of Raymundus Lullius The Commentaries of Antonius Andreas the Scholar of Scotus upon the Books of Aristotle and Boethius The Philosophical Treatises of Ockam The Philosophical Treatise of John de Gaunt The Treatises of Franciscus Mayronius The Treatises of Walter Burley A Treatise upon the Eight Books of Aristotle's Physicks by John Canon A Commentary upon the Ten Books of Aristotle's Morals by Gerhard Odonis The Questions of Alphonsus Vargas upon the Three Books of Aristotle De Anima An INDEX of the Principal Matters contained in this Volume A ABbots Of their Election in France c. 47. They ought not to part those Goods which are common with their Monks 94 The Act of the Sorbonne first Introduc'd 62 Publick Acts. A Clause observ'd by the Apostolick Notaries 40 Adam de Valencour 17 Adulterers Excommunicated 93. And depriv'd of Christian Burial 98 Aleth made a Bishoprick 22 Amanaeus Arch-Bishop of Ausche His Constitutions 94 100 Appeals A Rule concerning them 47 Aquileia A Council held there by Gregory XII 46 Arch-Bishopricks Erected by Pope John XXII 22 Arch-Bishops How Elected in the Neutrallty for the Schism 47 Arch-Deacons Not to exact in their Visitations 93 Armenians United to the Church by Clement VI. 31 Arnoldus de Canteloup His Constitutions 105 Arnoldus de Montanier His Errors 115 Arnoldus de Villa Nova His Errors 113 Avignon The Popes that resided in that City 21 22 29 30 31 32. Asylum The Right of Churches to be Asyla 93 105 Attributes Some Propositions concerning the Divine Attributes recanted as Erroneous 114 B BAns of Marriage Necessary 95 97 110 Baptism The necessity of it 95. Its effects ibid. Forbidden to be administred out of the Church 96. The People to be instructed in its Form 97 98. Errors about it condemn'd in England 115 Barlaamites The subject of their contests with the
and that it was Authoriz'd in some Places by an Ancient Custom He answers That no Custom nor Prescription ought to be alledg'd against the Law of God the Holy Decrees of Councils the Commands of the Holy Fathers and against Decency and Good Manners He refutes also the excuse which some alledge who would defend this Usage We do not say they sell the Orders it is not for Orders that the Money is given but for the Letters the Seal and the Notary These says he are Fictions and not Truths for it often happens that those who refuse to take the Letters to shun this Simony have nevertheless been oblig'd to give the Mony to be Ordain'd what say I to be Ordain'd Their Names are not so much as set down in the Catalogue of those who are to receive Orders unless they pay what is demanded of them Whether this turn to the profit of the Bishop or his Secretary God is witness and the Secretary may be also But suppose that this turn to the profit of the Secretary is it just that the Bishop should pay to him anothers Mony and among so many Officers cannot he maintain a Secretary at his own Charges Besides that it is expresly forbidden in the Canons to take any thing not so much as for the Writing which excludes all kind of pretence In fine he affirms that this Abuse is the Fountain of all the Disorders that are in the Church for whence says he comes the Indevotion of the People the Contempt of Priests the Abolishing of the Rights and Liberties of the Church but because it is full of contemptible Persons and unworthy of their Ministration Whence comes it to pass that an infinite number of ignorant Persons are admitted to the Priesthood who understand no Latin and scarce can Read and who in Repeating or Singing the Prayers know not whether they Bless or Curse the Lord and so many others of bad Morals who live in all sorts of Debauchery The Bishops are the chief Cause of these Disorders because they admit to Orders indifferently all sorts of Persons without examining their Learning or their Manners and they are satisfy'd with punishing them in their Purse without endeavouring to reform their Faults And after all this can any one wonder that the Ecclesiastical State should be trampled upon despis'd hated afflicted oppress'd robb'd and Persecuted These are the words which Clemangis makes use of to exaggerate the Disorders of the Ecclesiasticks in his time which thanks be to Heaven to the Decrees of Holy Councils and chiefly to that of Trent and to the Pastoral Vigilance of our Bishops are now Corrected and Reform'd in our Age which abounds with Ecclesiasticks of singular Learning and extraordinary Piety The Collection of Clemangis's Letters contains 137. all Written with much Elegance and Chastity and full of Christian Moral and Politick Instructions of the Descriptions of Vices and Vertues of Draughts of History of Critical Questions of wholsom Advices and Complements The most considerable with reference to Ecclesiastical Matters are those which were written about the Schism and about the State of the Church viz. the first address'd to King Charles VI. wherein he exhorts him in a most Pathetical manner to labour for the Reformation of the Church and the Extirpation of Schism The second address'd to Pope Benedict XIII lately chosen written with a great deal of Art upon the same Subject The third wherein he makes an Apology for the former The thirteenth address'd to Benedict about the Inconveniences of the Substraction The fifteenth to John Gerson about the danger in which the Church was The seventeenth to King Charles VI. to dissuade him from the Substraction which is very long and eloquent The twenty ninth address'd to Peter of Ailly Bishop of Cambray about the Afflictions of the Church The fortieth address'd to Renald of Fountains to justifie That he was not the Author of the Letter which Benedict sent into France for Excommunicating the King and the Kingdom The forty second to the University of Paris upon the same Subject The forty third to Renald of Fountains to clear himself of some other things which he was accus'd of writing in Letters intercepted The forty fourth forty fifth and forty sixth about the Persecution which he suffer'd upon this occasion The fifty fifth against the Enemies of Pope Benedict The hundred second of the Qualifications which Deputies ought to have that are sent to a General Council And the hundred twelfth address'd to the Council of Constance wherein he praises the Fathers of that Council who were already Assembled for two Years and exhorts them not to part till they had procur'd the Peace of the Church and insinuates to them towards the end of the Letter That it would be more convenient to choose one of the Competitors than not to conclude the Peace of the Church signifying withal That he did not approve the Decree which some said they had made That they would not choose one of the Competitors Those which are written about the Civil Wars and the Mischiefs wherewith France was Afflicted at that time by the Divisions of Princes are equally strong and beautiful they are full of Christian Maxims and Politicks about the Peace and Reformation of the State See the Letters 59 63 67 68 69 89 90 97 98 101 103 107 and 132. to which may be added the 56 to Louis Duke of Aquitain Eldest Son to King Charles VI. wherein he exhorts him to Mildness and Clemency The 93d about the Instructions of this Prince address'd to John D Arcanval his Governor and the 136 to Henry King of England about Justice and the other Vertues of a Prince In many of his Letters he gives lively Descriptions of the Disorders and Corruption of Manners in the Ecclesiasticks and Secular Men of his Time See the 14 15 28 31 35 54 133. In others he treats of important Points of Morality as in the 9th of Patience under Afflictions in the 11th That the Health of the Soul is preferable to that of the Body in the 60th of shunning Vain-Glory in the 62d of the advantages of Afflictions and Persecutions In the 65 73 74. of Preaching of the Fervor and Constancy that should be us'd in this Ministration in the 75th of the Vigilance of Pastors and the things wherein they ought to employ themselves There he confirms the same Principles which are in his Books of the Corruption of the Church and the Study of Theology in the 82d he treats of the uncertainty and shortness of this Life and in the 92d of Alms and Christian Watchfulness There are some Letters which are not about serious Matters and so do not discover the Learning and Excellent Wit of Clemangis as the fourth and fifth in which he refutes what Petrarch had affirm'd That no where but in Italy there were any Popes and Orators of Worth the Twenty third wherein he enquires Whether one might make use in Latin Letters of the form of Salutation
Charles the Bald. In the first which he intended to be publick he complains that he had taken his Petitions which he made to him ill and exhorted him to accept them favourably He orders him to send Hincmarus and his Accusers to Rome assuring him that he would not consent to his Deposition till that were done He approves the Promotion of Actardus to the Archbishoprick of Tours without depriving him nevertheless of the Right which he hath to the Reversion of the Diocess of Nantes He exhorts the King to see that all the Revenues of the Church of Tours be restored that belong to it as also the Monasteries which according to the Canons are subject to that Bishop The second Letter which was private and secret was wrote with more mildness and assurance but he insists more particularly upon this That the King had not received his Admonitions with all possible subjection and that he had enriched himself with the Revenues of the Church In the rest he pretends a great deal of Friendship to him commends his Piety blames the carriage of Hincmarus Bishop of Laon and seems to think him faulty and justly condemned but nevertheless hopes he will send him to Rome that after he hath heard him he may appoint him Judges or send his Legates to the place to have him Judged before them there King Charles being offended at these two Letters of the Pope's as also at a former which the K. Charles's Answer to the Pope Pope had written to him full of reproachful Language to his Person which he exhorted him to bear patiently and take in good part writ sharply to him and shewed himself angry for being treated in such a manner and because he had ordered him to send Hincmarus immediately to Rome Hereupon he accuses him of Worldly Pride in ambitiously claiming a Dominion in the Church and says That he did not know before that a King whose Office is to punish Evil doers and revenge Crimes was obliged to send the guilty to Rome after they were condemned and convicted That he should know that the Kings of France are not the Bishops Vicegerents but absolute Masters of their Country That he doth not find that the Popes his Predecessors did ever write in that fashion to the Kings of France Then he recites several expressions of the Popes and shews by many Ecclesiastical Laws that no Canon obliged him to send Condemned Bishops to Rome but on the contrary that Ecclesiastical Causes should be Judged and Determined in the Province where the Matters were acted Lastly He advises him not to write to him more in such a strain nor to the Bishops and Lords of his Kingdom unless he will have his Letters and Messengers slighted which he wrote to him saith he because of the respect he did bear to him and because of the design he had to be subject as he ought to the Vicar of St. Peter the Prince of the Apostles lest he should force him against his Will to do otherwise than he intended In fine that he knew that he ought to follow and to hold to that which was approved by the H. See when 't is found agreeable to the H. Scripture Tradition and the Laws of the Church but rejected the claim which was grounded upon Forged and ill-composed Pieces Nor did the Bishops of France write with less Resolution to the Pope about that Affair they The Execution of the Judgmens given against Hincmarus boldly rejected the pretences the Pope had that Hincmarus should come to Rome and be Judged and maintain'd that the Judgment given against that Bishop ought to be Executed And in effect it was done and the Church of Laon became vacant de facto de jure altho' the H. See would not confirm the Judgment of the Synod of Douzi Hincmarus Bishop of Laon was put in Prison and two years after his Eyes were put out as Caroloman's were a very usual punishment at that time for such as were found guilty of Rebellion Charles the Bald being afterwards Crowned Emperor by * This Pope according to Platina's reckoning which is accounted the truâ—st is John IX for John VIII is Pope Joan of which the Romish Church is so much ashamed that they have blotted her out of the Catalogue of their Popes for though thâ—y allow their Popes 〈◊〉 many Women yet they will not endure to hear of a Woman to be a Pope John VIII gave him an Account of the Judgment given at the Synod of Douzi and desired the confirmation of it from him which he granted writing to Hincmarus that upon the Relation of the Emperor he approved the Judgment he and other Bishops of France had given against Hincmarus of Laon after whom Henedulphus was Ordained Bishop of Laon in pursuance of the Decree of his Election made March 26. and 876. After the Death of Charles the Bald Hincmarus Bishop of Laon was set at Liberty who hearing The Council of Troyes that Pope John VIII was retired into France held a Council at Troyes he went thither and Presented a Petition in which he complained That being carried to the Council of Douzi by force deprived of his Goods accused by K. Charles he was condemned by the Archbishop of Reims although he had Appealed to the H. See that since that time he had been put in Chains and his Eyes were put out He begged of the Pope to do him Justice and pass an equitable Sentence upon that Matter which was referred to him He alledged That the Bishops of the Synod of Douzi had condemned him very unwillingly that most of them were very much troubled at what they had done by the impulse of Hincmarus Archbishop of Reims who advised them to it by Writing Nevertheless by the Acts of the Council and the Letters written by them it doth appear that they condemned Hincmarus Bishop of Laon with a full consent and agreement and never did repent that they had done it Nevertheless the Petition of Hincmarus Bishop of Laon was approved in the Council of Troyes by some Bishops and King Ludovicus Balbus did not oppose it But Pope John VIII judging that it would be a very difficult thing to reverse the Sentence of the Council of Douzi ordered that Henedulphus should continue Bishop of Laon although he himself desired that he might retreat into a Monastery but allowed Hincmarus liberty to Sing Mass and to have a Pension out of the Revenues of the Bishoprick of Laon. Whereupon some Bishops took him and having Cloathed him with his Episcopal Vestments they led him to the Church with Singing and caused him to give the Benediction He died not long after and his Unkle Hincmarus made Prayers to God for him after his Death CHAP. VI. An Account of several other Ecclesiastical Affairs transacted in France in which Hincmarus was chiefly engaged HIncmarus besides the private Affairs had also a share as I before intimated in all the most The Divorce of thâ— Queen Theutberga
Important Affairs both in Church and State which gave him occasion to exercise his Pen in divers Controversies That which made the greatest noise of all was the Divorce of the Queen Theutberga and Lotharius III. King of Lorrain She was the Daughter of Hubert Duke of Outrelemontjou and allied to Charles the Great Lotharius being fallen in Love with another Woman endeavoured to dissolve his Marriage and made this the pretence That Theutberga had committed Incest with her own Brother He forced her to confess it and so dissolved his Marriage by the Advice of some Bishops in an Assembly held 860 at Aix la Chapelle Since these Bishops had given it out that Hincmarus approved of this Divorce he thought himself obliged to testify his Detestation of it in Writing This Paper was made in his own and all the Bishops Names of the Province of Reims and directed to Kings Bishops and all Christians He first gives this reason of the Dedication That altho' the Church of Rome ought principally to be consulted in Matters obscure and dubious yet it is convenient to Address himself to the whole Church when the ancient Truth is attacked by some Novelty That the Matter about which he treats is of so great importance that Kings and Princes Magistrates and People ought to give great attention to the Truth of the Judgment Consent of the Bishops and the Lenity Patience and Goodness of the King Lastly That he addressed his Speech to Kings who ought to be an Example to the People To the Bishops who are obliged to Teach what Christ hath commanded And to all the Faithful who ought neither to approve nor favour any Man's faults After this Preface which he hath adorned with several passages out of the Fathers to authorize and explain these Maxims he Answers the Reasons that are brought to maintain the Divorce of Lotharius and Theutberga The first and chief was the Incest which that Queen was accused to have committed with her own brother by whom she is said to have conceived and afterward procured her Abortion She denied that she was guilty of any such Crime and since no Proof or Witnesses could be produced for her it was resolved by the Lay-Judges with the Advice of the Bishops and consent of Lotharius himself that she should Name a Man that should undergo the Trial of hot Water Accordingly it was put in Execution and the Man received no hurt so she was declared Innocent even by the Judgment of the King her Husband Some time after this Accusation was again renewed and certain Bishops were Summoned to the Palace of Aix la Chapelle of which the chief were Thietgaldus Archbishop of Treves and Gonthierus Archbishop of Cologne the former the Unkle and the other the Brother of Waldrada whose Sister Lotharius desired to Marry They made Theutberga to own that she was not fit to continue Lotharius's Wife She called Gonthierus for a Witness to whom she had confessed it and required him to tell the Reason of it before the other Bishops Hincmarus after he hath thus recited the Articles of that business he shews that the Praemonitions that the Bishops gave the Queen that she should not accuse her self of any Crime she was not guilty of do evidently prove that they knew she was to accuse her self After which he says that the secret Crimes which are discovered in Confession ought not to be divulged nor ought any Person to be condemned for his secret Crimes He also relates the Declaration of Gonthierus Jan. 8. who assured the Council that the Queen had confessed to him that she had suffered an Abuse tho' against her consent The Judgment of the Bishops Adventius and Thietgaldus was that if this were true she ought not to cohabit with Lotharius The Council of the Abbot Egilius was the same and the Extract of the Acts of the Session of that Synod held Febr. 14. at which besides Gonthierus and Thietgaldus were Wenilo Archbishop of Rouen Frotarius of Tongres or Liege Hatton of Verdun Hildegarius of Meaux and Hilduinus which contains a Declaration in Writing which the Queen gave the King her Husband in which she owns before God and all his Angels that her Brother Hubert had abused her 'T is then said that the Bishops did conjure the King to tell them whether he had obliged her either by force or threats to make this Declaration and he protested that he had not and that he was much troubled at it Then the Bishops asked the Queen again whether it were true and she boldly said it was whereupon they Judged that she ought to be put to Publick Penance to attone for the Incest which was now become publick by her Declaration Hincmarus says that Pope Leo forbids this sort of Confession by Writing as to what respects the Church That Lotharius who seemed to be troubled at this was inwardly pleased and was the Author of this Stratagem That the Queen having accused her self in Judgment in the presence of the King and his Lay-Judges ought not to be put to publick Penance that she was not regularly condemned and therefore they had the less reason to Divorce her so readily from her Husband and allow him to Marry another He then shews that this Cause was much different from Ebbo's because he had chosen his Judges before whom he regularly and judicially owned his Crime and besides that there is a great deal of difference between Deposing a Bishop and parting Man and Wife the Union between Husband and Wife being much more near and close than that between a Bishop and his Church That if a Bishop Priest or Deacon own their Crime although it be false that they have committed it they ought to be Deposed according to the Council of Valence but a Wife cannot be parted from her Husband for the same reason That Bishops may leave their Churches but a Woman can't depart from her Husband It was farther said That the Archbishop of Reims had consented to what was done in that Assembly and had conserred about it with Adventius Hincmarus Answers That it was not true that Adventius had indeed spoke to him of it and invited him to be at the Synod or send thither but he gave him his answer in Writing before he parted from him that he could not do it because he had not consulted the Bishops of his Province and that he wrote to him after such a manner as did shew that he did not approve of that Divorce Before he enters upon a particular discussion of this business he produces several Authorities concerning the manner how a Lawful Marriage ought to be contracted he treats of the Reasons of a Separation between Man and Wife which are according to him the desire of their Salvation to live Continently And Adultery for which the Lay-Judges part Man and Wife with the consent of the Ecclesiastick and the Church put the Guilty to publick Penance if the Crime be known He adds That in the Case in hand