Selected quad for the lemma: state_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
state_n	france_n	king_n	philip_n	1,266	5	9.2725	5	false

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A51725	Discourses upon Cornelius Tacitus written in Italian by the learned Marquesse Virgilio Malvezzi ; dedicated to the Serenissimo Ferdinand the Second, Great Duke of Thuscany ; and translated into English by Sir Richard Baker, Knight.; Discorsi sopra Cornelio Tacito. English	Malvezzi, Virgilio, marchese, 1595-1653.; Baker, Richard, Sir, 1568-1645.	1642 (1642)	Wing M359; ESTC R13322	256,112	410

the enterprise Obsidionem Hierusalem distulit ratus ejusmodi civilibus discordiis facilius Judaeos consumptos deleri quam armis Romanorum and after a while assaulting the City he destroyed it I observe moreover in that Chapter of Jonas that the sunne came not first upon the Prophets head but the worm that dried up the gourd so also we must dry up our adversaries with discords and then set upon them with our Armies This Coriolanus meant when he appointed his souldiers to spoile the fields of the Plebeians but to leave the fields of the Senatours untouched which he did not do for any hatred to the people but out of a further reach by this means to foment their discords The importance of this the ancient Romans knew well who after the first warre in Sicily seeing the Carthagenians I may say their naturall enemies in a great streight through the revolt of the Cities of Africke and the rebellion of their own Army yet never for this made warre upon them which would rather have brought concord to their enemies then victory to themselves but letting them tire and weary themselves with their own discords they then set upon them so wearied and without shedding of blood made themselves Lords of all Sardinia with encrease of Tribute But in case they would not stay so long till the enemy might trie out himselfe they should then do wel to bring with them in their Army some person of the blood and that hath pretension in the state but yet so as to do it without forcing When Charles the eighth had intention to make warre upon Bajaset the great Turke because he knew how vain a thing it were to beleeve that a Kingdome in Religion in customes and in language different should receive him he therefore tooke with him the brother of Bajaset and the like did Situlces King of the Thracians and Osman Basha by the commandement of Amurath going to destroy the King of the Tartars took with him Islan brother of that King and it succeeded well whereupon as Argentone relates Lewis the eleventh stood in feare of the league only because they brought his brother along with them But if the discords be inveterate and the Citizens through them grown weak it is then alwaies time to assaile them and there can be no doubt of victory Thus Greece was easily overcome by any stranger that tooke this opportunity And thus much concerning discords of Citizens between themselves or of Cities that are under one Lord in which it is sufficiently shewed how a stranger ought to carry himselfe Now we will shew what course he ought to take with other Provinces or Cities that are in discord between themselves These Cities then are either of equall force or of unequall if of equall then ought he to foment both sides and thereby they comming at last to be unequall he shall then take part with the weaker side but yet so as not to weaken himselfe as Croesus in Justin teacheth us who ayding the Babylonians against Cyrus he so much weakned his own Army that after the taking of Babylon he also himselfe was easily overcome And therefore he saith Ibi fortuna prioris praelii that is of Babylon percussum jam Croesi exercitum nullo negotio fudit The matter therefore must be so carried that if the contrary side happen to be Conquerour yet you may be able to maintaine the warre your selfe if conquered it will then be easie for you to make your selfe Lord both of the one and the other For it is not fit when a man may have need of his money and his Forces in defence of himselfe that he should rashly wast them in the service of another Such was the counsell as Thucidides relates that Nicias gave the Athenians while he disswaded them from the warre in Sicily there being no discretion to uncloath 〈◊〉 selfe to cloath another Which is so true that it is written by the Holy Ghost in Ezechiel while speaking of the foure beasts he saith Sub 〈◊〉 autem pennae eorum rectae alterius ad alterum and this as S. Gregory interprets it intends to expresse the ayd that is due from a man to his neighbour It follows after 〈◊〉 duabus alis velabat corpus suum to shew that for ayding of others it is not fit to dismantle our selves To return to our purpose in that we spake of before that is what way is to be held in ayding the weaker side a better example cannot be given then that of Phillip King of Macedon who seeing the Cities of Greece at variance between themselves he fomented the weaker side and after he had wearied the one and the other he brought them both under his Dominion Philippus Rex Macedonum saith Justin libertati omnium insidiatus dum contentiones civitatum alit auxilium inferioribus ferendo victos pariter victoresque subi●… Regiam servitutem coegit According to this advice Ferdinand King of Spaine fomented so well the discord between Francis King of France and him of Aragon that weakning the one and oppressing the other he made himselfe Lord of the Kingdom of Naples without wasting of either souldiers or money a Kingdom gotten before by the King of France with so much blood This also many Writers attribute to the Venetians vvho calling Lewis the tvvelfth into Italy hoped by this means to make themselves Lords of many Cities in Lombardy and Romagna with this conceit Lewis il Moro called in Charles the eighth King of France but this man endangered himselfe unhappily and the other were not far from absolute ruine Upon occasion whereof I cannot omit to shew their errour who make doubt that a third man should enjoy the benefit of their victory and what remedy there is for it Secondly how it happened that Ludovico Sforza by raising discord between the King of France and them of Aragon lost his state when Philip by raising discord between the Graecians and also Ferdinand King of Spaine got so much by it Concerning the first there can no better counsell be given to two who striving together have a third looking on to set upon the winner then to perswade them to peace or else juridically to heare their differences but because this seldome or never hath place amongst Princes and warre oftentimes for many occasions either cannot or will not be avoyded therefore I cannot better deliver my opinion then by shewing the example of Metius who being upon the point of striking battell with Tullus Hostilius and knowing that which side soever was victor must needs not having to fight with sheep exceedingly weaken it selfe with losse of souldiers whereby the Thuscans who were equall in Forces to the one and the other and by this losse of men should remain the stronger might take occasion to draw the victory of the conquering side to themselves he invited Tullus Hostilius to a parlee and with these reasons perswaded him to put the fortune of the victory upon a few that not

of the whole Country and then by possessing goods there they will take occasion after the victory to make themselves the Lords or else not conquering the whole Country the contrary part will still be growing and then they not to loose the reward given them will either proceed slowly in the warre or else turne to that side that hath the better This Guicciardine attributes to Prospero and Fabritius Colonna who having beene rewarded by the King of France with Dukedomes and Castles in the Kingdome of Naples when they saw the Aragonesian side get the better they went and tooke pay of Ferdinand Therefore Princes shall do well to reward them in other states where they have not warred and where their reputation is not in Fame and thus I have knowne it many times done in our time Also they shall doe well not to put them into choller although faulty perhaps in other things so long as it is not in matters essentiall and proper to their places So did David with Ioab bearing with many Insolencies and murthers committed by him to the end he should not fall into choller and make Insurrection Concerning the suspition which the Prince may shew to have of a Generall and which is wont to be followed with rebellion It will be an easie matter to remedy that if the Prince will not fall to suspect for trifles which is the quality of base persons as Isocrates intimates in his Euagoras or else if suspecting him he conceale his suspition till hee remove him from the Army So did Domitian with Agricola So did Tiberius with Germanicus who removing him out of Germany sent him into Africk with Cueius Piso. And this the Queene Teuca in Polybius not observing was cause that Demetrius her Generall in Slavonia understanding that the Queene was by his Adversaries incenst against him and fearing her Indignation he sent to Rome to deliver into their hands the Citie the Army and all he had under his charge The third cause alledged before was the pride and reputation which victory brings with it for remedy whereof in particular and of the rest in generall there have beene advertisements given by many in divers manners The first way is for a Prince to goe himselfe in person and for a Common-wealth to send thither their Principall Magistrate so the Turke in times past hath used to doe to goe himselfe in person So the Common-wealth of Rome used to doe sending forth the Consul or Dictatour But in truth in this way the Remedy seemes to mee more dangerous then the evill because if the Prince goe himselfe in person hee must be sure to have alwayes the victory for otherwise if hee loose hee will either bee slaine or taken prisoner If ●…aine as was Charles of Burgundie what hinders but the victour may enter upon the State at least make spoyle of it If taken prisoner as was Francis King of France and Syphax King of Numidia I see not but his State will bee as much in danger and therefore of this mans State it was easie for Massinissa to get possession and for the other his Repuration and state and life were all Endangered We may then conclude that this way of encountring disorders is a dangerous way A second way is every yeere to change the Generall as the Ancient Romans used to doe and as at this day the Common-wealth of Venice in their Maritime Navy useth to doe But yet in this way also there may infinite disorders happen First if the Army chance to mutinie which is commonly the Correlative of an Army In this case a man new come not beloved not feared will be little fit to appease such tumults Secondly they that make warre in this manner are like to doe but little good because the Souldiers can have no confidence in such a one and it is the confidence in their Captaine that for the most part is the cause of victory For confirmation whereof wee may see in Livie that the same Army which under other Captaines was alwayes beaten when it came to be commanded by Furius Camillus had alway victory and this by reason of the great confidence the Souldiers had in him Thirdly there appeares another danger not inferiour to any and it is that when a Generall knowes he shall be changed at the year●…s end either hee will not with any great heat begin that which he knowes he cannot finish or else beginning it and impatient that another should bee companion of his victory he will rashly and precipitantly hazard both the Army and himselfe which hath beene the cause that the Romans have lost whole Armyes as it happened at Trebia against Hanniball where Cornelius the then Consul to the end hee might have all the glory himselfe unadvisedly stroke battaile with Hanniball and was with much danger to the common-wealth utterly defeated of whom Livie saith Stimulabat tempus propinquum Comitiorum ne in novos Consules differretur O occasio in se unum vertendae gloriae But granting this Captaine should have made a good beginning and have prepared a faire way for victory yet certainely when he heares a successour is to come though he praecipitate not himselfe as Cornelius did at least he will doe all he can to hinder that another shall not rcape the benefit of his labours or otherwise will not stick to make any shamefull Peace as Marcus Attilius did who having beaten the Carthaginians by Sea and land and upon the point of obtaining a Compleate victory yet when hee heard another Consull was to come into Africk to the end the fruit of his labours should not be reaped by him he presently fell to a Trea●…ie of peace So Scipio one time by occasion of Tiberius Claudius another time of Cneius Cornelius precipitated the victory with making peace Ferunt postea saith Livie Scipionem dixisse Tiberii Claudii primum Cupiditatem deinde Cnei Cornelii fuisse in mora quo minus idbellum exitio Carthaginis finiretur There bee some that have hindred their successours from victory by overthiowing of purpose all that themselves had well begun such a one was Quintus Metellus who having very neere subdued Spaine when hee heard that Pompey the Consull was to come in his place he disbanded al his Souldiers gave all his provision of victualls to the Elephants and broke up the Army So also in Numidia hearing that Marius was to come his successour he endevour'd all he could to marre the Enterprise Others againe although their predecessours have done nothing to hinder them but have endeavoured to leave them the victory in a manner prepared yet to the end all should be attributed to themselves have refused to make use of the wayes and courses their predecessours had used Whereupon our Lord Christ when he would doe the Miracle of wine he rather made use of water a thing already created then of any new matter whereof Saint Chrysostome saith It was a manifest argument that he who made wine of water was

Germanicus rather insteast of helping him it would be his greatest hurt seeing the irresolution of Tiberius might encourage Germanicus to attempt many things which he would not have done if he had knowne him to be Emperour and Tiberius himselfe being aware of this writ Letters to the Armies as being Emperour already Literas ad exercitus tanquam adepto Principatu misit And if any shall say that he spake in such termes because he was ashamed to call himselfe by a name which might easily be taken from him I say that this would have beene a most dangerous vanity because I conceive that Tiberius seeing the love of the people to Germanicus proceeded onely from a hope they had as Tacitus in another place shews that if he came to the Empire he would restore the government to the Commonwealth he knew that by making them the same offer he should both diminish the peoples love to Germanicus and also abate his owne hatred which the name of a Prince brings with it and yet by this not deprive himselfe of that authority which should strengthen him From hence it is that to the souldiers he gave the signe of being Emperour as well because if occasion were they should defend him as also because he knew they loved a Prince better then a Commonwealth under which they are deprived of Donatives and driven out of the City Whereupon he might doubt that if they should find Tiberius unwilling to accept the Empire and so feare the restoring of liberty they should thereupon he moved to choose another Emperour Asinius Gallus finding Tiberius at this ward to make him speake plainely whether he meant to be Emperour or no asked him what part of the Empire it was he desired making as though he beleeved really that he meant not to be sole Emperour a thing which brought him to his ruine seeing Princes speake many things which yet they would not have others to take as they are spoken Caesar was by some called King and though he were well pleased with it yet he said he would not be called King but Caesar and yet when the Tribunes upon these words of his prohibited any to call him King he tooke it in so ill part that from that time forward he put them out of office The reason of this is because they who take these courses it seemes would either put the Prince to a necessity of loosing his authority or else to lay open his intentions which is a thing most odious Whereupon another time Tiberius complaining he thought himselfe not secure Asinius Gallus pressed him to tell of whom it was he stood in feare promising they should be all put out of their offices and he Eo acrius accepit recludit quae premeret The same Gallus at another time as it were seeking how to make the Prince offended with him gave counsell that Magistrates should be new chosen every five yeeres and that the Legats of Provinces who had not yet been Praetors should by having such legation be the next admitted to the Praetorship and that the Prince should be tied every yeere to name twelve Candidates which counsell no doubt did Altius penetrare arcana Imperii tentandi seeing it restrained the Princes authority and limited it to a certaine time and to a determinate number and priviledged the Legats of Legions to attaine to the Praetorship without other election or dependence upon him which much distasted Tiberius and therefore pretending that this counsell of 〈◊〉 tended onely to inlarge his owne authority he refused it To be short when Princes are not willing to be understood it is fit to make shew of not understanding them it being a dangerous matter to enter into the search of Princes secrets Abditos Principis sensus siquid occultius parat exquirere illicitum anceps nec ideo assequare Nusquam Contabundus nisi cum in senatu loquebatur Causa praecipua ex formidine ne Germanicus in Cujus manu tot legiones Immensa sociorum auxilia mirus apud populum favor habere Imperium quam expectare mallet What course a Prince should take to secure himselfe from Generalls of Armies and what course Generalls should take to secure themselves from te Prince and from a Common-wealth The two and thirtieth discourse TIberius beginning to suspect Germanicus that having the love of the Army hee would rather take the Empyre then expect it We by occasion of this will first discourse of the doubt which a Prince or a Common-wealth may have to stand subject to Generalls of Armies Secondly of the danger such Generalls stand in of falling into the suspition of them they serve by which oftentimes is caused their death and how they should carry themselves to avoid it Concerning the first there is no doubt but a Generall having once gotten Reputation oftentimes puts the Prince whom he serves in danger which commonly happens First because they are not rewarded according to their merit as it happened to Ferdinand King of Spaine who having never rewarded the great Captaine might well feare he would take it in scorne and thereupon seeke to right himselfe by procuring to himselfe the state Secondly It may happen by reason of the insolencies which victory commonly brings with it as it happened to the Thebans who having made Philip of Macedon their Generall he after the victory gotten tooke away their liberty Thirdly It may happen thorough suspition which the Common-wealth or Princes take of them that serve them which suspition once perceived by the Generall he must necessarily put another in danger to secure himselfe because to seeke to justifie himselfe in such suspitions is for the most part in vaine as may be seene under a Prince in Corbulo and under a Common wealth in Scipio Africanus The very same happened to the Romans who threatning Caesar about bringing in his account of managing the Army and shewing a suspition they had of him were cause that he tooke this feare of theirs for a beginning to make himselfe Lord of Rome which when no forraigne Force was able to bring it into servitude was by their owne forces easily oppressed I am perswaded the danger is so manifest which Common-wealths or Princes incurre by occasion of Generalls that every one knowing it sufficiently of himselfe will never looke I should stay to prove it either by Examples or by reasons and especially seeing there are few Histories that are not full of such accidents But having said that this danger proceeds from three occasions It is necessary to examine every one of them Concerning the first which was the ingratitude of the Prince It will be easie to remedy that by recompensing him that serves for by this meanes hee shall have no cause to seeke to have all by force when he may have a part with love It is true a Prince in rewarding such should not doe it by giving them Cities or goods in the places where they have waged warre for either they are Conquerours