Religion did visibly diminish and that tho' the King was now opposed at home and attacked abroad yet he had done nothing more than the late King nor even without the advice of the Catholicks of his Party that this Edict confining Heresie to certain places re-established every where the Roman Religion insomuch that one would hardly have believed that the Reformed after having so much contributed to the preservation of the Kingdom and strengthned themselves during the War with above 50 strong Places would ever be contented with it in a time when they might perhaps have extorted more from the King almost overwhelmed with other Affairs that the King was very commendable for having so well managed the Interest of the Catholick Religion or was at least more excusable for his connivence than his Predecessors upon which he brought in the Parable of the Tare which is left standing when it cannot be snatched off without spoiling the Corn he laid a great stress upon the Examples of all other Catholick Princes and on that of the King of Spain who tolerated the Moors and to bring back the Dutch to their obedience offered them Liberty of Conscience and a free Exercise of their Religion He made it appear next that the oppositions of Parliaments are but Forms since they know well enough that they must obey at last and that after all no other Constraint was put upon them but that of the publick Necessity Then he hinted at the ill Thoughts the Reformed might have entertained of the King had he left Rouen before seeing the Edict verified what would have been their Jealousies and how well grounded how cunning the Faction was countenanced by the Spaniards or what Dangers the Church and the State were like to be brought into by renewing the War At last he concluded with putting the Pope in hopes that this Peace would bring all other things to a State most agreeable to his Holiness Those that are not well read in the Policy of the Roman Court may perhaps wonder at this Verification making such a noise there though at the same time they did not speak a word of the publick Treaty that was beginning with the Reformed under the very Nose of the Legate who could not chuse but give notice of it But 't is a Maxim of this refined Court's Policy That Affairs must be handled in a manner like Plays where the Actors never speak as they think and know how to distinguish what is to be taken notice of and what to be dissembled According to this the Gentlemen of Rome when they are not able to obstruct an Affair do before its conclusion pretend to be ignorant of it because it would be an Affront to see it concluded after having vainly opposed it but when 't is past Remedy then they fall a Murmuring to shew their dislike of it Thus the Pope delay'd his complaining of the new Edict that was preparing until it was fully concluded because then the noise he made about it could do no harm to France but might allay the Murmurs of the Spanish Faction The Commissioners came to the Assembly but at the beginning of February who immediately after their arrival protested that the King could grant no more than what was set down in their Instructions for which they gave only the reason of the bad posture of the King's Affairs that permitted him not to do better what desire soever he had to favour them This reason of State was in the bottom nothing else but the Discontents which the King 's favouring the Reformed might give to the Holy leaguemen who not being throughly pacified might take a pretence from thence to stir up new Wars The King indeed feared it and could not put any trust in those so lately reconciled Enemies who watched him almost as a Slave nay the circumstances of the time seemed to render his fears more reasonable for the Spaniard who still held an Intelligence with that half-suppressed Faction had opened the Frontiers in several places But the Reformed were offended at that reason of State yet not pacified for upon the whole matter they thought the design was to make a sacrifice of their Repose and Security to the Passion of their ancient Persecutors and to say the truth to do nothing in their favour for fear of giving offence to the League men was but to tell them plainly enough that the King had better leave them in their Misery than displease their implacable Enemies who might have an occasion to be dissatisfied if the Reformed were put out of their reach wherefore that reason of State had no great effect in the Assembly who could not relish that by a State Maxim the interest of so many faithful Subjects should be sacrificed to the caprice of a violent Cabal that their great Services should be forgotten their Persons exposed to new Cruelties and sufficient Security denied for their Consciences and Lives Therefore they declared to the King by one of their Members that they could by no means be contented with what was granted them and that the Oppression the Reformed liv'd under would at last force them to seek for a relief in themselves The Commissioners whose Powers were always bounded by certain limits which it was not lawful for them to go beyond being sensible that the Reformed were in a discontent wrote to Court that they thought it much to the purpose to break the Assembly but that the Deputies must be sent home with whatever satisfaction could be given them The Count de Schomberg and the President de Thou then at Tours negotiating a Peace with the Duke of Mercoeur wrote to the same purpose and the Count's advice was to satisfie those People which he call'd People sick not with Rebellion and Factious Passion but with Jealousies and just Fears for what might happen to them as we have it in the most impartial Historians It was not doubted in Spain but that the Reformed would be tired at last with so many Delays and come to Extremities and these two wise Counsellors saw well enough through the Artifices and various Shiftings of the Duke of Mercoeur that he waited to see what the Business of Religion would come to that he might take a Resolution accordingly Wherefore they advised the King to pacifie things at home the better to make War abroad Du Plessis wrote the same and the Reformed offered after sufficient security had been given them to imploy their whole force either to reduce the Duke or beat back the Spaniards beyond their ancient Limits Now the words of the Reformed being maliciously construed as if they had threatened to take up Arms tho' they did never so much as mention it and had only declared they would no longer expect relief from the Court but maintain themselves as well as they could in case of Oppression Their Words I say brought the Court into an extream Perplexity insomuch that the Jealousies increased in both Parties and the Court
grief unless they would rest satisfied with his offers But in the Letter he wrote to the Assembly it self by Monglat and la Force he spoke much higher There he laid before them the new Troubles their Firmness which he call'd Obstinacy might bring the Kingdom to and the great Benefits the Spaniards already so formidable and puffed up with their Victories might reap by the Divisions of the French Next he began to beseech them by that great Affection he had always had for the Reformed whereof he had so often given them very signal Proofs and by that Love they owed to their Country to lay by all other thoughts at present but that of beating back the Enemy To these new Arguments which were backed by Monglat with all the strength of his Eloquence the Assembly made the same Answer as formerly and writing to the King they desired him to observe that their Demands aimed at no more than their Exercise of Religion and Justice that their Pretensions were not grounded upon any Avarice or Ambition ruinous to the State that in respect of the present posture of his Majesty's Affairs their Proposals were fallen very short of what they had been directed to ask by the Instrustions they brought from the respective Provinces that sent them and then they did highly commend the Commissioners sincerity but bitterly complain of the Privy-Council declaring that they looked upon those pretended Impossibilities purposely urged against them to elude their Demands as so many visible marks of an ill will The Assembly sitting then at Saumur as I said before du Plessis who was Governour there proved very serviceable to the King towards allaying the Heats of those incensed Spirits who were very near upon admitting of no other Council but such as their Fear and Despair might afford them Whereupon he advised the King that it would be easier to bring them to a better temper in an Assembly more numerous than this was because then his Friends might depend upon more Voices to oppose those Members whose powerful Genius and Authority were to be feared And indeed this was one of the Reasons for removing them to Chatelleraud whither they came on the 16th of June The Assembly was more numerous than any before that time for it was made up of a Gentleman a Minister and a Lawyer out of each Province besides several Lords of such quality as was required by the Constitution made at Saint Foy who represented no body but themselves La Trimouille who had been the most considerable amongst them in the former Assemblies was chosen Speaker in this where he maintained the Interest of the Reformed Religion with so much Zeal that the Jealousie and Hatred they had already for him at Court was much increased by it One of the heaviest Charges laid upon the Reformed of France is their forsaking the King when he besieged Amiens for their Enemies would fain perswade the World that thereby they committed a Fault sufficient to eclipse the Glory of all their former Services Two things say they are to be blamed in it First The Assembly's steady resolution to remit nothing of their Demands at a time when the Interest of the State seemed to require of them the sacrifice of part of their Pretensions Secondly Their refusing to follow the King to a Siege on the success whereof the safety of the Kingdom was thought to depend But to this it may be answered That the Assembly's obstinate Resolution to stick to their Demands was necessary because being a Body made up only of persons sent by the several Provinces as their Representatives they were bound to act according to their Orders unless they would expose themselves to be disowned by their Principals Now they were bound by these Orders not to desist from certain Demands which the Reformed thought necessary to secure both their Persons and Consciences and had the Assembly accepted the King's Offers it would have come to no more than a tumultuous breaking of it and the Provinces being frustrated of the hopes they had grounded upon the Fidelity of their politick Assembly had no doubt taken some extreme Resolutions if they had been betray'd by their own Representatives In effect the Assembly failed not to give notice to the Provinces of the Court's Proposals that they might be fully impowered either to accept or refuse them and having received at Chatelleraud a negative Answer by the Deputies newly joined to the former they let the King know that they could not be satisfied with his Offers But to judge aright of the Assembly's Conduct and whether they are guilty of Obstinacy or deserve Praises for their Constancy we need but cast our Eyes upon that Horrid Confusion the Kingdom had been in if the Assembly had been complaisant enough to accept an Edict which the Provinces would have unanimously rejected had not the Reformed in this sad case been forced to begin their Work again and expose the Kingdom to a ruinous War Moreover the Articles of the Religious Exercise being setled there was no more left than that of the security and it was very strange that the Court after having granted Liberty of Conscience to the Reformed would upbraid them with Obstinacy for not desisting from their Demands in order to secure the performance of a thing promised them The truth is the treacherous Methods used in the reduction of the League wherein their Interests had been sacrificed contrary to Agreements even under the Hand of the chief Men at Court had utterly ruined their confidence in them and one must be a great stranger to Equity and Justice who can accuse the Reformed as guilty of a crime for obstinately requiring security of their Promises of whose Treachery and Double dealing they had such fresh Instances As for the Siege of Amiens their Opinions were divided Some were for doing fairly this last Service to the King thereby to cover the Enemies of the Reformed with shame and make it appear to all the World that no Injustice was able to wear them out of their Allegiance nay by so doing they hoped to move the Hearts of the most zealous Catholicks and work upon them so far that they would let a People enjoy quietly their Lives and Liberties who had neglected their most Darling-interests to run where the Occasions of the State invited them This was the Advice of Lesdiguieres to whom the Assembly sent a Deputation with Offers very advantageous and tempting which nevertheless he refused 't is true his Advice had the air of a Reproach from whence one might conclude that he was less concerned for the Security of his Religion than that of his Fortune But the greatest part stoutly maintained that they had to do with Men who regarded all their Services as necessary Duties who thought themselves beholding to no body and would lose the remembrance of good deeds so soon as the occasion was over that several amongst them who most opposed the Reformed were the
which Vignier had compos'd upon that matter according to the desire of the preceding Synod and committed it to the Examination of the Academy of Saumur in order to have it Printed with the Name of the Author The said Book appear'd soon after Entitul'd The Theatre of Antichrist Among the other effects it produc'd it induc'd Gontier a Jesuit to Preach against the Thirty first Article of the Confession of Faith of the Reform'd which he did before the King in so seditious and so insolent a manner that the King reprimanded him severely for it but lest the Catholicks should accuse him upon that account of favouring the Reform'd and of suffering their Writings to pass unregarded he also suppress'd Vignier's Book The first Incroachment that was made upon the Royalty's belonging to Reform'd Lords was made that Year by a Decree from the Chamber of the Edict of Paris That Decree maintain'd against the Widow of a Lord de Vieille-vigne to whom those Rights belong'd in a certain Parish of which she had the Presentation a Gentleman who usurp'd them for this reason only That he was the only Catholick Gentleman in that Parish and that this Lady professing the Reform'd Religion came never at Church The Advocate General maintain'd the Cause of the Catholick and pretended that no wrong was done to the Lady by the Sentence of which she was appealant because she was only depriv'd of her Rights for the Time being which preserv'd them to her when she should be in a condition to reassume them This Decree was confirm'd by the Opinions of the King's Council and imported that the enjoyment thereof by the Catholick should in no wise prejudice the Lady nor her Successors being qualify'd for the said Priviledges that is being Roman Catholicks The Jurisdiction of the Party Chambers was also incroach'd upon that Year upon pretence that it was abus'd Bordes an Augustine Monk and Giraud a Councellor of Thoulouse were accus'd of an Assassination the Circumstances of which were very odious The Monk sought a shelter in the principal Cities of the Reform'd at Tonsceins Milhau and Nimes and having embrac'd their Religion he desir'd leave to be try'd before the Party-Chamber of Languedoc He affirm'd that the only reason of his being persecuted at Thoulouse was because they had observ'd Sentiments in him contrary to the Catholick Doctrine He alledg'd the usual Cruelty of that Parliament who in abhorrence to his change of Religion would sacrifice him without mercy The thing being heard before the Council of State the King sent back the cognizance thereof to the Parliament of Thoulouse The Reform'd complain'd of that Incroachment upon their Priviledges believing themselves wrong'd every way by the said Decree In case the Monk was accus'd wrongfully it was a piece of Injustice to hinder equitable Judges from taking cognizance of it to refer it to implacable Enemies And if he were guilty they wrong'd the Integrity of the Reform'd Judges to think that they would favour an execrable Assassinate on pretence of his having embrac'd their Doctrine for a Protection But whether the Crime were too well known and the Hypocrisy of the Monk too notorious or whether the Clergy had credit enough to carry it from the Reform'd their Complaints did not hinder the Parliament from having the Case try'd before them and from condemning the Accus'd rigorously But a thing happen'd that Year at La Fleche which comforted them for that small Disgrace the which gave a Lustre to their Fidelity and show'd how much the Catholicks were inclin'd to conspire against the State A Book well bound and guilt was found in the House of an Inhabitant of La Fleche a City where the Jesuits had their chief Residence at one Medor who taught some Children of Quality whose House was scituated near an Inn which had for Sign the Four Winds in a Street of the same Name Half the said Book was written part of it with Blood and abundance of Subscriptions to it written in the same manner The Book was discover'd by a Woman who gave notice of it but that was not a proper time to see every thing And tho the Circumstances might probably have given great suspicion against those that were concern'd in the Book the Inquiries that were made about it were soon stopt I cannot forget neither that Jeannin formerly passicnately in love with Leagues but a man of great sense who was greatly concern'd in Publick Affairs being sent into Holland where the King of France had for a time sent Reform'd Ambassadors he propos'd to the States from the King to have a Toleration for the Catholicks the number of which was considerable in their Provinces He made a very fine Discourse to prove the Justice thereof and it is likely that he spoke his thoughts since we find in his Memoirs a Discourse like it in favour of the Reform'd under the Reign of Lewis the XIII He said that the Catholicks had concurr'd with them for the service of the State at that very time when they were depriv'd both of Liberty and Religion the restitution of which they expected by means of the Peace That no Servitude was so intolerable as that of Conscience That the Provinces had shewn it by their Example having had recourse to Arms to free themselves from that Slavery That the same had been done in other parts of Europe and even in France That God seem'd to have allow'd the happy success of that War to show that Religion was to be taught and persuaded by the Movements which proceed from the Holy Ghost not by force or constraint That the King having found by experience that the means us'd by his Predecessors had only serv'd to augment the Troubles in Religion and in the State endeavour'd to extinguish the Animosities which arise from diversity of Religion by Peace That he had deriv'd considerable Advantages by his moderation for the Reform'd Religion which he allow'd in his Territories and by the observation of his Edicts whereas before they were only granted to be violated that having found the benefit of that Counsel he gave it freely to his Friends That the United Provinces had found the Catholicks in their State when they form'd it for which reason they ought to suffer them there That such Sovereigns as have not found the Two Religious in their Countrey might well refuse to admit that which is not receiv'd there but that it would argue no wisdom to oppose it in case they endanger'd their state by it That the rigour of the Provinces against the Catholicks that were there would be a dangerous Example and would prejudice the Reform'd in such Places where they were weakest that there would be no danger in giving them some Liberty since that if they had been faithful during the War without it they would be so much the more so after having obtain'd it again He afterwards answer'd divers Objections which were partly the same that had been made in France
Jesuits ibid. disgusted at pulling down the Pyramid 480 Refugees 431 Reiters defeated 50 Religion what sort of variety in Religion Policy ought not to tolerate 367. Religion reformed the nature of it 368 Rights of Conscience 377 Rights Seigniral in Mannors encroach'd upon 443 Rigors of the Catholics as to the burying of the Protestants 111 Rochel besieged 43 Rohan Duke of the Foundations of his Fortune laid 453. displeas'd by the Court 480 Rome Court of the Ignorance of it in Religion 136. laughs at the misfortunes of France ibid. the designs of it upon England 429 Roni his jealousies 214. his advancement discontents the Court 344. his dignities 345. Roni 431. receiv'd into Rochel 445. made Governor of Poictou 450. sent into England ib. sent the King's Commissioner to the Assembly at Chastelleraud 403. his Instructions 403 c. his Speech to the Assembly 407. he excuses the Consequences of the Vnion of Nantes 410. he obtains other advantages of the Assembly of Chastelleraud 412. congratulated for his Negotiation by Perron in the Pope's name 413. his Ambition very singular ibid. made Duke and Peer of France 415. he abuses his Authority without Fear or Wit 444 des Rosieres his Inconstancy 43 Rotan a suspected Minister 113 Roussel a Protestant Minister 8 S. SAvoy Duke of his persecution in Piedmont 314. and in the Marquisate of Saluces ibid. his Character 434. his continual Attempts upon Geneva 465 Scaliger Joseph 460 Schism in England 9 Schombergh Count Commissioner to the Assembly of Saumur 227 228. he treats with the Assembly 236 Sedan besieg'd 416 Sedition at Paris 31. at Rochel 445 428 Seditious terms complained of by the Reformed 476 Seguiran Jesuit his attempt to preach at Rochel 424 Sepultures disputes about 'em 340 Sieges of Rochel and Sancerre 43 Siege of Paris 74. reliev'd 75 Soissons Count 159 470 Sorbonne lets flie against the King 73 Soveraigns their chief obligation the preservation of their Subjects 379. may treat with their Subjects 384 Spaninards press the Destruction of all the Reformed in Spain 446. with a prospect to divert the Kings Forces by a Civil War 447 State of the Forces of the Leaguers and the Kings Party 68 State of France 204 States General demanded 45. conclude to destroy the Protestants 46 St. Germans Letter to the D. of Bouil lon 402 St. Marie du Mont charges du Plessis with false Accusations 396 Subjects their Preservation the chief Obligation of Soveraigns 379 Succession of England 429 Successors bound to observe the Treaties of their Predecessors 396 Sulli Rom's Title after his new Dignity 416. chosen Mediator between the Rochelois and the Clergy 416. 417. blam'd by Cotton the Jesuit 425. suspected by the Reformed 434. and why ibid. Superstition to extremity 21 Synod at Paris 11. at Bourges 10 Synod first Protestant National at Paris 429. National at Rochel held by the Protestants 41 Synod at Rochel 426. renew the Question about Antichrist 429. Affairs treated on there 431. breaks up and sends respectful Letters to the K. 436 Synod of St. Foy 47 at St. Maxiant 442. treats of the business of Antichrist ibid. At Saumur 215 Synods at Gap 455. Question about Antichrist their discust ibid. other matters of the same Synod 461. at Montauban 146. c. at Monpelier 304 Synod at Rochel 426 Synod of Gnap justifies Antichrist to be Antichrist 456. they admit forraign Ministers and receive Letters from the Palatinate c. 461 T. TAxis the Spanish Embassadors 446 447. 448. Third Party and its designs 102 de Thou President 226 227 234 235 299 Tithes confirm'd to the Roman Clergy 35 Toledo Cardinal 136 Tournon Cardinal opposes Melanchton's comming into France 9. he signalizes his Zeal against the Reformation 10 remov'd from the Government 14 Treatise of the Eucharist 309 Treaty's to the prejudice of the Reformed 138 Treaty express or Tacit between Master and slave Soveraign and Subject 380 Treaty with the Rochellois 216. with the Moors persecuted in Spain 438 Trent the Council there 12 13 translated to Bologna but remov'd back to Trent 13. remov d a third time by Pius IV. 34. and end put to it 36 Trimoville Claudius Allies himself with the Prince of Conde 50 Trimoville 143 144. suspected by the King 178. stands upon his Guard 200. his motives for War 226. raises Souldiers for the King 234 exasperated 265. Trimoville incurs the Kings hatred but the esteem of his party 299. made a Peer of France 351. his Genius 477. his death 478. his Death 478 Trissvirat the rise of it 29 Truce for six Months granted the Reformed 45. Truce with the League to the Kings prejudice 137 Turenne raises a Foraign Army 105. Marrys the Heiress of Sedan ibid. made Marshall of France ibid. V. VAlentinois Dutches exasperates the K. against the Protestants 13 La Varenne 123. a principal Prop of the Jesuits 454 Vernueil Marquis 470 Marchioness of Vernueil 439 Marchioness of Vernueil brought to Justice 470 Vignier his Book called the Theatre of Antichrist 442 Villarnoul 433 436 Villeroi suppos'd to be a Pensioner to the D. of Guise 49 Villeroi gives the King advice of the Third Party 103 Villeroi his Conferrence with du Plessis fruitless 107. Caballs against Roni 344. suspected to correspond with Spain 469. Suspected to be of the Spanish Caballs 469 471. Treason of one of his Officers 471 Violences against the Reformed 429 437 244 248 Union of the Reformed renew'd with the Kings approbation 133. Vnion of Nantes renewed 410 Vulson sent to Court 208 W. WAr every where in France 43 Wars about Religion most cruel 366 War with Savoy and the success of it 414 415 Writings about the point for taking up Arms for Religion 73 Y. YEar of Placarts and Libells 11 A TABLE Of the Edicts which serve as Proofs to the Part of this History THe Edict of Charles IX upon the most proper means to appease the Troubles and Seditions arising upon matters of Religion Jan. 1567. 457 Edict of Charles IX of the year â—57 about the Pacification of the Troubles in the Kingdom 466 The Kings Declaration and Interpretation of some words and Articles VI. and VII continued in the present Edict of Jan. 17. 1561. 462 Edict of Pacification made by Hen. III. for putting an end to the Troubles of his Kingdom and to the end that all his Subjects from that time forward might live in Peace Vnion and Concord under his Obedience Read and publish'd in the Court of Parliament Octob. 8. 1577. 477 Private Articles of Septemb. 17. 1577. The Articles of the Conference at Nerac between the Queen Mother and the K. of Navar and the Deputies of the pretended Reformed Religion 594 The Kings Edict upon the Pacification of the Troubles containing Confirmation Amplification and Declaration as well as of the proceeding Edicts upon the said matter in the Year 1577 as of the Articles agreed upon at the Conference at Nerac publish'd at Paris in Parliament Jan. 26. 1579. 515 The Kings Edict upon the
fit Instrument to manage the King's Inclination to his Advantage But he was cruelly deceiv'd and this Villain paid him for his good Will like a true Jesuit So that he also was forc'd to retire at the end of some Years Thus the King left the Management of his conscience as well as of his Kingdom to the discretion of his Favourites and changing his Affection according to their Pleasure he allow'd them to Reign into the most secret parts of his Confessions and of his Thoughts This Jesuit was Arnoux known at Court by Conferences and Sermons which had gain'd him some Esteem Amongst the Sermons he was most noted for he Preach'd one at Fontain bleau before the King in which he attack'd the Confession of Faith of the Reform'd and maintain'd that the Passages cited in the Margin were falsely alledg'd This Accusation could not fail of being taken notice of in a Court in which there were abundance of Officers and Lords who did profess the Reform'd Religion So that upon the Disputes occasion'd by the said Sermon the Jesuit who had not advanc'd this Proposition with an Intention to retract it gave a Memoir of the Falsiâ—…ies he pretended to observe in the said Quotations to a Reform'd Gentleman who desir'd it and the said Gentleman gave it to Du Moulin The Ministers were not as yet reduc'd to suffer every thing without making a defence Moreover they were firm and vigorous in their Repartees and particularly when they met 〈◊〉 Jesuit in their way they never fail'd to speak of the Merits of his Sect. Therefore Du Moulin who had a Sprightly Wit 〈◊〉 Fruitful Imagination a heart full of Zeal and who as it â—as been own'd by his very Adversaries did Write with as much Politeness as Force and Ease was not long before he Answer'd the Jesuit having first Consulted Montigni Duâ—ant and Mestrezat his Colleagues in the Ministry They gave it the Title of Defence of the Confession of Faith of the Reform'd Churches of France against the Accusation of Arnoux the Jesuit c. which they Dedicated to the King They mention'd with some Vigour in the Dedication the Services the Reform'd had done to the State and they us'd the Jesuits in it in the same manner as all Persons of Honour had us'd them till then They did not forget the last Estates held at Paris and the Controversie that had been mov'd there concerning the Independency of Kings who they said had lost their Cause by the Faction of the Clergy Arnoux and the Jesuits being nettl'd at this Letter caus'd a great deal of Noise to be made about it So that almost as soon as the Book appear'd they inform'd against the Work against the Author and against the Printer The Lieutenant Civil or Common Judge having first taken Cognizance of it that Affair was soon after remov'd before the Parliament which occasion'd a Dispute in point of Jurisdiction between the Great Chamber and the Chamber of the Edict The first pretended to retain the Cause as being a Civil Cause and the last would have it Try'd before them as being an Affair of Religion This Contestation was determin'd by a Decree of the Council bearing Date July the 20th which refer'd the Cause to the King And within a fourth Night after it another Decree was made in which the King forbad the Dedicating of any Book to him without his express leave suppress'd that of the Ministers forbad the reading of it or to keep it under certain Penalties and order'd the Provost of Paris to Prosecute the Printer This Decree dictated by the Jesuits only serv'd to set a greater value upon the Book Divers Pamphlets were dispers'd on both sides upon that Subject among which there was one which acknowledg'd Arnoux the Jesuit to be the Aggressor and that pretended that it was a Crime in the Ministers to have dar'd to defend themselves So that according to the Maxims of that Writer the Condemnation of the Ministers could only be look'd upon as an Oppression of Innocence so much the more Unjust that though those who had been attack'd had been punish'd the Aggressors had not so much as receiv'd a â—light Reprimand It was agains this Book of the four Ministers that the Bishop of Lucon resolv'd â—â— Write He insisted particularly upon their Letter and endeavour'd to prove that they had fill'd it with falshood He made all his Efforts to justify the last Estates But he did it by Reasons which he knew to be false better than any Body which most of those that had been concern'd in what past there could easily have convinc'd him of That manner of Writing was an effect of his fear It was the Stile that best pleas'd the Jesuits whom that Bishop was then as loth to offend as he despis'd them since when he found himself in a more prosperous Fortune About the time the Synod was at Vitre the Clergy was Assembled at Paris and vigorously prosecuted the Project they had form'd in the last Estates in Order to the Ruin of the Reform'd The Bishop of Macon made a Speech to the King â—â— the second of June at the Head of the Deputies of that Body And it is easie to Judge by the Style of it that the Catholicks were no longer inclin'd to use the Reform'd equitably He call'd the Reform'd Monsters and compar'd their Church to Agar styling it a Concubine He acknowledg'd that the Clergy dissembled with them and only Tollerated them for the sake of Peace He maintain'd that the Catholick Churches were happier under the Turks where the free Exercise of their Religion was allow'd than in those Places where the Reform'd were Masters His Complaints were grounded particularly upon Three Points The first was that the Bishop â—f Mompelier having been desirous to introduce Reform'd Jacobins into the Monastery the Friars of that Order had in the â—aid City by the Consent as he said of the Old ones of the General of the Order and by the Authority of the Parliament of Thoulouse the Inhabitants instead of allowing that Alteration had not only refus'd to receive the New ones but â—ad turn'd the Old ones out of the City But the Bishop did not say what had induc'd the Inhabitants to do it The Bishop of Mompelier had for a long while occasion'd continual â—isorders and disputes there and had offended the Reform'dâ—y â—y the boldness of his Enterprises Whither it were then â—hat they were afraid that these New Friars under pretence of an Austere Reformation might be indued with a more selitious Spirit and consequently more capable to second the said Prelate in his designs or whither it were that remembring the Original of that Order which had Signaliz'd it self from its first Formation by a thousand Massacres and who had acquir'd the Government of the Inquisition in Spain by such Qualifications they were afraid these New comers might introduce this Spirit of Fury and Cruelty in Mompelier and might have secret
the Roman Religion â—…ere according to the Edict in the same Splendor in which 〈…〉 was thereby Establish'd elsewhere So that the Reform'd 〈…〉 Bearn seeing Religion and Liberty were equally concern'd 〈…〉 that Affair omitted nothing to Ward a blow which would â—…casion the ruine of both Whereupon their Enemies upâ—…aided them as being guilty of a very shameful or very Criâ—inal Inconstancy in having formerly desir'd their Churches 〈…〉 be United to those of France in order to make but one â—…dy in the National Synods and in the General Assemblies â—hereas they now express'd so much Repugnancy to become â—embers of the same Body Politick with the rest of the Kingâ—â—m But that Reproach did not move them by reason that the â—…id diversity of Sentiments had been produc'd by the â—…versity of Conjunctures They had desir'd to be United with â—…ose Churches in order the more to engage themselves in the â—ommunion of their Doctrine And they oppos'd the Union 〈…〉 their Country to the Crown as a thing which would serve 〈…〉 introduce the General Oppression of their Consciences and 〈…〉 their Persons Therefore they answer'd the Dissertation I have already â—…ention'd applying themselves more to destroy the Concluâ—…n than to refute the Arguments one after another which were compos'd of those kind of Probabilities which become demonstrations in the Cause of the strongest but yet which â—o not hinder People in point of Politicks to be ready to mainâ—…in the contrary when their interest requires it This Pamphlet under the Name of a Gentleman of Navar maintain'd â—hat the greatest Princes had ever been pleas'd to preserve the â—…itles of their Ancient Possessions as Monuments of the Grandeur of their Predecessors That some of them still reâ—ain'd the Titles of Kings of Jerusalem and Princes of Antioch That Henry III. himself after having lost the Crown of Poland â—ad kept the Title of it That the Republick of Venice tho' depriv'd of the Kingdom of Cyprus would not suffer the Arms of that Soveraignty Carv'd upon a Column before the Church of St. Mark to be ras'd out That those who were least favour'd by Fortune took as many Titles as they had Castle That those who propos'd the Re-union of Navar and of Bearâ— to the Crown seem'd on the contrary only to be desirous to extinguish the Title of King of Navar as if it were inconsistent with that of King of France that though it were true that according to the General Acceptation of the World the greatest draws in the least yet that it did not follow that the Glorious Name of France should Abolish that of Navar and reduce the State of it into a Province by destroying thâ—â— Rights and Privileges That it lessen'd the Authority of Kings to change their Kingdoms into Provinces That the Treâ—â—â— Grown of the Popes and the Thiara of the Kings of Perâ—â—â— show'd sufficiently that it is an honour to wear several Crownâ— That the King of Spain did not confound his Kingdoms That the Emperor though elevated above other Princes was â—â—â— asham'd of the Titles of King of Bohemia and of Hungary That it was true that the King of France bearing the Name of those two Crowns preserv'd the Right of Lawful Soveraign over both but that in case all the Laws of the Kingdom were violated it signify'd nothing to retain the bare Title of it That God having made the Fundamental Laws of Monarchies they cannot be Trampled upon without Sacrilege That they were like the fix'd Star which cannot change their Place unless when the Firmament turns These were partly the Reasons of those who were afraid that the Court design'd to submit as it came to pass those remains of a free State in which Oppression was still unknown to the Laws of a Kingdom in which the King's Authority began to grow excessive But yet neither these nor the others could prevent the publishing of the Edict of Re-union in the same Month in which those Writings appear'd The Eâ—… of Bearn oppos'd the said Edict and nominated Deputies 〈…〉 the Syndicks of the Country to draw their said Opposition in form They positively maintain'd that Bearn was 〈…〉 Lordship distiâ—ct from all other Soveraignty That the Bearnois being Govern'd by Laws and Customs had only Eâ—â—cted Soveraigns in order to maintain those Customs without â—â—lowing them the Power to Alter Correct or to reform them â—ithout the Estates of the Country and by their Consent â—hat this was their Contractual Fundamental Law which the â—rince was oblig'd to swear to keep at his Inauguration That â—â—cording to that the King could not alter it That Henryâ—â— â—â— himself had rejected the Proposition of it being unwilâ—â—ng to wrong a Country in which he was Born Those Conâ—â—derations made them hope that provided they could be heard 〈…〉 the Council they might obtain something favourable from â—… But instead of receiving any satisfaction from them they â—â—ve them fresh Causes of Complaint and the Assembly of â—â—e Clergy obtain'd a Decree of Restauration of the Church â—â—nds after having so long sollicited for it Maniald one 〈◊〉 the Deputies General who staid at Paris while his Colâ—â—ague went to Vitre to assist at the National Synod there beâ—â—g inform'd that the Council was preparing to give the said â—ecree remonstrated on the 21st of June that it was fit to â—â—low Lescun time according as it was promis'd to him to â—â—pair to the Court again to give in his Reasons and to deliâ—â—r those Papers into the King's Hands which were return'd to â—â—m the preceeding Year But the Clergy prevail'd notwithâ—â—anding this just Remonstrance Du Vair who was made â—eeper of the Great Seal and who did not think himself unâ—orthy of a Cardinal's Cap bely'd in this occasion as in â—â—veral others the Reputation of Probity he had acquir'd â—â—fore his being rais'd to that Dignity And in order that all â—â—e Clergy might share the favour of one of the Members of â—â—eir Body he push'd on that Affair with all his Credit So â—â—at on the 23d of the said Month in the presence of La Force â—ho us'd his utmost endeavours to hinder it a Decree was â—â—ven in the Council by which the King order'd the said â—rocess to be brought before him And two Days after it a â—efinite Decree was given to the satisfaction of the â—lergy This Decree declar'd positively that the Deputies had been heard and that the Council had seen the Writings and Answers and ordain'd three things First The Restitution of Church Lands and the Restauration of the Catholick Religion throughout the Principality of Bearn Secondly The preservation of the Reform'd in all their Privileges and the Reimplacement of the Sums that were taken from them by the said Decree of Restauration upon the Ancient Demesne of Bearn and in case that were not sufficient upon the Demesnes of the Adjacent Places according to which it was said that the Sums should be stated upon the Expence of the Houshold as
with Equivocal Councils and Irresolutions Lesdiguieres form'd a Party separated from the rest and though all the Corruption of his Heart was not known the Reform'd were sensible that Interest was the chief Article of his Religion Chatillion had as much if not more Ambition than Piety and was as much ingag'd to the Court by the first as to Religion by the second La Trimouille was so young that it was not possible to judge what might be expected from him The Letters written by the Assembly of Rochel to the said Lords had produc'd no great effect and had neither been able to unite them among themselves nor yet to awaken them in favour of the Common Cause The Duke of Rohan Soubise his Brother and La Force were the only Persons who seem'd resolv'd to undertake every thing Moreover Affairs abroad afforded no prospect to hope that the Protestants would assist the Churches of France The House of Austria taking the advantage of the Troubles of the Kingdom began to execute their Projects in Germany and assuming the pretence of Religion in order to hinder the Catholck Princes from opposing them oppress'd the Protestants publickly Bohemia was full of Troubles and the ill success of the Arms which the People had taken up for the preservation of their Liberties made them lose in a short time both their Political Liberty and that of their Consciences These Confusions held all the Princes of the same Communion in suspence expecting the Event to see what measures they should take Prince Maurice was imploy'd in the Vnited Provinces and the Arminians afforded him too much business to permit him to ingage in the Affairs of France The King of England plaid the Theologian And while on one side he suffer'd People to give the Pope great hopes in his Name to restore his three Kingdoms to the Roman Communion he disturb'd all the North with Disputes which made him pass for a Zealous Protestant So that considering the present State of Europe it was impossible to expect a happy Issue of the Resistance of Bearn The King's Forces not being imploy'd elsewhere might all be sent that way and subdue the Country before the rest of the Reform'd had taken their final Resolutions Moderate Councils only serv'd to break their Measures and occasion'd great loss of time They prevail'd with those who only wanted a pretence not to meddle with any thing to forsake the Party of the others And the time which would have been necessary to put themselves in a posture of defence being consum'd in useless disputes when the King was ready to go into Bearn to force them to obey he found no body ready to resist him Too much consideration commonly ruines the Affairs of the People A little boldness is better in those Cases than slow considerate Proceedings Particularly when we are to deal with Enemies who esteem themselves to be above all Laws and who lay aside the Maxims of Integrity and Justice by reason that they know no other Rules of it but their Will That Prudence which sticks scrupulously to the Maxims of Probity is for the most part Unfortunate The Enemy takes the advantage of the Niceness of the Consciences of those he attacks and while they were deliberating about the Right of Resistance they afforded him time to prevent them Towards the end of the Year the Bearnois publish'd an Apology compos'd by Lescun with the advice and approbation of the Assembly of Orthez to whom it was Dedicated That piece was written at different times as may easily be discover'd by the management of it The Stile is not of a piece The Arguments are distinct and not well follow'd It is full of Allusions to Holy Writ and other Authors But yet it is good and solid and the Rights of Bearn were asserted in it with vigour enough to give a pretence to Charge the Author with a Crime of State for his boldness particularly because he speaks vehemently against Arbitrary Power altho' the respect due to the King be Religiously observ'd in it The Events of any consideration were noted in it by Years and by Days The Establishment of the Reformation in Bearn The Ancient Rights of the Country The Examples drawn out of the Old For which show that even in the beginning of the Thirteenth Century the People did not Swear Allegiance to their Soveraign till the Sovereign had Sworn to the Barons and to all the Court that he would be a faithful Lord to them that he would Govern them justly and that he would do them no prejudice The said Oath was renew'd in 1585 by the late King in imitation of his Predecessors The Author prov'd at large in it that the Laws only receiv'd their Force by and never could be alter'd without the Authority of the Prince and the consent of the Estates but more by the one without the other To prove which he brought several Examples He recited the alteration which was made in Bearn under Queen Jane and the Vengeance which Mongommery exerted against those who had oblig'd that Princess to fly by their Conspiracies A Vengeance which even Moluâ— one of the most cruel Persecutors of the Reform'd look'd upon as sent from Heaven by reason that the said Count reduc'd all that Country in three Days time and took all the Leaders of the Rebellion Prisoners After that Lescun related the said Expedition and all that pass'd upon the account of the Forfeiture and Seizure of the Ecclesiastical Lands until the Month of October of the said Year He observ'd the Falsity of what had been advanc'd by the Bishops who in order to be heard at Court pretended to be Authoriz'd by the Catholicks of Bearn and to be seconded by the Catholicks told them that the King had order'd the aforesaid Reversion or Restoration of his own accord from whence they concluded that it would be imprudent to refuse an advantage which offer'd it self Those good Prelates â—â— which one was of very obscure Birth as being Son of a Man who had been a Cobler Butcher and had kept a Caâ—aret those Prelates I say who made so much noise whenever the Reform'd took up Arms to defend themselves made â—o difficulty of taking them up to attack They made Assemblies Fortify'd their Houses gave Military Employments kept Guards as in time of open War and those Officers of Episcopal Creation never went abroad without being attended by Armed Men. In the next place he did refute the Bishop of Macon's Speech which I have mention'd before And he made this particular Remark upon it That this Prelate had taken his Exordium out of the same Subject from which that of a certain Libel â—ad been taken call'd The English Catholick written against Henryâ—… â—… So that the one began with the same Arguments in order to Exasperate the King against his Subjects as the other had done to make the Subjects rise against their King He approv'd the Book Printed at London
concerning the Rights of Bearn and he added divers Reflexions to it upon the Violation of Promises and upon the omission of the usual Formalities in the Decree of Restoration This among others was of great Consequence Dâ— Vaiâ— had assisted at the Judgment by virtue of his quality of Lord Keeper though being a Bishop he ought not to sit in the Council when the Affairs of the Reform'd were treated there according to the Answer made to the fourth Article of the Cahier of Loudun in which the King declar'd expresly that the Ecclesiasticks should withdraw whenever those Affairs were treated of there He observ'd the Unjust Precipitation of that Decree made after having return'd all the Writings and Productions to the Parties â—s if they had design'd to give it over notwithstanding which â—t had been judg'd without any new Adjournment given to the Parties concern'd And to the end they might not say that they had examin'd all the said Writings before the returning of them he gives a List of several other Acts which he design'd to joyn to the first Productions He observ'd that the Reimplacement promis'd by the King might be evaded by the Capricio of a Treasurer whereupon he cited the Example of the Country of Gex and of Bearn it self where the like Promises had prov'd ineffectual That the Demesne of Bearn was unalienable That the attribution of a perpetual Usufructuary was a real Alienation and consequently that the Reimplacement would only serve to render the Reform'd the more odious as injoying such an Income by a Title contrary to the Rights of the Country That without touching Regulations so often confirm'd the King might have given the Reimplacement to the Bishops who would have injoy'd it without fear of being depriv'd of it again whereas the Churches being oblig'd to accept it they might get it revok'd when they pleas'd That the King might think it a burthen to his Conscience at some time or other to see his Revenues imploy'd for the maintenance of the Reform'd Churches since it would not permit him then to suffer the Ecclesiastical Lands to serve for that use and that it was to be fear'd that the same Conscience would oblige him to take the Places of Surety from the Reform'd He also argued about the dispute of the Tithes maintaining that they are not due as a ground Rent but as a Religious Duty which cannot be paid by the Earth but by Persons and concluded that the Reform'd could not pay them to the Clergy with a safe Conscience In the next place he prov'd a Prescription of 40 Years and answer'd the two Exceptions of the Clergy viz. That it had been interrupted by the Protestations the Clergy had enter'd against it from time to time and that there can be no Prescription against the Roman Church unless of a hundred Years He reply'd to the first that as often as the Clergy had renew'd their Contestation they had been cast And to the second that in Bearn that Right is of â—â— force against the Old Law nor in France against Royal Ordinances He did not forget that in all the Writings that were made against Bearn absolute Power was sounded high and that they were not asham'd to publish that the pretentions of Bearn were good in time of old while they had a particular Lord but that belonging now to a King of France the Case was alter'd That is to say That the King 's Right was only force which according to the Opinion of the most Equitable â—n France is only a Right among Barbarians Whereas the Apology was only grounded on the Laws of the State very different from the particular Will of the Prince which may â—ary according to time while the others are constant and unvariable He upbraided the Jesuits with their Parricides and their Doctrine concerning the Authority of Kings and return'd the Catholicks some of the Darts they us'd to Lance against the Reform'd call'd the King Abraham the Roman Church and the King of Spain Hagar and Ishmael and the Reform'd and their Church Isaac and Sarah complaining that Agar and â—hmael would turn out Isaac and the true Children of the House unknown to Abraham And finally he protested in the Name of the Reform'd that not being the Agressors they would not be responsible for the Evils that might insue if being attackt they should be forced to make a Lawful defence He implor'd the assistance of all those that were of the same Belief and of all those that lov'd the good of the State lest those should expose themselves to the reproach made to Meroâ— by the Israelites Jâ—g 5. v. 23. of not being come to the assistance of the Lord and these to the Curtesie of the Cyclop He pretended this recourse to be founded on Right and Examples He tax'd the Favourite by the by of injoying Imployments which were only due to Princes of the Blood And he insinuated that the King had been the greatest gainer by the Treaty of Loudun and the Assembly which met at Rochel at the time of the Fall of the Marshal d' Ancre While Affairs were in this State in Bearn the Queen Mother was tyr'd with Blois where she was under Confinement as in an honourable kind of Prison Luines who had a mind to know her Secrets put a thousand unworthy Tricks upon her and Fool'd her and the Duke of Rohan pretending to come to an Accommodation with that Princess in order to discover those in whom she repos'd a Confidence He even made use of the Treachery of Arnoux the Jesuit who under pretence of Confession discover'd whatever she had upon her heart which he acquainted the Favourite with who improv'd it to his own advantage The Jesuit after so base a piece of Treachery disdain'd to excuse it and thought it sufficient in order to cover the Infamy of so base an Action to say that he had begg'd God's Pardon for it The Queen being Exasperated by the Treatment she receiv'd resolv'd to make her Escape She apply'd her self at first to the Marshal de Bouillon whose Ability she was acquainted with and who had a considerable City in which he might have afforded her a Retreat But he refus'd to engage in so great an Undertaking He only advis'd the Queen to apply her self to the Duke d' Epernon who was at Mets at that time very much disatisfy'd with the Court. The said Duke accepted her Proposals immediately and having taken the Queen in a place where he had appointed to meet her he carry'd her safe to Angouleme Luines was stun'd with that Blow which he did not expect He was sensible that he had disoblig'd all the Kingdom His prodigious Fortune created a Jealousie in all the Grandees and the People oppress'd by a thousand Vexations imputed it all as it is usual to the Avarice and Ambition of the Favourite Therefore he thought it better to stop the progress of the evil by Negotiations than to let
receiv'd Letters upon Letters and Deputations upon Deputations to induce them to submit oblig'd the Lords who had offer'd their Mediation before to resume the Negotiation of an Agreement The thing seem'd to be brought pretty near a happy Conclusion that time The said Lords found an Expedient which apparently was like to satisfie every body They thought fit that the Assembly should break up for form â—…ake without removing above one or two small days Journey from Rochel That the Deputies should remain in Places of Safety under pretence that they could not go Home by â—…eason of the Declaration which render'd them Criminal That they should tarry for the King's Answer in a Readiness to assemble again in case he should break his Word That it should be done without mentioning the Right they pretended to have had to Assemble That before the said Separation the Council should agree with the Deputies General about seven Articles they were to present to the King But that he should not dispatch them till the Assembly were actually dissolv'd and the Members gone Home And that in order to enable them so to do the King would revoke the Declaration by which they were declar'd Criminals Those seven Articles which were treated of several times with the Deputies General and which were at last agreed upon with some Modifications contain'd in Substance that the Reform'd should not be oblig'd to use the Words of Pretended Reform'd in speaking of their Religion That the King should remedy the Political and Ecclesiastical Affairs of Bearn That La Force and his Children should be maintain'd in their Places as they had been during the Life of the Late King and paid their Arrears and Pensions and that Lescun should have his Imployments restor'd him That the Settlement of the Places of Dauphine should be deliver'd according as it had been promis'd by the Treaty of Loudun That the Modification of the Article of that Treaty which spoke about the Reception of two Councellors in the Parliament of Paris should be remov'd That the Cahiers of the Assembly of Loudun should be speedily and favourably answered That care should be taken for the Payment of Ministers and of the Garisons And finally That the King's Soldiers should be remov'd from such Places where they created Jealousies But the Intention of the Court by these Negotiations was only to amuse the Reform'd as they us'd to do in order the better to take their Measures and to break those of the Assembly by flattering the Credulous with the appearances of an approaching Peace The truth is that the Resolution of making War had not been taken in the King's Council without Difficulty Though there was a great Party that press'd the Ruin of the Reform'd the Wisest of the Council were against it particularly the three oldest Ministers that remain'd of the ancient Court who could not abandon the late King's Maxims They thought it a piece of Rashness to attack a Party that had Two hundred strong Places the least of which might tarry till a Breach was made before they did Capitulate and of which many could sustain long Sieges before good Armies That there was no likelihood of improving their Divisions which would cease immediately as soon as a War should be declar'd against them by reason that then the most Simple would begin to fear for themselves Moreover that there was not more Union at Court than among them by reason of the Jealousies about the Government That the Reform'd had the Reputation of being good Soldiers and good Politicians That there was no reason to believe that they had given over their foreign Correspondencies That the Conformity of their Condition would ingage those Countries that profes'd the same Doctrine to succour them That the Allies of France would be troubled at that War because it would enable the House of Austria to oppress them while the King should be diverted from Foreign Affairs by those Domestick Broils That the Vnited Provinces would be expos'd to all the Forces of Spain which would take the Advantage of the Civil Wars of France to oppress that State which the King had so much Interest to preserve That the King had no Money by reason that the Avidity of his Favourites devour'd all his Revenues insomuch that all the Money of several Years was spent and that all the Expence was still to come The Duke de Luines on his side had no Inclination to make a War Du Plessis had given him some Advices upon that Subject which stuck to his Heart and which made him fear either that the Malecontents would increase the Party of the Reform'd or that a Peace would be made at his Cost But on the other hand the Ministers were all for taking Arms. The Queen expected a kind of Regency while de Luines should lead the King from Province to Province and perhaps she had higher Designs The Bishop of Lucon who was one of her Creatures had a mind to make himself necessary The Prince of Conde who expected to have the Command of the Army no longer remember'd the Services he had receiv'd from the Reform'd Puisieux Son to the Chancellor who had succeeded Villeroy both in the Secretary of State 's Place and in his Passion for the Spanish Maxims was at the Devotion of Spain and press'd the Duke by so many Reasons and found so many Expedients to cure him of his Fears that finally he inspir'd the same Sentiments in him The Clergy of France being ignorant and corrupted thought their whole Duty was comprehended in the Extirpation of Heresie and they offered great Sums provided they were imploy'd in that War The Pope who has the Art to persuade Princes that they are obliged to sacrifice the Repose of their State to his Grandeur and who always advances his own Affairs at the Cost of others seconded that Advice by all his Authority But the Ministers of Spain in particular who were the principal Promoters of that Cabal omitted nothing to engage France in a War which according to all human appearance was to set the first hand to the Decay of the Monarchy The Policy of Spain was so refin'd at that time that they made those serve towards their Projects who had most Interest to oppose them and that they engag'd France voluntarily in a Civil War of which they ought to have dreaded the cruel Consequences after having experienced it for the space of Five and thirty Years But finally the thing was resolv'd upon after the Duke de Luines had obtained the Dignity of Constable which gave him the Command of the Armies He was thereby deliver'd of the Fear of being obliged to make the Prince of Conde too Powerful by giving him the said Command But when that Difficulty was remov'd there arose another which was of no less Consequence There were two Opinions about the Degree to which they should proceed in the Ruine of the Reform'd Some said that it ought to
be done at once that the best way was to destroy both the Heresie and the Hereticks and to imitate Charles the Ninth who only Consented to the Massacres of 1572 on condition that no body should be suffer'd to escape that might upbraid him with it The Pope was of that Opinion and was seconded by the Cardinals by the Clergy of France and by the Jesuits The Pope offer'd on that Condition to contribute Two hundred thousand Crowns the Cardinals as much and the Clergy the same Sum. The Jesuits who are us'd to take offer'd nothing unless we impute to their Intreagues the Offer of Thirty Millions of Livres which was made by some of the Grand Farmers for the Confiscation of the Estates that belong'd to the Reform'd on this side the Lotre It is very well known that those subtle Politicians have more than once slipt their Necks out of the Collar when Money has been required of them by proposing Advices or Expedients to raise sâ—me without contributing any thing towards it themselves But some were of a more moderate Advice or rather more Politick who were for laying Religion aside and only to wage War against the Resorm'd as Rebels and to let the Edicts subsist in favour of such as should remain quiet in their Houses The Reasons of the first Advice were that in case any Distinction were made among them those that should be spar'd would prove the most dangerous That they would perhaps prove one day the Recourse of their Party That they would â—â—â—ain at Home not out of Fidelity but out of Prudence Tâ—â—t they would keep a Correspondence with those that should be in Arms That they would be their Spyes to give them Notice of whatever should relate to them That they would ecretly assist them with Money and other Necessaries towards the War But the Reasons of the others were That the Distinction that should be made of the Peaceable and of the Rebels would be a certain way to weaken the Party by â—â—viding them That a considerable Number of Persons in â—â—â—es of preserving the Liberty of their Religion by their Obedience would retire home and would behold the Destruction of the rest without moving Whereas in case they declar'd War against the whole Party the most Peaceable would be forc'd to joyn with the others for their Common Defence That for that Reason it would be imprudent to uâ—… near Four hundred thousand Men to which the Numâ—â—â— of the Reform'd capable of bearing Arms was thought to amount Besides That such as would be spar'd by that Poâ—icy would remain at the Mercy of the Conqueror after the Destruction of the rest That this Distinction would hinder the Protestant Allies from taking any Jealousies about that War and would persuade them that they did not aim at their Religion but that they were arm'd against a Cabal that was always ready to trouble the State and to joyn with the first Malecontents who had a mind to exclaim against the Government This Advice prevail'd and Experience show'd that the Reasons of the first were all Illusions The Reform'd who were put in hopes that the Edicts would be observ'd gave little or no Assistance to the others and during the whole course of the War the Catholicks and particularly the Gentlemen were much kinder to the Reform'd in Arms than to the Reform'd that remain'd Peaceable They gave the most considerable and the most certain Advices It was from them those Cities that were resolv'd to hold out a Siege bought Provisions and Ammunitions and from whom in a word they receiv'd the greatest Testimonies of Correspondence and Sincerity The reason of it was That there were many Catholicks who not being blinded by the Zeal of Religion foresaw what the Event has but too much demonstrated and what even the Catholick Historians have not scrupled to write that under pretence of reducing the Reform'd the Court conceal'd a Design to Establish Arbitrary Power and that the Ruin of what they call'd a Cabal would serve as a Step towards the Oppression of the whole Kingdom The Reform'd on the contrary being blinded by Promises of Liberty avoided all Commerce with those that were in Arms for fear of giving the Court a Pretence to involve them in the Destruction of the others as their Accomplices and there were many who in imitation of Lesdiguieres were not ashamed to bear Arms against their Brethren The worthiest Persons amongst them only succor'd them with Prayers and Tears which the Fear of Oppression only allow'd them to shed in secret During the whole Course of the War the only Cry was that the King's Arms were only design'd against the Rebels That the Edicts should be observ'd in favor of the rest That they had no thoughts of destroying the Reform'd Religion This is what was written abroad what all the Pensioners of â—â—e Court preach'd up and down and what was Publish'd â—â— all the Declarations In order to hinder People from â—enetrating into the secret Reasons of those Reports the Court publish'd others which could do no harm and which â—ere so plausible that they might pass for true They said that 〈…〉 was not reasonable to force Consciences that were us'd to a â—â—ng Tolleration that what had been good 60 years before to â—â—event the Introduction of Heresie while Liberty of Consciâ—nce was unknown would be dangerous after having relish'd it 〈…〉 long That it was not fit to give any Jealousie to the Proâ—estant Neighbouring Princes lest they should come to the Assistance of the Reform'd whereas none was to be expectâ—d from the Catholicks Abroad who were desirous to make â—he War last to hinder France from crossing their Designs â—hat the King had many faithful Subjects among the Reâ—oâ—m'd who ought not to be Confounded with those Rebels Others added moreover in order to make their Reasons the â—ore weighty that the Reform'd were useful in France â—hat they were born Enemies to the Enemies of the State That in case there were none of them left in the Kingdom it â—ould be necessary to send for some from Abroad far from destroying those who were born there The Reform'd were â—â—â—t the only Persons that said this there were Catholicks even in the Council who were really of that Opinion and â—t the beginning of the present Reign there still were Miniâ—â—â—s who had been bred in the Policy of Cardinal de Richelieu who held this Maxim as a true one and who express'd it in the very Terms I have us'd This Difficulty being remov'd there appear'd a third Some were of Opinion to begin the War without delay in â—rder to suppress the Reform'd who were astonish'd and not in a Posture of Defence It was the Advice of the Prince of Câ—nde who expected to make a better Figure in the War than at Court where he was oblig'd to have base Complaisances for the Favorite and where he was look'd upon with an ill â—ye by the Queen-Mother Du Vair
before he dy'd for the support of a Religion of which as 〈◊〉 clearly perceiv'd the Catholics had vow'd the destruction 〈◊〉 thought himself of treating with the Count and found it 〈◊〉 hard matter to gain him To that purpose he promis'd him money and that he should be conducted into France by 〈◊〉 reinforcements of men that would very much augment his 〈◊〉 He promis'd also to send him the Prince of Sedan 〈◊〉 eldest Son and the Duke of Trimouille to accompany him and in a word those Lords assisted by the Counts of Suze 〈◊〉 Roussi and some others sent their Friends and their Servants who rendevouz'd from all parts at the places that were assign'd ' em These motions persuaded the Court that all they who quitted their Houses went to strengthen this Foreign Army 〈◊〉 make a considerable diversion upon the Frontiers of Champaigne For which reason several persons were seiz'd upon suspicion 〈◊〉 favouring the Duke of Bouillon's Enterprize and besides some Officers of his Houshold who were imprison'd in several pla-â—…es the Son of the Vidame of Normandy was secur'd at Paris 〈◊〉 Count of Suze at Lion and the Duke of Sulli at Moulins 〈◊〉 being suspected to be of the Confederacy In the mean time Marshal de Bouillon who had promis'd money before he knew where to have it made it his business to seek where to raise it 〈◊〉 he wrote to the Duke of Rohan to see whether he could 〈◊〉 any that way His Letters however contain'd two things 〈◊〉 opposite one to another for at the beginning he exhorted 〈◊〉 Duke to Peace for fear the continuance of the War should 〈◊〉 the ruin of the Reformed He observ'd that their ill â—uccesses proceeded from the dispersing of those who were able 〈◊〉 bear Arms but who were made uncapable of succouring one 〈◊〉 by their separation He added as it were to lead him 〈◊〉 of one discourse into another that this misfortune was oc-â—…ion'd by the want of Foreign Soldiers For the supply of which defect he offer'd the bringing in of Count Mansfeild to 〈◊〉 assistance of the Reformed in order to which he deâ—…nded three things an express approbation of his design money for the payment of his Foreign Forces and assurance 〈◊〉 he should be comprehended in the Peace both he and his if happen'd to be made But money was more difficult to be 〈◊〉 then the demanded Approbation and Assurances so that the â—ourt had time enough to gain Mansfeild and prevent his entring 〈◊〉 France Propositions therefore were made him of being enterâ—… in the King's service and some ready money fix'd his resoluâ—…ns But the Bishop of Alberstadt a Prince of the House of Brunsâ—…k to whom some part of the Forces belong'd was willing â—…heark'n to Marshal Bouillon's Proposals and to be contented 〈◊〉 the small Sum which the Marshal offer'd for present necesâ—…y till a more considerable could be rais'd which differing â—…linations set the two Generals at variance who never after 〈◊〉 did any thing considerable so that after some Sieges attempted without Success Mansfeild retir'd into the Low-Counâ—…s where his Army was utterly ruin'd France would have bin very much incumber'd with him had 〈◊〉 hir'd his Army into her Service She had no Foreign War 〈◊〉 would the Council of Conscience permit the King to concern himself with the King of Bohemia's Broils and therefore there was an Expedient found to get rid of him by sending him into the Service of the Low-Countries then in amity with the King chusing rather that he should join with the States theâ— with the King of Spain or the Venetians who both courted him Thus the Churches of France were flatter'd with an appearance of hope that vanish'd as soon Nor were the Reformed the 〈…〉 that treated with Foreigners for the King had set 'em an Example and sent into Languedoc some German Troops that serv's under the Duke of Mommorancy so that it could not be justly laid to their charge that they went about to expose their Country to the Plunder and Ransack of Foreigners since the Catholics were the first who had call'd the Reiters and the Lansquenets into the Kingdom In the mean time the fear of Mansfeild's Army render'd the King's Council more pliable so that the Proposals of Peace were renew'd But whether it were that the Duke of Rohan Demands were too high or that the Council were freed from the terror of Mansfeild's ever coming to hurt 'em the Negotiation came to nothing and Lesdiguieres spent all his pains and 〈…〉 time to no purpose in promoting it Nevertheless the Couâ—â— began to hanker after Peace of which they who were desirous to advance themselves in the King's Favour or by the management of Affairs stood in great need to the end they might 〈…〉 have too much variety of business to trouble their heads wiâ—â— at one and the same time For as for the Cities that remain'd they were of quite another consequence then the paltry Towâ— the gaining of which had bin till that time the sole Fruit â—â— the War Only they were desirous that the King should graâ—â— the Peace like the Lord and Master of it and they avoided â—â— General Treaty for fear the Union of the Reformed should be justifi'd and as it were legitimated by a Treaty of that nature These Sentiments were sufficiently express'd by the Author of â—â— Treatise that appear'd upon this Subject after the enterview â—â— Lesdiguieres and the Duke of Rohan And indeed no less theâ—â— three persons of a different character deliver'd their Opinionâ— upon the Peace The one a Reformed who was desirous to obtain the Four Articles upon which the Lords were agreed â—… other was a Zealous Catholic who was altogether for Extermination The third a moderate man who took the middle â—ay between the other two Extreams but who rejected the 〈…〉 Articles as contrary to the good of the State The Author 〈…〉 himself the name of Francophilus because he was willing â— give his judgment for those of the truly honest Frenchmen â—ho lov'd the Honour and Repose of the Kingdom He asserted that it was not proper to allow the Reformed by longer possession of Places of Security because the time al â—ted for 'em to hold those Places was expir'd That the Reasons why they were granted were out of doors That the League â—as the true motive which induc'd Henry IV. to trust 'em in â—e hands of the Reformed That he was willing to permit the â—eformed to be in Arms that they might be serviceable to him â— case of necessity That the particular safety of the Reformed â—er so many Wars was but a second motive of less importance â—â—d only serv'd as a pretence for the other That the same Prince before his death began to re-assume 'em indirectly and exâ—ted Promises in writing from the Governour which he sent either that they would keep 'em for his Service That the Reformed had made an ill use of 'em and by consequence that they
without taking the Oath of Allegiance that they who had officiated in Foreign Countries should not reassume their Functions in France without the King's Permission and taking a new Oath and that no Foreigner should officiate in the Ministry or in any other Religious Office without express leave But the Innovation of swearing Allegiance was that which most perplex'd the Reformed For they held it much for their Ministers Honour that the State was wont to be assur'd of their Fidelity without exacting a solemn Promise but that the Bishops were oblig'd to take the Oath before they could be admitted Besides they took this Oath for a forerunner of great Misfortunes as being a Custom borrow'd from the Reign of Charles the IX And lastly they were afraid that it would prove the occasion of a thousand Cavils to engage 'em to swear things either contrary to their Consciences or prejudicial to their Liberties But luckily for 'em this Decree came to nothing as being never put in execution As for Cacherat he abjur'd his Religion and having obtain'd a Pension from the Clergy enough to live upon without working for a Livelihood he never any more disturb'd the Peace of the Churches Some Memoirs there are that mention an Edict to the same purpose with the Decree but I never saw it and believe it to be an Error of him that compil'd ' em But the 18th of the same Month the King set forth a Declaration that gave Precedency to the Counsellors of the Parlament of Tholouse that serv'd in the Chamber at Castres in the absence of the Presidents before the Reformed Counsellors tho never so much their Seniors so that that same Chamber was reduc'd to the same condition with that of Guyenne Toward the end of this Month also the Catholics would needs make the Reformed of Loudun pay the Costs and Charges they had bin at in exorcising the Vrsulins for as yet they had not â—â—one with that Farce The Reformed had erected a Colledge â—â— that City where they were very numerous The Catholics therefore meditating which way to deprive 'em of it presented a Petition to Laubardemont deputed Commissioner to take the Informations concerning that same Diabolical Possession and much at the devotion of the Ecclesiastics They set forth That â—he Vrsulins house was too little to contain 'em and for the performance of those Exorcisms that were requisite that all the Churches of the City were taken up excepting one Chappel which the Guardian of the Franciscans offer'd to lend 'em that the Colledge of the Reformed ought to be taken from â—em as being erected without the King's leave and upon these Suppositions they desir'd that the Colledge might be given to the Catholics that so the Vrsulins or a part of 'em might be remov'd thither for the better convenience of exorcising ' em Upon which the Commissioner gave 'em a Grant of it with a Proviso till the King should otherwise ordain And thus the Reformed were made to pay the Expences of a Comedy wherein they were no otherwise concern'd then to make themselves sport with it and laugh at it in private The 9th of March the Council put forth a Decree which forbid the Public Exercise of the Reformed Religion at Paroi in Châ—rolâ—is a small Village of which the Abbot and Monks of 〈◊〉 were the Lords Cardinal Richlieu was chosen Abbot of it and by Consequence he had an Interest in that little City so that the Decree could not fail of a solemn execution But besides the Interdiction of Public Exercise it contain'd also a Prohibition to keep Schools therein to sell Flesh upon prohibited days to work with their Shops open on Holydays to meet in Houses to perform the Duties of Catechizing Preaching or Prayer to hinder the Ecclesiastics from visiting and comforting the Sick to sing Psalms in the Streets or so loud in their Houses as to be heard to bury in the Church-yard belonging to the Hospital or at any other hours then those that were prescrib'd by the Edict It order'd also the Reformed to keep and spread Carpets before their doors upon Procession days It gave leave that the Reformed might send their Children to the Colledge which the Cardinal had founded with promise that they should not be seduc'd to change their Religion and that they might be Sheriffs if elected without any obligation of being forc'd to hold At the same time the Reformed of Chaume a Borough depending upon the Jurisdiction of Olon which belong'd to the Marquis of Royan lost their Right of Exercise Nor was there any notice taken of their Possession well prov'd or that they had not only the consent of the Lord but an agreement in writing made in the year 16â—â— with him the Curate and the Catholic Inhabitants wherein the Lord expresly covenanted to desist from all opposition against their Right for the future All the Favour they could have shewn 'em was that they had the liberty left 'em to make their Addresses to the King that they might have some other place allow'd 'em without the Jurisdiction of Olonne Now in regard the Declaration of the preceding year in reference to the Annexes had render'd the Law general tho it were only set forth for the Province of Languedoc the Ministers oâ— Saintonge and other places were put to a great deal of trouble upon this occasion Rivet of Champvernon was deputed to the Court by the Synod assembl'd at Mauzé to crave some relief against these Vexations who brought back a Reference of the 16th of April to Villemontée Intendant of Justice in those Provinces This new Judge was given to understand that the Prohibition mention'd in the Declaration and by the Decrees depriv'd the Reformed of all manner of Exercise of their Discipline and expos'd all Ministers that preach'd in any other place then where they resided or by vertue of an Order or Loane authoriz'd by the Synods or Colloquies to a thousand Prosecutions tho those Accidents many times could not be avoided by reason of the death sickness absence suspension or degrading of the Incumbent Ministers or upon some other urgent Business which requir'd the Synod to depute Commissioners They gave him to understand that there were Ministers settl'd by the Synods to preach alternatively in several places where they had a Right of Exercise and â—â— consequence they could not be accus'd of preaching out of the places where they were setl'd The Commissioner was apprehensive of these Reasons and by an Order of the 22d of June gave the Ministers leave to preach out of their Residence when they should be sent upon any of the foremention'd Occasions However the Reformed of Metz were not so favourably us'd at the Council For they had a desire to erect a Colledge in their City but the Bishop of Madaure Suffragan to Metz oppos'd it and the three Catholic Bodies of the City join'd with him This Business was remov'd to the Council where the Opposers obtain'd a
and that the Souldiers live under such Discipline that they may do no wrong XXI Your Cities of S â—â— Foy and Bergerac most humbly Beseech ye Sir that you would be pleas'd out of your singular Goodness to discharge 'em of the Oppressions which they have suffer'd so long and so excessive letting your said City of Bergerac fully enjoy your inviolable Promises by hindring so many Innovations and the building of the Cittadel intended notwithstanding that your Subjects of the Religion have kept themselves within the Bounds of a most humble Subjection and Obedience to your Majesty out of a desire to Merit in some measure the Effect of your said Royal Promises their Liberty and the Peaceable Exercise of their Religion The King will take such Order as shall be most proper for his Service XXII And by your Mildness and Gentleness to ease your People of the Religion to bring 'em back to a firm Confidence and to Corroborate as much as may be the Peace which you vouchsafe 'em may it please your Majesty to obliterate all Marks that are contrary to it And to these ends to disband the Souldiers that are quarter'd in Lower Languedoc Cevennes and other Provinces by this Means kept in continual Fears and Apprehensions of your Displeasure and beseech your Majesty to hasten the said Disbanding to the end that the Effects of their Obedience which they desire and ought to pay you as well in demolishing the Fortifications of the Places as in all other things which you shall be pleas'd to command 'em may not be delay'd Sign'd Montmartin Deputy General Maniald Deputy General Done and Answer'd by the King in his Council at Paris March 4. 1623. Sign'd Lewis And lower Phelipeaux Compar'd with the Original by Me Notary Counsellour and Kings Secretary Du Candal A Circulatory Letter of the General Deputies of the Reformed Churches GEntlemen We doubt not but you have expected our Letters with Impatience and that you did not take it amiss that we did not send you what pass'd concerning the Duke of Rohan You ought to believe that nothing has so much hinder'd us from that as our fear of putting you to no purpose in uncertain Hopes or Apprehensions Now that it may be thought that we ought to see a little more clearly after the Release of the said Duke we shall tell you that altho' the Report of a War and particularly of the Siege of Rochel be very hot in this Place and that from hence it spreads over all the Rest of France nevertheless we see no Preparation for open and present War On the contrary we have nothing from the Kings Mouth and his Principal Ministers of State but Words of Peace and Promises of putting in Execution what has been agreed As to the Affairs which we have manag'd hitherto you must know that having presented to the King a Paper containing the Principal Complaints of our Churches and other things of which we have the Cognizance and Memoirs in our Hands we have obtain'd Answers such as you will see by the Printed Paper which we send you enclos'd which thô they be dated the fourth of this Month nevertheless were not deliver'd us till the twenty second At present we solicit the Performance of the Answers which are favourable continuing to demand satisfaction upon those which are otherwise Nor shall we fail to give you Advice of the Success as also of all that we shall judge proper to come to your Knowledge As for News of the Particular Affairs of the Provinces and Churches of whose Deputies we have a great number here we have given satisfaction by particular Letters to all Occurrences It remains that you second our Labours with your Prayers to God as we earnestly desire you considering the need we have in such a difficult time as this And for our parts we shall also beseech him to accumulate his most Sacred Benedictions upon your selves We are Your most humble and Affectionate Servants the General Deputies of the Reformed Churches of France near his Majesty Paris March 30. 1623. Montmartin Maniald The King's Declaration by which it is provided that in the Assemblies which shall be beld by the Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion concerning the Regulations of the Discipline of their said Religion no other Affairs be propounded or treated of then such as are permitted by the Edicts Given at Fontain-Bleau April 17th 1623. And verifi'd in Parlament May 22. LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. Altho' by our Edicts of Pacification and the Private Articles granted to our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion in the Year 1598. they were allow'd to hold Assemblies concerning the Regulations of the Discipline of the said Religion pretendedly Reformed and Places where the Exercise was settl'd with our Permission first obtain'd and that by several answers made to their Papers they have been always forbid to admit into the said Assemblies other then the Ministers and Elders and to treat of other Affairs then those which concern the Regulations of their said Religion upon Pain of Forfeiting this Favour Nevertheless we have found that for some time since and particularly of late Years under the Toleration of the said Assemblies our said Subjects have taken the Liberty to introduce Persons of all Conditions as also to treat of Politick Affairs from whence have ensu'd several Resolutions contrary to the Sentiments and Intentions of the Generality and most considerable of our Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion and to the Publick Tranquility To which there being a necessity of providing a Remedy and to prevent for the future the consequences of such abuses prejudicial to our Authority and the Peace of our Subjects We declare that for these Causes and other Considerations Us thereunto moving with the Advice of the Princes of our Blood c. We have said and declar'd and do say and declare by these Presents and it is our Will and Pleasure that in all Assemblies that shall be held by our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion concerning the Regulations of the Discipline of the said Religion there shall be by us or by our Lieutenant Generals of our Provinces a certain Person commission'd and appointed one of our Officers of the said Pretended Reformed Relgion to be present in the said Assemblies to see and consider whether any other Affairs are propos'd and handl'd then are permitted by our Edicts and to give a faithful accompt thereof to Us. And to the end that our Intention may be exactly follow'd We ordain that for the time to come no Assemblies shall meet or be held unless the said Officer be before appointed who shall be admitted into 'em without any or Lett or Scruple So we command our Beloved and Faithful c. we also command our Governours c. In Testimony c. Given at Fountain-Bleau April 17. 1623. and 13th of our Reign Sign'd LEWIS And below By the King De Lomenie Read
Declaratory of April 17. 1623. set forth upon the Holding of Synods and Colloquies with express Prohibitions to treat of Politick Affairs Nor shall they for the Future raise any Fortifications of what sort soever they be to enclose our Cities without our express Permission by our Letters Patents Nor shall they raise any Money upon our Subjects upon any occasion whatever without a Commission under our Great Seal All this under the Penalty of High Treason and forfeiture of our Present Favours XII It is our farther meaning also that the Articles by Us decreed which concern the City of Rochel the Islands and Country of Aulnix be observ'd and put in Execution without delay and that the Cities and Castles which shall have been taken by those of the said Pretended Reformed Religion since the present Troubles shall be surrender'd up into our Hands within fifteen days after the Publication of these Presents Declaring all such of our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who shall scruple to submit themselves to this our Will and Pleasure depriv'd by just Forfeiture of the Benefit of this our present Favour So we command c. And to the end that this may be for ever firm and stable we have affix'd c. Giv'n at Paris in March 1626. and 17th of our Reign Sign'd Lewis And below De Lomenie Register'd April 13. 1626. Du Tillet A Declaration of the King against the Sieur De Soubise and other Adherents to the Party of the English Confirming the Edicts of Pacification in favour of those who should continue in their Duty and Allegiance Given at Villeroy August 5. 1627. and Publish'd in Parlament the twelfth of the same Month. LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. Since it has pleas'd God to call us to the Government of this State our Conduct has made it manifest with how much Care we have labour'd to preserve the Publick Peace and Tranquility either in observing and preserving a sound Amity good understanding and correspondence between this Kingdom and Forreign Princes either by employing as we have done several times in divers parts and upon various occasions our Royal Mediation to lay asleep and extinguish the Contentions and Differences arisen between the said Princes or by giving Assistance and Protection to our Ancient Confederates when we thought it necessary to re-establish or maintain 'em in those Rights and Properties that appertain'd to 'em in order by that means to stop the ill Consequences of those Troubles which the Innovations happ'ning in their Dominions might produce Wherein if our Intentions were lookt upon as good and sincere we also judge those which we have had being grounded upon the same Considerations of the Publick Tranquility and of the Establishment of the Repose of our Kingdom in contracting several Great Alliances by the Marriage of our dearest Sisters are worthy of a higher applause But we cannot but observe without a most just Resentment that the last which we have made with England has not hitherto had that good success which we expected from it But that instead of knitting faster as we promis'd to our selves the knot of that ancient Amity which has long continu'd between the two Crowns it should so fall out that the notorious Breaches on the Part of England of the Articles of Marriage of our Dearest Sister with the King of Great Britain the English should come to invade us and Land in the Isle of Re with a numerous Fleet and Army without any cause any Ground any Pretence or Declaration And in regard we see that in order to second their unjust Designs they have already treated with some of our Subjects have sent the Sieur De Soubise into our City of Rochel to perswade the Inhabitants to join with their Party and that they continue the same Artifices and Practices with others of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion to draw and engage 'em under several Pretences and vain Hopes to unite their Arms with theirs tho' we are willing to believe that our said Subjects will have so much Constancy and Judgment as not to suffer themselves to be deceiv'd by such sort of Artifices and for that considering that they peacefully enjoy the full Liberty of the Exercise of their Religion the Benefit of our Edicts and whatever else has been promis'd by Us they will conclude that this enterprise of the English has no aim or end that really tends to the good of their Religion but that it is a voluntary Invasion of our Dominions in Enmity to our Crown and the Honour of the Nation in the Defence of which all true French Men as well Catholicks as those of the Pretended Reformed Religion are equally oblig'd to venture their Lives and Fortunes Nevertheless that our said Subjects may be rightly inform'd of our Intentions upon the present Occurrences and that they may not be circumvented by the Artifices that are made use of to with-draw 'em from their natural Duty We declare that for these Causes and other weighty Considerations Us thereunto moving We have with the Advice of the Queen our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother our most Dear and most Beloved only Brother the Duke of Orleance the Princes c. said and declar'd and do say and declare by these Presents the Sieur de Soubise and those of our Subjects of what Quality or Condition soever they be who shall adhere to or join with the English or shall favour or assist 'em directly or indirectly or that shall keep Intelligence Association and Correspondence with 'em in any sort or manner whatever or shall otherwise depart from that Obedience which they owe us Rebels Traitors and Perfidious to their King Desertors of their Countrey Guilty of High Treason in the highest Degree And as such we declare their Goods as well Moveable as Immoveable their Offices and Employments Forfeited and Confiscated to our self and all the Inhabitants of our Cities who shall adhere to the Enterprizes Rebellion and Disobedience of the above named or who shall afford 'em Entrance Passage Retreat or Quartering or shall aid 'em with Arms Victuals Ammunition or any other necessaries guilty of the same Crimes and under the Forfeiture of all Decrees Honours Priviledges Franchises Immunities and Rights which may have been granted to 'em either by the Kings our Predecessors or by our Selves past all Hopes of being ever regain'd It being our Will and Pleasure that they be proceeded against with the utmost Severity of the Law by Imprisonment of their Person Seizure of their Estates Demolishing their Houses Cutting down their Woods and that they shall lose the Benefit of our Edicts and of all Appeals to our Chambers created by the same Unless within eight days after the Publication of this Declaration upon the Coasts of Poitou Saintonge and Aunix they do quit their Rebellion and make their Appearance before our Officers of the Cities of Saintes Niort Fontenay Brouage and others more
MARIE R. WILLIAM and MARY by the Grace of God King and Queen of England Scotland France and Ireland Defenders of the Faith c. To all Our loving Subjects of what Degree Condition and Quality soever within Our Kingdoms and Domiminions Greeting Whereas Our Trusty and Well-beloved John Dunton Citizen and Stationer of London hath represented unto Us That he is Printing an English Translation out of French of the Edict of Nantes in Four Volumes and that in regard of the great Costs and Charges it hath already been and will be to him he hath humbly besought Us to grant him Our Royal License for the sole Printing and Publishing thereof We are graciously pleased to gratifie him therein and accordingly We do therefore hereby grant unto him the said John Dunton Our Royal License for the sole Printing and Publishing of the said Book for the Term of Fourteen Years from the Date hereof strictly charging prohibiting and forbidding all Our Subjects to Reprint the said Book in whole or in part or to imprint buy vend utter or distribute any Copies or Exemplaries of the same or any part thereof Reprinted beyond the Seas within the said Term without the Consent and Approbation of him the said John Dunton his Executors Administrators or Assignes first had and obtained as they and every of them offending herein will answer the contrary at their Peril whereof the Master Wardens and Company of Stationers of Our City of London the Commissioners and Officers of Our Customs and all other Our Officers and Ministers whom it may concern are to take notice that due Obedience may be given to Our Pleasure herein signified Given at Our Court at White-Hall the 30th day of June 1693. in the Fifth Year of Our Reign By Her MAJESTIES Command J. TRENCHARD THE HISTORY Of the Famous Edict of Nantes CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF ALL THE PERSECUTIONS That have been in FRANCE From its First Publication to this Present Time Faithfully Extracted from all the Publick and Private Memoirs that could possibly be procured VOL. 1. Printed first in French by the Authority of the States of Holland and West-Friezland And now Translated into English With Her Majesties Royal Priviledge LONDON Printed for JOHN DUNTON at the Raven in the Poultry MDCXCIV TO THE QUEENS Most Excellent Majesty MADAM YOVR Majesties Eminent Zeal for the Protestant Religion and the tender Compassion and Charity you have shewn to multitudes of French Refugiez of all Ranks and Degrees who have been forced to fly hither for your Glorious Protection and Relief encourages me to hope that your Majesty will be pleased to pardon me this presumption of humbly laying at your Royal Feet an account of their deplorable Afflictions by permitting me to dedicate to your Illustrious Name this Translation of their History of the Edict of NANTES Your Majesty may see in it with what an astonishing Barbarity the formerly Flourishing Churches of France have been ruined and destroyed with what Rage Fury and Cruelty their Persecutors have treated them and how many thousand Dangers those miserable Innocents have run to find Sanctuary in your Kingdoms The Reading of this History how afflicting soever it may be in it self will I am confident Madam notwithstanding afford your Majesty some considerable satisfaction for tho' the Ruin of these Churches cannot but very deeply afflict your most tender and Christian Breast yet your Extream Piety will however receive no small measure of Joy and Comfort to find that this corrupt and Infidel Age wherein Open wickedness hath reigned with Reputation hath yet produced Martyrs and Confessors whose Courage and Constancy have scarce been inferiour to those of the Primitive Church tho' they have suffered almost beyond Expression for the sake of their Religion and for their Holy Faith have undergone a Persecution which taken in all its dismal Circumstances is far beyond the Blackest of any that can be met with in all the Records and Monuments of Pagan Antiquity Nor may it please your Majesty will this History be unprofitable to your Subjects for it will teach them what Dutiful Respect Obedience and Acknowledgements they owe to your most Excellent Majesties by informing them what a Horrid Persecution Popery was preparing for them too and the unexpressible Calamities into which they must inevitably have fallen if God had not wrought a Wonderful Salvation for us by making use of your Majesties Piety and Zeal to effect this Great and Happy Deliverance That signal Favour Heaven was pleased to shew to England at a time when both Church and State were over-run with Popery and Arbitrary Power and brought to the point of Destruction gives those miserable Refugiez strong hopes that they shall one day be re-established as it doth your Subjects a mighty Expectation of seeing a Noble Change of the whole Face of Affairs with respect to the Peace and Liberty of EUROPE Your Refugiez have no other Recourse next to Almighty God than to your Majesties who are engaged to labour their Re-establishment not only by that Tenderness and Compassion so natural to all generous Souls and which is so peculiarly Bright in your Majesty to the Afflicted and the Miserable but by the endearing Obligations which one and the same Communion lays upon you by all the Christian and Honourable ways to procure it for them And here MADAM I have a fair occasion to speak of the Royal Vertues which adorn your Majesties to acquaint the world with that profound Reverence you have for the Protestant Religion and with that Great Zeal you shew in the Defence of it with what a disinteressed Vertue the KING opposes the unjust Vsurpations of France with what firmness of Courage He hath exposed his Royal Person to the most imminent Dangers of War with what Prudence and Policy He hath united so many Princes of Europe of different Religions and confederated them all in a steady Resolution to put an end to those unparalelled Violences which have so long raged in a Neighbouring Kingdom under the name of a Most Christian Monarch who notwithstanding makes it his Glory to be Insensible of those almost Insupportable Calamities which his own Subjects suffer and groan under by his means and is the Inhumane Ravisher of the Publick Liberties of Christendom I could enlarge upon these and many other of your Great and Illustrious Vertues which are the supream Ornaments of Crowns and Scepters but where your Majesty commands my Silence I have nothing to do but to submit and to pay a most profound Obedience But I humbly beseech your permission to let me speak this Truth that your Majesties have both testified that an Vniversal Good hath been the end of all your Royal Cares that you have preferred the Raising of the Honour of the Nation to your own Glory How often hath that precious that Invaluable Life been hazarded abroad in the publick Cause of the Rights and Liberties of almost all Europe whilst You MADAM here at home have governed with so Careful
the advice of his Son Maximilian a Prince of great wisdom and to satisfie the Protestants who were not at that Assembly design'd to have granted 'em another Conference In order to which the Emperour made choice of George Casâ—ander a person no less moderate than learned in a friendly Conjunction with the Protestant Doctors to examin the Articles of the Confession of Auspurgh that were in Dispute But the Crazie Constitution of that worthy man and the soon ensuing Death both of the one and the other eâ—â—â—'d Germany the Fruit of so Noble a Determination After the Example of the Germans the Nobility of Poland cook the same Course in their Republick 〈◊〉 Immanuel Philibert Duke of 〈◊〉 after he was restor'd to the ancient Possession of his lost Territories by vertue of the Peâ—ce concluded with us having rashly engag'd himself to his great Dammage in a War with the Vaudois of Piemont whether it were to raise his Reputation in Italy or to gratifie others at the Expence of his own Jeopardy it matters not made amends for his mistake by a Timely Repentance granting the free Exercise of their Religion to his otherwise Innocent People and afterwards no less religiously observing the Articles which he had concluded with ' em I now come to what concerns our selves and am going about to handle a sore which I am very much afraid will draw no small inconvenience upon me for only laying my Finger upon it But since I have enter'd into the discourse that I may dispatch in a word I shall take the Liberty allow'd under your Reign frankly and ingenuously to declare That War is by no means a Lawful way to extirpate Heresie out of the Church For the Protestants of this Kingdom whose Number and Credit daily lessen'd in time of Peace have always gather'd strength in times of War and Division and whether out of a preposterous Zeal or through Ambition and a Desire of Innovation it has been the pernicious Errour of our States-men to renew their Designs of extirpating the Protestants by Wars often inauspiciously begun and as frequently unluckily compos'd to the great hazard of our Religion What need of Words The thing it self speaks loud enough For after various Troubles and Commotions and during those innumerable Cities in every Corner of the Kingdom wrested from the Public no sooner was Peace restor'd by the Restitution of those Places in 1563. but 't was a wonder to see what a suddain Serenity once more overspread the Nation How joyful was that Four Years Interval to all Good Men While our Religion sate safely protected and most Excellent Laws of which France will never have cause to repent were made by a most upright Moderator of Justice and Equity But then the Faâ—â— of France again declining we began 〈◊〉 grow weary of the Publick Security establish'd by those wholesom Constitutions and spurning from us Peaceful Counsels threw our selves into a War 〈◊〉 only Fatal to the whole Realm but 〈◊〉 the Advisers of it also They who were present at the Vnfortunate Conference at Baionne are sufficiently sensible what persons I mean For from that 〈◊〉 forward while we were still deluded and cajol'd by foreign Fraud all things weâ—â— carried on by Artifice and Force of Armâ— Then it was that the Duke of Alva being sent with a Potent Army into Flanders after Margaret of Parma who had govern'd those Provinces with Extraordinary Moderation had by tacit compulsion laid down the Regency then it was that Alva mingled all things with Fire and Sword erected Fortresses in every Corner sapp'd the Public Liberty with unheard of Impositions for the support of the War and breaking in upon their Immunities reduc'd opulent Cities to meagre Poverty like strong Bodies emaciated by depriving 'em of Nourishment But these harsh and unadvised Counsels the fruits of Precipitation were attended with the despair of the People and lastly with Revolts Which however for a time appeas'd ended in this at length that the larger and more abounding Part and most commodious for Navigation wherein the Wealth of those Provinces chiefly consists being as it were mangl'd and dismember'd from the rest of the Body acknowledges now no Soveraign Authority but that of the States General and wages auspicious War with all the Force of Spain Which misfortune of the Spaniards Francis Balduin one of the most famous Lawyers of this Century fearing long before adâ—iz'd the Peers of the Low Countries to petition Philip that he would vouchsafe their former Liberty of Conscience to the Protestants every where turmoil'd and harass'd and surâ—ease the Rigour of Torments and Inâ—isitions after suspected Persons And 〈◊〉 this purpose he wrote a Treatise in French whorein he prov'd by dint of â—â—enuous Arguments that the Affairs of Religion disquieted and tormented by restless Controversies would sooner be compos'd by Conferences and an equilibrium observ'd among the Dissenters than by violence and force of Arms. Wherein if they persever'd he foresaw that the strength of the Protestants then but inconsiderable and here and there dispers'd would be united by Factions and that from verbal Contests they would betake themselves to Arms and Revolt I have the more willingly recited this Prophecy of a Low Country-man concerning the Low Countries more especially to your Majesty for that he having at first embrac'd the Protestant Faith yet afterwards upon diligent perusal of the Fathers having alter'd his Opinion nevertheless preserv'd the same Moderation of mind so as not to be transported with an Implacable Hatred as many are against those whose Doctrine he had relinquish'd but by a rare Example of Christian Charity foreign to this Age admonish'd by his own Errour to compassionate the failings of others and to make it his whole Business that what had been done amiss out of precipitancy and desire of innovation might be redress'd by reviving the Practice of better Antiquity With these sentiments and resolutions returning out of Germany into France he found his Counsel no less prudent than pious readily embrac'd by your most serene Father in whose Court he held an honourable Employment sometimes admitted into Council and made choice of to take care of your Natural Brother's Education Away then with those Ostentatious Vaunts to the Dishonour of the Gallick Name so frequent in the mouths of many aspiring to a higher strain of Zeal then other Men and boasting that they never subscrib'd to any Treatise of Peace with Hereticks Let 'em consider what became at length of all their egregious Counsels and lament at leisure the loss of so many Flourishing Provinces and the Ruâ—â—ous Dissipation of their own Estates consum'd by Tumult and Sedition oâ— seâ—uâ—ster'd by Conquest How glad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be now to learn from our Example what with so much Affectation they before detested What would they 〈◊〉 to redeem the Loss of so many Years which had they profitably employ'd against the Common Enemies of Christendom they had expell'd those Infidels long e're this out of Hungary
may meet with nothing deviating from that Liberty Truth Fidelity which becomes a sincere Historian and that my whole Work may be as free from the suspicion of Adulation and Envy as it is from any Constraint or Necessity of being Partial The Patent from the States of Holland and Westfriezland for Printing this Work is a follows viz. THE States of Holland and Westfreizland Publish that Adrian Benian Bookseller at Delft having made known to us that he has been at great charge and trouble in Printing a certain Book Intituled Histoire de 1â— Edit de Nantes contenant les choses les plus Remarquables qui se sont passees en France avant apres â—a Publication a l' occasian de la diversite des Religions c. in Quarto in four Parts and fearing that some other Person in our Dominions to his great loss and damage might attempt to print the foresaid Book after Our foresaid Petitioners Copy has apply'd himself to Us in most humble manner Praying that we would favour Our said Petitioner with a special Patent or Priviledge by which Our said Petitioner his Heirs Administrators c. may be favoured and allow'd to Print the said Book for 15 Years next ensuing and that they only may be allow'd to Print Publish and Sell the said Book during the said time in Our Territories in such manner and Languages as they shall think fit forbidding any other to Print the said Book in any manner either in the whole or in part or to Sell or Publish any of the said Books that may be brought into Our Country from other Parts We therefore having consider'd the Case and Petition aforesaid and being inclin'd to hearken to the said Petition have of Our true Knowledge and by Our Sovereign Power and Authority Consented and Agreed to and Impowred and by these Presents do Consent and Agree to and Priviledge the said Petitioner his Heirs Administrators c. only to Print the said Book for the term of 15 Years next ensuing in Quarto in four Parts within Our Dominions and that he c. only may Print or cause to Print Publish or Sell the said Book in our Dominions c. Therefore we forbid all others to Print Publish or Sell the said Book in our Dominions during the said term or to import or Publish or Sell the said Book tho printed in any other Country on pain of forfeiting all the said Books printed after the foresaid Coppy or imported in from Foreign parts and besides to pay a fine of 300 Guilders one third part to be given to the Officer that prosecutes one third to be paid to the Poor of the Town where the fault is committed and the remaining third part to be paid to the foresaid Petitioner But notwithstanding any thing contained in this Our Patent with which we have gratified Our Petitioner Our intent is that it shall only defend him from such damage as may be done him by printing after his Copy and no way authorise or avow much less being Protected by us as aforesaid give any reputation or credit to the Contents of the Book nor is the said Petitioner exempted from answering any thing that may be charged on him if it contains any thing that is unlawful and to that â—nd We expresly command that he shall place this our Patent in the fore part of the Book without any abbreviation or omissions and he shall be obliged to bring one of the said Books well Bound and in good condition to the Library of our Vniversity of Leyden and bring thence a sufficient testimonial thereof on pain of losing the Effect of these Presents And to the end our Petitioner may enjoy this priviledge We Command all whom these Presents may concern that they suffer the said Petitioner peaceably to enjoy the full benefit of these our Letters Patents Given at the Hague under Our Great Seal hereunto annex'd the 23d of Feb. 1693. The History of the Famous Edict of Nants containing an Account of the most Remarkable Things that have hapned since its Publication to the Edict of Revocation as likewise of the principal Events that have follow'd since that New Edict till this present Time The First Book A Summary of the Contents of the First Book The Occasion Design and Platform of this Work The Beginning of the Reformation and its Causes It s Entrance into France How it was received at Meaux and at Bearn The Execution of John le Clerc and Lewis Berquin The State of Religion in Germany The Schismin England The Inclination of Francis the I. towards the Reformation and how he was diverted from it by the Cardinal de Tournon An Accommodation proposed The Synods of Bourges and of Paris The Beginning of Calvin's Doctrine The Year of the Placards or Remonstrances The Devotions and Executions ordered upon them Edicts against the Lutherans The Council of Trent and its Translation The Death of King Francis Henry the Second persecutes the Protestants The Edict of Chateau-Briant The King protests against the Councils being transferred back again to Trent The Dutchess of Valentinois Cruel to the Protestants The Great Credit and Influence of the Clergy The Business of Merindol and Cabrieres New Severities and Punishments that forward the progress of the Reformation Protestant Churches formed at Paris and other places The Spirit of Moderation prevails upon several Judges An Assembly at Paris The Character of Catharine de Medicis Calumnies against the Protestants The Psalms sung in publick The Original of the Factions The Constancy of Andelot and his Disgrace The Counsellors of the Parliament of Paris suspected as to their Religion The first Protestant National Synod in France The Death of Henry the Second The State of the Court The Nature of the Intrigues then carrieh on there with the Character of the Heads of them How Religion came to be made use of in them Courts of Justice Erected for the Burning of pretended Hereticks called Burning Chambers The ensnaring Superstitions used towards Images to discover and intrap the Protestants The Tragical Execution of Counsellour Du Bourg The Apologetical Writings published by the Protestants which exasperate the Higher Powers A Project against Arbitrary Power The Enterprise of Amboise The Cruelties of the Court The Original of the Word Huguenot An appearance of Moderation The Imprisonment of the Prince of Conde The Death of Francis the Second falsly imputed to the Protestants The General Estates assembled who seem to favour them The Rise of the Triumvirate The Conference at Poissy The setling of the Jesuits at Paris The Fickleness and Inconstancy of the Cardinal of Lorrain and of the King of Navarr A Sedition at Paris against the Protestants The Massacre of Vaissy after the Edict published in January The strength of the Protestants The Admirals short continuance in Favour The first War against the Protestants begun by the Queens Orders but afterward disowned by her The League between the Pope the King of Spain and the Guises
understand derstand that the Resolutions were already formed at the Court of those things which afterwards hapned The only difficulty was to agree about the Pretences and Means to put them in Execution But at last they concluded upon one of the most detestable which was executed upon the 24th of August The Queen of Navar was poysoned before as was supposed by the Queens means who was very much suspected for the business of Poysoning The Admiral was wounded by Maurevel who was charged to kill him and they took this way as most proper to push the Reformed on to Sedition which would give a specious pretence for their Massacre or make them fall out with the Guises and so give the King opportunity to ruin either the one or the other of them But their patience was the cause of their being massacred without any pretence in the most cruel manner in the world I shall not give a particular account of this Horrible Action since all honest Historians have declared and detested it I shall add only that they are accused for having forced the King to ruin them to prevent a Conspiracy against his own Person so that after he had treacherously spilt their blood he would blacken their memory You must not be astonished if there be found some to apologize for this cowardly Cruelty since there was found those who were capable of committing it Peter Carpentier a Lawyer a Protestant Refugee at Geneva sold his Pen to his Brethren's Murderers and being made known to Bellievre whom the King had sent into Switzerland to justify this Action he received mony from him and permission to return into France and promises of great Recompence for declaiming against the memory of the dead This he doth by a bloody Letter which was printed again not long ago to justify the Cruelties of the last persecution as if the shameful perfidiousness of a Rogue of the last Age would serve for an Apology for the Injustice of this As for the Guises because they were not willing to bear the Reproach of this base treachery they constrained the King to take it upon himself and saved some of the Reformed from the hands of the Massacrers to keep themselves from the blame of so black an Infidelity The King of Navar and the Prince of Conde run a great risque of losing their lives The Prince was more difficult to be wrought on but in the end both of them gave way to the violence They took occasion for an honest pretence of des Rosiers who having been found in some Criminal Matters had redeemed his Life at the expence of his Conscience The Reasons which had made him change had the same effect upon the Princes because they were in the same fear as he Monsieur had drawn him out of trouble by his Credit and having secured him to his Interest by this benefit was willing to make use of him to bring back his Daughter and the Duke of Bouillon his Son in Law to the Roman Religion He already procur'd a Conference at Paris 6 or 7 years before between the Drs. of both Parties for the same end but it had then no effect for the Princess persevered in her former Opinions The Duke believ'd the Example and Reasons of des Rosiers would have the same force to convert Hereticks at Sedan as they had had at Paris And therefore sent Maldonat the Jesuit thither with this revolted Minister but the Jesuit obtain'd nothing and durst not let des Rosiers come to Sedan because he did not believe him as yet to be a firm Catholick The Conference which he had with the Ministers did not shake this Princess in the least and tho he publish'd a Relation of this Journey where he speaks very advantagiously of himself and makes the Ministers to argue like Children yet he brought back from thence no other fruit but the loss of his des Rosiers who having followed him to Metz fled himself 3 weeks after into Germany where he made an acknowledgment of his Faults But in France it was found more difficult to destroy the reformed party than was imagined For after so much blood spilt they stood yet upon their feet In a little time the War was kindled every where The Duke of Anjou lost his Time and Reputation before Rochel Sancerre could not be forced to surrender it self by the most cruel Famine that ever was recorded So that they thought themselves very fortunate in making peace and to find pretence for it in the Intercession of the Polanders who were come to offer the Crown of Poland to the Duke of Anjou The Edict granted the Exercise of Religion but to 3 Cities and revoked almost all the foregoing Concessions France was then divided into 3 Factions and in the Duke of Anjou's Army alone there was 4 1. that of the zealous Catholicks which was the ruling party 2. that of the New Catholicks discontented and suspicious 3. that of the Politicks sprung out of the foregoing War and without taking part in Religion formed one in the State under pretence of opposing either the Enterprises of the Court or the ambition of strangers and 4. that of the persevering reformed Religion which they suffered in the Army the better to deceive the rest and to make them believe that they would not exterminate them They had already publish'd an Edict to give this assurance to all that staid peaceably in their houses and to perswade them that the suspicious Conduct of the Admiral was the only cause of their misfortune But the Massacres either done or commanded on the same day in the most considerable Cities of the Kingdom made it known to all them that had not lost their senses how false and ridiculous a pretence this was The Princes and young Lords of those several Parties had like to have raised New Troubles during the siege of Rochel But La Noue whose wisdom they had a great deference for hindred the Effects of their head-strong resolutions But a little while after the Duke of Alenzon renewed those Intrigues to get the same Authority in Affairs which his Brother had before he was King of Poland and the Reformed and the Politicians acknowledged him for their Protector But before he could escape from the Court his Plots were discovered This cost him his Liberty as well as the King of Navar and many others and the Lives of some But all this did not hinder the War from breaking out again in many Provinces and the Protestants lost Montgomery whose Head the Queen cut off against the promise which Matignon made him of his life when he rendred himself his prisoner The Prince of Conde saved himself in a disguise in Germany and made a publick acknowledgment at Strasburg that he had been at Mass A little after the Death of Charles IX the King of Poland was called back into France and in expectation of his return the Queen made her self be
4th Demand The Possession of Estates and the Rights of Successions 5th Demand Vnsuspected Judges Chambers Mipartie or of the Edict 6th Demand To be admitted to all Offices the extent of this Concession Illusion upon that Demand 7th Demand Securities Reasons for demanding them The Election of Governours for the places of security How they were serviceable to the King The paying of Garrisons Private Gifts Debates upon the Form of Concessions which doth vary according to the nature of the thing The distinction of Places The form of Payment The Conclusion AS in the Sequel of the Negotiation of the Edict there was little Alterations made in what had been agreed upon between the King's Commissioners and the Deputies of the Assembly it might be well said that the Treatise ended with the Month of August of the present Year and that the end of the same was in a manner the Epocha or Date of all the Grants peculiar to the Edict of Nants Thitherto the substance of things had been the main Business whereas afterwards the rest of the Difficulties and Debates was for the most part only about the Form and Circumstances But before we come to the Conclusion of this Important Affair it behoveth us for the better clearing thereof to take notice of a Book which came out this Year after the taking of Amiens under the Title of Complaints of the Reformed Churches of France about the Violences they suffered in many places of the Kingdom for which they have with all humility applied themselves at several times to his Majesty and the Lords of his Council The Manuscript of this Book had been handed about last Year and contained in substance the same Complaints that were set forth in a Petition presented to the King during the Siege of la Fere but it was publickly printed this Year with some new matters of fact which the Reformed had occasion to add to it besides some alteration in the form It can hardly be imagined with what cunning the generality of Historians do extenuate or lay aside those Complaints though they are indeed as a Manifesto which gives the reason of the Conduct of the Reformed and makes an Apology for their innocence It is true that amongst them there were some who disapproved the Impression of the Book but we shall not wonder at it if we consider that they had their Politicians and Courtiers who were always of a contrary opinion and whom the Court used as so many Tools to divide the Minds or elude the vigorous Proceedings of the Assembly Besides that part of the Reformed who lived within the reach of the Court in the neighbourhood of Paris being frighted at the sight of their small number were apt enough to be dazled with fair Words and Promises and highly commending that complaisant Behaviour did always speak the Court language either out of weakness or interest We shall see in the Sequel of this History the sad effects of that timorous Policy even after the expedition of the Edict and when it was about to be verified in Parliament But the disowning of a small number doth not hinder the Cause of those Complaints to be most real and all the Matters of Fact mentioned therein to have been the Subject of so many Petitions presented to the King and the Occasion that made the Assembly keep firm to their Demands The Piece is very Eloquent for those Times it moves the Passions well but especially Compassion and Indignation are so lively excited there that it is not easie to read the Work without pitying those who complain of so many Evils and without being angry with them who refused to remedy them There you may see above two hundred particular Instances of Injustices or Violences committed against the Reformed with all the Circumstances of Persons Actions and Time which so exact particularizing of Matters of Fact evidently sheweth that they had unquestionable Proofs in hand and feared not to be misrepresented since they made so publick Complaints and gave such Particulars thereof as made the thing easie to be inquired into Since therefore the Wrongs and Cruelties the Reformed complained of in that Book were the Causes of all those pretended rebellious Proceedings their Enemies have since upbraided them with it will be no great digression from the History of the Edict nor tedious to the Readers to give them a View of those Complaints as short as things of that nature can bear it First The Reformed began with vindicating the Liberty they took to complain which in a Kingdom so free as France was ought not to be blamed in those from whom the quality of Subjects and Frenchmen could not be taken away who had been sufferers so long and who had been so serviceable to the State They declar'd nevertheless that they complained with regret and were forced to discover the shame of their Country by the fury of their Enemies which they exaggerated with all the Expressions and Figures the Hearts of Men are apt to be affected by Afterwards they addressed their Discourse to the King and the better to move him with pity they most submissively shew'd that they were neither Spaniards nor Leaguers and there they made a rehearsal of their great Services done to the State and to himself from his very Cradle against those two sorts of Enemies and of the great Efforts they had made under his valiant and wise Conduct to defend that Crown which he wore on his Head adding that these Truths which were clear and known to all the World had put them in hopes that though they were asleep the King himself and all the good Frenchmen that were left would have thought in their stead of not suffering such a necessary and servicable part of the Nation to be ruined and lost That yet during these eight Years they had seen no diminution in the Catholicks hatred nor any abatement in their Miseries That their Enemies had now if not more Malice at least more means to annoy them because the Reformed did so frankly throw themselves into the King 's Arms. That the Catholicks had even been emboldened against them from their Loyal Affection and Patience as being assured they would never be revenged of any Outrage done them for fear of raising new Troubles in so dangerous a Conjuncture That the Truce which their Enemies would fain have pass for a Peace which ought to content them if as 't was said they could be contented with any thing was infinitely more prejudicial to them than the open War during which they were aware of their known Foes and blessed be God with sufficient means to take from them either the desire or the power of hurting them That a great part of their Enemies had taken up Arms against the Crown for much less even upon account of Fears without ground whereas now the Reformed remained peaceable though spurred by real and present Evils and attacked on all sides with such a cruel animosity
the latter Civil Members of the State as well as they and equal Sharers in the Distribution of Favours and Rewards Yet in this important Matter the Reformed were highly Mistaken when they contented themselves with a wide and general Declaration of their capableness of Offices without solidly engaging the King that they should be really conferr'd upon them In effect to appease the Pope who made as if he had been offended at it they represented to him That there was a vast difference between declaring one capable of a Place and bestowing it upon him which perfidious Maxim the Event has shewn to be too true since the Reformed have been so far from being admitted to high Places or preferr'd to the greatest Dignities according to their Merits that they have been shifted with even about the meanest Places and the most inconsiderable Trades of the Kingdom There were some among them who foreseeing that some Time or other this general Declaration would be ministerpreted mov'd in the Assembly for fixing in each kind of Employments a certain number of Places that should be conferr'd upon the Reformed and du Plessis as I have said elswhere treating some Years before with Villeroy had obtain'd the fourth part of all Places and was even in hopes to obtain a third But besides that such a general Declaration had something more plausible and flattering than the limitation of a certain Number of Places because thereby the Reformed were more fully equall'd to the Catholicks it was more suitable to their different Circumstances in the Provinces of the Kingdom for in some their Number was so great that if they had been reduced to a fourth or a third part of the Offices they had been very unjustly dealt with and the Court had been under a necessity of calling Catholicks from the other Provinces to bestow the remainder upon them But in others they were so much inferior in number to the Catholicks that there had not been enough among them to fill the third or the fourth part of the Places Moreover a special Regulation had been necessary almost for every Balliwick insomuch that a general Clause was in a manner unavoidable Add to this That the Provinces where the Reformed were the strongest and most numerous they did so little question their being able to engross all the Offices to themselves for want of qualified Catholicks that it was no difficult Matter for the Court to satisfie them with that indefinite Declaration And indeed it was very advantagious had it been observ'd bona fide but as the same had been formerly eluded by Henry III's Artifices so his Example has been follow'd since for above 40 Years and this equitable Rule of Equality has been turn'd into a Sham by the Treachery of his Successors True it is that at the Time of the Edict the Reformed gain'd by it no small Credit since the best part of all inferior Offices fell immediately upon them and even the Catholick Lords were so well perswaded that they had a better Stock either of Ability or Honesty than others that they stuck not to prefer them before the Catholicks to such Places as were in their Gift moreover Offices being venal in France the Reformed bought them dearer than others and with the Help of that strong Machine overcame all sorts of Oppositions which happen'd especially for Places of a new creation when he that bids most is sure to be the Buyer But this happy State of the Reformed lasted only till after the taking of Rochel The seventh Demand was concerning the Securities the principal whereof was in their Judgment the keeping of those Places which they had now in their Hands and were numerous and strong enough to resist their Enemies in case of an Attack But 't was this very thing made the Difficulty for the Court was very unwilling to leave so many Fortresses in the Hands of brave and bold Men amongst whom there was a great number of warlike and couragious Nobility who had been permitted to unite together for their mutual Defence but the Reformed were inflexible upon this Point and would by no means hear of parting with what they had for first the Experience of past Times made them afraid that the Edict might be us'd as a Pretence to disarm them and that the Catholicks might break their Oath as soon as their Places of Refuge should be taken from them Besides they could not but know that according to the Policy suggested by the Court of Rome to all Princes who submit to the Pope they keep Faith with none but such as they fear and that therefore it might be kept to the Reformed no longer than the Danger of breaking it should last 'T is a Maxim no less general than true Since Conscience and Honesty have not been a sufficient Warrant for the Security of Treaties that such as are concerned in the Observation of them must make themselves formidable to such as would break the same and make them sensible that they could not do it with impunity Therefore it was necessary for the Reformed to keep still some strong Garrisons to stifle in the Catholicks Hearts the Desire of attempting their Ruin by shewing them the frightful Prospect of an equal Danger on both sides moreover all the rest of the Kingdom was in Arms All such as during the War had commanded either under the King or under the League had some Place or other at their Devotion and as there was no great likelihood of so soon disarming so many Men who acted like petty Princes in their Government so the Reformed had good reason to fear that if they should lay down their Arms alone they might soon be at the Discretion of their irreconcilable Persecutors This same Article comprehended also many private Interests besides the general because there was neither Lord nor Captain which had not some Place in the Guard and no one was so disinterested to give up his own to preserve that of his Companion There was also as engaging an Interest which concern'd the common Cause diverse Places had Catholick Governours that were not bigotted enough to their Religion to neglect their own Fortune tho' it were advanc'd to the Prejudice of the Popish Cause nor yet so well affected to the Reformed to embrace their Party without an evident Advantage They plainly saw that when a Peace should be establish'd in the Kingdom their Places would become unuseful their Garrisons broke and their Profits cease but concluded that if the Reformed obtain'd the keeping of their Places they needed only to change their Religion to preserve their own as being the same Reason whereby others should possess them The Memoirs of those Times give an account That there were Men of this Character who had promised to profess the Reformed Religion but declar'd they would first see the State settl'd 'T was to favour these Conversions which might increase and Strengthen their Party as made them demand That if any Governour of
spoke of it were assur'd by their Eyes that it was the Jesuits Writing It is Remarkable that the last Author of his Life forgetting the Apology which he had made for the Conduct of his Heroe upon this occasion relates in the Order of his History the Answers which the Woman possess'd had made him upon some Questions contain'd in the Memoir This accident belongs to the year 1605. But I have plac'd it here as serving to make known the Character of Cotton the Jesuit and upon what Qualities his Favour was founded I return now to the Order that I had quitted The Duchess of Bar dy'd the beginning of this year of a Distemper which she thought proceeded from being with Child and which her Physicians understood not She was Persecuted with Conferences to her Death Du Perron had acquir'd so much Reputation among the Catholics by the success of Fontainbleau that they believ'd he would succeed every where accordingly But he had not so good an Opinion of himself as others and he would not hazard an Honour so well establish'd upon uncertain hopes When therefore there was any Conference ready they never fail'd to break it off upon the Preliminary Conditions They were propos'd to the Reformed so unjust or so impossible that they were oblig'd to refuse 'em And the Bishop took an occasion from thence to give out that the Ministers were afraid of him and fled from him every time he was ready to enter the List with ' em They defended themselves against this Reproach by the exact Relarions of what had pass'd at those Meetings and the fruit of those Apologies was always that the Catholics referr'd themselves to the Bishop and that the Reformed believ'd that their Ministers were in the Right But these Relations were not Read at Rome where the Bishops Letters were receiv'd as Testimonies of a perfect Victory This was the Reason the King was at no trouble after the Death of Cardinal d'Ossat to procure the Hat for him And sometime after he made him Grand Almoner and Arch-Bishop of Sens. Roni countenanc'd as much as he could the Fortune of this Prelate But the Heart of du Perron was not to be gain'd or oblig'd by Gratitude or by Friendship His Fortune was his Idol He crept before Roni while he was in Authority But he did nothing to serve him when the face of his Affairs was chang'd The Spanish Cabal receiv'd this year a severe Check and Villeroi who was suspected to have been one of the Number had much ado to get off The Council of Spain had Confidents in France and in all the Provinces in all the Orders of the State at Court among the King's intimates in the Council it self The Queen who was push'd forward by the Councils of Italy and by the Italians which were in her Service aspir'd to nothing but an Alliance with Spain because she believ'd it necessary to assure the Succession of her Children The Agents of Spain knew well how to scare her with the Disputes that might one day arise on this Subject and the Attempts that the Marchioness of Verneuil was capable of making against her Person On the other side the same Agents heighten'd the Courage of the Marchioness who took for current Money the private assurances that were given her of protecting her against the Queens Pretentions She enter'd into several Conspiracies to strengthen her self and she made her self unsupportable to the King by a thousand Malicious Tricks and to the Queen by a thousand stinging Reparties Insomuch that the King that to mortifie her was constrain'd to bring both Her her Father and the Count Auvergne her Brother to Justice They had had so many Intrigues against the good of the State that 't was no hard matter to convict 'em and that he had then enough to destroy 'em if the King had not had a Soul too tender to suffer the Death of a Mistress That of the Count de Soissons may be reckon'd a Third Party an unquiet Spirit and who lov'd Change He thought he was the nearest to the Crown of all the Legitimate Princes In the times of Confusion he would not it may be have given place either to the Queens Children or to the Marchionesses or to the Prince of Conde He would have had the places held in Dauphine to have been taken away from Lesdiguieres that he might have had 'em himself He did not like that that Captain who was but his Subordinate in the Province should be stronger there then he who was a Prince of the Blood and had the Government of it This Enterprise came to the Ears of Lesdiguieres and put him in fear that a Journey which the King talk'd of making into Provence was intended to dispossess him But tho the design of this Journey was broken off to remove the Jealousies he had entertain'd his mind however was not perfectly heal'd he began to close again with the Reformed for his security whose Affairs had not much touch'd him till then His suspicions however were not apparently well founded Since it is not credible that the King would ruin him in Dauphine to put a Man in his place who if he became powerful there might do him more mischief then he could All the Council was divided amongst these several Cabals and by consepuence the greater part engag'd in the Intrigues of Spain which had an influence in all these Factions Villeroi took the Queen's side and as he had a strict intelligence with Rome by the means of Cardinal d'Ossat his Creature it was impossible that he should not have likewise a little with the Italians Domestics of that Princess and by their means with Spain which was their first mover 'T was hardly question'd after the bâ—siness of an Inn-keeper one of his Officers This rascally fellow sent Advice to Spain of all that pass'd in the Council of France Insomuch That the King's Embassador at the Court of Spain always found the Spaniards inform'd of all that he had to say to 'em by the Orders of his Master A French-man call'd Rasis who was weary of Spain where he had been ill rewarded for his past Services because that the Ruin of the League hinder'd him from continuing 'em promis'd the Embassador to unfold this Mystery to him if he might be pardon'd what was past and be permitted to return in safety to end his days in his own Country His good designs had like to have prov'd abortive because the dispatches which were Granted him on this occasion pass'd through the hands of Villeroy and his Officer But he happily escap'd after he had told the Embassador the Treachery of the Inn-keeper and being arriv'd in France he discover'd himself to Villeroy whom he found at a Country-House ready to joyn in the King's Retinue at Fontainebleau Villeroy instead of securing his Officer forbore to speak to the King of the matter when he was with him This gave time to a Courier who left Spain
against a Toleration for the Reform'd only changing the Names He deny'd that the State of the United Provinces was grounded upon the profession of the Reform'd Religion By reason said he that the Catholicks had also concur'd towards the maintaining of it He deny'd that it was a means to oblige the Catholicks to embrace the Doctrine of the Reform'd by reason said he that constraint would rather serve to confirm them the more that even their Death would not entinguish their belief that they would commit it as by Cabal or Tradition to their Children or that they would fall into Irreligion And that it was better to tolerate Superstition than Impiety He said as to the permission of retiring which might have been granted them that it would be unjust to condemn people that had done no harm to a kind of Exile which made them renounce all the delights which the love one has for ones Country includes in it self That they had contributed to the conquest of the Countrey they should be oblig'd to quit That thereby they should depopulate the State which would be attended with other great Inconveniences He concluded declaring that he did not desire the Liberty of a Publick Worship for them but only that they might not be prosecuted for what they did in their own Houses and he propos'd precautions to prevent the evil that might be fear'd by it That Negotiation had the success of which we see the fruits to this day No Edict of Liberty was granted to the Catholicks but they were tolerated in some Provinces without being disturb'd They have carry'd their Advantages in several places farther than was design'd and no great efforts have been made to hinder it And tho they are maintain'd by no Publick Law they injoy a Tranquility which others have been depriv'd of tho their Sovereigns had promis'd it them by solemn Edicts During these Translactions the Affairs of the Moors grew worse in Spain and finally they were order'd to retire in a short space of time and upon hard conditions which were not well kept neither The King resolv'd to grant a Free Passage through his Kingdom to such as would accept it And in order to derive a double Advantage by their misfortune in strengthning his Kingdom while their retreat weakened Spain he invited them by an express Edict to come to live in France but the Conditions of it were so little to their advantage that few of them resolv'd to tarry there It oblig'd them to settle on this side the Dordorgna to keep them at a distance from the Frontiers of Spain to turn Catholicks and to persevere in the Roman Faith on pain of death Perhaps a greater number of them would have prefer'd the sweet Climat of France to the Scorchings of the Coasts of Asrick had better Conditions been given them and as they were for the most part good Merchants expert Tradesmen diligent Labourers they would have been of great advantage to the State by their Industry besides their carrying great Riches along with them tho they had been forc'd to leave the best part of them in Spain Even in France they were forc'd to pay their passage by a thousand violences and injustices that were exercis'd against them Those who were intrusted with the care of their Conduct and Embarkment plunder'd them and reduc'd them to great Extremities The Deputies who brought their Complaints to the Court return'd back with a shadow of satisfaction which came to nothing The Bigots who thought all things lawful against Infidels protecting those highly who prostituted the Faith of France by their Injustices in an occasion of that importance Thus those Wretches carry'd away nothing from Europe besides their Arts and Cunning together with an implacable hatred against the Christians whom they have ever since look'd upon as People without Faith or Probity And their Children to this day by their Infidelities and Piracies revenge the Injustices the Christians did to their Families at that time by plundering of their Forefathers The King did not see that Passage for as he was noble and just he would perhaps have hinder'd those miserable Wretches from being us'd so barbarously But an unexpected Death broke all his Measures and Designs depriv'd the Kingdom of its Deliverer the Reform'd of their Defender and all Europe of its Hopes The Prince of Conde had lately marry'd the Daughter of the late Constable Before that Marriage the King had hardly taken notice of her being the most beautiful Lady of the Court but all of a suddain he fell in love with her to that degree that he could not conceal his Passion The Prince being jealous and dreading the Power of his Rival fled with his Wife who was willing to avoid the Snare that was laid for her Virtue and got into Flanders with her without Attendance or Equipage The King either transported with his Passion which he was no longer Master of or being willing to embrace that occasion to attack the House of Austria as he had long design'd it desir'd the Arch-Duke who had receiv'd them very kindly to send them back and upon his refusal declared War against him Some of his Councellors thought that Declaration a little too rash being of opinion that the Prince who had neither Estate Places of strength nor Creatures could not be formidable enough to oblige the King to make so much noise about his Flight Besides that without making use of that Pretence to wage a War a very favourable one offer'd it self in the overture of the succession of Cleves to begin it by reason of the King's alliance with some of the Pretenders Moreover the Preparations of War were not ready some of the Allies not being yet in a condition to act But the King had his private Ends and his Will decided the Question It was high time for Spain to look to it self Never had such great Preparatives been seen in France The Civil Wars had almost made all the French good Soldiers There was an incredible number of old Officers signaliz'd by a long experience They wanted no experienc'd Generals and the King was acknowledg'd throughout Europe for the boldest and best Captain of his time The Blood boil'd in the veins of the Reform'd who expected the end of their fears by the downfal of the House of Austria and only desir'd an occasion to revenge themselves by a just War of the Massacres and Violences they thought the Council of Spain had inspir'd to that of France The Catholicks hop'd to advance and to set a value upon themselves by the War The oeconomy and vigilancy of Sully had put the King's Affairs in such an order that the like had never been known The Arsenal had never been so full of Arms And that which was most to be wonder'd at France had never had so much ready Money nor so many recourses for several years They had great and powerful Alliances Besides that of the Unite Provinces which had been renew'd
Letters-Patent to be drawn by which it is declared That the Temple heretofore built in the said City by the Inhabitants thereof shall be restored unto them to make use of the Materials and to dispose of them as they shall think fit but they shall not be allowed to preach in it nor perform any Exercise of their Religion Nevertheless a convenient Place shall be provided for them within the Enclosure of the said City where they shall be allowed to perform the said Exercise publickly without any necessity of expressing it by his Edict His Majesty also grants that notwithstanding the Prohibition made of the Exercise of the said Religion at the Court and Dependence thereof the Dukes Peers of France Officers of the Crown Marquesses Counts Governors and Lieutenants General Marshals de Camp and Captains of his said Majesty's Guards who shall be in his Attendance shall not be molested for what they shall do within their Houses provided it be only for their own particular Families their Doors being shut without singing of Psalms with a loud Voice or doing any thing that might discover it to be a Publick Exercise of the said Religion and in case his said Majesty shall remain above three Days in any Town or Place where the said Exercise is allowed the said time being expired the said Exercise shall be continued as before his arrival His said Majesty also declares That by reason of the present State of his Affairs he has not been able at present to include the Countries on the other side of the Mounts Bresse and Barcelona in the Permission by him granted for the Exercise of the said Pretended Reformed Religion Nevertheless his Majesty promises That when his said Countries shall be reduced under his Obedience he will use his Subjects inhabiting in the same in relation to Religion and other Points granted by his Edict like his other Subjects notwithstanding what is contained in the said Edicts and in the mean time they shall be maintained in the same condition they are in at present His Majesty also grants That those of the Pretended Reformed Religion that are to be provided with Offices of Presidents and Counsellors created to serve in the Chambers ordained a-new by his Edict shall be invested with the said Offices Gratis and without paying any Fees for the first time upon the Roll that shall be presented to his Majesty by the Deputies of the Assembly of Chatelleraud as also the Substitutes of the Attornies and Advocates General erected by the said Edict in the Chamber of Bordeaux And in case of an Incorporation of the said Chamber of Bordeaux and that of Thoulouse into the said Parliaments the said Substitutes shall be provided with Counsellors places in the same also Gratis His Majesty will also bestow on Monsieur Francis Pitou the Office of Substitute to the Attorney General in the Court of Parliament of Paris and to that end a new Erection shall be made of the said Office and after the Decease of the said Poitou it shall be given to a Person of the said Pretended Reformed Religion And in case of Vacation by Death of two Offices of Masters of Request of the King's Hostel his Majesty shall bestow them on Persons of the said Pretended Reformed Religion such as his Majesty shall judge fit and capable for the good of his Service they paying the usual Price of the Sale of the said Offices And in the mean time two Masters of Request shall be appointed in every Quarter to make report of the Petitions of those of the said Religion Moreover his Majesty permits the Deputies of the said Religion assembled in the said City of Chatelleraud to remain in a body to the number of Ten in the City of Saumur to prosecute the Execution of his Edict until his said Edict is verified in his Court of Parliament of Paris notwithstanding their being injoyn'd by the said Edicts to separate immediately Yet nevertheless without their being allowed to make any new Demands in the name of the said Assembly or to meddle with any thing besides the said Execution Deputation and dispatch of the Commissionaries who shall be ordained to that end And his Majesty has given them his Faith and Word for all that is above-written by this present Breef which he has been pleased to Sign with his own Hand and to have it Counter-sign'd by Us his Secretaries of State Willing the said Breef to be of the same Force and Value to them as if the Contents thereof were included in an Edict verified in his Courts of Parliament those of the said Religion being satisfied out of consideration for the good of his Service and the State of his Affairs not to press him to put this Ordinance in any other more Authentick Form being so Confident of his Majesty's Word and Goodness that they assure themselves that he will make them enjoy the same fully Having to that end ordered all necessary Expeditions and Dispatches for the Execution of what is above-written to be forthwith expedited Thus Sign'd Henry And lower Forget The End of the first Volume Books now in the Press and going to it Printed for John Dunton at the Raven in the Poultrey ☞ THe second Volume of the History of the Famous Edict of Nantes containing an account of all the Persecutions c. that have been in France since its first publication to this present time faithfully extracted from the publick and private Memoirs that could possibly be procured Printed first by the Authority of the States of Holland and West-Frezeland and now Translated into English with Her Majesties Royal Privilege ☞ The Genuine Remains of that Learned Prelate Dr. Thomas Barlow late Lord Bishop of Lincoln containing various Points Theological Philosophical Historical c. in Letters to several Persons of Honour and Quality To which is added the Resolution of many abstruse Points in Divinity with great Variety of other Subjects written by his Lordship and published by Sir Peter Pet Knight ☞ Mr. William Leybourn's New Mathematical Tractates in Folio Intituled Pleasure with Profit lately proposed by way of Subscription having met with good Encouragement are now put to several Presses and will be ready to be delivered to Subscribers the next Term In this Work will be inserted above what was first proposed a New System of Algebra according to the last Improvements and Discoveries that have been made in that Art As also several great Curiosities in Cryptography Horometria c. which Additions will inhance each Book to 16 s. in Quires to those that do not Subscribe and those that do are desired to send in their first Payment viz. 6 s. before the 26th instant after which no Subscriptions will be taken in Lately Published ☞ LIturgia Tigurina Or the Book of Common-Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments and other Ecclesiastical Rites and Ceremonies usually practised and solemnly performed in all the Churches and Chappels of the City and Canton of Zurick in Switzerland and
Pacification of the Trouble of the Kingdom given at Nantes April 1598 with the particular Articles intervening upon it c. 526 Particular Articles extracted from the General which the King granted to those of the pretended Reformed Religion which the King would not have compris'd in the General Edicts nor in the Edict which was made and fram'd upon those given at Nantes in April last c. 553 A Breviat granted by Hen. the Great to his Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion April 30. 1598. 563 FINIS MARIE R. WILLIAM and MARY by the Grace of God King and Queen of England Scotland France and Ireland Defenders of the Faith c. To all Our loving Subjects of what Degree Condition and Quality soever within our Kingdoms and Domiminions Greeting Whereas our Trusty and Well-beloved John Dunton Citizen and Stationer of London hath represented unto Us That he is Printing an English Translation out of French of the Edict of Nantes in Four Volumes and that in regard of the great Costs and Charges it hath already been and will be to him he hath humbly besought Us to grant him our Royal License for the sole Printing and Publishing thereof We are graciously pleased to gratifie him therein and accordingly we do therefore hereby grant unto him the said John Dunton Our Royal License for the sole Printing and Publishing of the said Book for the Term of Fourteen Years from the Date hereof strictly charging prohibiting and forbiding all Our Subjects to Reprint the said Book in whole or in part or to imprint buy vend utter or distribute any Copies or Exemplaries of the same or any part thereof Reprinted beyond the Seas within the said Term without the Consent and Approbation of him the said John Dunton his Executors Administrators or Assigns first had and obtained as they and every of them offending herein will answer the contrary at their Peril whereof the Master Wardens and Company of Stationers of Our City of London the Commissioners and Officers of Our Customs and all other Our Officers and Ministers whom it may concern are to take Notice that due Obedience may be given to Our pleasure herein signified Given at our Court at White-Hall the 30th day of June 1693. in the Fifth Year of Our Reign By Her MAJESTIES Command J. TRENCHARD The SECOND VOLUME OF THE HISTORY Of the Famous Edict of Nantes CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF ALL THE PERSECUTIONS That have been in FRANCE During the Reign of Lewis the XIII Faithfully Extracted from all the Publick and Private Memoirs that could possibly be procured Printed first in French by the Authority of the States of Holland and West-Friezland And now Translated into English With Her Majesties Royal Priviledge LONDON Printed for JOHN DUNTON at the Raven in the Poultrey MDCXCIV THE PREFACE OF THE Second Part. WE left the Reform'd at the end of our First Part in a tolerable condition and in a tranquility which settled it self by degrees under the Protection of their King After the hardships of War Infidelitys and Massacres they began to relish the sweets of Peace with assurance by the love of a Prince who had not forgot their Services They thought themselves secure against the Malice of their Enemies and were under no apprehensions for their Consciences or Lives If they retain'd the least doubts or suspicions they only proceeded from a Prudence which consider'd the future and consequently oblig'd them under a King who was favourable towards them to take measures against the designs of another who might perhaps not entertain the same kindness for them This was the Aim of their Assemblies both General and Particular of their Councils of their Synods of their Associations Petitions and Demands All this was lawfu They had had so many dismal proofs of the Maxims of the Church of Rome in respect to those that are declar'd Hereticks by them that they had no reason to confide too much on the appearences of the Peace that Church had granted them They were not ignorant that the Popes had only consented to it because the Catholick Religion did lose considerably by the War and that the Court of Rome finds its account much better in the intrigues of the Cabinet and in the arificies of a fraudulent Policy than in Military Expeditions which they do not understand So that the Reform'd who had learn'd to be wise by an experience of fourscore years could not without relapsing into that ancient simplicity which had done their Fore-fathers so much harm and which their very Enemies had often upbraided them with in an insulting manner neglect to take precautions to secure themselves against the secret snares which the Church of Rome can set with so much Art and prepare at such a Distance Tho the King sometimes gave them causes of distrust yet he was not averse to their Pretentions and had he lived as long as his Constitution and Vigor seem'd to promise he might have put them in a condition which would have oblig'd the Catholicks to cultivate a Peace which they could not have broken without exposing themselves to sustain at least part of the damages of such a Breach It is true that he was stopt sometimes by a political consideration when the Jesuits and the Catholicks of their Party had filled his Head with the dread of a Cabal ever ready to break out ever dispos'd to receive malecontents and to asist them ever Mistress of the Government by reason that by the number of the places of surety and by the credit of the Lords who enter'd into that Vnion it was strong enough whenever Factions should be form'd in the Kingdom to incline the Ballance to that Party they should side with Moreover they told that Prince that it did not consist with his interest to suffer a Confederacy of part of his Subjects amongst themselves for their own preservation as if it had been against his Authority and that it had form'd a state within his Kingdom having Cities of their own Laws Interests and Politicks contrary to the common good of the Kingdom The King who was haughty passionate and jealous of his Grandeur easily suffer'd himself to be deluded by those shadows and at those times let fall words which gave cause to believe that he thought the Reform'd too great too formidable already to grant them any new favours But then those little heats were as soon allaid as they were assum'd His resentments were only lightnings the matter whereof was as soon consum'd as it had taken Fire there neither remain'd the least track of the heat or smoak of it All his anger was evaporated by a Frown and a threatning Word He thought himself sufficiently reveng'd when he had express'd that it was in his Power to take his revenge when ever he pleas'd Those who are well acquainted with the Character of that Prince know that this was his real temper which cannot be look'd upon as a Weakness since the principle of it was
lately come from the Court â—…re they had been to give an account of the preceeding â—…tion and that the good Treatment they had reâ—…d there had dispos'd them to follow mild Councils for Du Plessis the Court rewarded him some years 〈…〉 it for his good intentions by taking Saumur from by an unworthy Treachery and they begun with him â—…rder to distinguish him from the rest The Assembly being therefore no longer able to subsist 〈…〉 Rochel and that City declaring positively that they were â—…ied with the Queens proceedings the Duke of Rohan 〈…〉 dreaded that example might be followed by oâ—…s and that he might be forsaken as soon as ever his 〈…〉 was attack'd that those reproaches might be renew'd â—…st him which had been made at Saumar that he only â—…d at trouble and disorder to make himself head of the â—…y that Duke I say submitted like the rest and sent a â—…tleman to the Queen to express his regret to her for â—…ng offended her The Queen receiv'd his Submissions what she had promis'd was perform'd La Rochebeauâ—… enter'd into St. Johnd ' Angely for form sake and the â—…en remov'd him from thence within a sew days to give 〈…〉 the Government of Chatelleraud However the Queen â—…isted in the resolution not to tollerate Provincial Counâ—… but after having been solicited by the Deputies Geâ—…l and by divers Envoys from the particular Provinces Plessis having also solicited very earnestly for it and â—…onstrated what inconveniencies might arise from it inâ—… the Provinces to whom those Council seem'd to be â—…lutely necessary should refuse to dissolve them the â—…en promis'd Verbally to tollerate them provided the â—…rches made a modest use of the said Institution which the Deputies General acquainted the Churches with her Name Thus one and the same thing was forbiddâ—… by a publick Law and allow'd of by a secret â—…mise insomuch that it was easie for the Queen to 〈…〉 the advantage of the Law when ever she pleas'd and forget her Promise However those troubles did not end until the beginniâ—… of the year 1613. But before we leave this it will 〈…〉 proper to observe that the Seeds of the Civil Wars whâ—… were soon after kindled in the Kingdom were sown in 〈…〉 The Queen declar'd publickly that the Marriage of 〈…〉 King with the Infanta of Spain and of the Infant of Sâ—… with the King 's eldest Sister were agreed upon She 〈…〉 the 25th of March to make the said Declaration a day â—…dicated to the Solemnity which the Catholicks call the â—…nunâ—iation Three days of rejoycing were made upon 〈…〉 account in which a prodigious dissipation was made of 〈…〉 remainder of Sully's Husbandry The Duke of Mayâ—… was sent into Spain to Sign the Articles between the Kâ—… and the Infanta and at his return he brought back 〈…〉 him the Duke de Pastrana to Sign those of the 〈…〉 and of the King 's eldest Sister That affair offended 〈…〉 Prince of Conde and the Count de Soissons to a high â—… because it had not been communicated to them Tâ—… retir'd from Court upon that pretence but their anger 〈…〉 not last long and their consent their signature and thâ—… return were bought with some gratifications The 〈…〉 prudent among the French likewise were displeas'd to 〈…〉 those Marriages concluded so soon after Henry the 〈…〉 Death who had express'd so much repugnancy towaâ—… them and that those sums should be expended in Tuâ—…ments and Balls which had been laid up for greater desigâ—… That they should serve to pay the vain Pomps which 〈…〉 press'd the joy of an alliance with their greatest Enemiâ—… That what he had design'd to make War against them break the Fetters they design'd to Impose upon Euâ—… should serve to show publickly that they renounc'd thâ—… rious projects and that France should shamefully adhere 〈…〉 the progress of a House which aim'd at the Universal â—…narchy But no body was more concern'd at it than the Reform'd â—…reason that besides the general reasons in which they â—…eed with the rest to disapprove the said Marriages they 〈…〉 particular ones which only related to themselves They 〈…〉 as well as every body else that Spain had a great asâ—…dant in the Council of France and that not having been 〈…〉 to oppress Europe by the ruin of that Kingdom they â—…eavour'd to succeed in it by joyning the interests of State to theirs under pretence of Allyance and Friendâ—… They saw that Spain did precipitate an affair which 〈…〉 not ripe yet in marrying of Children before the Age which Nature renders them capable of it which alone 〈…〉 sufficient to give violent suspicions of some hidden deâ—… They could not foresee whether Marriages of this â—…ure being only promises which may always be reâ—…ted might not prove a trick of Spain which had forâ—…ly play'd the like and who would break that Proâ—… as soon as they should want the Allyance of another â—…ce The Negociators which were the Pope and the â—…t Duke were suspected by them as persons that deâ—…'d their ruin The Duke de Mayenne chosen among â—…ny others for the Embassy of Spain he whose Name 〈…〉 seem'd to revive the League created a thousand suspiâ—… in them Finally they knew that at the first propoâ—…n that had been made of those Marriages an Article 〈…〉 been inserted in it relating to them and that the Caâ—…icks exspected to sanctifie those Marriages by the deâ—…ction of Heresie Those thoughts had run in the minds â—…ose who had inspir'd the desire of War into the Duke 〈…〉 Rohan but whereas the cause of the difidence remain'd 〈…〉 after the accomodation of that affair and the separaâ—… of the Assembly of Rochel peoples minds were still â—…y to take fire when the Princes express'd new disâ—…ents The noise that was made at Rochel to hinder the continuation of the Assembly was soon appeas'd But there happened an affair at Nimes which did not end so easily Ferrier who had been depriv'd of the profession of Theology and of the Ministry he had exerted at Nimes by the National Synod not being satisfied with the Church of Montelimar where he was sent resolv'd to try whether the Court would assist him in order to be restor'd or give him some recompence for what he had lost by his complaisance for them He obtain'd a Counsellors place in the Presidial of Nimes and after having receiv'd his Patents for it he resolv'd to officiate it himself The Ministers of Paris and others us'd their utmost endeavours to put that fancy out of his head as soon as they knew it Moreover they obtain'd a promise from him that he would obey the Synod but he broke it and to add treachery to desertion he abandon'd his Religion and yet profess'd it still outwardâ—y And it is thought that he liv'd in that shameful dissimulation long before he quited his Ministry His Church upbraided him for it and he partly confest it as will appear by the Sequel As soon as he
made all his deâ—…miscary None but the Reform'd were still able to do something for him but they were slow to declare themselves Their Assembly had been open'd at Grenoble on the 15th of July and Lesdiguieres having refus'd the Presidentship which was offer'd to him by all the Deputies they had Elected De Blet Deputy for the Nobility of the Province of Anjou for their President and Durand Minister of Paris and Deputy for the Isle of France for his Associate and Boisseuil and Maniald for Secretaries The Prince of Conde sent a Gentleman thither to invite them to joyn with him in order to procure a good Reformation of the State in which he promis'd to make the Reform'd find all the Sureties they could reasonably expect A considerable part of the Assembly inclin'd towards that Union and the Pretences the Prince us'd were so plausible and so Noble that they could hardly fail of making an Impression upon many People To pass the Independence of the Crown into an Act of the State to secure the King's Person against Assassinations Excommunications and Depositions to revenge the too long neglected Murther of the late King to hinder the Publication of a Council against which a great King had Protested and which was very prejudicial to France to reduce Taxes and Impositions at reasonable Rates to remove the excessive Authority of Foreigners and to call them to an Account for the Abuses introduc'd during their being in Favour to settle the Edicts of Pacification beyond Reach All these were great designs which appear'd so Just so Lawful and so necessary that no body question'd but they would be attended with the Blessing of God and that all true Frenchmen would unanimously favour them But others were of Opinion that the Assembly ought to leave the management of the Political part of those Projects wholly to the Prince of Conde and to apply themselves solely to take measures for the safety of the Reform'd Religion They did not question but the Prince had a Right by his Birth to endeavour to purge the Government of all the Abuses that were slipt into it but they did not think it proper for the Reform'd to ingage in it otherwise than by Prayers to God and most humble Remonstrances to the King Some Provinces had given their Deputies Instructions to that Effect The diversity of Opinions manag'd by Lesdiguieres for the Interest of the Court having appear'd at the overture of the Assembly satisfy'd the Queen that the Reform'd would not be ready so soon but that she might have time to put her designs in Execution before the Prince and they could be in a Posture to oppose them She had given great Causes of Complaint to the Duke of Rohan whom she was Jealous of upon that Account Therefore being desirous to oblige him by some Favour to forget what was past she took the occasion of a difference between the Houses of Rohan and de la Trimouille about the Presidentship of the Estates of Britany to which they both aspir'd with such Equal Rights that it was impossible to decide the question otherwise than by adjudging the said Privilege to both to injoy it Alternately The Duke de la Trimouille who was lately return'd from Travelling design'd to appear in the Estates and so did the Duke of Rohan They refus'd to yield to each other which concurrence could not fail of being attended with ill Consequences The Queen being desirous to pleasure the Duke of Rohan by seeming to declare her self in favour of him either to imploy him elsewhere while she perform'd her Progress or to oblige him in an Affair of Precedence and Honour sent him an Order to repair to the Estates to preside there and at the same time sent a contrary Order to the Duke de la Trimouille whose displeasure she did not Value by Reason that he was very young not much known and far from that degree of Credit and Power in which the World had seen the late Duke his Father This avail'd the Queen but little by Reason that her Refusal of the Governmént of Poitou to the Duke of Rohan to whom she had formerly Granted the Survivorship thereof made a deeper Impression upon him than her pretended Favour about the Presidentship He made no use of the Order he had receiv'd from the Court and Presided that time by consent of the Duke de la Trimouille by Virtue of an Accommodation procur'd by their mutual Friends to hinder those two Potent Families that liv'd in Friendship at that time from coming to a Breach Nevertheless the Queen being so well satisfy'd with the then State of Affairs as to assure her self of success resolv'd to improve it and to do her Business before the Prince could have time to oppose it Therefore all of a sudden while the Negotiation of Peace seem'd to draw towards a happy Conclusion she sent an Order to him from the King to repair to his Majesty with all speed to accompany him in his Progress in Order to the Accomplishing of his Marriage And lest he might plead Ignorance she acquainted him with the very day he had pitch'd upon for his departure The Prince complain'd highly at this Precipitation and took occasion from thence to take up Arms but with so small a Number of Men and so little prospect of Relief that he was like to sink under it In the mean time the King set forward and continu'd his Progress slowly tho' some of the most Judicious and best skill'd in Affairs of State were of Opinion that it was a Rash Resolution by Reason that the King removing from the Center of the Kingdom left a kindl'd Fire in it which would have time and opportunity to do a great deal of mischief while the Court remain'd at one of the Extremities of the Kingdom the most distant from the Conflagration The Assembly of Grenoble which after all the delays occasion'd by the diversity of Opinions had at last determin'd to try what they could obtain from the Court before the taking any other measures had deputed three Persons to the King to present their * Cahiers to him and had charg'd them expresly humbly to beseech his Majesty to consider the Prince of Conde's Remonstrances Those Deputies were Champeaux Des Bordes Mercier and Maillâ—ray Champeaux had the greatest share of Honour in that Deputation by Reason that he was the Head and speaker of it But Desbordes had more Credit because he was a Man of better Parts besides his being ingag'd in the Prince of Conde's Interest to which the Marshal de Bouillon had drawn him as I have already said by very fair promises The King was gone before the Deputies reach'd Paris and could not overtake him till they came to Amboise from whence the King having heard them adjourn'd them to Poitiers for an Answer This delay was ill resented by the Deputies who lookt upon it as an instance of the little regard that would be had to
made none but only express'd his Astonishing by some Words when Vitri acquainted him that he was his Prisoner But this Action of Vitri was justify'd and that Service made him a Marshal of France The State of Affairs was quite Alter'd by that Death The Queen being penetrated with Grief was depriv'd of all Authority Her Creatures lost their Places those she had remov'd from Court were recall'd The Male-contents submitted themselves and the King Granted them a General Pardon in the Month of May in which acknowledging that they had only taken Arms for their safety against the Insolent Violent and Pernicious designs of the Marshal d'Ancre who imploy'd the King's Forces contrary to his Intention to ruin them that after his Death they return'd immediately to their Allegiance and that they had implor'd his Pardon very submissively he revok'd the Declaration that had been given against them Abolish'd the remembrance of what was pass'd confirm'd the Treaty of Loudun and the Edict of Blois and Order'd that all his Subjects as well Catholics as Reform'd should live in Peace under the Benefit and Authority of his Edicts After which the favour of the New Favourite was exerted against the Miserable Remains of the Marshal's Family even to Inhumanity His Lady was Executed for pretended Crimes of which she was found Guilty more upon the Account of the hatred of the Public than by any solid Proofs Luines was Adorn'd with his Spoils and saw himself so great-all of a suddain that he was Astonish'd at his own Fortune He made use of his Authority in a manner yet more Odious than the Marshal d'Ancre whom to say the Truth he neither surpass'd in Birth or Merit His Favour was only for himself he injoy'd it amidst Seditions and Civil Wars and he ingag'd himself into Foreign Cabals to the great detriment of his Country I must also add that in order to maintain his Credit he Marry'd the Daughter of the Duke de Mombazon of the House of Rohan This perswaded the Duke of that Name that he would be consider'd by that Favorite who was Honour'd by his Alliance But the Duke being come back to Court after the Treaty of Loudun had reconcil'd himself sincerely to the Queen who had receiv'd the Excuses â—â— made to her about his taking Arms very favourably All that he had obtain'd by the Treaty was the assurance of the Government of Poitou provided he could obtain the Duke of Sully's Demission because there was an Article in the Edict which promis'd expresly that the King would Grant no more Survivorships When he had obtain'd the Demission he was oblig'd to come to Court in Person to obtain his Letters Patent for the same He did it boldly enough tho he thereby expos'd himself to the Mercy of Persons of which some hated him Mortally and the others were very Faithful Nevertheless it prov'd to his Advantage and the Queen gave him his Patents which the change of Affairs hinder'd him from injoying Yet notwithstanding he apply'd himself to the Service of that Princess with so much Fidelity that he made an End of Ruining himself at Court and that far from drawing an advantage by the Alliance of that New Favorite he created an irreconcileable hatred between them It will be necessary to know the particulars which were the Motives or occasions of the following Wars During these Transactions the Deputies of the Provinces that were Invited to Rochel were got thither for the most part and that Assembly created equal Jealousies on all sides by reason that the State being divided into several Parties â—â— body knew which they would joyn with But the Marshal's Death and the Queen's Exile having appeas'd the Troubles the most specious Reasons of the Assembly were remov'd They sent Deputies to the King upon this unexpected alteration to Congratulate the recovering of his Authority Those Deputies did not see the King who refus'd to treat them as Deputies from a Lawful Assembly But after that the Answer â—…e sent them was not disobliging The King refer'd to hear them when the Assembly should be Dissolv'd they were desir'd to behave themselves as good Subjects ought to do when they have something to desire of their King to draw their 〈◊〉 Cahiers To separate forthwith and to retire into their Respective Provinces That upon that Account the King would favour them in all things that were reasonable and â—…st Therefore they broke up at the return of their Deputies according to the Advice of the Wisest who remonstrated to them with a great deal of Vigor That it behov'd them to â—how by that mark of Obedience that they did only Assemble when they had just reasons to fear but that they dissolv'd of themselves as soon as ever those fears were dissipated They â—â—serted an Article in their Cahiers which related to the Churches of Bearn desiring that no Innovations might be â—ade in that Principality either in Church or State But they show'd yet better how much they concern'd themselves â—â— the Affairs of that Province by an Act they made which oblig'd all the Churches to assist those of that Province in â—…ase of Oppression and Necessity by some Alteration of the State â—…ither in the Ecclesiastick or Politick part if those Churches â—…plor'd the assistance of those of France They order'd the Provinces of the Upper Languedoc and of the lower Guyenne to Assemble by their Deputies with those of that Soveraignty of necessary to endeavour to prevent their being oppress'd They writ to the great Lords to Intercede for the Reform'd of Bearn and they exhorted all the Councils of the Provinces to recommend them to the Deputies General The Affection they express'd for those threatned Churches prov'd useless And the King 's very Answer to the Article which spoke in their behalf destroy'd by one word which was Inserted in it on purpose all the hopes of their being favourably us'd The King promis'd to preserve all his Subjects of the Country of Bearn both Catholicks and Reform'd in the Possession of their Ancient Privileges and to maintain Peace and Union there as among the other Subjects of his Realm The Equivocation of the word Ancient was a plain Argument that the Council design'd to look upon the present State of Bearn as a Novelty And to restore the Catholicks there to all the Advantages they had lost by the attempt they had made against their Lawful Queen The Assembly Inserted in their * Cahiers some other important Articles viz. Concerning the Exemption of the Ministers and the Declaration given upon that Subject which the Court of Aids still refus'd to verifie the Necessity of Reform'd Associates for the Instruction of Criminal Causes the discharge of certain Offices which were impos'd upon the Reform'd tho they thought they could not Officiate them without wounding their Consciences concerning the Privilege of Reform'd Magistrates and Officers not having discharg'd their Trust in their Offices to be prosecuted in the Chambers of
that Breach of Faith might throw all the Churches He oblig'd the King to write to the Major and to the Peers of Rochel to inform them that he had not given the Assembly Leave to meet there and to forbid them to receive it But that proving ineffectual he issu'd out a Declaration at Grenade on the 22d of October which declar'd that Assembly unlawful In order to ruine their Pretence the King deny'd his having promis'd any thing to the Assembly of Loudun at their Breaking up And â—â—id moreover that all the Articles he had promis'd were actually perform'd and as if the Desolation of Bearn had not prov'd the contrary they made him say that the Reason of his Journey to Bourdeaux was only to get Leitoure out of the Hands of Fontrailles The Noise the Reform'd made upon this Breach of Word was great and prov'd ineffectual Besides the Vexation of being deceiv'd like Children they had the Grief to find that the Court deny'd it all The Prince of Conde and the Duke de Luines Lesdiguieres and Chatillon fail'd in their Garrantee It was not very easie though to persuade so many Persons to whom the same Promise had been made so solemnly that they had promis'd them nothing Therefore they began first with Cavils very much below Persons of that high Rank They found out little Equivecations upon the time of the beginning and ending of those six Months They said that the Prince and the Favourite had promis'd nothing in the King's Name that they had only spoken in their own and that they had only ingaged to interceed with the King who had been the sole Master of the Event The Duke de Mombason bred in another Reign in which Sincerity was accounted Virtue remember'd his having been the Bearer of that Promise to 〈◊〉 Plessis who having written a very sharp Letter to him about it the Duke sent him an Answer on the 1st of November in which he declar'd positively that he had said nothing to him but what the King and the Duke de Luines had charg'd him several times to say in proper Terms But whereas a Witness of that Consequence was irksome in that Affair the Jesuit Arnoux writ another Letter in the Duke's Name Dated December the 10th It was full of Excuses about the Conduct of the Court conformable to the Declaration of Grenade which consequently left the Complaints of the Reform'd in their full force That feign'd Answer was printed to destroy the true one which had been printed also and the Duke durst not disown it publickly for fear of Offending his Son-in-Law but yet he own'd in private that he was the Author of the first which du Plessis had receiv'd and that he had not written the Second Nevertheless as all these Illusions did not appear sufficient to excuse a Breach of Word the Jesuits suggested another Pretence viz. that the Reform'd being Rebels they had forfeited all the Favors that might be granted them It past at first for an adjudg'd Case that they were Rebels they were Condemn'd without Inquiry or Examination as if it had been notorious They pretended notwithstanding that their Conduct had been very Innocent since they had only taken Arms till then for Affairs of State in which Religion was not concern'd and in which the Catholicks had been concern'd as well as the Reform'd the Motives of the Conduct of which the King had approv'd by solemn Treaties but in their own Affairs they had imploy'd no other Methods but such as were â—…llow'd of since the Edict viz. Assemblies Deputations Petitions Remonstrances c. Nevertheless that Pretence was so conformable to the Designs of the Court that it was receiv'd there as a Principle and by Treating the Reform'd as Rebels they forc'd them to become so The End of the Sixth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTES VOL. II. BOOK VII A Summary of the Contents of the Seventh BOOK THE Ecclesiasticks are seiz'd upon at Montauban which the Consuls excuse and the Catholicks aggravate The like Transactions elsewhere Character of Masuier who writes to the King with Malice Division of the Judges about the Inrollment of the Declarations at Castres Troubles at Nimes occasion'd by a Jesuit Circle of the Lower Languedoc assembled at Lunel Retaking of the Castle of Privas All manner of Justice refus'd to the Reform'd who are driven to Despair Collusion with Chatillon and Mommorency Orders from the Court to lay down Arms. Taking of Walons Siege and Taking of Wals. Walons is Re-taken and Restor'd Assembly of Rochel Lesdiguieres falls ouâ— with the Assembly The small Affection he had for his Religion He Marries Mary Vignon against the Discipline of the Reform'd Of which he makes publick Acknowledgment Stratagem of the Duke de Luines in order to gain him Double Commission to Treat with him What Empire Deagean takes over Lesdiguieres Feign'd Disputes of Religion Bressieux imploy'd to ruin the Work of Deagean Bullion succeeds in it better than he Lesdiguieres does not hearken to his Friends Policy of Deagean Luines is made Constable Lesdiguieres remains at Court Mediation of the Dukes de Rohâ—n and de la Trimoville render'd ineffectual by Favas Du Plessis and Du Moulin sollicit the Assembly to break up Du Moulin in Danger of being made Prisoner Coldness of James the First about the Affairs of the Palatinate Du Moulin writes to him and his Letter falls into the Hands of the Council of France He makes his Escape happily Effect of his Letters to the Assembly Difficulties which put a Stop to the Negotiation New Conditions of Acommodation Seven Articles which the Court agrees upon to amuse the Reform'd The old Councellors of State are against War The Duke de Luines is not inclin'd to it neither but the Queen the Prince of Conde Puisieux the Clergy the Pope and the Spaniards prevail for War Some are for Exterminating all and others are for Sparing the Peaceable Reasons of the first Advice Reasons of the Second which is follow'd and succeeds Reasons Publish'd to Blind the Reform'd New Difficulties about the Time of beginning the War How those Difficulties were remov'd The King goes away from Paris unexpectedly and takes away the Offices of Receipts from the Reform'd Cities Settlement of War in the midst of the Negotiations of Peace New Troubles in Bearn The Duke d'Epernon is sent thither Cowardise of the People of Orthez La Force Retires All Bearn is subdued Blindness of the Reform'd Seditions at Tours and elsewhere The Court steps the Progress of it The Sedition Revives Punishment of some of the Guilty which deceives the Reform'd New Declaration The General Assembly defend themselves in Writing Particulars of their Complaints The Marshal de Bouillon writes to the King Reply of the Jesuits to the Writing of the Assembly Lesdiguieres Breaks off with them The Assembly draws a Project of Defence Division of the Provinces in Circles The Marshal de Bouillon refuses the Place of General Irreparable Fault of
Lord Keeper of the Great Seal and the Jesuit Confessor to the King seconded it with all their Might Jeanin and the other old Ministers who were not heartily inclin'd for a War oppos'd it and thought that it would be proper to talk of a Peace on the contrary in threatning a War and in the mean time to prepare for the last in case the Reform'd should refuse the first on Conditions worthy of the King The Duke de Luines joyn'd with the last but for other Reasons He saw no Money ready for the War he had rather apply the Finances to his own and to his Friends Advantage than to a doubtful Enterprise He was at a Loss to whom he should trust the Command of the Armies He was not secure of the Foreigners He had no body to whom he could confide the Provinces he should leave behind him in marching with the King towards the Southern Provinces In fine the Number of the Reform'd Lords made him dread Diversions where-ever they had any Authority But he was so happy that all those Difficulties were level'd He gain'd most of the Great ones Chatillon was bought with the Promise of a Marshal's Staff The Marshal de Bouillon remain'd long Newter Lesdiguieres fool'd himself and many others follow'd his Example He met with no Oppositions from Abroad The King under pretence of a Journey into Picardy secur'd himself on the side of the Netherlands and Spain freely granted him all the Assurances he could desire being far from putting any Obstacles to a War they desired passionately Cadenet Brother to the Favourite who was created Duke de Chaunes easily prevail'd with the King of England who thought himself oblig'd to lose all the Opportunities which a good Politician would have improv'd to make himself Arbitrator of Europe when there was a Necessity to succor Subjects against their Prince in order thereunto The Vnited Provinces were not in a Condition to Break with France It is true that as that Crown had had some hand in the Divisions of that State and seem'd to favour the Party of Barnevelt they had also given some Discontents to the Prince of Orange But those petty Subjects of Complaint did yield to greater Interests The Terror of the Prosperities of the House of Austria did not permit the States to fall out with an Allie so necsseary as Lewis the Thirteenth The Court sow'd the utmost Divisions among the Reform'd They endeavor'd to revoke the Power of those who were deputed to the Assembly They endeavor'd to make the other Cities jealous of Rochel either as designing to promote their own Advanvage at their Cost or as designing to become the Center of their Union and to ingross all the Authority Though all the Reform'd were not susceptible of those Diffidences yet there were always some who suffered themselves to be caught in the Snare of those false Impressions Notwithstanding the Court gave ear to all the Propositions of the Mediators with as much Application as if they had had a sincere desire of Peace People were strangely surpriz'd to find in the middle of those Negotiations when the Court thought that they had taken sufficient Measures to succeed in their Enterprize that the King repair'd to Fontainebleau from whence he writ to the Duke de Bouillon and to Du Plessis and some others that the Obstinacy of the Assembly was the Occasion of his Journey and that it oblig'd him to repair to Tours and perhaps farther if it were necessary to be near at hand to give his Orders He mix'd with this Advice Assurances of his good Intentions in favor of those that should remain within the Bounds of their Duty The next day after his Arrival he revers'd the Priviledge of Elections and removed the Offices for the Receits of his Revenues out of the Cities held by the Reform'd by an express Declaration and transfer'd them to Catholick Cities under pretence of hindering the Reform'd from seizing upon the Royal Treasure But he restor'd that of Saumur by a Brief to satisfie du Plessis for whom a far greater Affront was preparing This Edict might reasonably pass for a Declaration of War but it did not open the Eyes of those who were inclineable to a Peace and they continu'd their Mediation some with Sincerity and others to please the Court which was desirous to amuse the Reform'd by those Appearances So that Conferences were held still in which all things seem'd to tend to an Accommodation The Constable seem'd to open his Mind freely to the Deputies and to consent to a Peace upon tolerable Conditions For which reason the Agents and Mediators left Paris with Pavas to repair to Rochel by divers ways and upon different Days in order severally to dispose the Assembly to receive the Conditions they brought them But without tarrying longer than the next day after Favas's Departure a Council was held in the King's Presence in which a Settlement was drawn of Forty thousand Foot and Eight thousand Horse to be distributed in the Provinces according as it should be necessary The Government of Bearn was given to Themines in the same Council La Force was depriv'd of all his Places the Survivorship of them was taken from his Son the Marquess de Mompouillan who created Jealousies in the Favorites and in the Jesuits by his great Accomplishments and by the Share he had in the King's Favour and he was order'd to retire from the Court That Prince permitted those who govern'd him to dispose of his Inclinations as they did of his Finances and of his Authority and always approv'd the Reasons that were alledg'd to him no longer to love what he had most lov'd The Pretence us'd for that Disgrace was That Peoples Minds began to be heated again in Bearn and that the Affairs there seem'd to be upon the Point of a new Revolution La Force was inrag'd that instead of making him some Reparation for the Affront he had receiv'd from Poyane who had taken Arms not only without his Leave but without his Knowledge the Court had sent him an Order by Saludie to lay down his Arms approving the Actions of Poyane The Marquess de la Force press'd his Father to resent that Affront and look'd upon the Proceeding of the Court as a bloody Injury to oblige an old Governor of Province an ancient Officer of the King's Houshold to disarm before the Governor of a Town who ought at least to have honour'd him as a Superior and to communicate his Designs to him though he were excus'd from receiving Orders from him Moreover it was too sensible an Affront from the Court to La Force to send Orders to an inferior Officer without acquainting him with it Therefore the Bearnois being already as uneasie at the Alterations that had been made among them as they were fatal to their Liberties the Discontents and Intrigues of their Governor soon dispos'd them to improve the Occasion The Earnestness the General Assembly express'd for their
Places of Surety from them The Apology of the Assembly appear'd about the time of that Commerce of Cities under the Title of Declaration of the Churches of France and of the Soveraignty of Bearn in their Assembly at Rochel of the unjust Prosecution they are prosecuted with by the Enemies of the State and of their Religion and of their lawful and necessary Defence All the Editions of that Apology are not alike some have Articles that are not in the others Some of them have not what we read in others that the Edict of Nantes was made at a time when the Reform'd might have shared the Kingdom with the Catholicks if they had pleased which they had renounced by reason that they only desired the Liberty of their Consciences and that having subscribed the Peace on those Conditions they were in the right to make War when that Condition was violated to preserve by Arms what they had lost by a Cowardly Peace But at the Bottom the beginning of that and perhaps this air of Loftiness would have been excus'd â—ad the Assembly had strength enough to have made it good After the accustom'd Protestations in Manifesto's and an Inviâ—itation of French and Foreigners to hear the Complaints which they had to make by the way they refuted the Reproach of Rebellion and fell foul again upon the Project of ruining â—…e Reformed ever since the sitting of the States in 1615. where â—…ere was a Proposal made for petitioning the King to fulfil his Coronation Oath More especially they lay hard upon the Jeâ—…its and principally upon the King's Confessor whom they â—…acqu'd with a long Invective They ript up his Behaviour 〈◊〉 Bearn his Attempts against the Parlament of Paris whose Decrees he had caus'd to be cancell'd and against the University whose Censures he had caus'd to be disannull'd his Credit greater then that of the Bishops who in three days had preâ—…il'd to get the Decree of Compensation past which the whole Clergy had solicited fifteen years in vain the Tricks which he â—…'d to abuse the King 's tender Conscience and the Authority which he assum'd to himself to be of his Council of Conscience â—…om thence they past to the Maxims of his Society touching â—…ith and Promises engag'd to Heretics to the Testimonies of â—…e Clergy's passionate Violence to the unjust Acts of the Parâ—…ments to the Admonitions whisper'd in the ears of the Reâ—…rmed at Court that they must either quit the King's Service or their Religion Nor did they forget the Affairs of the Counselâ—…rs in Parlament the Corruption of the Governors of the Plaâ—…s of Security the seditious Sermons of the Preachers the â—…undring of Churches the digging up the Dead out of their â—…raves the cruel usage of those that lay Sick and upon their â—…eath-beds in Hospitals where they were deni'd requisite Noushment and Remedies and the forcing of Children from their â—…others Arms. They complain'd further That when the Reformed had recourse to the Magistrates for Justice they were â—…uted and laught at and that when they went to lay their â—omplaints at the King's feet they were treated as Rebels After this they proceeded to the Affairs of the Assembly of â—…don and having laid open the Original and Benefit of those Assemblies they justifi'd this by the manifold Oppressions of which they had so much reason to complain They set down at large the series of all their Differences and Contests with the King till their Breaking up and till the Promises made 'em bâ— the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Lunes and made it oâ— how all those Promises had been violated They gave an Account of the King's march into Bearn and of all the Violenceâ— which had been there committed And here they hinted aâ— along at the Sophism which the Jesuit Arnoux had made 〈…〉 of to justify the Breach of a Promise made to Sales wheâ— he was put out of Navarreins that there should be no Innovations introduc'd This Promise said he ether relates to thâ— Conscience or to the State It concerns not the Conscience continu'd he because it is contrary to the Precept of the Church if then it be a State-Promise it ought to be referr'd to the Secret Council whose Opinion it is that it ought not to be kepâ— This Sophism would not suffer the King who was rather a gooâ— Prince then a Logician to follow his own Inclination which was to be as good as his word Then they proceeded to make a display of the Artifices which the Court made use of to corrupt Lesdiguieres the War of Mommoranci's Exploits the way which they took to gâ—… Chatillon and ruin both la Force and his Children They 〈…〉 the common Reports that gave out nothing but the destructiâ—â— of the Protestants and went so far as to limit the time withâ—… three months To these things they added the new Exploits 〈…〉 the Duke of Espernon in Bearn and of the King himself at Sâ—â—mur They took notice of the Cunning of the Court who haâ— invited the Duke of Rohan and the Duke of Subise his Brotheâ— to meet the King to the end that Auriac who betray'd 'em might more easily surprize St. John d' Angeli which he attempted in vain because they kept out of the snare Theâ— add the small Satisfaction which the Court had given to thâ— particular and general Commissioners and they observ'd thaâ— when Lesdiguieres had written to the Assembly to oblige 'em 〈…〉 break up he would never promise 'em any thing in the King'â— Name but only upon his own score by which it was apparent that he was willing to reserve an Excuse to himself that he could not possibly alter the King's mind But in regard it was charg'd upon the Assemblies General as a Crime that they â—fus'd to break up before they had receiv'd an Answer to their â—peâ—s which the States General refus'd to give 'em they set â—rth the Inequality of these two sorts of Assemblies for that â—e States General met together to make Laws and Regulations 〈…〉 State the Authority of which ought solely to flow from the â—ing But the Assemblies of the Reformed meeting only to â—mand Reparation for Wrongs and Oppressions which fix'd â—m within the Rules of ordinary Justice whereby the Parties â—ere not oblig'd to withdraw themselves till their Complaints â—ere adjudg'd they concluded with a Protestation That they â—d no Design against Regal Authority they glori'd in the â—ervices that were done the two last Henries by the Reformed against the Catholics they offer'd all Obedience and Service to â—â—wis XIII and implor'd his Royal Succor and the Compassion 〈…〉 Foreign Princes but principally God's Assistance against â—eir Oppressors This Apology was sign'd by the Moderators and Secretaries There was an Answer made to it in the King's Name but â—here was nothing in 't to shew that it was own'd by the King â—Twas said that the Oath sworn to exterminate Heretics of which they made such loud
People to take Arms in all places where she came and because she travell'd more by night then by day the equipage wherein she appear'd â—â—ruck a kind of awe into the Countrey People Besides that â—eing in mourning the People that attended her were all in â—lack her Coach also coverd with mourning was drawn by â—ight black Horses which together with the Flambeaux that were carri'd to light her along solemniz'd her Train with an Air so unusual that the Peasants were affrighted at it more then once Nor were these little Formalities without some success for at last several Corporations join'd with him one after another In the mean time Soubise gave an account to the Public of â—he Motives that induc'd him to take Arms by a Manifesto wherein looking a good way backward he renew'd the remembrance of the Services done the deceas'd King by the Reformed and complain'd that since his death the Edicts had bin openly violated and that the Churches had bin only amus'd with â—romises which never had bin observ'd He upbraided the Caâ—â—olics with the surprize of Saumur which was detain'd from â—â— Plessis though he had bin promis'd to be resettl'd in it He â—â—rgot not the hard usage exercis'd at Mompelier contrary to â—he Faith of the Breifs which had bin granted to the Duke of â—ohan and afterwards he added that the exercise of the Reformed Religion had not bin re-establish'd where it ought to â—ave bin that the Reformed had been excluded from all â—â—anner of Employments ev'n from the Offices of Serjeants â—hat the Ecclesiastical Assemblies were depriv'd of their former Liberty that the Reformed were deni'd common Justice in their Affairs and were often made to lose their Suits for no â—ther reason but upon the score of their Religion that at St. â—illeâ— the Minister du Terond attending a Corps to the Grave was knockt o' the head yet no punishment inflicted upon the guilty that Briet a Judge in the Isle of Ré a man made up of Fury and Frenzy had caus'd an unfortunate Wretch to be â—urnt alive as being convicted to have burnt a Crucifix which nevertheless was sound without the least harm done to it after the execution of that miserable Creature and that Rochel was unjustly oppress'd which had voluntarily submitted to the Crown But in regard that Writings of this nature rarely remain unanswer'd a Reply to Soubise's Manifesto soon appear'd abroad though the Author observ'd no Rule or Measure He had the boldness to assert that the Reformed had done Henry IV. but very little service because they had neither supply'd him with Money nor Men. He made Reason of State an Excuse for the Alteration of the King's Promises though in the main he disown'd the Maxim which permits Princes to break their Words either with their Subjects or with Heretics He evaded the Promise of the Restitution of Saumur by saying that iâ— was never made but in case there had been no War As if though that had been true it had not been justice to have restor'd the City at least after the Peace concluded He thrust in by head and shoulders an Invective against Favas who never regarded the ruin of his Party provided he could make himself great He intermix'd the Recital of the Jealousies which the Assemblies apprehended of the Authority which the Duke of Rohan and his Brother went about to usurp He evaded the rest of the Complaints after various manners but with very little sincerity as may be judg'd by the foregoing Examples As to the Exercises not being re-establish'd he said that the Processes were depending in Council but he did not say that thence arose the occasion of complaining because those Causes hung undetermin'd for several years together He pretended that Employments were conferr'd upon the Reformed but he conceal'd that that was only done to draw 'em off from the Cause of the Churches and that it was for that reason only that La Farce and Chastillon had been made Marshals of France and Augustus Galand a Counsellor of State He averr'd that Teron dy'd of an Ulcer in the Lungs whereas it was prov'd that he had preach'd in his Church not above fifteen days before he dy'd At the same time also a new Dispute arose about the Privileges of Rochelle of which I have spoken in another place I shall therefore say no more here then only this that the Preâ—ensions of that City to their Franchises were so solid and so â—ell grounded that all the Artifices of those who went about â—â— deprive them of 'em could never imagine but only two vain â—retences The one was That the City had forfeited their â—ights when being taken by the English it was re-taken from â—â— The other was That she had bin depriv'd of her Priviâ—dges in 1541. by Francis I. by reason of her Rebellion But â—â— the first it was answer'd That she her self had bin assisting â—â— restore her self to the Dominion of the French That she had â—â—ce that obtain'd New Concessions and Grants besides a Conâ—rmation of the Old ones that Lewis XI had sworn to mainâ—in her in her Immunities and that it was past all contradiâ—ion that she had enjoy'd 'em till the year 1541. because it was â—â—en that the King depriv'd her of ' em And to the second â—retence it was reply'd That Henry II. had restor'd whatever â—ad bin taken away by his Father and resettl'd her in her Priâ—ledges But according to the Custom of War no sooner were the Troubles begun but they began to talk of Peace The Court â—pear'd inclinable to it because those Negotiations gave her â—ways an opportunity to corrupt some body or other or time â—â— put her self into a condition to give Laws Soubise and Rochelleâ—â—â—t â—â—â—t their Deputies to the King and though the Duke of Rohan thought it more proper to treat in any other place then â—â— the Court he was constrain'd that he might appear united â—â— the rest to send his Deputies the same way as also were â—â—e Corporations that had adher'd to him However in reâ—ard the Council sought only to take their time and to prepare â—â— favourable opportunity to compleat the Ruin of the Party â—â—e Treaty was spun out in length and Acts of Hostility began â—â— the Upper Languedoc Yet Marshal de Themines was not â—ery prosperous in Albigeois but when he enter'd the Province â—â— Foix his Men with others that join'd him there committed so many Cruelties that the Catholicks themselves were â—sham'd of 'em So that this same Barbarous Army having suâ—â—ain'd great Losses before Mas d' Azil where they were forc'd â—â— raise their Siege with Ignominy several made no scruple to look upon the Rout of the Marshal as a Divine Punishment of his Violences On the other side Soubise having landed in the Countrey of Medoc to divert the Enemy found an opportunity to perform a more Considerable Exploit For a Fleet set out to engage him and reinforc'd with some Dutch Ships
up in the Namâ— of all the Churches of the Kingdom And to the end they might utterly â—reak the Union that was between 'em it was requir'd that they should present apart the Complaints as they were sent 'em â—y every single Church In like manner the Marquis of Fossez who succeeded Vâ—lence made an alteration at Mompelier to no other end and purpose but to vex the Reformed That City bore for her Arms a Bowle Gules in a Feild Argent But because they met with aâ— old Steeple where there was to be seen over a Bowle the Figurâ— of a Virgin carri'd by two Angels the Marquis pretended thaâ— that was the real Arms of the City and having summon'd aâ— Assembly of the Citizens he made a Decree that they shoulâ— place that Figure over their usual Arms for a Crest Afteâ— which they made the Reformed who since Valence's Alterationâ— had little or no share in the Government of the City believe that they had given their consent to it For their Intentioâ— was that this representation should be lookt upon as a mark â—â— the ancient devotion and veneration of the City of Mompeâ—â—eâ— for the Blessed Virgin since she had taken that Figure for thâ— most honourable part of her Arms and at the same time tâ— deduce a Consequence from thence to render the Reformeâ— odious as having retrench'd that mark of Honour from thâ— Mother of Jesus Christ to whom they were always accus'â— of not paying sufficient Respect Nevertheless the Foundation of the Marquis's Conjecture was very frivolous For haâ— it bin true they would have found other Authorities to haâ—â— prov'd the matter of Fact seeing that the ancient Seals thâ—â— public Buildings the Registers of the City the Bishops thâ—â— Canons the Priests the Curious would have preserv'd somâ— better Testimonies of the same thing For it was much more probable that that same Figure was only a Monument of thâ— Foundation of that City which is attributed to two Maidens who being Ladies of the place bequeath'd it to the Church and dy'd Virgins For that was the way at that time to purchaseâ— the reputation of Holiness and it may be thought that theâ— City had consecrated that Virgin and those Angels to preserve the remembrance of the Sanctity and Virginity of herâ— Foundresses However it were this Action of the Marquis did the Reformed so much prejudice that upon the 14th of April a Declaration came forth prohibiting 'em to make use of Foreign Ministers to admit into their Assemblies other then Natural Frenchmen to send Ministers into Foreign Countries without â—â—ave or to admit Foreign Ministers into Politic Assemblies â—he Declaration was grounded upon this That in the Natioâ—al Synod of Charenton and Castres where Galand was present â—hey had unanimously resolv'd the same things This Edict was â—ut in execution very exactly but that which created the great â—ouble was that it spoke of the Religion of the Reformed as â—â— a Religion which the Edicts had only tolerated till they could â—e brought back to the Catholic Communion For this was to â—â—in the Edict of Nantes and sap the very Foundations of its â—eing irrevocable to make it barely an Edict of Toleration This was what the Leagues always drove at but what the â—eformed always oppos'd who asserted that the Edict had bin â—â—ays granted 'em as a Fundamental Law of Union and Conâ—â—rd among the French which maintain'd 'em without distinâ—â—ion of Religion in all the Natural and Civil Rights that could â—elong to ' em And this carries an Idea far different from a â—are Toleration Nay to speak the truth to have tak'n the â—dict in any other sence would have bin to have made it a meer â—elusion But at last it was apparent that Rochel was prest upon more â—nd more and that notwithstanding all her Obedience she was â—ill dealt with as rebellious Which shew'd that she was guilâ—y of two Crimes that could not be expiated but by her ruin â—he one which was her Crime in reference to the Clergy was â—er Religion the other which was properly the chiefest was â—er Power almost independent The first oblig'd the Clergy to â—ontribute vast Sums provided they might be employ'd only â—oward the reducing that City The other transported the Court to lay the foundations of Arbitrary Power upon the deâ—truction of her Greatness To this purpose Forces were quarâ—er'd round about her upon various Pretences Cannon were brought to such and such places from whence they might be at â—and with little expence when time requir'd the City was surrounded with several Forts the Platform of her Fortifications her Port her Canal and parts adjoining was taken privately and drawn with the utmost exactness that might be The Garisons of the Neighbouring Islands and Fort Lewis were permitted to commit petty Disorders of which there was no notice taken and when the City complain'd her Complaints were lookt upon as Rebellion The Inhabitants were corrupted that they might have private Correspondence in her Bosom and the Mayor himself was wrought over to their Interests Nevertheless all this could not be kept so secret but that Râ—… was full of suspicion of the Designs of the Court But all this knowledge had the usual effect of suspicions which produce nothing but Irresolutions So that the City not being able to determin but by halves either one thing or other could never resolve either to submit or to defend her self All these Considerations verify the Reflections of some Authors of those times who comparing the past War with the present Peace under the name of which a thousand times more mischief had bin done the Reformed then they suffer'd by their Enemies Arms observe that the War having been full of Treachery breach of Faith Frauds ignominious and base Actions the Peace that follow'd was no better a meer Cheat unfaithful and no way secure In this Conjuncture England being assur'd of the Duke of Rohan declares war against France But the Cardinal having caus'd Mountague to be apprehended who after a Journey into Italy to consult with the Duke of Savor repass'd into France where he had several Conferences with the Duke of Rohan understood by the Papers that were found about him the whole Project of the War The English Gentleman also took a Tour into Lorraigne where 't was thought necessary to negotiate something though he pretended only to visit the Dutchess of Cheureuse who was banish'd thither by reason of the Cardinal's Jealousies conceiv'd against the Duke of Buckingham This Accident gave France time to prepare her self and she receiv'd the Declaration of War with as much disdain as if she had bin assur'd of success She had taken her Measures with the Vnited Provinces from whom she obtain'd considerable aid upon this Occasion and which did not little contribute toward the subduing of Rochel Not but that the Ministers of those Provinces preach'd against that Compliance of the States with France both vigorously and with
Decree in their favour dated July the 25th That Decree forbid the Reformed to have either Masters Regents Classes Schools or Colledges It only gave leave that they should have Masters in the City to â—each Children to read and write French but prohibited â—hose Masters from taking Pensioners It forbid likewise the having those Petty Schools without the City reserving only the liberty of sending their Children to Catholic Schools Now in regard the War began this year between France and Spain the Affairs of State afforded some little Relaxation â—o those of the Reformed Religion So that there remains â—ittle of moment for me to relate but only what befel the Duke of Bouillon Son of the Marshal He became inamour'd â—f the Marquess of Berghe's Daughter who was indeed a very â—ovely Lady To marry her he renounc'd far greater Matches â—o which he might have pretended And he abandon'd himself so entirely to this Woman no less a Spaniard by Inclination then a Zealous Catholic that by her Persuasions he quitted his Religion fell off from the Interests of France and reduc'd his own Family to the Precipice of Threatning â—uin Therefore that I may not be forc'd to return any more â—o this Subject again hereafter I shall speak all together which is to be said of him That he had a share in all the Confusions of France that he admitted the Count of Soissons into Sedan who was slain in a Combat before the Town that at the same time that his Pardon was granted him for that Rebellion he enter'd into the Conspiracy of Cinq Mars against the Cardinal that the Plot being discover'd he was seiz'd in Italy where he had the Command of an Army conferr'd upon him to remove him from the City and to be masters of his Person when they pleas'd That knowing well that the Cardinal never forgave twice he offer'd to surrender his City to the King to save his life and Sedan was the Price of his Liberty The Cardinal before his death had the Pleasure of that Conquest after which he liv'd not long Thus the Father of the Duke having had a Principality as the fruit of his siding with the Reformed Religion the Duke his Son lost it as the Reward of his turning Catholic And because his Wife brought him little or nothing in Marriage 't was said of him That the Dowry which he had with her was the loss of Sedan This Misfortune befel him in the Year 1642. The End of the Tenth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes THE SECOND PART THE ' LEVENTH BOOK The Epitome of the ' Leventh Book AN Assembly of the Clergy A furious Speech of the Bishop of Orleans Odious Accusations The first Accusation of openly violating the Edicts Daille's Books attack'd by the Bishop Second Accusation for having taken a Prayer for the King out of the 20th Psalm Avenomous Aggravation Third Accusation for blaspheming the Sacred Things A fraudulent Question of the Missionaries The Bishop's Conclusion A Dispute upon the second Accusation between Daillé and Muis. An Edict against Blasphemers Arenewing of the first Accusation Papers of the Clergy Answer to the 16th Article to the 32 33 and 26. Interdiction of particular Exercises at Villiers le bel Exercises prohibited at Corbigni Vitré and Claye Other Regulations The Bailliage of Gex Schools Interdicted An unlucky Decree of the Privy Council upon several Articles Others touching Patents for Offices Exercise forbid again at Claye The House of Charity interdicted at Paris The House of the Propagation of Faith and a piece of remarkable Injustice Conversion of Francis Cupif Regulations of the Reformed of Pons A National Synod at Alenson The Commissioner's Speech and his Instructions Article touching Baptism Answer of the Moderator Article of Annexes of the payment of the Ministers and Baptism A Deputation to the King Papers from the Synod The Deputies treated at Court and their Speeches Nomination of General Deputies Particular Deputies Milletiere's Projects condemn'd The King puts France under the Protection of the Holy Virgin The Death of the Duke of Rohan A remarkable Order of the Intendants of Languedoc A Presiaâ—â—l Court erected at Nerac Sick People tormented by the Monks Edict of the Duke of Bouillon in Favour of the Reformed of Sedan The Birth of the King now reigning A new Regulation for Villers le bel and the Dauphinate Statutes of the Vniversity of Poitiers Order of Judge Maye of Montauban Particular Acts of Injustice at Rochechouard at Vitré and Dijon Offices Exercise forbid at Taulignan Church yard at Blois forbid to be enclos'd Croquers Decree of the Parlament of Pau forbidding the Exercise where there were not Ten Families Exercise forbid at Pivigemet and Beaulreu A singular Artifice to oblige the Reformed to call themselves Pretended Reformed Blasphemies pretended and pretended Sacriledge Division of Voices at Castres and the Effects of it Interdiction of Exercise out of the usual places Marriage of Priests converted The Advocate-General's Plea Precedence adjudg'd to the Catholics of the Chamber of Accompts at Mompelier A new Decree about meeting the Sacrament Vexation of some Officers of Castres Exercises and Schools forbid Burials Blasphemies and Profanations Offices Priests and Monks changing their Religion The ancient Church at Vitré pull'd down Exercises forbid at Gex Sancerre and Chauvigni A new Cavil about the Right of Fiefs Exercise forbid at St. Ceré A Cavil about a Church-yard Exercise forbid at St. Savin and Antibe Distance requir'd between the Church-yards of the Reformed and the Catholics Burying violated A pretended Miracle Re-establishment of the Mass at Tonnaiboutonne Offices Schools Blasphemies and Prophanations Other Examples Vniversities Books Acts of Injustice at Sancerre Death of the Cardinal Exercises and Irreverences Children of a converted Priest Visiting of the Sick and Jurisdictions The Death of the King BUT the next Year a violent Tempest pour'd down upon the Reformed The Assembly of the Clergy was sate own before the end of the Year 1635 and the chief Depuâ—s on'y spoke to the King upon the Subject of the Regale â—â—ich the Parlament of Paris went about to extend to all the â—shopriâ—s in the Kingdom But de Nets Bishop of Orleans â—â—uld not confine himself within those Bounds when he made â—â— Speech to the King upon the 17th of February For he made â—â—e most violent Harangue that had ever bin spoken against the â—eformed till that time He utter'd nothing but Extravaganâ—s Ravings and Blasphemies nor did he vouchsafe the Reformed any more honourable Epithetes then those of Insolent â—…ad and Frantic 'T is true that at first he acknowledg'd that 〈…〉 the States of the Kingdom had applauded the Design of the â—â—ngs of France to attempt the Cure of the Reformed to whom 〈…〉 gave the Appellation of Distemper'd by gentle Remedies â—…at is to say by the Edicts of Peace and to honour the Clerâ—â— with a false Moderation he added That the Ecclesiastical â—â—dy itself would not have bin sorry to have seen
Religion confirming the Preceding Edicts of Pacification Dated October 19. 1622. 521. A Paper presented to the King by the General Deputies with the Answers 524. A Circulatory Letter of the General Deputies of the Reformed Churches 535. The Kings Declaration providing against the Propounding or Treating of any Affairs in the Assemblies of the Pretended Reformed Religion but such as are permitted by the Edicts Dated April 17. 1623. 536. A Declaration of the Kings good Will to his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Verifi'd in Parlament November 27. 1623. 537. A Declaration of the King against the Duke of Soubize and his Adherents Given at Paris Jan. 25. 1626. 539. A writing given by the English Embassadours to the Deputies of the Churches to make the King of England Garranty of the Peace in 1626. 542. An Edict of the King upon the Peace which it pleas'd his Majesty to give his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Dated March 1626. 543. A Declaration of the King against the Sieur de Soubize and other Adherents to the Party of the English c. Given at Villeroy August 5. 1627. 548. A Declaration of the King after the taking of Rochel to his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Given at Paris December 15. 1628. 551. The Kings Edict upon the Grace and Pardon granted as well to the Duke of Rohan and the Sieur de Soubize and to all his other Rebellious Subjects of the Cities c. Given at Nimes in July 1629. 553. FINIS The Creasion and Design and Platform of this Work 1517. 1520. The beginning of the Reformation its progress and its causes 1520. It s entrance into France 1523 How it came to be received at Meaux and in Bearn 1523 The Execution of John Clerk and of Lewis Berquin 1529. The state of the Protestant Religion in Germany 1528. The Schism of England The Inclination of Francis I. tâ— the Reformation 1534. 1535. From which the Cardinal de Tournon diverts him 1535. An accommodation proposed 1285. The Synods at Bourges and Paris 1534. The beginning of Calvin's Doctrine 1534. The year of the Placards or Libels 1535. Devotions accompanied with Executions An Edict against the Lutherans 1546. The Council of Trent 1545. 1544. 1547. The Council translated The King's death 1548. Hen. II. persecutes the Protestants 1549. 1551. The King protests against the Removal back of the Council to Trent The Dutchess of Valentinois cruel â—â— the Protestants The great Credit of the Clergy 1550. 1545. The affairs of Merindol and Cabrieres 1550. New Executions do but advance the progress of the Reformation 1553. Churches firmâ—d at Paris and many other places 155â— 1556. The Spirit of Moderation prevails over some Judges 1557. A Protestant meeting at Paris The Character of Queen Katharine de Medicis Calumnies against the Protestants Singing of Psalms in publick The Original of the Factions 1559. The couragious behaviour of Andelot And his disgrace 1559. The Counsellers of the Parliament of Paris suspected about their Religion The Death of Henry the 2d The first French Protestant National Synod Francis II. succeeds The state of the Court The Nature of the Intrigues and Characters of the chief persons God assists the first Christian. How Religion came to be conceru'd in those Intrigues Courts of Justice called Burning Chambers erected Abominable Superstitions towards Images A project against Arbitrary Power 1560. The enterprise of Amboise The Cruelty of the Court. The Original of the wâ—rd Huguenot 1560. A false appearance of Moderation The P. of Conde imprison'd The sudden death of Francis II. falsly imputed to the Protestants Charles IX succeeds The Estates assembled who seem to favour the Protestants The Rise of the Triumvirate The Conference at Polisy 1561. 1562. The setling of the Jesuits at Paris The inconstancy of the Cardinal of Lorrain and of the K. of Navar. 1561. A sedition at Paris against the Protestants The Massacre at Vassi after the Edict of January Chief Nobility The strength of the Protestants The French term for Protestant Meeting places The short favour of the Admiral with the Queen The first war undertaken by the Queens Orders and afterwards disown'd The Triple League between the Pope the K. of Spain and the Guises against the Protestants The Cruelties of Monlac and Des Adrets and of the Catholicks in general The Massacre at Sens. Foreigners called into France The battel of Dreux 1563. The Siege of Orleans The Murther of the Duke of Guise charged upon the Admiral by the Wretch that did it A Peace concluded 1564. The Marriage of the Cardinal of Chatillon and its consequences * i. e. Heresy 1568. 1571. 1563. Tythes confirmed to the Roman Clergy A Tholouse 6. 8. March 1640. theâ—3 â—3 Feb. 1658. The re-taking of Havre de Grace The end of the Council of Trent 1563. 1564. 1568. A Revolution in Bearn 1569. 1565. New occasions of jealousy given the Protestants The voyage of the Court and advice given them by the Duke of Alva The progress of the Protestant Churches 1565. 1566. The reconciliation of the Admiral with the Guises The attempt at Monceaux and its consequences 1568. A peace made before Chartres without any intention to keepit The third War 1569. The death of Andelot and of the Prince of Conde Battels lost The Admiral re-establishes the party 1570. A fraudâ—lent Peace Incredible Artifices of the Court. 1571. 1572. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew â— The Princes change their Religion by force The Inconstancy of des Rosiers Siege of Rochel and Sancerre Factions in France 1574. The Duke of Alenzon Protector of the Reformed and the Politicians The death of the King Henry III. at his return continueth the War 1575. The Princes Retreat 1576. Peace as soon broke as made The League The King's Oath Who notwithstanding makes peace Edict of 1577. Synods 1579. Conference of Nerac and Fleix 1580 The King eludes the Peace and â—et makes a shew of keeping it Outrages done to the King by the League Is forced to a War with the Reformed La Trimouille becomes reformed 1587. The Battle of Coutras Defeats of the Reiters 1588. Thedeath of P. of Conde Edict of Vnion The boldness of the Leaguers The Estates at Blois Death of the D. of Guise and the Curdinal his brother The Duke of Mayenne being escaped relieves the Leaguers party Extremity of the King's affairs The King makes a Truce with the Reformed His affairs grow better He lays siege â—â— Paris Is assassin'd by a Monk Change of Affairs What the Reformed hoped from the dead K. The trouble of the New King The Intreagues of the Army And of the Court. The Characters and Interests of the Prince of the blood The Officers of the laâ—â— King The Catholick Nobles The Reformed And their suspitions about the King's Religion The hopes of the Ministers The uncertainty of the King His resolution upon the conditions proposed by the Catholicks The Protestants flatter themselves about the King's Instruction The various affections of the
pleasure A Debate whether to accept them provisionally or definitively The Council's Shiftings about the Articles The Treaty is interrupted New Instructions Disputes put to an end by the King's firmness The Assembly beggeth the intercession of the Queen of England and of the Vnited Provinces New Delays partly malicious partly innocent A Book setting forth the Grievances of the Reformed Elamed by some The Importance of its Contents It beginneth with excusing the freedom of those Complaints Maketh Remonstrances to the King about the Delays of his Council and the general State of the Reformed By what degrees the King had been drawn from them The Design of their Petion General Complaints made by them against all â— French Against all the Orders of the State Against the Clergy in particular The publick Exercise of the reformed Religion obstructed and private Devotions hindred And in their private Devotions Instances of great Violences The boldness of the Parliament of Bourdeaux The Exercise interrupted or forbid in several places by divers Decrees In the Army At Rouen the King being there Complaints upon the account of the places Against the Catholick Gentlemen Against the Treaties with the League Singing of Psalms hindred Books seized and burnt Comforting of the sick Consciences forced The Prince of Conde The keeping of Lent and Holidays Colledges The Poor ill used Places where the Reformed dare not dwell A remarkable Injustice done at Lyon Trades Violences Injustice done to the Reformed about Offices * The Council of State is not meant here but a Court of Judicature in Paris where some Special Matters are debated Seditious Words and Speeches Passion of Judges and Parliaments Difficulties in reestablishing the Edict of 1577. Special Instances of the ill will of the Parliaments Burials made difficult Hindred A strong free and moving Conclusion Reflections on that Book New Delays And Difficulties upon particular Places The breaking up of the Assembly The state of the Garrisons The naming of Governors The Annual renewing of the state of the Garrisons Private Interests 1598. The Edict delay'd till the Month of August when there were no more Leaguers The Assembly allarmed The King grants the Edict being armed Different Opinions about the Edict The Conclusion at Nants The Particulars of the Difficulties on each Article They first demand a new Edict Reasons pro and con The second Demand a free Exercise and its extent The advantage secured to the prevailing Religion A second place in each Bailiwick was no new thing Difficulties about the Places of Exercise Upon the Proofs Difficulties about the Burials The Third Demand the Subsistence of the Ministers A Sum of Mony promised by the King The Schools The 4th Demand the possession of Estates and Rights of Succession The fifth demand impartial Judges Chambers Miparties or of the Edict The sixth Demand to be admitted to Offices The extent of this Concession * The Offices wherein Notaries Public allow'd by Authority ingross and register private Contracts The Sham of this Concession The 7th Demand Securities 1598. How they were useful to the King â— The payment of the Garrisons Gifts to private Persons Contestations touching the Form of the Concessions which is diverse according to the nature of the thing The manner of Payment The Conclusion * Chambre Mipartie is a Court of Justice Erected in divers good Towns of France in favour of and for the righting them of the Religion one half of the Judges being of the Reformed the other Papists 〈…〉 Edict Artifices to gain ' em A Synod at Mompelier The number of the State of the Churches Forming a Church what it is Several Churches United into one Causes of contenting themselves with the Edict as it was obtain'd Lesdiguieres's Religion Treatise of the Eutharist Consequences of the publishing of it Three Important Negotiations with the Pope The Establishment of the Jesuits Their boldness and Credit The Monks all hate the King Persecution in Piedmont The Marquisat of Saluces Reasons why the King favour'd the Jesuits 3d. Mâ—…age of Madame Her Constancy The King's Severities toward her Scruples Rais'd by the Pope His Reasons The King proceeds to the Marriage without staying for the Dispensation The issue of the Negotiation till the Death of the Princess The Advantages which the Reformed got by her Perseverance Difficulties about the Verification of the Edict Their Proposals upon the Edict The Transports of some Prelates The Nuncio's Moderation The Opposition of the Parliament The Justice of the D. of Mayenne 1599. The Reformed forbear insisting upon several Articles Obstinacy of â—â—â— Clergy Chambers of the Edict at Rouen Chamber Mipartie â—n Guien * A kind of a New-years Gift given for the contiance in an Office Verification of the Edict The Pope makes great Complaints to stop the Spaniards Mouths Answers of the Cardinals de Joyeuse and d'Ossat Accommodated to the Popes liking Edict for the Principality of Bearn Which is receiv'd â—rmplaints of the Alterations made in the Edict Particular Complaints Precedency pretended by the Catholic Officers that compos'd the Chambres Miparties ever the Reformed Verbal demands concerning Chappels in Gentlemens Houses The Papers answer'd Precedency preserv'd to the most â— Ancient President Article of Church-yards Brossiereâ—eigns â—eigns her self possess'd by the Devil The Sequel of this Comedy within and without the Kingdom Dissolution of the Kings Marriage A Decree of the Parlament of Bretagne touching the Oath referr'd by a Reformed to a Catholic Trimouille made a Peer of France 1600. Roni's Advancement not much wondred at Commissioners for the Execution of the Edict and their Power General Observations upon the Edict Reproacheâ— of the Catholics thrown upon the Reformed Answers Questions upon the Nature of the Edict The Benefit of the Edict The condition of the Kingdom hoth before and after the Edict Warâ— abovt Religion the most Cruel What sort of variety Policy ought not to suffer in a Kingdom What is the Nature of the Reformed Religion The Justice of the Edict Justice of Reward after Service done What Reward is The Edict Grants nothing to the Reformed c. The Concessions for this reason so much the more Just What the Edict grants the Reformed does no body harm The Catholics Gainers by the Edicts The Edict ought to be Irrevocable Considerations upon the Word And upon the things Rights of Conscience The Force of Edicts that maintain Liberty And of these that are granted for the preservation of the Societies The preservation of Subjects the chief Obligation of Soveraigns An Express or Tacit Treaty naturally between Sovereign and Subject Also between Master and Slave The Force of Treaties The Edict of Nantes a Treaty The Form of the Edict renders it more Venerable Two things relating to a Treaty in the Edict 1. Between the King and the Reformed 2. Between the Catholics and the Reformed The Reformed Treats with the King 1. â—â—r Recompence for their Services 2. Touching their being secur'd against their Enemies Places of Security Kings may Treat