furnished he should awaite occasion to sollicite the same Lastly that he should carry a nimble eare as well touching any variation in all these â—…atters as for other occurrences in France Spaine Italie Almaine and thereof advertise the king But notwithstanding all these cautions and preventions of peace or truce betweene the Emperour and the French the king of England finding the Emperour slow in his performances and much suspecting his secret ends entertained a treatie of peace with France but secretly and a farre off and to bee governed as occasions should vâ—…ry and in regâ—…rd hâ—…reof agreement was made that all ships and goods which had bin surprised at sea by the English vpon the French or by the French vpon the English since the beginning of that treatie should be freely discharged And albeit the English had great aduâ—…ntage in value of reprisalls as being alwaies both more strong and actiue at sea yet the king by his proclamation commanded that forthwith restitution should be made Hostility being thus suspended with France preparation was made for warres against Scotland the occasion whereof did thus arise MARY STYWARD sole daughter heire to Iames the 5. King of Scots began her raigne ouer the Realme of Scotland vpon the 18 of December 1542 being then not aboue 7 daies olde so as the Sunne no sooner almost saw her an infant then a Queene and no sooner was shâ—…e a Queene but she was desired of Henry then King of England to be assured in marriage to Prince Edward his only sonne being then not much aboue 6 yeares of age Vpon this ouerture the gouernor of Scotland assembled the nobility of the Realme at Edenburgh where after much debatement of the coÌ„modities or discommodities like to ensue they concluded in the end that in March then next ensuing a Parliament should be held to giue perfection and forme to that businesse In the meane time S. Ralph Sadler knight was sent embassador from England to the Gouernor and other Lords of Scotland who followed his charge with so good diligence and advice that in the same parliamenâ—… authority was giuen to William Earle of Glancorne S. George ' Douglasse S. William Hamilton S. Iames Leirmouth knights and to one of the secretaries of state to conclude this marryage These commissioners came into England with whom before the end of Iulie the same yeere all covenants were concluded instruments of the contract of marriage interchangeably sealed and sworne and a peace established for ten yeares which time expyred both the Prince and the Queene should be of age to consent The French King all this tiâ—…e was so enteartined with warres against the Emperor that he had no sence of these proceedings but when he vnderstood that these agreements were passed as well for marriage as for peace he bâ—…nt his best endeuour to dissolue them both First with intention to impeach both the greatnesse and strength of the English nation after with desire to winne this marriage for Francis who afterwardes was King of France To this purpose the French K. sent for Mathew Earle of Levenoxe who then serued vnder his pay in Italie and furnished him with mony forces and friends and aboue all with many encouragements to take vpon him brauely the honour of his house and Ancestors to remoue the Earle of Arraine from the Regency of Scotland and to reverse such pactions as he had made The Earle at his first arrivall in Scotland was ioyfully received as a man most engaged in domesticall factions He alwaies vsed curtesie and modestie disliked of none sometimes sociablenes and fellowship well liked by many generally he was honoured by his nation and well reputed by strangers in favour of him the Pope sâ—…nt the Patriarch of Apulia his Legat into Scotland who in the Popes nâ—…me did faithfully assure that both forces mony should be sent into Scotland to resist the English Heâ—… drew the greatest of the Cleargie on his side who were most powerfull to draw on others On the other side the king was not negligent to support his party with supplies wher by great troubles ensued in Scotland which fell not within the times that I hauâ—… in hand In the end the Earle of Arraine abandoned the king of England and applyed himselfe only to the French by reason whereof the Regencie was confirmed to him which otherwise he had bin vpon adventure to loose And as the Earle of 〈◊〉 did forsake the English and adioine to the French so the Earle of Levenoxe being forsaken by the French applyed his service wholy to the English which did not only continue but much encrease the calamities of Scotland during the time of king Henries raigne King Henrie at the time of his death gâ—…ue a spâ—…ciall charge to the Lords of his counsaile that they should omit no â—…ndevours whereby the said marriâ—…ge might be procured to take effect Herevpon they pursued this quarrell in the same stâ—…te the king left it But before they attempted any thing by Armes the Lord Protector assailed the Scottish nobility with a friendly letter Herein he remâ—…mbred them of the promises seaâ—…es and oathes which by publike authority had passed for concluding this marriage that these being religious bonds betwixt God and their soules could not by any politike act of state be dissolved vntill their Queene should attaine vnto yeares of dissent Hee farther added that the providence of God did then manifestly declare it selfe in that the male princes of Scotland failing the kingdome was left to a daughter and in that King Henry left only one sonne to succeed That these two princes were agreeable both for yeares and princely qualities to bee ioyned in marriâ—…ge and thâ—…reby to knit both Realmes into one That this vnion as it was like to bee both easily done of firme continuance so would it be both profitable and honourable to both the Realmes That both the easinesse and firmnâ—…s might be coniectured for that both people are of the same language of like habit and fashion of like qualitie and condition of life of one climate not only annexed entirely together but sevâ—…red froÌ„ all the world 〈◊〉 For as these are sure arguments that both desâ—…ended from one originall and had bin vnder one governement so by reason that likenes is a great cause of liking and of loue they would be most forceable meanes both to ioine and to hold them in one body again that the profit would rise by extinguishing warres betweâ—…ne the two nations by reason whereof in former times victori sabroad haue bin impeachâ—…d invasions and seditions occasioned thâ—… confines of both Realmes laid wâ—…st or else made a nurserie of rapines robberies and murthers the inner parts often deepely pierced and made a wretched spectacl to all eies of humanity and pittie That the honour of both Realmes would enerease as well in regard of the countries sufficient to furnish not only the necessities but the moderate pleasures of this life as also of the people
people might haue destroied the Nobility and gentry who are the defence and safety of the people and so at pleasure haue reduced all vnder his tyrannous subiection Which how insupportable it would haue beene may well be coniectured by his actions already past what pride and insolency of his men made vp of naught What instruments had he in euery shire to worke his purposes to spread his rumors to harken and to carry tales And those what flatterers What lyers How greedily gaping for other mens liuings How vigilant to grope mens thoughts and to picke out somewhat whereof they might complaine and such vile vermine how deere were they to him and namely Iohn Bonham his one hand in Wiltshire Sir Gyles Partridge his other hand in Glocestershire his customer in Wells Piers country his minister in Deuonshire besides many his bad conditioned minions in courte what monsters were they How esteemed they his fauour aboue all mortall respects And further to accomplish his ambitious ends he devised to make the French king his friend by bewraying vnto him the Kings fortresses beyond the seas which the late noble K. Henry with great charge courage and glory had brought vnder his power which practise was so caryed that no man but such as discerned nothing but did perceiue it And that aswell by his often private conference with the French Embassadors and their secretaries as by failing to furnish those pieces with necessarie supplies as also by the speeches which himselfe and his servants cast abroad that Bulloine and the fortresses about it were an vnprofitable burthen to the realme But for the charge no man will conceiue that he wanted money to keepe them who vndertooke so great a charge as the conquest of Scotland and wasted euery day a 100â—… vpon his phantasticall building Besides it hath beene often heard from his owne communication how he intended to procure a resignation of the rights of the Kings Maiesties sisters and others who are entitled to the possession of the Crowne and to haue entailed the same vpon his owne issue which when he had effected and hauing the Kings person in his power the chaine of soueraignty could not long haue tied him short he might haue atchieued all his ambitious intentions at will Wherefore surely he hath thus put on the person not only of a robber and of a murtherer but of a traitor to the state since we haue euidently discouered both his lofty and bloody minde It behoueth you to ioyne in aide with the Lords of his Maiesties privy counsaile as in extinguishing a raging fire as in repelling a cruell enimie for assuredly wee must either weakly yeelde to his rule and commande or else the ambitious author must be taken away In the afternoone of the same day the Lord Maior assembled a common counsaile in Guildhall where two letters arriued almost in one instant one from the King and the Lord Protector for 1000 men to be armed for defence of the Kings person another from the Lords at London for 2000 men to aide them in defence of the Kings person both parties pretending alike but both intending nothing lesse The Recorder whose voice accordeth commonly with the Lord Chancellor did so well set forth the complaints of the Lords against the Protector that many were inclinable to fauour their side But one named George Stadlowe somewhat better aduised stept vp and spake vnto them as followeth This businesse right Honorable Lord Maior the residue of this court as it is a very high passage of state so it is worthy of serious consideration that vpon sodeine aduice nothing be done or determined them least happely by being serviceable to the designes of other men whose purposes we know not we cast our selues into the throat of danger which hitherto wee doe not see two things I much feare in case wee afford present aide to the Lords either of which should cast vpon vs a bridle rather for stopping a while then for stepping or stirring too soone or too fast at their incitement One is the certaine dangers of the citty the other the vncertaine aduenture of all the realme First then if wee adioine to the Lords whether they prevaile or not wee engulph our selues into assured danger an example whereof I finde in Fabian whose report I entreat you all to obserue In the time of King Henry the third the Lords in a good cause for maintenance of divers beneficiall lawes desired aide of the citty ogainst the King Ayde was granted and the quarrell brought to the arbitrement of the sword In this battaile the King and his son â—…e were taken prisoners vpon their enlargement free pardon was granted not only to the Lords but the cittizens of London which was afterwards confirmed both by oath and by act of Parliament But what followed Was the displeasure forgotten Noe verily nor euer forgotten during that Kings life for afterwards the liberties of the Citty were taken away strangers were appointed governors and the cittizens perpetually vexed both in their persons and in their estates So heauy and durable is the wrath of Kings That Solomon saith The indignation of the King is death For it is naturall for princes to vphold their soveraignty and to holde it in highest esteeme in no case to endure their supreame authority to be forceably either oppressed or dispressed by their subiects Insomuch as they mortally hate such subiects as haue once attempted either to ouerrule them by power or to cast any terror vpon them And howsoeuer they may be either constrained or content to beare saile for a time yet are they so sure paymasters in the end that few haue held out their liues I will not say prosperously but safely who haue offered enforcements against their King Now touching my seare for the commonwealth I much suspect these considerations I alwaies expect from them some lurking mischiefe which the more cunningly it be kept in the more dangerously it will breake forth For albeit there be many hands in this action yet one is the head who doubtlesse hath skille to play his owne game and albeit the pretences giuen forth are alwaies faire and for the publique good yet are the secret intentions commonly ambitions only aime at priuate ends yea many times the end is worse then the first intent Because when a subiect hath obtained the hand against his prince I will not say he will be loath but doubtlesse it is not safe for him to giue ouer his advantage wherefore I am of opinion that for the present if wee will not be so vneurteous as to delay and suspend our giuing aide to the Lords for a time Vpon this aduice the courte resolued to arme 100 horsemen and 400 foote for defence of the Citty To the King they returned answere that they would be ready vpon any necessity to apply all their forces either for his defence or for his honour But they intreated him to bee pleased to heare such complaints as were
Somerset for hereafter he must be no otherwise called was committed into their power and committed to custody in Beâ—…uchampe tower within the castle The next day he was brought to London as if he had bin a captaine caried in triumph He rode through Holborne betweene the Earles of Southhampton and of Huntington and was followed with Lords and Gentlemen to the number of 300 mounted on horsebacke At Holborne bridge certaine Aldermen attended on horsebacke and the cittisâ—…ns housholders stood with halberds on all sides of the streets through which he passed At Sopherlane he was receiued by the Maior Shâ—…riffes Recorder and diuers Knights of especiall note who with a great traine of officers and attendants bearing halbeards carryed him forthwith to the Tower all this was to beare in shew both that the Duke was a dangerous man and that the common both aide and applause concurred in his restraint Forthwith the King was brought to Hampton courte where all things being borne as done well because nothing was ill taken seauen of the Lords of the counsaile and 4 Knights were appointed by turnes to attend the Kings person The Lords were the Marquis of Northhampton the Earles of Warwicke and Arundell the Lordes Russell S t Iohn and Wentworth the knights were these S r Andrew Dudley S r Edward Rogers S r Thomas Darcy and S r Thomas Worth As for affaires of state the gouernment of them was referred to the whole body of the counsaile Soone after the King rode to his house in Southwarke then called Suffolke place there dined all-After dinner he rode in great estate through the citty to Westminster as if the people should be giuen to vnderstand that nothing was dâ—…minished either from the safety or glory of the King by imprisonment of the Duke And now when the Duke had breathed a small time in the tower certaine Lords of the counsaile were sent vnto him who after a shorte preface in such termes as hate and dissimulation could temper together remembring how great the amity had beene betweene them and of what continuance Then acknowledging what offices seruices he had done for the commonwealth yet enterlacing some errors defects wherewith they seemed to reproach him Lastly they presented him certaine articles as from the residue of the priuy counsaile desiring his present answere whether hee would acknowledge them to be true or else stand vpon his iustification The articles obiected against him were these 1 That he tooke vpon him the office of Protector vpon expresse condition that he should doe nothing in the Kings affaires but by assent of the late Kings executors or the greatest part of them 2 That contrary to this condition he did hinder iustice subuert Lawes of his owne Authority aswell by letters as by other commande 3 That he caused diuers persons arrested and imprisoned for treason murther manslaughter and felloâ—…y to be discharged against the lawes and statutes of the realme 4 That he appointed Lâ—…euetenants for Armies and other officers for the weighty affaires of the king vnder his own writing and seale 5 That he communed with Embassadors of other realmes alone of the weighty matters of the realme 6 That he would taunt and reproue diuers of the kings most honourable counsailors for declaring their aduice in the Kings weighty affaires against his opinion sometimes telling them that they were not worthy to sit in counsaile and sometimes that he needed not to open weighty matters to them and that if they were not agreeable to his opinion he would discharge them 7 That against law he held a court of request in his house and did enforce diuers to answere there for their freeholde goods and did determine of the same 8 That being no officer without the aduice of the counsaile or most part of them he did dispose offices of the Kings guift for money grant leases and wards and presentations of Benefices pertaining to the King gaue Bishoprickes and made sales of the Kings lands 9 That he commanded Alchimie and multiplication to be practised thereby to abase the Kings coine 10 That diuers times he openly said that the nobility and gentry were the only cause of dearth Whereupon the people rose to reforme matters of themselues 11 That against the minde of the whole counsaile he caused proclamation to be made concerning enclosures wherevpon the people made diuers insurrections and destroied many of the Kings subiects 12 That he sent forth a commission with Articles annexed concerning enclosures commons highwaâ—…es cottages and such like matters giuing the commishioners authority to heare 〈◊〉 determine those causes whereby the lawes and statutes of the realme were subuerted and much rebellion raised 13 That he suffered rebells to assemble and lie armed in campe against the nobility and gentry of the realme without speedie repressing of them 14 That he did comfort and encourage diuers rebells by giuing them money and by promising them fees rewards and seruices 15 That he caused a proclamation to be made against law and in fauour of the rebells that none of them should be vexed or sued by any for their offences in their rebellion 16 That in time of rebellion he said that he liked well the actions of the rebells and that the auarice of gentlemen gaue occasion for the people to rise and that it was better for them to dye then to porish for want 17 That he said the Lords of the Parliament were loath to reforme enclosures and other things therefore the people had a good cause to reforme them themselues 18 That after declaration of the defaults of Bouline and the pieces there by such as did surview them he would neuer amend the same 19 That he would not suffer the Kings pieces of Newhauen and Blacknesse to be furnished with men and prouision albeit he was 〈◊〉 of the defaults and aduised thereto by the Kings 〈◊〉 whereby the French King was emboldned to attempt vpon them 20 That he would neither giue authority nor suffer noble men and gentlemen to suppresse rebells in time conuenient but wrote to them to speake the rebells â—…aire and vse them gently 21 That vpon the fifth of October the present vâ—…ere 〈◊〉 Hampton courte for defence of his owne priuate causes hee procured seditious bills to be written in counterfeit hands and secretly to be dispersed into diuerse parts of the realme beginning thus Good people intending thereby to raise the Kings subiects to rebellion and open warre 22 That the Kings priuy counsaile did consult at London to come to him and moue him to reforme his gouernment but he hearing of their assembly declared by his letters in diuers places that they were high traitors to the King 23 That he declared vntruly aswell to the King as to other yong Lords attending his person that the Lords at London intended to destroy the King desired the King neuer to forget but to reuenge it and required the yong Lords to put the King in remembrance thereof
Westminster wherein one Act was made against spreading of Prophecies the first motiue of rebellions and another against vnlawfull assemblies the first apparant acting of them But for feare of new tumults the Parliament was vntimely dissolued and gent. charged to retyre to their country habitations being furnished with such forces and commissions as were held sufficient to hold in bridle either the malice or rage of reasonlesse people yea so great grew the doubt of new insurrections that Trinity terme did not holde least gentlemen should by that occasion be drawen out of the country where they were esteemed to doe good seruice by keeping the Commons from commotions All these mouements seemed to be pretended by mouing of the earth in diuerse places of Sussex The affaires of England beyond the seas all this time were caried with variable successe S r Thomas Cheynie was sent to the Emperour to treat with him that his forces might ioine with the forces of England against the common enimies of them both according to the Articles for merly cōcluded These articles had bin well obserued for a time esp◅eially against the French But afterwards the emperour being diuerted about other preparations and therewith much solicited by the Scots not to be a helpe to ruine their kingdome fell by degrees from the K. of England filling his Embassadors with emptie hopes at the first wherein also he daily fainted and failed in the end In France the King placed the Rhenegra◅e with diuers Regiments of Almaine Lancequenots and certaine ensignes of F◅ench to the number of 4 or 5000 at the towne of Morguison midway betweene Bouline and Calais to empeach all entercourse betweene those two places wherevpon the King of England caused all the strangers that had serued the yeere against the rebells to the number of 2000 to be transported to Calais to them were adioined 3000 English vnder the command of Francis Earle of Hunting don S r Edward Hastings his brother to dislodge the French or otherwise to annoy them But the French perceiuing that the troubles in England were perfectly appeased and that the King thereby was much strengthened in his estate for that the vicious humors against him were either corrected or spent finding also that he daily grew rather into admiration then loue aswell for that it was apparant that hee had so well improued that little stocke which his father left as he was like to proue a thriuer in the end also weary in maintaining warres with Scotland as well in regard of the charge as for that his people were nothing desirous of seruice in that distant country Lastly hauing tried aswell the strength as curtesy of the English nation and doubtfull of the estates of the empire and of Spaine by whom not only the wings of his Kingdome had beene clipped on euery side but the whole body thereof dangerously attempted he resolued to fasten peace with England if he could Herevpon he dispatched to the English court Guidolti an Italion borne in Florence who made many ouertures to the Lords of the counsaile but all as from the Cunstable of France and espying with a nimble eye that matters of consaile were chiesly swayed by the Earle of Warwicke by great gifts and gretter hopes he wrought him to be appliable to his desires In the end it was concluded that foure Embassadors should be sent from the King of England into France and foure from the French King to treat with them that the English commissioners should come to Guisnes and the French to Arde and that their meeting should be chiefly at Guisnes The English yeelding to all with sincerity of minde the French accepting all but with intentions reserued to themselues The Lords appointed by the English were Iohn Earle of Bedforde William Lord Paget St William Peeter and Sr Iohn Mason Secretaries of State on the French side were appointed Mounsier Rochpott Mounsier Chastilion Guillant de Mortier and Rochetele de Dassi◅ in short time after the Earle of Warwicke was made Lord great M ◠another feather to his mounting minde The day wherein the English Embassadors arriued at Caluis Guidolti resorted vnto them with a letter from Mounsier Rochpot whereby he signified that the French intended not to come to Arde but desired that the English would goe to Bouline and that the meeting might be besides the Towne For this he alleadged that he was so weakly disposed in health that he could not trauaile farre and that he being Gouernor of Picardie and Chastilion of Newhauen they might not depart such distance from their charge and further that there must be much wast of time if the English should lye at Guisnes and the French at Ardes and that the equality would be more and the dishonour to one of the sides lesse if the enterview should be vpon the Frontires then if one part should be drawen into the territory of the other Vpon this rubbe the English Embassadors thought fit to demurre and so sent into England to receiue directions from the Lords of the counsaile They againe referred the matter wholly to the iudgement of the Embassadors affirming that it was a circumstance not much to bee stood vpon in case it were not vpon some sinenesse but for ease and commodity of them and their traine which indeed they might better finde neere Bouline then at Ardes in case also they could discerne no deepe inconuenience which might hinder the good issue of the good busines in hande which they esteemed sufficient if in substance it might be effected albeit in all points they had not so much of their mindes as they then desired and as at another time they would expect and so the English Commissioners went to Bouline and the French came to one of their forts neerest to Bouline Not long before the Emperour had beene assailed by the King of England to aide him in defence of Bouline against the French which he expresly refused alleaging that he was not bound so to doe by conditions of the league For that Bouline was a piece of new conquest acquired by the English since the league was made then the King offered to yeelde the Towne absolutely into his hands in case he would maintaine it against the French which offer also he refused to accept At the arriuall of the English embassadors the souldiers were sharply assailed with wants There was not one drop of beere in the Towne The bread and breadcorne sufficed not for six daies Herevpon the souldiers entred into proportion and to giue them example the Lord Clinton being Lord Deputie limited himselfe to a loafe a day The King was indebted in those parts aboue 14000 l besides for the Earle of Hunting dons numbers which were about 1300 foote besides also the increases daily rising for the monethly pay of English and strangers amounted to 6000 l besides allowance for officers Hereof the band of horsemen out of Germany tooke little lesse then 800 l the moneth and the Almains
that he had made leases in reuersion for more then xxi years for these offences he surrendred his office and submitted himselfe to be fined at the pleasure of the King So his fine was gessed at 6000 l whereof 2000 were remitted vpon condition that the other 4000 should be paid within the compasse of that yeare This he endured with a manly patience as knowing right well that he held all the residue of his estate vpon curtesie of those who hated him at the heart It was at the first suspected and afterwards expected by all that among other matters obiected against the Lord Paget the chiefe or at least one should haue beene for contriuing to Banquet the Lords at his house and vnder pretence thereof to take off their heads which was the only cause for which the Duke of Somerset lost his head But because no mention was made thereof because about the same time the Lord Gray of Wilton Bannister and Crane and a little after the Earle of Arundell were freely discharged hauing beene imprisoned for this conspiracy the conceit was taken that the Dukes head was the only aime and that the residue were vsed but as a countenance of state to dazle the people Letters were sent to the gouernor of Gernesey that divine seruice should there be vsed according to the forme of the Church of England A King of Armes named Vlster was newly instituted for Ireland his prouince was all Ireland and he was the first 4 th King of Armes the first herald appointed for Ireland Whilest these matters were in action the Emperors Embassador in England deliuered letters to the King from the Regent in the low Countries importing that whereas the King was bound by a treaty betweene the Emperor and the Kinges Father at Lutrect in the yeare 1542 that if the low Countries should be inuaded the King should aide him with 5000 foote or 70 crownes a day during 4 moneths and that this aide should be performed within one moneth after request For so much as the French King inuaded Luxembourg the Emperor required aide of the King of England according to the effect of that treaty Herevpon order was giuen that if the Embassador did moue for answere to this letter he should be told by two of the counsell that during the Kinges progresse his counsell was dispersed whose aduice he was desirous to heare And further that the K. had committed the same treaty to be perused by men whose iudgments as he did much respect so would he expect a time vntill their opinions might be heard And in case that after this the Embassador should againe require an answere then they should say that the King hauing lately wrestled out of most dangerous warres wherewith his yong years were ouerburthened he hoped well that the Emperor would not desire to thrust him into the like againe That he had sworne amity with the French King which he could not with his honour breake therefore if the Emperor should deeme it so meete he would mediate a peace as a friend to both which he should best effect by forbearing to vse hostility against either And in case the Embassador should still perseuere to vrge the treaty they were lastly directed to answere that the King did not hold himselfe bound by that treaty as both made by his Father and euidently preiudiciall to his real◅ for albeit agreements of peace are perpetuall bind the successor yet it is not so in agreements of society cōsederation And this the Emperor did right well vnderstand for whē the King in his last warres desired to enter a new treaty with the Emperor he returned answere that it should not need for albeit the King were discharged by his Fathers death yet the Emperor was still bound And againe the Emperor had not for his part performed the treaty as well in hindring the carriage of horses armor and munition which the King had prouided for his warres as also in neglecting to send aide when the low Country of Calais was forraged and therefore he did not iustly demand performance thereof from the King I know it hath beene often in like sort answered that treaties dissolue by death of those who made them for so the Fidenates held themselues discharged of the league which they had made with Romulus after his death And the Latines did the like after the death of Tullus and likewise after the death of Ancus The Etrurians affirmed the like after the death of Priscus And the Sabines after the death of Seruius And againe after that Tarquinius was cast out of state I know also that the difference is great betweene a league of peace and a league of society confederation But I will not touch euery string of this question which Hottoman calleth a noble question and much tossed and debated partly because it consisteth of many knotty and thorny distinctions wherein approued authors doe not well agree but chiefely because at this time it fell not to be a difference betweene the Emperor and the King For when the Embassador first came for answere to this letter M r Wotton and M r Hobbie answered according to the first branch of their instructions wherewith he departed well satisfied for the present and before he called for answere againe one Stukely arriued out of France and declared to the counsell how the French King being persuaded that Stukely would neuer returne into England because he departed without leaue vpon apprehension of the Duke of Somerset his master bewraied to him that if he could procure peace with the Emperor he intended to besiege Calais and was in hope to carry the towne by way of the sand hills and that from thence winning rice banke he might both famish the Towne and beate the market place how he further said that he intended to land in some angle of Scotland about Falmouth because boulewarkes there might easily be wonne and the people were for the most part Catholiques And further how at the same time Mounsier de Guise should enter England by the way of Scotland not only with good leaue but with aide and conduct from the Scots Vpon this discouery the King assembled his counsell at Windesor entred with them into deliberation whether it were either safe from him or to no disaduantage to rely so securely either vpon the strength or faith of France as either to refuse or neglect to afford aide vnto the Emperor and thereby happily incurre his hostility Many were of opinion that the King should condescend to aide the Emperor First for that if the King were desirous to hold the Emperor bound by the treaty made with the Kinges father he must also be obliged thereby Otherwise it was a lame halting league and could not possibly goe vpright Then for that if the Emperor should not be aided the house of Burgundie was like to be deuoured by the French whereby their greatnesse might grow dreadfull especi◅lly to England Then for that againe
heare matters of greatest moment debated because in these high passages nothing was thought to be done truly with maiesty nothing agreeable to the dignity of the state but in the presence of the King Generally all the counsaile agreed that none of them should make suit to the King for land or forfeitures aboue xx l or for reuersion of leases or any other extraordinary matter vntill the state of his Reuenewes should be further knowen Besides these commissions another went forth to ouersee and order the Kinges reuenewes and to cut off superfluous charges to ouersee all courts especially those of new erection as the court of augmentation and of first fruits and tenths and to prouide that the reuenewes were answered euery halfe yeare another went forth for debts owing to the King and to take accompt of paiments since the 35 of K. Henry the 8 th and in what manner the King had beene deceiued either by not accompting or accompting falsely Another also for taking away needlesse Bâ—…ulwarkes by vertue whereof diuerse were dimolished vpon the sea coasts in peace chargeable and little seruiceable in warre And further for more orderly and speedy dispatch of causes the King deliuered to his counsaile these Articles following 1 That all suits ' petitions and common warrants deliuered to the priuy counsell be considered by them on mundaies in the afternoone and answered oâ—… saturdaies in the afternoone and that those daies and no other be assigned to that purpose 2 That such suits and petitions as pertaine to any courts of law be referred to those courts where properly they are triable others to be determined with expedition 3 That in making warrants for money it be forseene that they be not for such matters as may be dispatched by warrants dormant least by such meanes accompts should be vncertaine 4 That vpon Sundaies they intend publique affaires of the Realme dispatch answeres to letters for good order of the state and make full dispatches of all things concluded the wâ—…cke before Prouided that they be present at common praier 5 That on Sunday night the Secretaries or one of them deliuer to the King a memoriall of such things as are to be debated by the priuy counsaile and he to appoint certaine of them to be debated vpon seuerall daies viz. Munday afternoone Tuesday wensday Thursday and Friday beforenoone 6 That on friday afternoone they shall make a collection of such things as haue beene done the fower daies before what they haue concluded and what the time suffered not to peruse Also the principall reasons which moued them to conclude of such matters as seemed doubtfull 7 That on Saturday before noone they present this collection of the King and enquire his pleasure vpon all things which they haue concluded and also vpon all priuate suits 8 That none of the priuy counsell depart the court for longer time then two daies vnlesse eight of the counsell remaine behind and vnlesse the King haue notice thereof 9 That they make no assembly in counsell vnlesse they be to the number of foure at the least 10 That if they assemble to the number of fower and vnder the number of sixe then they may reason or examine the commodities or inconueniences of matters proposed and make things plaine which seeme diffused at the first opening and if they agree then at the next full assembly of sixe a perfect conclusion thereof shall be made 11 That if there be vnder fower and a matter arriseth requiring expedition they shall declare it to the King but not giue answere vnlesse it requires extraordinary hast 12 That if such matters shall arise as it shall please the King to heare the same debated warning shall be giuen that the more may be present 13 That if such matter arise as cannot be ended without long debating the counsaile shall not intermeddle with other causes vntill they haue concluded the same 14 That no priuate suit be entermedled with great affaires but shall be heard on Mundaies only 15 That when matters for scantnesse of time be only discussed and not brought to an end then it shall be noted to what point the businesse is brought and what haue beene the principall reasons that when it shall be treated againe it may the sooner come to conclusion 16 That in tedious or difficult matters two or three or more may be appointed to prepare and report the same that being lesse cumbrous and defuse they may the more easily be dispatched 17 That no warrant for reward aboue 40 l or businesse or affaires aboue 100 l passe but vnder the Kings signet 18 That if vpon aduertisements or other occasions matters of great importance appeare which require hast such matters shall be considered and determined notwithstanding those Articles which appoint businesse for seuerall daies so as this order be not generally or commonly broken Assuredly albeit the King declared both his iudgment and his diligence and care of affaires of the realme Yet is there one rule more and not by him neglected for all great officers which if it be not sufficient in itselfe to hold matters in order yet are no rules sufficient without it And this is to choose persons both for ability and integrity well reputed albeit happily they be not alwaies vsed For besides that these will be a rule to themselues it is a great satisfaction to the people and keepeth them both from murmuring and curious enquiring into counsailes of State which is neuer good and often dangerous when they know or at least suppose matters to passe vnder such mens iudgements In theese times it was conceiued by many that by erecting of a Mart in England the realme would be much enriched and made more famous and lesse obnoxious to other countries The time was then esteemed fit by reason of the warres betweene the Emperor and the French King The places deemed most meete were Hull for the east countries and Southampton for the South London was thought no ill place but Southampton was iudged most conuenient for the first beginning This matter detained the Lords of the counsell in a deliberation both serious and long with great strength and variety of reasons on both sides which because they may giue some light to the like question which in times ensuing may happily againe be set on foot I will here declare them in the same manner as they were collected by the King Against the Mart these octiections were made 1 That strangers could haue no accesse into England by land which they had at Antwerp where the Mart then was 2 That the ill working of English cloaths made them lesse esteemed abroad 3 That the great quantity of English cloathes in Flanders would make them lesse desired from hence 4 That the Merchants had then established their dwelling places at Antwerp 5 That other Nations would forbeare their resort into England for a while vpon commandement of the Emperor 6 That the deniall of the requests of the Merchants of the Stilliard