Imagination that if perchance they hear talk of a Siege or a Battel poor ouls it quite skareth them out of their little wits It were to be wished they had smore heart and foresight upon such occasions for the length of time which they ever take before they make any resolution is an enemy to good success Deliberation ought to be taken and that with great Prudence but to spend too much time in it is very dangerous because opportunities are lost by it and peradventure such opportunities as the like are never afterwards to be met with for putting a design in execution The Florentines shewed a remarkable example of this particular when as Lewis the 12th passed into Italy against Lodowick Duke of Milan The King desired to make a League with them that he might make use of their Passages for his occasions so they sent their Embassadours to treat with him Now the Embassadours having agreed to remain Newters in the thing doing and that the King passing into Italy should take them into his Protection they delayed the ratification of the Treaty for so long that they could not fully resolve any untill his Majesty was upon the point of getting the Victory Whence the King judging that they rather sought his Alliance by force then by friendship testified by his carriage the little esteem he made of them The League between the King Duke of Savoy and Common-wealth of Venice for the restitution of the Valtoline UPon the advice which the Marquess de Coevures had sent the King of the state of affairs amongst the Swisses and Grisons his Majesty commanded the Cardinal to consult with Signeur Marco Antonio Moresini the Venetian Embassadour and the Abbot Scuglia Embassadour of Savoy upon reasonable Propositions and Articles for the effecting that design of a League which had been formed amongst them for the restitution of the Valtoline This Grand Minister following the inclinations of his great Soul which will not let him indure that strangers should find any thing but what was ful of Generosity in his Masters Affairs gave a quick dispatch to them and withall imaginable Prudence The sum was That the Arms of France Savoy and Venice should come to a Rendezvouz upon the 15. September Those of France at Bresse those of Venice about Milan near the Valtoline and Grisons and those of Savoy between Milan and Genoa That there should be drawn out of the Army at Bresse a Regiment of 1000 or 1200 foot and 400 horse to march with the Marquess de Coevures into Swizzeland the rest to remain under the command of Monsieur de Constable which should joyn with those of Savoy to enter upon the State of Genoa and make a strong diversion there and entertain all the Spaniards Forces which were in Italy and deprive them of the Valtoline That order should be given to the Marquess de Coevure fortwith to raise 3000 Grisons and 3000 Swiss That it was agreed between one and t'other that these Levies should execute the whole design under the name and colours of the King and the said States Confederates that all the charges of the enterprize should be born by them three to wit Venice should furnish the Cannon Ammunitions of War and all necessary Provisions of Victuals but the charge of it to be divided as before it being unreasonable that she should pay all Besides Count Mansfield who was then in France offered to maintain an Army of 25000 foot and 7000 horse under the Prince Palatines name they paying him three hundred and sixty thousand Livres a moneth to invade the Countries of the house of Austria in Germany and to inforce them to a restâ—tution of part of the Palatinate by this forcing in upon them The Cardinal represented to the Embassadours that these Proposals could not be but glorious seeing the end of them was to assist a Prince their Ally and one despoyled of his estates but moreover very advantagious because prosecuting those designs they should so divert the Armies of Spain that they would never be able to address themselves to recover the Valtoline This was unanimously agreed upon amongst them and in fine resolved that each of them should contribute to the payment of those 360000 Livres a moneth viz. the King 180000. Venice 120000 and Savoy 60000. It true commonwelths do hardly resolve on great enter prizes especially when there is a necessity of great expence So Venice made a denial to contribute to this charge as also to make one in the diverting which was made about Genoa but laid all upon the King and Duke of Savoy as shall be declared in the year following These orders being thus put in execution the King writ to the Marquess of Coevures to testifie to him how much he approved of this negotiation and of those means which he had proposed to establish the Grisons in their ancient authority and commanded him to take the field with such Troops as hee should levy and such others as should be sent to him seeing the Sieur de Bethune had given him to understand that there was no more hopes of doing any thing by the way of a Treaty He was also inform'd of those conclusions which were made with Venice and Savoy that he might govern himself accordingly and lastly assured him that he should want for nothing Politique Observation THough most Leagues which are made between Princes upon any design are blamed by many by reason of the short continuance of them as also of the little successe which usually hath attended them yet they are not onely profitable on many occasions but also very necessary Defensive Leagues ought to be so much the more esteemed because as Aristotle saith no Country is able to subsist of its own proper force And offensive too are not less considerable seeing they give means to Princes to make such Conquests as without them they durst not attempt The first of these Truths may be authorized by the example of the Samnites who resisted the Romans by their own proper strenth as they told Hannibal as long as they were able to defend themselves but in process of time finding themselves too weak they associated themselves with King Pyrrhus and to make way for the t'other It is not most certain that the association of Christian Princes gave them the means to carry away from the Turks a most signal Victory in the Battel of Lepanto which neither of them in particular could with reason hope for It is true the effects of Leagues have not been alwaies over happy because several Princes making them for different interests easily break them as soon as they have gotten their pretensions be it by force or composition But the disgraces of this kind ought to be laid upon the right horse that is upon the Imprudence and want of fore-sight of those who have managed them not on the Leagues themselves It is not enough to contract them but they ought to be prosecuted with favourable Conditions and with Persons from
come to the very end he had proposed to himself or at least so neer as possibly he may withal remembring that he may perchance have formerly heard it said every one who fights doeth not conquer and the Conquerors do not alwayes were the Garland The King of Spain to breake the League between his Majesty the Duke of Savoy and Common-wealth of Venice negotiates another between himself and the Princes of Italy THe King of Spain was not a little surprised to see himself destitute of that Passage which is the surety of his States in Italy and concluded that in case that in-let should be stopped up it would be a great inconveniency to him so that without making himself sure of the Popes Protection he gave Orders to his Agents to treat a League between himself and the Princes of Italy to oppose that which had been concluded between the King Duke of Savoy and State of Venice and at the same time he summoned all his Estates and the principal Signeors depending upon his Crown to contribute their utmost towards the charges of the War Thus they gave an Allarum to Italy and made them all beleeve that the King Duke of Savoy and Venetians would divide it between them so every one of those little Princes being touched in his own Interests was very glad to enter into the League for his own defence The Partisans of Spain say that this Alliance between their King the Duke of Parma and Modena the Common-wealths of Genoa and Lucqua had concluded to raise an Army by Land of 24000 Foot and 6000 Horse which should be commanded in the Emperours name by the Duke de Teria Governour of Milan and a Navy by Sea of 90 Galleys who should come to Genova and be there commanded by the Marquess de Saincte Croix who was to be Admiral they reported too that all the Kingdomes of Spain and the Grandees of the whole Nation were taxed with great sums for the keeping of an Army of above 100000 men But all these black stormy Clouds vanished without any noise at the splendour of his Majesties Arms and he had more victories then Rodomontadoes as shal be made appear in the Prosecution of this year Politique Observation THE Affairs of Christendome were brought to that passe that the two Crowns of France and Spain did partake with the Interests of all other Princes The one is bound to assist those who are assaulted by t'other and never did either of them attempt any thing which ought not by reason of State bee opposed by the t'other If any one ask a reason hereof it may be ascribed to that emulation which for above a hundred years hath been nourished between them so that neither can indure to see t'other increase his strength or power but to speak more rightly the reason is not one and the same between France and Spain for that either of them have their particular motives The Spaniards like the Lacedemonians have fixed the highest part of their Monarchy not in that which is so much just as profitable for the inlarging of it and consequentially they do easily violate all Rights and Justice not reflecting that the Common-wealth of the Lacedemonians stood but a little while it being setled upon so ruinous a Foundation which was the destruction of their Power Now with France it is quite otherwise whose State being grounded upon Justice doth not hurry them on to snatch up their Arms but onely when their own defence or that of their Allies calls them to it France hath no design but to preserve it self Spain to increase it self France knoweth that safety consists in an equal ballancing of the Powers and strengths of one another and therefore it is that France thinks her self concern'd to obstruct Spains growing too Potent that he might not pretend to have any advantage over her or her Allies Spain on the other side which hath long since formed and contrived a design of making it self master of all Europe conceiveth that there is wrong done him if at any time France doth uphold her Allies in their just Possessions of their Estates or take up Arms for their defence Now to cement them in this dispute either of the two Crowns have their Allies which are tied to them by several Bonds that is by different considerations France hath such for her Allies who suspect the Power of Spain and fear they shall be set upon by it Spain hath others who take part with the Interests of the House of Austria as issued from thence by some relation or other and who are so far from France that being not easily releeved they are forced to keep all fair with them and serve them in their designs under the hopes that by this means they may at least procure that favour which the Cyclop promised Vlysses In this last from I range the Italians who having experimentally found how little favourable the Protection of France hath been hath been to them by reason of their distance from one another and the difficulties of passing Forces into their Country do tie themselves so much the stricter to the Spaniard it being easie for him to seize upon their States Milan and Naples lying so neer upon them Experience hath made it evident that they were never faithfull to the French They have sometimes ingaged our Kings in enterprizes by allying themselves with them but after they had occasioned great expences and all to no purpose they fell off from their words as Lewis the Moor Duke of Milan and then he of Milan who presently turned tayl to the Interests of Henry the 2d though he had secured him from the violences of the Emperour The onely means to unite them really with France and to draw them off from the Interests of Spain whom they have no great inclination to were to have a free open Passage for the Souldiers which might be quickly dispatched from Languedoc and Province which happiness France now hath by the Prudence of the Cardinal in the possession of Pignerol The Spaniard spreads abroad defaming Libels against the League of France Venice and Savoy AS Defamatory Libels are the most subtle Artifices which are used to surprize the minds of People and the Fire-brand which have been alwaies thought most proper to inflame their Courages to War So the Spaniards were not backward to countenance their designs by dispersing several of them abroad against the League between France Savoy and Venice and with all that Justice might appear to be with them to make use of Religion and Piety as a Cloak to their knavery They cannot but well remember that the same pretext served their King to invade the Indiaes That it was very advantagious to Philip the 2d to make himself Master of France and that very lately it gave them an In-let to the Palatinate and that they now hope by the same means to recover the Valtoline It gave their Libellers opportunity to say that the King of Great Britain and the Swiss
Protestants were ingaged in the same League though in truth there was onely the King Duke of Savoy and State of Venice comprised in it They called it by the name of the Protestant League but with so little truth that there was no appearance of it and lesse reason had they to call theirs the Catholick League seeing they had on their party the Elector the Princes of Upper Saxony the Dukes of Luneburg the Landgrave Lewis de Hesse de Armstadt and the most part of the Lutherans of Germany so that all that did not favour their Party must needs passe for Hereticks By which one might beleeve they would place even God himself amongst this number because he appears sometimes contrary to their designs They declared every where that their onely intention for their parts was to settle the Catholick Religion in the Valtoline and to root out Heresie though that Combination and Cabal which they kept up fomented and which gave them most advantage was headed by Rodolph Planta and several other principal Hereticks of that Country Neither did they stick to say that the Catholicks were oppressed in the Valtoline by the Grisons But they went not away without a reply made to them which was this that the Catholicks both Spiritual and Temporal were never ill intreated but when they contrived Combinations against the State and when at any time there were any Protestants discovered to have a hand in any such Cabals they were equally punished with the rest without any respect had to their Religion To be short they indeavoured to beget in the souls of all People Compassion and Pitty in behalf of the Valtolines though for the most part those Officers which they entertained of the Crisons were Hereticks desiring to make People beleeve that in truth they were troubled at the exercise of the Catholick Religion But besides that this Proposition was quite contrary to the truth any one might easily know that all Magistrates were indifferently chosen either Catholicks or Hereticks and that the exercise of Religion was absolutely free so that it was easie to answer them that look upon those Magistrates who were established by Soveraigns before any consideration could be had of what Religion they were as Gods Lievtenants and as the Apostles have taught us in their Holy Writ and by their deeds no one had any cause to complain of them at all and thus all their Reasons tended onely to surprize peoples understandings who were weak but were discovered by all who had never so little understanding to be contrivances forged in the fire of their Ambition and indeed they themselves discovered the Fraud when as his Majesty had proposed to them a most certain way for the assurance of Religion and the Liberty of Catholicks which they refused to accept of as to the Valtolines or to lay down their Arms. And thus did they use their utmost indeavours to impede the late King Henry the Great from obtaining his Absolution from Rome after his Conversion though they every where Proclaimed that the design of their Army in France was onely to oblige him to become a Catholick Politique Observation IT hath been a usual trick amongst Ambitious men to cover their designs with a cloak of Religion So in the Heathens time the Governours of the City of Rome after they had to no purpose used their utmost indeavours to hinder the People from being elected into Offices had at last their recourse to Religion and made them beleeve that they having consulted the Gods on that affair were assured by them that to communicate the Honours of the Republick to the Commonalty were to prophane them which being so saith T. Livy they forthwith desired them to recede from their pretentions they feigning that they did it more in order to the Wil of the Gods then of their own particular Interest They well knew that the people were much addicted to Religion and that it were so much the more easie to surprise them upon that accompt they having but a little knowledge of the Interest of Princes the genuine reasons of State or of Religion it self Thus Ottho desiring to get the Empire was not contented by his pretending a great Treason to speak aloud his Affection to the Emperour Galba but moreover told the Souldiers the more to inflame them that the Gods had declared to him by a remarkable Tempest that his Adoption of Piso was agreeable to them After all these fetches can onely surprize silly people they who are raised never so little above the ordinary sort are not ignorant that in point of State-dissimulation they ought more to regard their actions then their words They learn by experience that such kind of People cannot be better compared then to Coyners of salfe money who daub over their base allay with Leaf Gold to hide the falsenesse of it But Princes are now so accustomed to see through their disguises that they are no more to be over-reached by them and that without being stopped by the murmures of the people they surcease not to take up Arms for the defence of their Allies Intreagues of the Spaniards with the Hugenots THere need no more to proove that Religion served only as a mask to the Spaniards to hide the injustice of their designes then the bare intelligence which they had with the Heretiques of this Kingdom of France which when undivided hath been alwayes so potent that it hath impeded the cours of their proceedings and therfore it was that they endeavoured to make parties amongst them as soon as ever they were drawn off towards the Valtoline Those great losses which the Heretiques continually had had for some preceding years in Bearn and Languedoc alwayes kept them waking especially after the Peace of Montpellier they well perceiving that those small Routs which they had suffered did threaten their party with an utter destruction The Spaniards finding this disposition amongst them were not backward to foment it and laboured very much to get the Sieurs de Soubize and Rohan who were the only eminent persons to command their arms Their designe took effect These two Brothers being met at Castres to consider on such Propositions which were made to them on their behalf about Autumn in the foregoing year resolved to rayse those of their Party the one by Sea at Guienne and the other in Languedoc The attempt upon the Fort of Blavet otherwise Port St. Lewis of which wee have already spoken about the end of the last year was an effect of that resolution as also the endeavours of the Duke and Dutchesse of Rohan began about the same time in Languedoc to draw in more Towns into their party This Dutchesse that she might use her utmost dilligence went most commenly by torch-light in the night time in her Coach which being in mourning and withall furnished with eight black Horses served rather to strike a terror into the Country people who were not used to see such spectacles then to gain any
would not have so great an influence in perswading most men to what ever they desire I could say it was for this reason that the enemy of our Salvation designing to involve us in sin made his first addresses to Eve rather then upon the man knowing shee would easiliest contribute to the effecting of his intended end if hee could but once make himself Master of her Will. But without being beholding to examples of invisible Spirits who knoweth not that the Emperour Augustus affected to make himself be beloved by several of his enemies Wives not that hee might indulge his Senses or delight himself in Voluptuous Pleasures but that hee might fish out of them any Resolutions which were taken to his dis-advantage or Ruine and Tacitus is the man from whom wee learn this excellent device Open War in the State of Genoa WHilest Love was filling England with Mirth Mars was kindling a Fire of War in Italy The Duke of Savoys Army assisted by the French being all well provided the General would no longer defer the advancing of his Troops into the State of Genoa the rather because the Spaniards were imployed in other places and the Genoveses had but a few Forces to defend themselves The Prince of Piedmont was with the Duke his Father and the Marshal de Crequy with the Constable his Father-in-law The King in Consideration of the Alliance between Savoy and France consented that the Duke should give the word and that the Marshal should likewise pay the same respect to the Prince of Piedmont The Order which they observed was thus That the Constable should march with the Avant guard towards the Coast of Loppiata and his Highness with the body of the Army towards Cremolin The Constable comming before Loppiata the Inhabitants made some small resistance but they were soon forced and their Town Pillaged to strike a terrour into others this induced those of Gua a City belonging to the Territories of Genoa to send their Keys to the Duke who when he sent the Marquess of St. Reyran with his Regiment to Quarter there found some resistance for that Nicholas Doria in the mean time had put in some Forces there to defend it so the Duke commanded the Count of Veriie to march thither with certain Companies which strook such a fright into Doria and his Forces that they presently lest the place and Captain Martin Corseque delivered it at the first summons The City of Novy which is very large sent at the same time to the Constable to assure him they would open their Gates and accordingly he seized on it and then turning towards Gavy he defeated in his march five Companies of Neopolitans whom the Spaniards had sent to secure the place and shortly after the Duke of Savoy joyned with him to incounter with six thousand men part being of Collonel Gasees some Modenois and other some Parmesans who pretended to defend the Town But they soon cut one party of them in peeces near Ottage in a fight which lasted neer two hours and then falling upon four Squadrons of Horse not far off the same place they routed them with such good success that they took the Town and Castle of Ottage with three and twenty Colours killed above two hundred Neapolitans and Genoveses upon the place took above a thousand Prisoners and amongst them the chief Commanders Upon this defeat they concluded to make themselves Master of Gavy which was absolutely necessary for their marching up to Genoa The Castle is built on a Rock and the Town well fortified insomuch that many were of opinion it would be a hard task to take it seeing too that Barbarossa in the expedition which he made in the time of Francis the first into the River of Genoa could not take it in But the Constables courage which was not used to stoop under any Fear did not forbear to make his approaches upon the Town He who commanded it made a Sally with about three hundred men of which two hundred were slain in the place which so terrified those of the Town that they sent an assurance that they would open their Gates provided they might be protected from being Plundered and maintained in their ancient Priviledges which was granted to them and the Constable being got into the Town began to besiege the Castle At the first the Governour pretended a Resolution to defend it discharging several shot into the Town beleeving that the Castle could not be battered and supposing there were not any points of Rocks upon which any Cannon could be mounted to command it but the Constable soon let him see that there was not any thing impossible to the courage of the French for in a few days he had raised a Battery upon certain Rocks which did so awe him that he was forced to surrender upon Composition on the last of April Some Spanish Relations say that the Governour was rather frighted with Pistol shot then forced by the Cannon to surrender but their anger was at the Constable who had made himself Master of the place After these happy exploits the Prince of Piedmont took ten thousand men of the Army to go force the Passages of the Mountain Griego where the Genoveses were intrenched and to make way for the Siege of Savonne He presently forced their Trenches so that he had full Liberty to march as far as Pleve a Town scituated in the Mountains defended with a good Castle and several small Forts his courage made him resolve to carry it by assault after he had taken in those little Forts though it seemed capable of holding out a longer Siege which was executed with so much resolution and good successe that the place was won in an instant the besieged yeelding themselves as soon as they found the Gates and Walls were already secured upon condition of saving the lives of all such as should be found without Arms. All which was done with no small resistance for there were at least two hundred killed and taken together with seven Colours which were sent by the Prince to the Princess of Piedmont and afterwards to the King together with those three and twenty others which were taken at the defeat of Ottage and the Staffs of two Masters of the Camp Caracciolo and Catanda fent by the Duke of Savoy as the the fruits of those Victories which his Majesties Armies had obtained with a Letter in answer to that which was brought him by the Marquess de Saluce The Prince of Piedmont having suffered his Army to Pillage for about six and thirty hours in Plâ—ve he destroyed the Country towards Albengua the Magistrate of which place sent to offer to him the obedience of the Inhabitants accordingly he entred into the Town with some few Troops and from thence went towards Orvietta which the Genoveses had newly surprised but he forced it in a few dayes time After this once done he summoned the City of Ventimelia the inhabitants made some shew of resistance but the Prince
contained the depth of his employment and it was the happier for France that he was so improvident to carry such papers about him which could only serve to cause him be taken and put to great trouble It was about the end of September that he was arrested and at first carried into Coffie The Duke of Orleans hearing of it took his part made a great noise about it and fancying to himself that the English were landed in the I le of Ree that they and the Marshal de Thoyras were close ingaged together he dispatched the Sieurs de Ville and de Leven-Court one in the neck of t'other to the Queen Mother then at Paris in his Majesty absence to demand Mountagu of her and in case she did refuse it to let him know it within foure and twenty howers time protesting withal that he well knew how to carve his own satisfaction for this injurie which he pretended had been done him because he said Mountagu had been taken in his territories He had at that time his Arms in his hand to second the English and Duke of Savoy and at the same time that he send to the Queen Mother he resolved to besiedg Coffie where Mountagu was then Prisoner as also to assault divers other Frontier Towns whilst his Majesty was busied in resisting the English But the dilligence used in removing of Mountagu from Coiffie to Paris together with the defeat given the English at Ree as shall anon be declared made him and the Duke of Savoy too change their resolutions for that they found the King in a condition able to deal with both of them at once They were likewise told that in case they would oblige his Majesty to come out of Poictou they might both of them pay the charges of his Journey So the Duke of Savoy turned his design upon Genoua which he thought to surprise by a Stratugem which had been contrived and the Duke of Lorrain was contented to be quiet upon assurance given him that Mountagu should be set at liberty soon after his Majesties return to Paris His anger was like storms which after much noise are quelled in a moment she resolved without any great intreaty to expect the Kings return to Paris whither he soon after arrived Mountaigu's Person not being so considerable as his Papers from which there had been discovered as much as was desired his Majesty brought him out of the Bastile and delivered him up unto him reserving that punishment for another time which he had resolved for the Duke of Lorrain and which he had deserved by his engaging in such intreagues In the mean time the King was very glad to see in these Papers that the Duke of Savoy knew of the English design to land in Ree that he had promised to assist them That he had perswade the Duke of Rohan to revolt that he had assisted him with succours That he had ingaged to fall upon the Dauphine with six thousand foot and twelve hundred Horse There was by them likewise discovered the design which the English had projected against Toulon for the sending certain Ships pretending to trade in the Levant and how the Duke of Savoy engaged to assist them with men and Gallies That the same Duke had a hand too in that attempt which was afterwards made against Montpelier That he had intended to have surprised Brecon and Valence and besides all this there were amongst them divers bloudy Manifests against the King his Ministers of State and the Government of his affairs Politique Observation TO be imployed without good cause for the troubling of a Forrain Princes State is a Commission as little happy as honourable If it tend to the Arming of his subjects against him It hath ever had such ill successe that one may say of him who arms them that in shaking the Pillars of the State Justice and obedience he only burries them in their own ruines If it be for the making of confederacies with neighbouring Princes to make a war upon another they last so little that there is not any hopes of more expectation from them Either of the Chiefs would have more power in the Army then his companion Then comes distruct between them no one obtains any glory which t'other doth not envy nay and hinder too if he can Great designs raised upon such weak grounds fall to ruine like structures built upon a foundation of sand War is of it self so uncertain that he who begins it is not sure to gain any thing by it A Command mis-apprehended an Order ill executed an enterprise not well timed an inconsiderate rashness and in short one poor single word may sometimes put a whole Army to the rout Besides negotiations being often considered by their Events all the blame will be assuredly laid in his dish who first perswaded to the design On the other side God favoureth Just Arms and vallour signifies nothing saith Bâ—llisarius without Justice so that he who ingageth any without a lawful cause may expect nothing but mis-fortune and confusion But to waht dangers doth he expose himself whilst he passeth thorough his States against whom he attempteth to make a war Not to stop him were a madness in any Prince and a greater not to punish him for his rashness But admit he escape that mis-fortune his very Commission is contemptible seeing it usually brings trouble and charge to his Country I have ever much esteemed of Phocions words in Plutarch to Leosthenes who in an Oration endeavoured to engage the Ethenians in the Lamian war after Alexanders death Thy speech quoth he is like a Cypres large and full but beareth no fruit for just thus thou makest the people conceive victories and thy words puff them up with signal advantages but indeed there is not any just ground to hope for any certain fruit from such a war tending to the States good so inconstant misfortunate and expensive are all wars whatever What did all those turbulent Souls carry away but blame and misfortune who employed their whole time provoked to it only by their particular passions any unjust reasons to raise wars amongst Princes The Count de St. Paul may serve for a notable example in this kinde After he had spent all his dayes in Broyles and turmoyles his glory vanished like smoak and at last he payd for those Treacheries by death which he had put upon Lewis the Eleventh In the same manner Savanorolla had passed for a Saint amongst the Florentines but for that seditious Spirit which animated him against the house of Medicis and excited him to make a war even against his own Cittizens but the blame he reaped by it sullyed all his glory and in my opinion whoever engageth himself in such a Commission may not expect any greater honour by it Turbulent Spirits clapt up in the Bastille THese Forrain designs were not a lone to be feared there were divers other Grandees of the Kingdom sediously disposed who had some notice of
but the Duke sent in all hast to demand it of his Holyness When the Marquis de Chaumont came thither It was not as yet arrived but hourly expected and though it was not brought but only a very few minuts before his death yet the Marquis of Strigio who knew how necessary it was for the State of affairs told the Prince de Rethelois and the Princess Maria that they must forthwith marry or else be assured never to enjoy the States of Mantua It was a business of so great importance that it would admit of no longer consultation so that it was concluded and married they were about nine in the night on Christmasse Eve the marriage was consummated and not long after the news of Duke Vincents death was brought unto them This accident was of very great concern to the Duke de Nevers Who without it might perchance never have enjoyned the Dukedom of Mantua At that present he was in France but hearing of it he took post and about the end of January came to Mantua where finding all things according to his own desire he took proffession of the State and the Marquis de Chaumont return'd back to France He passed by Thurin and used new endeavours to perswade the Duke of Savoy to an accommodation but it would not be yet he served the King in this occasion by withdrawing divers of the Nobility of Dauphine from the Duke of Savoy's Army who had ingaged themselves with him not knowing his design was upon Montferrat which the Duke hearing of was much offended and told him it would not be safe for him to stay any longer in Turin Politique Observation THat Prudence which obligeth all Soveraigns to provide against such accidents as may trouble the present State of their affairs doth equaly direct them to make sure of such remedies as may prevent the future disturbance of their Peace and quiety which cannot safely be effected without the assurance of an Hair to succeed Augustus affordeth us a memorable example in this particular who governing an Empire not Hereditary would however joyn with himself some one of his nearest kindred in the conduct of affairs to the end that ingratiating himself with the Senators Souldiers and people he might by that means seem to deserve the Soveraignity For this reason it was according as Tacitus hath well observed that he finding himself destitute of Sons and that Fortune had taken from him first Marcus Agrippa and afterwards Cajus and Lucius his Nephews advanced Tiberus who though he had a Son then grown up he caused to adopt Germanicus to the succession of the Empie and this he did as the Historian observes that the Crown might be assured upon divers supports By this means he cut off the Senators hopes of reforming the State into a Republique and from his Enemies the means of aspiring to the Crowns Adrian in the like manner seeing he had not any Sons which exposed him to the fury of some ambitious mind or other who for the Empires sake might be perswaded to attempt upon his Person adopted Antoninus and also required that Antoninus should in the like manner he having no Sons neither nominate two more successours as Dion hath observed in his life and all this was with intent that they who were to succeed in the Empire might be alwayes ready to receive it and to prevent his Enemies from attempting against his person in hopes to obtain it for themselves To how many misfortunes have they who have been defective in this Care exposed their Countries Jane the second Queen of Napels dying without nominating her successour d' Anâ—ou whom she had once named being deceased before her left her Kingdome cruelly torn in pieces by War and him whom she least of all desired to inherit after her It is very rarely seen that a Kingdome changeth its Family without great wars and that Prince whom God hath not blessed with Children will find many attempts made upon his person whence it follows that he who would secure his Life and State from misfortunes ought betimes to appoint his successour to keep him near to him with Honour to instruct him in all affairs but not to admit him unto the partaking of the Soveraignity for that were to cure one evil by a greater seeing the ambition which usually attendeth young Princes might perchance ingage him in some ill design to be master of it before his time Cabals of the Duke de Rohan in Languedoc and the Succours wrought by means of the Duke de Soubize his brother in England for the Rochelois THE Duke de Rohan was by his brother assured of the English assistance and long before their landing in Ree he did nothing but contrive Cabals in Languedoc that he might place Consuls for his own turn in the Hugonot Towns and engage considerable persons in his private interests Presently after their landing he openly declared himself strengthned his party with Men perswaded some places to rise and sollicited others to do the like He gave them great hopes of high and mighty advantages by the inundation of strangers and he provoked them the more by insinuating into them the ruin of their Religion and divers other imaginary evils That he mâ—â—ht the better strik these Panick fears into them he sent them a Manifest filled with all those specious apparencies mentioned in the beginning of this year But may it not be said that he imitated those Pirates who seeming to instruct the course which Ships ought to keep in the Sea set up Lanthorns upon the tops of Rocks to draw Pirates thither and so to wrack them For thus did he lay before the sight of them who were sufficiently enclined to â—action diverse seemingly fair reasons of the preservation of their party and Religion by which means he drew them into that revolt and engaged them in those misfortunes which have since been the cause of the ruining of their Towns and of levelling their Wals and fortifications with the ground Now that he might the more strictly bind the Hugonot towns to his designs he â—ound means to make an assembly in the Viâ—e d'Vsez where diverse of their Deputies met together and as he had no lesse eloquence then courage he perswaded them to whatever he had a mind to They approved of those succours which he had negotiated in England as just and necessary they commended his prudence and zeal and gave him a thousand thanks for it But this was not all They assured him not to enter into any Treaty of Peace with his Majesty without the King of Englands consent and his own in particular Hereupon they deputed some of the most seditious of their faction to go to the Towns of Languedoc and Guyennâ— withal they writ to those of Dauphine and Vivarez to encourage them to unite with them for the good of the cause They drew up a form of oath to be sworn by the Consuls the Governours of Towns Lords and Gentlemen who would engage with
increase his Revenue but cannot so well peradventure secure him from those violences whereunto he is exposed as the power of a great King with whom he intrusteth it Ferdinand King of Naples did wisely when he found himself without money destitute of necessary Forces to recover his estate of which we French had despoiled him in resolving to enter into a league offensive and defensive with the Venetians who made a scruple to admit him unlesse he would deliver them the Cities of Otrante Bronduze and Trave with Monopoly and Sulignan with condition that they should be restored upon payment of 200000 Ducats for their expences in his occasion Prudence alone is capable to make known unto us without producing other examples that it is more discretion to quit a part to secure the rest then by preserving it to endanger the losse of the whole When Pignerol was promised to the King by the Duke of Savoy PRinces actions are liable to divers interpretations because they are more maturely considered then ordinary mens and their drifts are more secret This Treaty of the Duke of Savoy did set many heads on work and divers apprehended it in terms quite different from the truth He granted the City and Castle of Pignerol to the King for six moneths only and that for performance of his promise to give him free passage through his State and to assist him with Ammunition and Provision of all sorts as much and as often as need should require for defence of his Allies in Italy However divers believed that he had absolutely given this place to the King and besides that it had been so concluded before ever the Marshal de Thoyras and the Sieur de Servient departed from Paris toward Querasque It was said that the Comte de Drouin had passed his word in January and then assured his Majesty that the place should be delivered to him But that being never declared they did rather guesse then know it for knowledge is grounded upon reasons certain All that can be said is that the Duke of Savoy did consent to remit Pignerol absolutely into his Majesties hands for the conservation of the rest of his estate in so doing he did very prudently as we shall hereafter declare had the King procured this advantage to his Crown it had been but just to recover an ancient Demeasne which had been lost by the condescention of his Predecessors he had raised a Trophy to his glory obtained by his Arms in Italy he had conserved part of that which did justly belong unto him by the Laws of War it fine he had secured all his Allies on the other side the Mountains and curbed the Spanish Ambition These reasons were so full of Justice that the greatest part of the world was perswaded that the Duke of Savoy had absolutely given Pignerol to the King for what likelihood could there be that his Majesty should not retain some part of his Victories That he should expend at least fifty millions in a War without reserving somewhat for recompence That his Prudence should not take some care for the preservation of his Allies after the experiment he had made of those difficulties in the Passages And that he should leave the Spaniards in full power to prosecute their Usurpations There could not be any reason for it and he must have renounced his just and lawfull pretensions so to have done On the other side that which did most of all call in question the truth of the Treaty if indeed there were any thing was that it was alwaies denied and dissembled in the conferences and kept as a secret till this present neverthelesse this secret cannot be denied but to have been the effect of the Cardinal's Prudence who well knoweth that the greatest designs ought to be executed with the greatest secrecy and that counterfeit pretences cannot but be commendable provided they be advantagious and free from injustice Politique Observation ALthough Dissimulation is commonly esteemed a vice amongst private persons yet it is so much the more needfull amongst great Princes in regard their designs ought to be kept more especially secret The discreetest Princes never look that way they design and though they alwaies effect their thoughts yet they seldome speak what they think they who apply themselves to reading are more fit to entertain good company than for high enterprizes seeing the Government of a State is a Stage upon which the Actors oftentimes ought to change their Masks and habits They who can best of all cloak their designs are the most ingenious and do oftnest attain their ends hence it is that he who hath any thing to do with a crafty companion hath work enough to look about him Who knoweth not that if all truth were necessarily to be told nothing would remain unknown which if so the highest enterprizes would be successelesse it being most certain that the discovery of an affair is like an Alarum to summon together the strongest oppositions It is allowable to keep that a secret which may be advantagious to our selves or our friends and cannot injure any one It is great Prudence not to discourse it with those whom a man suspects and absolutely to disown it to all others Thus Lewis the Moor Duke of Millan having made a Treaty with Charles the Eighth to give him passage into Italy and to favour his designs did constantly deny it to the King of Naples the Pope and Peter de Medicis although the report of it was common and some signs of it almost indubitable Whereupon he denying it so confidently they remained a good while in suspence without knowing what to conclude The denying of a design with asseveration doth insensibly leave some doubt in the most determinate minds to believe it and although the protestations made to the contrary do not gain an absolute belief yet do they commonly delay obstructions which might be raised and put off those enterprises which would be set on foot to hinder them The Interdiction of the Court of Ayds of Paris VVHilest the Cardinal 's incomparable Prudence was thus busied in these weighty forraign affairs there passed some others in the Kingdom which I cannot omit especially seeing his Genius which giveth orders for all things teacheth by his conduct divers maximes very necessary for all Ministers The great expenâ—es made the last four or five years in the Wars having exhausted the Treasure and the factions of the Queen-mother and Monsieur breaking out there was a necessity of raising great sums to support divers Armies at the same time This was that which forced the King to lay new Impositions upon his Subjects which he did with the greater regret in regard he had formerly by the Cardinal's counsel used some expedients to ease them but necessity whose Empire is more absolute then that of Princes forced his Majesty to defer them until such time as his affairs were setled in a sure Peace neither did the Chamber of Accompts make any scruple to confirm
any other mans of what condition so ever he be That this constraint is repugnant to the safety of Kings of which in History are many examples especially in these latter ages These reasons were very considerable but withall the Marquess D' Effiat followed them home with such address and vigour that they made the same impressions upon the Kings as they had done upon his Embassadours minds who indeed did much contribute by their Letters to bring it to a resolution Articles of Marriage between the King of Great Britain and the Princess Henrietta Maria of France THe Negotiation was so fortunate that the King consented to all those Articles which were demanded in behalf of the Catholicks and accordingly his Majesty gave command to his Embassadours to accord it and on the 10th of November they were signed by them with the Cardinal upon these conditions That the Kings Sister should have all manner of liberty to increase the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion together with all her Officers and their children that to this purpose she should have a Chappel in every of the Kings houses a Bishop and twenty eight Priests to administer the Sacrament Preach Gods Word and doe such other Offices as their Function required That the children which should be born of this marriage should be brought up in the Catholick Religion untill the age of 13 years by the Princess That all the Domesticks which she carried into England should be French and Catholicks chosen by the most Christian King and they dying she might take others into their place French and Catholicks by and with consent of the King of Great Brittain Moreover that both the King of Great Brittain and Prince of Wales his son should bind themselves by oath not to attempt by any means whatsoever to make her change her Religion or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it and should promise by writing upon the faith and word of a King and Prince to take order that all those Catholicks as well Ecclesiastick as secular which had been imprisoned since the last Act made against them should be set at liberty That the English Catholicks should not be any more hunted after for their Religion nor constrained to swear any thing contrary to the Catholick Religion and that such seizures of their Goods as had been made since the last Act should be restored to them And generally that they should receive more liberty and favour in respect of the Alliance with France then had been promised them upon the Spanish Treaty This was as much as could be desired for the present in behalf of Religion until the Princess who was indued with all the qualifications both of Body and Soul which could render a Princess beloved should have acquired a good power over King James his spirit and the Prince of Wales her husband and so finish the remainder which the King expected both from her zeal and behaviour with the more confidence because Ladies have a great hand over their husbands and Father in Law when they are once intirely loved by them Politique Observation THere is good reason to hope for the Conversion of a Prince from the Princess whom he marries Women have so natural an art to perswade men and to lead them to what they desire that there is hardly any thing impossible for them to do Their beauty alone hath such strong charms that they imprint in the soul by their eyes all the affections they have a mind to and the Love wherewith they are cherished gives them so great a power that if they have never so lâ—ttle ingenuity one cannot defend himself from their perswasions and if it be thus true in general it is not lesse in the particular of converting their Husbands or the People who are subject to them History is so full of Proofs of this nature that one must be altogether ignorant if he knows not that the divine Providence hath divers times made use of their means for this glorious purpose Thus Clotilâ—a daughter to the Duke of Borgogn was the occasion that Clovis one of our first Kings her husband imbraced the Christian Religion and banished Idolatry out of his States Iâ—gâ—nd Sister to Childebert King of France being married to Hermenegild King of the Gâ—ths converted him to the Holy Châ—istâ—an Faith Chieâ—umte daughter to the King of Merâ—e in England married a King of the West Saxons made him become a Christian and she her self a Saint Thâ—â—dâ—linda wife to â—â—gâ—lulph King of the Lombards perswaded him and a great part of his people to lay by their false Gods and to live under the Lâ—ws of he Gospel Gizel daughter to Hâ—nry Duke of Bavier and Sister to the Emperour Henry the first being married to Steâ—hâ—n the first of that name King of Hungaria made him and his whole Kingdome resolve to in â—race the Fâ—â—th of Jesus Christ and thus many others of the like examples do verifie that Qâ—eens have ever had a great power in this particular and the spirit of God which hath made use of them for such glorious effects saith The unbâ—lieving Husband shall bâ— sanctifiedly the believing Wife Heaven it self fights for them in such occasions when they labour for his glory besides it cannot be denyed but that their Rbetorick is perswasive that their accord do some time passe or currant and undeniable reasons that their words are charms and that their addresse is able to master the greatest courages In the midst of this diligent care which the Cardinal took for the Interests of Religion and the State his Prudence was not forgetfull of any thing which might bee thought in favour of the Kings Sister It was agreed in respect of eight hundred thousand Crowns which his Majesty gave her in marriage that she should renounce all successions either Paternal Maternal or Collateral which might befall unto her and accordingly after she had received leave from her mother the Queen Mother so to do she did renounce and the King of Great Britains Embassador did ratifie it that in future no such pretensions might arise to trouble the quiet of the Kingdomes as formerly had been Withall he took such tender care of all advantages for her that she could not suffer any inconvenience by any accident whatever It was agreed upon by his care that the Prince deceasing without issue the mony should be totally restored to her to be disposed of according to her own will whether she did live in England or in France That if he had children by this marriage there should onely be two thirds of her Portion returned the other being moveable that the last twenty of the third part should be made a yearly rent to her during her life that her Dower should be eight hundred thousand pound sterling por annum returning French mony at sixty thousand Crowns rent which should be assigned to her in Lands and Houses one of which should be such and accordingly furnished that she might make
summs of money or assist him with Ships according to the Proportion of that which was lent them That they should cause such French Regiments as should be entertained in Holland to be conducted to Calais or Diepe And thus in one and the same moneth the Cardinal made his entrance upon the Administration very remarkable by the resolution of the Match with England which ingaged the King of Great Brittain in his Majesties interests by the entertaining of the Spanish Forces in the Low Countries by which he diverted them from assisting the Valtolines so powerfully as otherwise they had done Politick Observation IF Marriages serve to augment the Power of a King certainly those Alliances which are made with neighbour States for reciprocal assistance in War do no less contribute towards it provided they be well established Two States well united are undoubtedly stronger then one alone and as an ancient Author saith if an enemy should prevail against one yet two would be able to oppose him Partnership is that which inricheth Merchants in Trading and Alliances enable Princes to make forraign invasions with their Forces and if there be such profit to be made out of it I suppose they are very necessary for the divine wisdome hath so disposed all Kindomes that they have all need one of another Aristotle saith nibil pâ—r se subsist it nothing is able to subsist by it self onely and if in the Microcosm every part is needfull for one another not excepting the most noble God hath also imparted Power to Soveraigns with such equality that they are never able to increase it without mutual assistance from one another Upon this foundation it is that all Alliances are established It is absurd to beleeve that the bare friendship of Princes can be a sufficient Bond seeing that it is interest which onely ties them effectually as is apparent to all men for that they usually break them when once they appear against their concernments If ever there be occasion to unite them together it is chiefly when there is danger of a common enemy and that they would hinder his growing strength and prevent him from making attempts upon their bordering neighbours and consequently upon themselves In fine it was upon that score that the Iâ—alian Ambassadors perswaded King Antiochus to league himself with them against the Romans representing to him that if he did not keep them in continual exercise they would render themselves Masters of his Allyes and then enter upon his own Country too And it was for the same reason that the Princes of the house of Orleans finding themselves too weak to make head against the Burguignions allied themselves with the English though otherwise they hated them and that Ferdinand King of Naples allyed himself with Lewis Sforza Tutor to John Galeazzi his Nephew and Laurence de Medicis that they might oppose the French who then threatned them Colonel Ornano is made Prisoner in the Bastile and thence sent to the Castle of Caen. VVHilest the King negotiated these two important Treaties and that the Cardinal gave a happy progress to them by his Counsails the Marquis de la Vieville who for the two last years had a great hand in the affairs inform'd the King that the Colonel d' Ornano Governour to the Duke of Orleans his Brother took such a course as would in time trouble the State The he had not forgot any artifice to render himself agreeable to the Monsieur and to gain such a power over his spirit that the Honour which he had to be his Governour gave him a great power in his Family That before he had gained the Mounsieurs affection he made his brags openly that he would get the Mastery over him to the intent he might raise his fortune to a higher pitch That he began to sow distrusts in the mind of that Prince and to extinguish the seeds of that Respect Love and Obedience which Nature had given to him in creating him That he took advantage of his good favour to make himself feared and that he vaunted to have done many things contrary to his duty of which there were many particulars and that he was observed to take great care to hold Intelligence with the Grandees of the Court This was so much the more to be feared for that the greatest misfortunes and the most part of Civil Wars have no other beginning then misunderstandings of Princes against their Kings The King thought good to impart it to the Cardinal and having demanded his advice of what was proper to be done in that occasion he did not at all dissemble the danger it would be to permit this procedure of the Colonel But the moderation of his spirit would not suffer him to carry him on to use such violent remedies as others did advise him to but on the contrary he represented to him that the Laws of Mercy obliged Kings to pardon the first faults of Grandees provided that they would confesse their errors especially if there be a meanes to prevent any consequence of danger That the wisest are sometimes subject to miscarriages and are also capable to repent them and afterwards to doe great services That the moderation which many wise Princes have shewed towards such offenders hath made them more faithful and affectionate then those who never committed any miscarriage at all That this Repentance was the more reasonably to be hoped from the Colonel d' Ornano who till then had lived within those limits which ought to be observed by those of his condition that his Father had given him a good example by those services which he had done until his death That he had indeed forgot himself but that his omission might be remedied which seemed to deserve pardon so much the more in regard it is almost impossible for the greatest part of Mankind not to forget themselves whenas fortune shall advance them into a place of Eminency Moreover there was reason to hope that the onely removing him for some time from the Monsieur would make him reassume his former countenance would make him sensible of his fault and he himself would easily be induced to judge that this embroyl wherein he had suffered himself to be surprised would undoubtedly precipitate him into utter ruin instead of raising him into a higher condition This counsel was accompanied with a much Prudence as Moderation and the King who is ever carried of himself to follow the best advice onely commanded the Collonel d' Ornano to retire himself to his Government of Pont-Sainct-Esprit untill he were permitted to return to the Court but the Collonel being confident that there were nothing but surmises and conjectures against him had the boldness to refuse obedience to this order perswading the Monsieur to keep him near him and to procure from the King by any extraordinary instances that he might not be forced from the Court The Monsieur beseeched his Majesties with all possible affection However the King gave him to understand that
and whatever was strong or weak in the whole Fortification The wayes and passages of the whole Country were not omitted nor the length and largness of the Channel the places where Batteries might be raised with Forts for defence of the Port and oftentimes considering this Map with the Marshal de Schomberg and other able Ingeniers for such exploits he framed so perfect an Idea of all that could happen in the siege fore-seeing effects in their causes That he did no longer doubt of the victory And having discoursed more at large with his Majesty concerning it he told him that he could now almost assure his Majesty of a good successe in this design if it pleased God to Prosper it with his blessing as there was great reason to hope seeing he acted for the good of the Church and the glory of his own name The King was overjoyed at it and from that time forwards preparations were made in all the adjacent Provinces of warlik amunitions great store of Cannon were sent before hand towards the place that they might be in a readiness when time should serve divers means were thought on to block up the Channel and to begin with those of lesse charge to prevent greater expences in case they might do the work a private computation was made of what horse and foot would be requisite to invest the place and secure the neighbouring Isles and to be short every thing was disposed to the best advantage for the carrying on of the siedg Politique Observation HEE who shutteth his eyes at those difficulties which he shall meet with in war deceiveth himself Commonly they that do so are quickly reduced to an impossibility of executing their designs If there be any one Action which ought maturely to be deliberated in its beginning progresse and end without doubt war is chiefly the thing it being as Scipio saith absolutely important not to begin it unless Fortune presents a favourable occasion with advantage but when the means necessary for it's continuation are certain and when there is a sure way to come off with Honour Though Fortune should be crosse yet after so many considerations it can hardly end in a bad successe whereas with blinded eyes and no considerations had of the means to overcome such obstacles may arise as nothing but confusion and disorder and ruine can foâ—low Tiberius is very much commended in Tacitus for having so great knowledge of his enemies Plots designs and resolutions in so much that those very subtilities which they proposed for to get a victory he made use of for their destruction And T. Livy saith of Hannibal that one of the principal causes which gave him many advantages in war was the knowing his enemies Counsels as well as he did his own resolutions A discreet Pilot foresees a storm and secureth himself neither doth a Grand Minister of State attempt any thing of concern but he foresees the difficulties which may happen in it It is for Fencers not Princes to resolve on a suddain A wise man never brings himself within danger of repentance and as he knows his designs may be countermined so he is accordingly carefull not only to provide all such means as may carry his business to a happy issue but also such remedies as may overcome any obstacles which may chance to be made in opposition of it He never lets his courage be quelled with difficulties but makes them only serve to fix his resolution the more strongly against all resistances by this means he will see all things fall out according to his own forecast and he will force Fortune her self to become favourable to him The Duke of Lorrain comes to the King at Paris to complain of his Majesties Actions towards the Bishop of Verdun and to do him Homage for the Dutchee of Bar. GReat enterprises are not to be ended in a moment so that some months had passed before the English were in a condition to make good their promise to the Rochelois during which time divers remarkable things intervened The Duke of Lorrain about the beginning of the year came to his Majesty at Paris and made great complaints of his Majesties Officers Actions against the Bishop of Verdun his Kinsman how that they had seized on all his Goods translated the charge of his Offices to other persons that they had Posted up Papers against him and had resolved to have seized on his Person if it had been in their power But as he had not to do with such Ministers who had either fear or weaknesse or knew not how or when to maintain their Masters Interests so he was quickly answered That Bishops of what condition soever being his Majesties subjects owe as much respect and obedience to him as others of his degree that when they fall off from their duties it is then the more just to punish their faults their Delinquency being an ill example to which most people are apt to follow That injoying their Temporal States onely in order to the Oath of Allegiance which they all swear to his Majesty they do most especially deserve to be deprived of them when they break their said oath That his Majesty was more especially obsigned to maintain his Right in Verdun which was a Fontier Town and in regard too that the Bishop had attempted against his Royal Authority in hindring the building of the Cittadel though it were a thing only relating to the Soverainty and in which he was not all concerned These answers were so Just and grounded upon such sollid reasons that nothing could be replied against them so the Duke had recourse to his entreaties and beseeched his Majesty for his sake to wink at with was past to order restitution of his seizures and to command the Bishop Officers to be re-established in their former charges He was very urgent in his behalf and because at the same time the Emperour having writ to his Majesty in his favour the King had returned him answer That at his desire he should willingly grant him any reasonable favour the Duke obtained his request but upon condition however That the Bishop should first send a Commission to one of his Vicars to revoke the Censures which had been given out against his Majesties Officers and them who worked on the Cittadel and that in fature he should comport himself with more respect and moderation The Duke did willingly become bound for his performance and having sent the Commission the King discharged the seizures and setled all things in their former state But notwithstanding all the Duks seeming affection forwardness in this affair yet that was not the chief end of his Journey He had been newly put into possession of the States of Lorrain and Bar by vertue of Reynard the second King of Sicilies will and by the resignment of his Father the Count of Vaudmont pretending to hold them of his Liege in his own proper name though the late Duke of Lorrain his Predecessor had and that
of the Joy he had in this accident to find the succession devolved upon him whom he esteemed a Prince endued with all excellent Qualities and from whom he might receive the same respects both as to his person and the Publique good as he had heretofore from his Predecessor He had order to proffer unto him his Friendships and Royal assistance of his Credit Name and Authority assuring him that he should find the effects of it not only at Rome and in his Affairs depending there but also in all other things when-ever occassion should be next of all he was to inform him of the design which the Spaniards had to marry him after dissolution of his late contract to one of the Emperours Daughters and then dexterously to observe to him that the States of Mantoua and Montferrat being very considerable in Italy for their scituations and fertility as also the strong hold wherewith they are defended were continually watched after by the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan that they might take some advantage over them and that he not being able to defend himself against them but by the Union and Correspondencie which he held with France and the Princes of Italy was obliged so to carry himself as neither of them might be jealous of him Moreover that his Enemies who well knew all these things would pick out all occasions whatever to make a Breach between him and his friends by carrying him to such Actions as might provoke them against him but in case he should so change that instead of the Free and absolute Soveraignty in which God had now settled him he would find himself reduced to a perfect dependance on the Spaniards who would expose him to the scorn of others and cause him to loose his reputation of friendship and fidelity that all things considered he could not do better then to remain Neuter to hold an equal correspondency with the house of France Austria and the Princes of Italy without doing any thing which might incense either one or t'other but perceiving an intire affection for France as for him who desired his good prosperity and settlement and from whence he might be sure of receiving all assistance and protection without any prejudice in the least But above all the Marquesse was commanded to lay the foundation of the Princess Maria's marriage Neece to Duke Vincent with the Duke de Rethelois and to dispose the Duke to declare him successor to his States after the death of Monsieur de Nevers his Father However he himself was inclined to marry her could he but have procured the dispensation of his first contract at Rome He had instructions likewise to tell him how much his so doing would settle his affairs and authority against his neighbours designs who peradventure if his succession were not declared would be the bolder to attempt upon him and not unlikely on his person too These were the chief points of the Marquesse his Commission upon his comming to Mantua he was resolved with all kind of honour usually shewed to an extraordinary Ambassadour of France After he had entertained the Duke upon those particulars contained in his Instructions the Duke testified to him a great acknowledgement of the honour which the King did him telling him withall that he received it with the greater respect in regard he was French both by inclination and Obligation He discovered to him the great desire he had for the dissolution of his marriage that he might afterwards wed not one of the Emperours daughters as was supposed but the Princesse Maria his Neece whom he passionately loved and from whom he had great hopes of having a Son who might succeed after him As to that which concerned the Prince de Rethelois he ever spoke of him with great respect as a Prince whom he loved and esteemed and whom he looked on as his successor in case he died without issue The Marquess de Saint Chaumont thought it improper to propose to him when he found him so inclined the marrying of the Princesse Maria to the Duke de Rethelois it being an unseasonable motion to one who earnestly desired her for himself But talking in private with the Marquesse de Strigio chief Minister of Mantoua he discovered it to him and ingaged him to contribute his assistance to it in case a dissolution of his present contract could not be obtained as the onely and principal means to preserve his Masters Life giving him withal to observe that this once done the house of Austria and Duke of Saxony must of necessity cease their pretensions which whilest the Duke was without a Successor were too many any longer to be permitted He pressed him too the more earnestly in regard the Marquesse de Strigio told him how that the Physitians had assured that Duke Vincent could not long subsist his body being sickly The Marquess de Strigio was sensible of the importance of that particular and faithfully promised to use his utmost diligence and power to effect 〈◊〉 As to the neutrality which the Duke was obliged by interest to observe between the two Crowns the Duke would oftentimes tell the Marquesse that his heart was French that he was totally disposed to pay all respects and services to his Majesty which could be expected from him and that by the natural inclination he had for France to be gratefull in acknowledging the protection which his Majesty had given his late Brother Ferdinand and he added that his Majesty should never have any cause to be offended with him The Marquesse having thus dispatched the greatest part of his affair took his leave of the Duke to return to his Majesty and to give him an accompt of what he had done Politique Observation A King is no lesse obliged to he carefull of his Subjects Rights among strangers then of the particular affairs of his own Kingdome He is to his Subjects as the head is to the rest of the members which ought to provide for their conservation Kings are bound to maintain their rights who are under their protection either by fair means or foul This made Theopompus answer one who demanded of him how a King might raign in safety That he ought to fear nothing but permit all reasonable things to his friends and be carefull of his own Subjects that they received no injury from any one Divers Princes have been ruined by their toleration of injuries against those who have depended on them We have a remarkable example hereof in that of Philip of Macedon who was killed by Pausarias for having been deaf in his behalf in not defending a wrong which had been done unto him Nothing is indeed more glorious to Kings then the observation of this thing It is an action resembling the divinity to protect the weak against the mighty and to defend them from oppression Great Monarchs are not in any thing more considerable them little Princes but onely in the Power of Arms which they have to defend and
protect the execution of Justice Besides they have by so doing a great and notable advantage to themselves in abating the insolent and ambitious pretensions of those who would usurp their Subjects rights and become terrible to their neighbours by their too great power If this rule be worth consideration in general it is much more to be observed in respect of the rights which may befall his Majesties Subjects in Italy where it is absolutely necessary to prevent the increasing greatnesse of the house of Austria They have already become Masters of the greatest part of Germany and there is not any more certain way to ballance their growing power then by Alliances with the Princes of Italy by finding out some means to set foot in their Country be it either by gaining some of their States as divers of our late Kings have attempted or by establishing such French in them as want not pretences to them and which might be able to let in the Arms of France when the Princes of Italy should have occasion to make use of them and there is no doubt but the Princes of Italy would be very glad to see the Arms of our Kings in their Country opposing those of the Spaniard whom they hate because they fear To speak the truth it is an action which doth beget both glory and affection in those who shall succeed the honour which is to be atchieved in so doing will shine thorough all parts and render them venerable amongst all strangers The Marriage of the Prince de Rethelois with the Princess Maria the Inheritrix of Mantua UPon the news which his Majesty recived by the Marquesse de St. Chaumont that there was little hopes of Duke Vincents long life he concluded it to be very necessary that he should use his utmost indeavours to make up the Match between the Prince de Rethelois and the Princesse Maria as also to procure that he might be declared the Successor to the States of Mantua and Montferrat after the decease of his Father the Duke de Nevers The Cardinal by his Councels seconded his Majesties judgement and that with the more eagernesse in regard the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan did both begin to declare their pretences This made his Majesty resolve upon sending away the Marquesse de Saint Chaumont into Italy The Instruction which he received was onely of two particulars in which he was to bestir himself The first was in his Majesties name to make an end of those differences between the Duke of Savoy and Mantua to which end he was to passe by Turin to dispose Duke Ferdinand to the making of some other overtures for their accommodation and then to propose them to the Duke of Mantua to see if any conclusion could be had withal to let them both know that a good correspondence were not amisse for the good of their States in regard their enemies by their divisions would be furnished with opportunities to make attempts upon them The second was to labour very earnestly with the Duke of Mantua for the concluding of the Match between his Neece and the Prince de Rethelois and that he might be declared successor to his States after the decease of his Father the Duke of Nevers At that present it was the easier to be effected in regard the Pope had solemnly protested he would never grant a dispensation of his first marriage He was also commanded to shew unto him that as this marriage was of great advantage and benefit to the Duke of Nevers and Rethelois whom he loved by assuring them of the succession so it was not lesse necessary to defend and secure himself from the attempts which the Spaniard and Duke of Savoy might make upon his life and State for that they did already begin to discover their intentions against him He was farther Commanded That if Duke Vincent should chance to die whilst he was near him then to animate in his Majesty name the Chief leading men of the States of Montua and Montferrat by all arguments of reason and perswasion to preserve the liberties of their Country to keep the faith obedience which they did owe unto Monsieur de Nevers as their Lawful Prince and to declare him for successour to Duke Vincent according to the usual Forms of those Countries and lastly to assure them that his Majesty would protect them against any Forces that should molest or trouble them that himself would invite the Pope and all other Princes of Italy to joyne with them in defence of their liberties These were the Chief Instructions in the Marquis his Commission In order to them he went to the Duke of Savoy to perswade him to some agreement with Mounsieur de Mantua He told him how the report went of his being in league with the Spaniards for the deviding of Montferrat But the Duke seemed to be angry at it and wondred that after the having done such good Offices to his Majesty be should imagine such a thing of them Yet he did not disown his apprehensions of the advantage which he might now take during Duke Vincents sickness to regain that which did belong to him in Montferrat adding withal that it would be much more for his Majesties Interest if it were is his hands rather then the Spaniards and that at last in case he were joyned with the Spaniards yet it was no more then his Majesty himself had done seeing they sent him a Fleet to Rochel But the Marquis that he might lay the foundation of an agreement proposed to him to renew the Treaty which had been between the late Duke Ferdinand and himself as to that which was in dispute between them in Montferrat all the answer he could get was this he demanded fifteen thousand Crowns rent for his pretentions there and twenty thousand for the Damages he had sustained for want of execution of his promises made of marrying his little Daughter with the Cardinal his Son By these his unreasonable demands he evidenced that he only sought an occasion to justifie his breach with him and the Marquis finding after divers other conferences had with him that there was no good to be done made no longer stay there but went to Mantua he came thither so opportunely as if Fortune had lead him by the hand for within five dayes after his arrival there the Duke dyed He found that the Marquis de Strigio had disposed the Duke with a great deal of addresse to all that could be desired That he had stirred him up on the designs which his Enemies might set on foot both against his life and State to declare by his Letters Patents the Duke de Nevers his only and Lawful successour in all his States and the Duke de Rethelois his Livetenant General ordering him to marry his Niece the Princesse Marie before his decease and to cause the Governours of all strong places faithfully to keep them for the Duke de Nevers There wanted indeed a dispense for the marriage
proper to pay them often and little then seldome and by great sums which they consume in a short time by a natural ill husbandry without considering that that once gone they are liable to a thousand wants and inconveniences which may happen by sicknesse to the very great decay of them Courages and Resolutions The Kings Forces are Masters of the Field in Languedoc THe revolt of the Towns in Languedoc which the Duke of Rohan had gotten into about the beginning of the year did at first make a great noise but soon after Monsieur the Prince the Dukes of Montmorency and Vantadour who commanded his Majesties forces become Masters of the field and before the end of it repossessed themselves of all those palces which were capable of being forced in a few days for they thought it improper to ingage themselves in any long sieges because that might have given the Duke of Rohan opportunity to seize upon others Monsieur the Prince presently took Poussin and many other places upon the Rhone which were of great importance in those Countries by reason of the hinderance they brought to Commerce Not long afterwards he marched towards Tholouze that he might confer with the Duke of Montmorency Vantadour and d' Espernon who were to be there to consider what was fit to be done Now as he passed by Tarascon he had intelligence given that those of Nismes had seized of the Castle de Vauvert belonging to the Duke of Vantadour and he finding himself obliged by many considerations concludeth to pursue them but they of Nismes seeing him come up neer unto them forthwith surrendred it up into his power His Courage made his journey to Tholouze the longer but having had the satisfaction of reducing this place he arrived there with great content and after some conferences had with those Lords who met there it was ordered that the Duke of Vantadour should take some forces into Vivaretz to impede the Duke of Rohans proceedings in the Sevennes that the Duke of Espernon should march towards Milhaud in Rovengue the Count de Carmain with some Regiments to Foix which the Duke of Rohan had much ruined and that the Prince and Duke of Montmorency should remain in Tholouze untill March. Whilest they were yet there the Parliament made the processe against the Duke of Rohan and condemn'd him to be executed in Effigies declaring his Goods to be confiscated to the King who bestowed them on Monsieur the Prince The States of the Province were at the same time assembled together as well to consult of the means for keeping their people in obedience as to raise contributions and taxes for the maintenance of the forces The Kings Officers pressed hard on the Rebels to ingage them to fight and sometimes met with them for they well knew that long deliberation is an enemy to good successe especially in matters of War The Duke of Vantadour went from Tholouze towards Vivaretz about the end of January and passing as near the Rebels as possibly he could he had notice given him that all their Cavalry were issued out of Nisms scouring up and down the Country and that they committed all kind of disorder under the command of the Sieurs de Laignes de la Chassagne and d' Aubay Hereupon he commanded his Troop of Curasiers and that of his guard to follow him whom he carried up so near and advantagiously to the enemy that he ingaged them broke their ranks cut some in peeces took divers Prisoners and put the rest to flight The taking of Pamiers and other places by the Prince of Conde ABout the same time the Sieur de Perant Governour of Vsez fell upon six hundred foot of Mamoirac's Regiment seconded with a hundred Curassiers and fought with them Marmoirac two of his Captains one Ensign and about one hundred Souldiers were killed upon the place the rest were pursued to the very Gates As for Monsieur the Prince and the Duke de Montmorency they departed from Tholouze directly to Pamiers where Beaufort the Duke of Rohans Lievtenant General in Foix had built a Cittadel which by the leasure he had was made very strong they led up the Army to it and made their approaches so happily that they onely lost two men Monsieur the Prince raised a Battery filled up the Ditches and prepared every thing for a Breach the Battery was so quick that in a few hours there was a reasonable way open which the Prince having notice of he would needs go with the Marshals of the Camp to view it who drew out some of every Regiment to fall in upon the Town which they did and being got over lodged themselves under the Wall being unable to passe further on by reason of the Trench they met with but the standing which they had was so advantagious that the inhabitants could not offend them at all and not a man of the Town could appear but they presently fetcht him off with their Musquets insomuch that they forced them to demand quarter which the Prince caused to be given unto them from thence he went to â—ealmont a strong Town in Alkigeois against which place he raised three Batteries which thundring upon them forced them to surrender upon composition The next thing he did was to dispatch the Marquesse de Ragny with the fore guard towards Castle Franc which they reduced under his Majesties obedience and thence he caused some Troops to face Cosâ—â— and Saint Seveâ— Brassao and Castebrian which places were forced to open their Gates The Harvest now was comminâ—â—on and the Cardinal gave him and the Officers under him notice that his Majesty thought it not amisse to Forrage round a hour Montaâ—â—an Casâ—res Nismes and divers other principal Towns in Languedoc These orders drew the Prince neer to Castres the Duke de Montmorency before Nismes and the Duke â— Espernon before Montauâ—â—â— They 〈◊〉 Castre having notice of the Princes design drew all the Forces they could make out of the neighbouring Towns and Garrisons to prevent the Forragers and at first comming they made some skirmishes with his Souldiers and upon those who came within shot they leâ—â—flie their great Guns The Prince was not dismayed at it but onely looked on it as an occasion to increase his glory They whom he commanded to make the wast fell lustily to their work to the admiration of all those in the Town who with their whole forces made a salley out upon them Their first was a very violent encounter and maintained with great courage untill at last they were beaten back to the very Ditches from which time they did no more attempt to beat off the Forragers from their work The Duke de Montmorancy for his part took Poussin in his march a Town re-fortified by the Duke of Rohan and Mirabel a place of importance and then joyning his forces to those the Duke de Vantadour and Marquesse Desporsez he went to Forrage about Nismes where the Duke of Vantadour cut off about one
hundred foot whom he fell upon at unawares in a Village not far from the Town They were so fortunate that they did not onely bring Nismes to famine but Vsez Aletz Aduze and all the Sevennes having burned above fifty Villages with all the Corn then standing on the ground both old and new neither durst the Duke of Rohan once attempt to prevent it The Duke of Espernon did the like about Montauban and not long after the Duke de Vantadours Troops of Curassiers his Gardes and Carabines which were in garrison at Beaucair being commanded to march up towards Nâ—smes that they might draw out their Forces to fight with them went up and drove away all their Cattel in sight of the Town on purpose to invite them out they presently made their sally and were so resolutely charged that their horse was broken and the Dukes Forces broke quite thorough to the foot left threescore and seventeen dead upon the place and about fifty wounded After this blow the Rebels durst not appear any where their luck 's was so bad so that the Kings Army were Masters of the field The Prince finding his presence was no more usefull in those parts obtained leave of his Majesty to return to Berry Politique Observation HE who hath perswaded any Towns to revolt must not expect to keep them any long time unlesse he be Master of the Field his hopes of maintaining them in his own power will vanish and he will soon see them re-taken by his Soveraign before his face if once he be master of the Country For as there is not any place how weak soever which doth not hold out some small time especially if it be assisted so there is not any place how strong soever that can alwaies hold out it not releeved that is unlesse there be a sufficient power on foot to force him who is sate down before it to raise his siege or at least to send Forces and Ammunitions into it Places cannot defend themselves but must have men to do it for them neither can the men ever do it unlesse they have refreshments both of victuals munitions and Souldiers otherwise the troubles necessities and discommodities of a Siege will inforce them to surrender whether they will or no. It is evident that if the Soveraign be Master of the field then the revolted Towns can hardly be releeved or assisted because of his greater power to prevent and hinder it Those places I must confesse which are strong indeed seem to command and keep the Country in subjection but this power of theirs can be of no long date unlesse their fellow Rebels have a potent Army to assist them with Convoys both of Men Victuals and Munition The Tyrians were so insolent by reason their Town was so strongly built upon a Rock in the Sea that they mocked at Alexander when he besieged them and made a Bank about them to keep off any relief from comming unto them they asked of him if he designed to make himself greater then Neptune by that device of his to overcome the Sea his Souldiers they called Asses and beasts because they laboured without ceasing in carrying matterials towards the Bank but at last Alexander having reduced the neighbouring Country finished his works which he had projected and finally forced them to render at his mercy Which being so the best advice that can be given to a Soveraign for the preventing of a Revolt or the progress of it is forthwith to make himself master of the field and to fall upon them and their Towns without giving them leasure to increase their numbers or fortifie their Cities For shewing a resolution to force them by Arms if they submit not by fair means is a most powerful way to open the strongest gates whatever Maharbal General of Hannibals horse was not ignorant of this particular when his advice was forthwith to march up to the Gates to Rome after that famous Battel of Cannes telling him that there being hardly any forces at all neer or about the City he would infallibly in a little while become Master of that too Hannibal followed not his Councel but those who perswaded him to give his Souldiers breath but yet every one concluded he lost a most fair opportunity it having been a most easie thing in that conjuncture of time to have carried his victorious Troops to Rome and to have forced the Citizens to set open their Gates unto him Caesar never did so but when ever he found himself master of the field any where presently went on to the perfecting of his Conquest which he could not think compleat whilest there remained any thing undone or any small place untaken The Duke of Savoy enters into a League with the Governor of Milan to fall upon the States of the Duke de Nevers and Mantua WHilest his Majesty was thus ingaged before Rochel and in Languedoc the Duke of Savoy and Doâ—n Joncales de Cordona Governour of Milan seeing the Duke of Nevers had taken possession of the Dutchesse of Mantua and Montferrat made a League together The Articles imported that the Duke of Savoy should indeavour to make himself master of all the places in Montferrat excepting Casal Poâ—t Desture Nice Aqui and some other places and that the Marquesse de Montenigro should fall in upon the State of Mantoua and get what he could there The Emperour being wrought to it by the Spaniards commanded without regard had to the Duke of Nevers submissions which he had sent to him by the Arch-Bishop of Mantua that those Dutchies should be in sequestration until the claim of Prince Gastles who pretended himself heir to them were adjudged and determined and sent the Comte Jâ—an de Nassan in the quality of an Imperial Commissary to seize on them and there to fortifie himself that the King nor Princes of Italy might enter upon it In brief the Duke of Savoy having his Army ready upon the first news of Duke Vincents death seized upon Albe Sainct Damien Dian Trin Gabian and Motecalvo Don Joncales went with his Army to Casal where finding himself opposed he made himself Master of the adjacent places and the Marquesse de Montenigro invaded Mantua to get what advantages he could The Duke of Matnua hereupon dispatched one in all hast unto his Majesty for those succours which had been promised to him and in the mean time he himself had raised an Army of about twelve thousand foot and two thousand horse part he sent into Montferrat the rest he kept in Mantua and thereabouts to binder the Marquesse de Montiningro's progresse in the Mantuâ—â— The King being informed of these violent emotions permitted all Monsieur de Mantua's friends to go to his assistance and his Highnesse to ralse what Forces he thought fit in the Kingdome of France insomuch that shortly after the Marquesse de Beuuron carried with him store of French over the Mountains of Savoy who cast themselves into Cazal and so incouraged the inhabitants that Don
loseth many advantages in War and also in negotiations of Peace and instead of getting glory renders himself contemptible both in one and in the other Anno 1629. NO one can with drie eys behold a Vessel in which divers of his friends are driven by a storm beaten by winds and waters now raised up on high and anon cast down again and sometimes ready to be swallowed up by the Waves But when the Tempest is once over then the whole pleasure is to discourse in what danger they were and the future remembrance of it is a satisfaction and delight In the same manner who could behold the violent emotions in which France was agitated during this year and not be moved to pity Surely he must be devoid of a French heart and destitute of all those resentments which nature infuseth into all men for their own Country But now his joy and delight must be equal too the storm is blown over and it is become a pleasure to discourse the hazard she hath escaped The King after the taking of Rochel releeveth Cazal in person THe King having reduced Rochel his courage invited him to relieve Cazel in his own person The enterprise was difficult and there was no hopes of any good successe but after great labours hazards and difficulties There was a necessity of passing the Alps and that at a time when the Ice and Snow was enough to have stopped up the wayes but besides this the Duke of Sâ—vâ—ys Army must be passed through likewise many strong places were of necessity to be taken in and an inevitable necessity of marching five or six days through an enemies Country where they were sure to find no Victuals where by reason of the ways it was as hard to get any to be carried for the relief of the Souldiers These difficulties would have troubled a resolution lesse couragious then his Majesties but it being his onely desire to obtain glory by the hardest things especially where his Justice is concern'd he was not so much as moved at it He assembled his Councel to consider of it presently after his return to Paris some of them indeed were against it as doubting lest the French falling thus directly on the Spanish forces might make a Breach between the two Crowns which experience had evinced to be very prejudicial to the State The Spanish power had by little and little become terrible untill the Cardinal pulled away the Visard and made it apparent that those were onely Chimeras and vain Clouds which would soon be dissipated by the lustre of his Majesties Arms insomuch that his Eminency who is not to be shaked in any thing where his Masters glory was concern'd began to discourse the businesse that at last every one of them submitted to the reasons which he produced and it was then concluded that Cazal ought to be releeved Sir said he seeing the taking of Rochel hath ended a most glorious enterprise for your Majesty and the most profitable for your State that can possibly happen again in your whole life Italy now oppressed for almost a whole year by the Duke of Savoy and Spaniards attendeth a relief from your power and a deliverance from their evils by your most victorious Arm Your Honour obligeth you to defend those neighbors and Allies of yours who are unjustly despoiled of their States But besides these important reasons your own interests do oblige you to turn your thoughts and arms thither and I dare assure you that if your Majesty resolve upon it and it be executed as it ought the issue of it will be no lesse happy and honourable to you then that of that rebellious City I am not I confesse a Prophet but I am confident that if your Majesty lose no more time but carry on the design you shall both releeve Cazal and settle Italy in Peace before May from whence returning with your Army into Languedoc you shal likewise settle all there before the end of July so that I hope your Majesty will in August be returned both safe and victorious to Paris These were the chief points of his advice spoken with such Grace and Courage that not a man in all the Assembly but approved of it and I have the more willingly inserted them here for the preservation of them to posterity as an Oracle of his Prudence which might indeed passe for a Prophecy seeing that every thing fell out just as he had Prognosticated Politique Observation â—T must be confessed that eminent Souls have extraordinary fore-sights and somewhat I know not how more then humane they see all effects by their causes they do commonly speak of things with assurance and prognosticate things to come as if they saw them presently acted before their eyes they behold all dangers long before they happen which they fear not because their Prudence applies fit remedies they know the weaknesse of their enemies when and where they ought to be assaulted they know all their stratagems all their designs and thus it is that their Prudence maketh them frequently judge of things with certainty Some have been of opinion that these extraordinary knowledges have been communicated to them by their Genius and to speak more Christian-like by their good Angles which me thinks cannot well be denied seeing the like hath befallen the Grandees amongst the Pagans as Socrates Brutus and Caesar and of latter ages divers other experiences of the same kind But I may well add the Angles do but seldome afford those their favours and as seldome as that eminent Prudence whereunto they add their fore-seeing quality is rare Prosecution of the History THe Cardinal did clearly fore-see that this expedition being well managed it would be impossible for the Spaniard or Duke of Savoy to raise a force sufficient to oppose that of his Majesty He knew that in all Italy there were hardly three thousand natural Spaniards that their forces were but small and divided that they were monilesse and harassed with losses on every hand that there was such an inclination in the minds of most part of the Italians to revolt that there need no more then to tell them they should be set at liberty and discharged of their great burthens and that this would be enough to make them take up Arms that there could not a more favourable conjuncture be wished then this for the securing of Monsieur de Mantua from the violence of Spain and that it were as great imprudence to lose this opportunity as it would be discretion to lay hold on it This was that which made him deliver his advice to his Majesty with such confidence and which induced his Majesty first to an assurance of it and then to command an extraordinary diligence to be had for the raising of Levies and providing all necessary munitions for the expedition into Italy Politique Observation THe discreet Pilot guideth his Ship and spreads his Sails according to the Wind that he may come in safety to the Haven and a
Their weakness is the Kings strength neither can they increase but his must diminish He who intrusteth them with power raiseth a dangerous enemy against himself The Sun is but one and all the Stars receive their light from him yet upon condition that he may at his pleasure deprive them again of that splendour just so is it with Princes their greatnesse proceedeth from the King and he may despoil them of all their honour in a moment if once they recede from the due respect they owe unto him The Riches which he bestoweth on them are for the discharging of those expences which are proper for persons of their eminency not for the upholding of Factions and abetting of Revolts What advantage did Charles of France take in Normandy given to him for Appanage towards making a War against Lewis the Eleventh his Brother And the States assembled at the same time at Tours did much admire his Majesty would so give it to him but advised him to recall it and grant him onely an Annual Revenue some in Lands and some in Pension in lieu of his Appanage Who did ever bring into so many eminent dangers as the Appanages of Berry and Bourgogne Were not these two Provinces the retreats of all discontents Were not the Courts of those two Dukes the Forges where all the Thunderbolts that were afterwards thrown about the Kingdom were formed and contrived Were not there the springs of all dissentions discontents and civil wars And were not they the persons who brought in the Kings of England and Dukes of Britain onely to favour the designs of their Ambition The Cardinal is declared Generalissimo of the Kings Armies in Italy THe spirit of division which had till then kept Monsieur from the King gave great hopes to the enemies of the State to advance their designs in Italy They doubted not of inflaming a civil War in France which might so divert his Majesties Armies that he could not have the leisure to come up to them a second time The Duke of Lorain offered Monsieur as many forces and money as he could desire and the Duke of Savoy who never yet escaped a broil sent twice to him to complain that he being so much his servant he should take any other country for his retreat and to offer him his with protestation of quitting the Soveraign authority to him nay that he would even forsake it to make him absolute Master thereof as also of himself and children to be disposed at his Will and Pleasure These Offers were sufficient to have charmed any Soul had he been at that time so distrustfull as after he was but he rather chose to follow those just reasons which the King had proposed to him and to submit himself to his pleasure All that forraign faction was wonderfully surprised at the news of his accommodation and the Cardinal who stayed his Army from advancing into Italy onely in expectation of his return perswaded his Majesty no longer to defer his resolution that the Spaniards might not make any further progresse The King desired to go in person he being too couragious to entertain himself in a Chamber whiles his Armies were in the field But the Cardinal who foresaw that the unseasonableness of the time might indanger him advised him to stay some time and offered himself to undertake that imployment The King received this Proposition as an assured testimony of his fidelity but such so tender was his affection to him that he could hardly be perswaded to part with him he being as much grieved to consent to his departure from him as he was heretofore joyed for his return as was seen by all the Court at Rochel Privas and Fountainbleau Yet at last his Majesty knowing how important the assisting of Monsieur de Mantua was as also how much the glory of his Armies and Authority were concerned in it could not intrust them with any but the Cardinal who was not onely the chief Minister in his Counsels but also the greatest Commander in his Kingdom He knew in what reputation he was amongst strangers what Courage his presence infused into the Souldiery Of his Prudence he was assured having oftentimes seen his Enemies Plots discovered by him prevented before ever they were ready to be put in execution His good conduct too he could not be ignorant of he having by often experiment found it to be exact and excellent and such as was to be preferred before any other In fine he could not doubt of Victory whilest his Army was incouraged by so brave a Commander These were the reasons which induced his Majesty to give him that command of Generalissimo As soon as he had received his Commission he departed from Paris being about the latter end of the year which his Majesty intended to celebrate by as famous an Act as he began it As great exploits beget emulation so some there were who muttered that such an imployment should be conferred on a Cardinal an Ecclesiastical person but they betrayed their own ignorance who knew not that History affords us divers examples of several Cardinals who at sundry times have commanded Armies Spain in the time of King Alphonsus made use of the grand Cardinal Albornoz who followed him through the midst of the most bloudy Battels Then Ferdinand and Isabella imployed the great Cardinal Ximenes General of their Armies in Affrick Italy hath had many Cardinals out of the families of the Colonni the Vitilesci the Câ—râ—â—ffi the Fregosi who have shewed their valour in Armies that we might know that as the Romans with their long Robes did heretofore Conquer the greatest part of the Universe so that that habit was not inconsistent with Victories Besides the ignorance of those Censurers could not bee excused seeing they knew how that the ancient Laws of this Kingdom do oblige several of our Bishops to follow his Majesty in person to the Wars as also that they are bound to it by the Tenures of their Temporal Estates It is to be seen in Hugon and the Chronicle of St. Dennis in the year 1209. that Philip Augustus being at War with the English called upon all the Bishops to accompany which they did accordingly and afterwards that the Bishops of Orleans and Auxerre seeing the King was not there returned back again they pretending themselves not obliged to it unlesse when the King were there in person The King seized upon their Temporal Estate which they complaining of at Rome could have no other redress but that they ought to obey his Majesty the Pope being unwilling to break the customes of the Kingdom neither were they restored to the enjoyment of their goods untill they had payed their Fines for it In the same manner I have seen an Act of the Bishops of Auxerre dated in the year one thousand two hundred twenty and two by which he confessed himself obliged to send to the War of the Albigeois being unable to go thither in person by reason of his
those Edicts which did contribute thereunto when brought unto them but it was not so with the Messieurs of the Court of Aydes of Paris Mensieur le Comte having informed them that he was going to their Chamber from the King to do as much they fell into such disorder that they all departed thinking by this to disengage themselves from their duty of confirming them so that Monsieur de Compte comming thither found no body there This their inconsideratenesse could not be without mis-prision of the royal Authority and was looked upon as an example the more dangerous in regard Magistrates are like the Primum mobile which draw all the inferior Orbs after it so their motion might be capable of making the people mutiny and refuse succours which they owed the King and which his Majesty might lawfully demand from them to help discharge the necessities of the State as we have formerly said Justice and Prudence did both require that they should be made exemplary they were suspended from the exercise of their Offices and a Commission issued out to some of the Messieurs Masters of Requests and Counsellours of the grand Councel to do justice in their rooms and to determine those affairs which were depending before them This continued for some moneths to teach them against another time how they run into such mis-prisions of his Majesties will which made them unworthy to sit upon the Flower de Luces seeing they had been so little affectionate in contributing to the means necessary to preserve them in their beauty Politique Observation THere is no offence which Kings are more obliged to punish then those which are accompanied with dis-respect for as he who is much respected doth easily retain his Subjects in their obedience so being once fallen into disesteem his commands are little regarded The wisest Polititians have alwaies thought respect to be the greatest support of Authority The lustre of the Sun is that which causeth people to regard it with the more reverence and the authority of a Soveraign is that which doth most of all oblige his subjects to pay him respect and obedience which if violated by disrespect remaineth inconsiderable His Ordinances are laughed at his Will not regarded and attempts are often made against him I think for my part that scorn is more dangerous then hatred for peradventure a King who is hated may yet be feared and fear is of it self sufficient to keep subjects in obedience but he who is once fallen into dis-esteem is neither hated nor feared so that his affairs will soon fall into extream disorder Hatred is a frequent cause of Insurrections but dis-respect is more effectually so because it not only causeth the fear of offending to cease but adds confidence to it Now of all disrespects none is more dangerous then when Magistrates are guilty of it by withdrawing themselves from their Princes Will and Command No one will easily attempt against him whom he sees honoured by his Magistrate and on the contrary men will readily provoke him who is not regarded by them Magistrates are the more obliged to continue their respects unto Authority because their example is sufficient to hold the people in submission They ought rather to comply obediently with their Soveraigns then by denying him to show an example of Rebellion to his Subjects their resistance tends only to raise an irreparable disorder in affairs and obligeth the use of constraint for the ratifying of such Edicts which presently make the people believe them to be unjust In fine they are no less bound to render respect and obedience unto him then justice to his Subiects They flatter themselves with a dangerous vanity if they believe themselves to have been instituted to bound in his power seeing it was only to supply his presence and perform his will All their power vanisheth at his presence as that of the Stars when the Sun appeareth neither ought they to take notice of his Commands further then he gives them liberty Now that liberty which he gives them is by their humble Remonstrances to represent their grievances not absolutely to deny and that with disrespect the execution of his commands especially seeing the custome of confirming of Edicts was not introduced by necessity or for any dependance which Kings have upon Soveraign Courts but that they might be executed with more submission and to discharge them from those commands which the importunity of Courtiers might wrest from their Majesties without regard of Justice or the good of the State The Treaty of Alliance between the King and Duke of Bavaria IT behoved the King so much the more to secure himself against the Emperors Forces in regard he did at this time seem to be discontented concerning the Succours given to the German Princes and the designe of retaking Moyâ—nvic with other lands alienated from the Bishoprick of Metz This induced the Cardinal whose eyes are alwaies open to the interests of State to represent unto the King that it were necessary to make sure of those who might any ways assist him in his enterprises against France and that there being no other persons from whom he could receive a greater support in his desire then the Duke of Bavier and the Elector of Trâ—ves who have the principal Passes by which he must come unto us it would be very advantagious to contract an Alliance with them that they might hinder his Forces or at least that they might not joyn theirs with his The King apprehended this Counsel as an effect of his innate Prudence and this great Ministers foresight having already laid the ground-work of these Alliances his Majesty issued out Orders for the prosecution of them There was concluded by the Treaty that there should be a sincere good and constant Friendship between them and an firm and strict league offensive and defensive for eight yeers in consideration whereof the King bound himself to furnish him with nine thousand Foot two thousand Horse Cannons and Ammunitions of War fit and necessary for the defence of him and his Dominions leaving it to the Electors choice to demand of his Majesty instead of the nine thousand Foot and the rest such monies as might defray the charges The Elector of Bavier did likewise engage himself to furnish his Majesty with three thousand Foot and one thousand Horse and Ammunitions of war necessary for the defence of his Dominions in case of an Invasion with liberty for his Majesty to demand instead of the Souldiers so much money sufficient to pay them Besides they interchangeably promised not to bâ—aâ— Arms one against the other directly or indirectly Thus was France assured on that quarter and the taking of Moyenvic might be attempted without fear or hâ—zard the Emperour not being able to hinder it by reason of the King of Swede's diversion without the Duke of Bavier's assistance Politique Observation DEfensive Alliances cannot but be very useful to all Princes how great soever Few can subsist by themselves and if
entring into his Territories and to take revenge for some injuries which he pretended to have received from him This proceeding of his Majesty was accompanied with so much clemency that the Duke could not but acknowledge at that very instant that his Majesty had just reason to be discontented with him and that his Majesties readiness to forgive him then when it was in his power to carve his own satisfaction would be a strong obligation upon him and lastly protested that if he wanted power to defend himself from his Majesties forces hereafter he should not desire it Upon these respects his Majesty condiscended to pardon him and treat with him His Majesty could not but be jealous of his fair promises for that chastisements though just do usually exasperate those on whom they are inflicted whereupon he demanded Marsal to be delivered up unto him for an assurance of his world The Duke agreed thereunto and in fine the Treaty of Peace was concluded and signed in the moneth of January at Viâ— by which the Duke did then ingage to relinquish all Intelligences Leagues Associations and practices whatever which he had or might have with any Prince in prejudice of his Majesty his States and Country under his obedience or protection or in prejudice of the Treaty of Alliance and confederacy contracted between his Majesty the King of Swede and Duke of Baviers for the preservation of the liberty of Germany the Catholick League the defence and protection of the Princes in friendship and alliance with the Crown of France Moreover he ingaged himself not to make alliance with any Prince whatsoever contrary to his Majesties knowledge and approbation to expel the Kings Enemies out of his States as also all his Majesties Subjects who were then there contrary to his Majesties allowance and in fine not to give them any passage or protection nor to permit any Levies of Men against his Majesties service The King on the other side to testifie his true and sincere affection promised to protect his person and defend his States with and against all men and after the execution of this Treaty faithfully to surrender Marsal into his hands Marsal was put into the King's power upon the thirteenth of January Monsieur the Kings Brother being then at Nancy departed and thus every one verily beleeved the Duke would sit down in Peace and that this Treaty would compel him to keep himself within bounds either in regard his Majesties clemency was such that it alone was sufficient to captivate the most stubborn Rebels or in regard the fear of losing Marsal would oblige him to be as good as his word But there are not any chains strong enough to bind up a spirit over-mastered by ambition and hatred the only insinuaters of disloyalty into the minds of men and the sequel of his Actions made it apparent to the whole World that he only ingaged in this Treaty to divert that storm which threatned him in case of non compliance as also that to observe the performance of those Articles was the least part of his resolution as we shall hereafter declare Politique Observation ALthough it do much concern little Princes not to pull upon themselves the forces of their neighbours who exceed them in power yet they are hardly to be perswaded thereunto unlesse compelled by meer force Though they want power yet they have a good mind and want no ambition to instigate them on the contrary as Passion increaseth by opposition so it should seem their desires of extending their Authorities addeth new provocations from those wants of abilities which their sence represents unto them The most inconsiderate do exceed those limits which their debility hath prescribed and commit themselves to the hazard of Fortune which feedeth and blindeth them with vain hopes whereas they who are truly wise make a great vertue of this necessity knowing that the most eminent Philosophers have placed their greatest felicity in being contented with their conditions and in cutting their cloaks by their cloth Admit their minds to be of what temper soever yet after they have once rashly run into any designs against a Prince more potent then themselves who forceth them to stoop under his Arms and to be at Peace it cannot be doubted but they are obliged to act with all reality and sincerity to alledge his power with whom they treat as a pretext to cover their dissimulation is frivolous indeed the power of an unjust Uâ—urper may give a Prince leave to dissemble yet the case is far otherwise in consideration of the power of a victorious Prince who after being compelled by injuries and provoked by indignities to take up his Arms may lawfully according to the custom of War give the Law to the vanquished and compel them to Treaties very disadvantagious to them A private person indeed who is forced to promise any thing by contract is not obliged to the performance thereof but otherwise it is when there is a necessity of obeying a lawful Prince or of complâ—ance for fear of just Laws Thus a petty Prince oppresâ—'d by a Tyâ—anical force to promise any thing is not obliged to act with integrity or to perform any part of his agreement but if he find himself go by the worst in a just war and in conclusion is forced to a Treaty contrary to his Inclinations and desires it is far otherwise for there he is obliged to proceed with reality and is fully bound to perform his agreement If it were not thus all Faith would be banished from Treaties of War for that usually one party finding himself the weaker is compelled by fear or necessity to submit unto such conditions which else he would refuse A Prince is a lively Image of the Divinity and his chiefest happiness consisteth in imitation thereof Whereupon God being Truth it self he is the more obliged to study Truth in his Treaties Antiquity having esteemed them sacred and not to be violated He ought not to run into any promises which are not first discussed with mature deliberation but having once passed them he is bound to perform them with Truth and Sincerity Admit it be to his disadvantage he ought to complain of himself only seeing he first gave the occasion of War and it is unreasonable to term that violence which is a meer and just chastisement of injuries The Saguntines are blamed by Plutarch for having falsified their Treaties with Hannibal unto whom they gave their Faith to be obedient and to pay him three hundred Talents of Silver which they undertook to do that he might be induced to raise the Siege from before their City but resolved upon his withdrawing from their Country to make use of the first advantage against him whereas he provoked by their Trechery return'd to besiege them a second time and forc'd them to surrender upon condition that the men were to march out with a single Coat and no Arms the women with their wearing habits and in this equipage to go live
better to prevent a mortal sickness when it threatneth a State then to apply remedies just when the height of the disease threatneth a total ruine To conclude it is to no purpose to perswade them that the peoples charge in maintaining an Army out of the Kingdom is less then the inconveniences of an Intestine War The fruitfulness of a Country will afford the Inhabitants a sufficient livelyhood neither can want fall very heavie upon them notwithstanding any Taxes though great imposed upon them in case they have freedom of commerce and work But it is not so when an enemy is once entred among them for even then they are not exempted from contributing to the means of their preservation though they daylie find the enemy at their gates their Cities lost and plundered their Farms burnt their Grounds untilled and they who are never so little worth taken and forced to a ransom besides a thousand other cruelties and oppressions There need no other allegation to prove this Truth besides the People themselves who think it well enough if they may be free from Alarums and the noise of Guns and Trumpets whereas they despair if they once see the enemy at their Gates who encompasseth them with confusion maketh them fly from their own houses and who on all hands maketh them undergo a hard necessity and even depriveth them of the use of their very High-ways These reasons are so apparent that one must either be prepossessed with Passion or surprized by some sinister advice to imagine the contrary and they are so much the more considerable for France in regard the Emperour Charls the fifth discoursing with Francis the first concerning the Natures of their Subjects said That both French and Spaniard were naturally so inclin'd to murmur that they would easily be led on to rebel against their Prince if not diverted by some Forraign imployments To be brief one of the chief causes which preserveth Spain in peace is their continual employing of all able to bear Arms in Forraign attempts whereas France hath ever been engaged in Civil combustions and wars because this Crown hath no Dominions lying aloof from it unto which it might send abroad its people Which being so the best course that can be taken is to vent them in the service of our Allies so to do is to follow the example of Scipio who finding the youth of Athens could not be kept quiet in Idleness rigg'd out two Gallies and lead them to shew proofs of their courage against the Persians and of the Romans too who to divert Hannibal from coming any more into Italy resolved to invade him in Affrick The Duke of Lorrain consenteth to Monsieur's marriage with the Princess Marguerite THe Duke of Lorrain had other intention in the Treaty of Peace made with the King but to avoid the punishment due to his boldness neither did he long keep himself dis-ingaged from new Intreagues and although his Majesty thinking the best of his submissions and protestations had sent unto the King of Swede then falling upon his State to divert that storm yet could he not forbear running into fresh contrivances against the good of France In conclusion it is found that at what time he pass'd his word unto the King at Vic he at the same time brake it by his conventions at Nancy with Montecuculi who was then come thither to wait upon him and that he might not omit any manner of disloyalty he shortly after executed the pretended marriage between the Princess Marguerite his Sister and Monsieur le Duc d' Orleans whom he had drawn thereunto by a thousand tricks and deviceâ— He knew that most of the children of France have occasioned such bloody wars as have terribly afflicted the State the Courage wherewith they are born not permitting them to expect the time of their commanding neither was he ignorant of Monsieur 's discontent conceived against the management of the present affairs although admir'd with astonishment by all strangers who found France daylie increasing in glory but at their cost and charges Hereupon he used his utmost skill to conclude that marriage The Princess de Falsbourg his eldest Sister was the chief Agent in it who as she had deserts enough to render her self amiable so wanted she not any art whereby to captivate the Sieur de Puy-Laurens by her attractions whom she perswaded she would marry in case he could effect the match between Monsieur and her Sister the Princess Marguerite whereby besides the honour of marrying with her he should likewise become Brother in Law to his Master He was earnestly desirous of this Alliance in regard it was very honourable and the King being childless it was taken for granted that her Sister would one day be Queen of France which could not but be a great protection to their Family who have a long while been conversant in the Customs of France The Spaniards were not behind-hand to advance this Treaty as well knowing the power of France was not to be over-mastered but by arming one party against t'other which this match would infallibly bring to pass by reason Monsieur would then be irreconcileable to the King and consequently the easilier disposed to enter into France in the head of an Army which would undoubtedly divide the Nobility and so divert his Majesty within the Kingdom that he might not possibly think of assisting the German Princes The Cardinal who suffereth not the King to be ignorant of any thing having discovered this practise forthwith acquainted his Majesty therewith who was not backward in complaining unto the Duke of Lâ—rrain But the Duke well prepared how to make his excuses endeavoured to vindicate himself from that aspersion by solemn protestation confirm'd with deep Oaths how that he never would attempt any such thing upon which his assurances there was not any thing more provided in the Articles of the Treaty as to that affair but his Majesty verily believed him to have relinquished all those Designs Notwithstanding all this no sooner was the King departed from Mâ—ts but he concluded the match not so much as asking his Majesty's consent and quite contrary to the positive inhibition thereof This prohibition indeed did not a little trouble him and raise suspicions in his head for that he knew no stranger had ever yet attempted to marry his relations with any Prince of the Blood of France without feeling the Force of our Kings Powers So that he proceeded herein with the moâ—e circumspection and left the whole management thereof unto Monsieur de Vaudemont his Father and the Princess de Falsbourg his Sister who had not either of them much to lose The Princes of the Blood may not by the Laws of France marry without the Kings approbation THe Fundamental Laws of France do not permit Princes of the Blood to marry without the King'â— consent If it be demanded where that Law is to be found I must remit the Inquisitive Reader to a certain Book amongst the
words having sent seven Couriers to the Court one after another and all to assure his Majesty of his Fidelity But it was no more time to dissemble whereupon he summoned all his Friends engaged with him to reduce their promises into action which was follow'd by several open meetings contrary to his Majesty's Laws and Service Monsieur by several Placards published in his own Name and declared himself to be his Majesty's Lievtenant General against the present Government The Cities of Alby Bagnols Beziers and Lunel the Castles of Beaucaire and Alâ—ts with divers other places of less consequence revolted There were seen four or five thousand Neapolitans in the Road near Narbone sent by the Spaniard There were many false Publications made inveighing against the disorders of the State only pretended so to be whereby to raise the people There was a practice had with many of the Prelats Barons and Deputies of the States who were engaged so far that by a Result of the States they concluded to offer unto Monsieur that Province with all its Dependencies to assist him to re-establish the State in better order and to afford him means to destroy such as opposed of whom they made the Cardinal to be Head and promised the Duke of Montmorency to league themselves with him and never to forsake or fall off from his Interests and particularly commanded that nothing should be registred of that which had been promised unto the Sieur d' Emery concerning the Edict for Fsleus but that all such Acts should be void and burn'd Moreover the Duke of Montmorency sent several Commissions unto divers Gentlemen and others in his own name to proceed to divide the Kings money in the Diocesses At the same time he writ letters unto the Commonalty to invite them to approve of the said Commissions and unanimously to embrace the States resolutions He endeavoured to withdraw the Marquis de Fossez Governour of Montpellier from his Majesties service proffering to make him Mareschal of France immediately and divers other rewards in future as was evidenced unto his Majesty by his own letters He caused the Arch-bishop of Narbone President of the States and the Sieur d'Emery to be arrested because they had ever opposed his Designs He not only raised all the Souldiers he could both in that and the adjacent Provinces but also he sent one of his Domestique servants into Spain with the Sieur de Fargâ— to negotiate there for a supply of men and monies To conclude he left no stone unturn'd which he conceived might any way contribute to advance his Designs and had Monsieur stay'd but one three weeks longer before he came thither questionless his attempts and successes would have been more prejudicial to the State as was conceived by all men who had any judgement in affairs of that nature The Parliament of Tholose which hath ever been notoriously true and faithful unto the King upon all occasions taking notice of these his undue proceedings issued out several Inhibitions to hinder his further progressions First they ordained that the Substitutes of the Atturney General in all Marshalsies and Courts of Judicature should make diligent enquiries to discover his Designs and Actions They condemned the Result of the States as rebellious They prohibited any monies to be levied paid or collected in the Duke of Montmorency's name They made a Decree against all the Officers of the States who had any way procured the said Result enjoying them to be taken and imprisoned that they might be brought to tryal and condigne punishment and particularly the Bishop of Alby having delivered the said place unto Monsieur they seized upon all his Goods and Revenues inhibiting his Tenants or Debitors to disseize them under penalty of being accountable for it in their own names and persons By which their generous example they left a pattern to all other Parliaments that they ought not to regard any man what-ever when his Majesties service and the publique Peace is in question Politique Observation SEing Parliaments have only receiv'd the power of Justice from Kings that they might preserve the obedience due unto them and the people in their Dues and Rights it cannot then be doubted but they are obliged to oppose all kinds of Revolts those known destroyers of Royal Authority If they be deficient on such occasions they are defective in the chiefest of their Duties The Princes Power is with them intrusted for preservation of the Publique Peace To what purpose then should they let it lie dormant when the Peoples quiet and repose is attempted to be disturbed In such conjunctures it is not enough that they barely keep themselves within the limits of their duties which example may peradventure be sufficient to contain the vulgar sort in good order but they are withal obliged to lay out their utmost endeavours and Authority intrusted with them for the preservation of their Soveraigns power which by Civil dissentions cannot but be very much endangered if not totally destroyed Doth not every one know that Parliaments are living Laws and that they have rigours and punishments in their hands wherewith to crush any Rebellions in their Cradles If they should be backward in restraining such disorders were they not equally culpable with Souldiers who refuse to fight when occasion requireth Neither can they be guilty of this defect without ingratitude that in the highest degree for that all their Honor and Power is but derivative from that of their Soveraigns The Sun is originally clothed with that splendour which makes him shine in the eyes of all mankinde whereas the Stars twinkle not but by a light borrowed from his so have Kings an absolute primitive power inherent in themselves for which they are only beholding unto God But otherwise it is with Magistrates who upon stricter enquiry into themselves will find that they have not any Authority or Honour but what is dependent upon their Soveraigns which if so do not the Laws of gratitude as also those of submission enjoyn them to oppose any thing which may intrench upon their Majesties and Glories And is it not likewise true that by upholding their Princes Power they preserve their own seeing in their first Institution they were subordinate to them and depending on their good Will and Pleasure and that themselves cannot be continued in that Respect due to their Qualities but by the preservation and subsistence of the Original Fountain from whence theirs first flowed Their Princes are like their souls from whom they receive life and being If the obedience due to a King be violated the Authority of a Magistrate cannot then long subsist Rivers cease to run when their Springs are stopped The Body ceaseth to have life or motion when deprived of the Soul when-ever therefore Parliaments endeavour to preserve their Princes Authority they labour to sustain themselves and their own Powers and they destroy themselves when-ever they forsake them The King granteth a Commission to Monsieur le Prince to Command
THE HISTORY OF THE Government of France UNDER THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Great Armand Du Plessis Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu and chief Minister of State in that Kingdome Wherein occur many Important Negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time With Politique Observations upon the CHAPTERS Translated out of French by J. D. Esq LONDON Printed by J. Macock for Joshua Kirton and are to be sold at the Kings Arms in St Pauls Church-yard 1657. EMINENTISSIMVS ARMANDVS IOANNES DV PLESSIS CARDINALIS RICHELEVS etc. G Faithorne excud TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE John Thurloe Esq SECRETARIE OF STATE SIR THe Illustrious Cardinall truely Eminent for his sublime qualities presenteth Himself unto You in ful assurance of a most ample Protection both to his Memory and Fame Generous and active Souls have a naturall and therefore inseparable inclination to the mutuall Honour and Defence of each other It were injustice that that Pilot who in his life time knew so well to sail with security amidst the many turbulent and frequent storms of Fortune should be toss'd and molested in his Urn the Harbour where common humanity allows a quiet Station to all Be pleased therefore Noble Sir to undertake the Patronage of this Great Person in whose History you will encounter nothing but what relisheth of an high Grandeur and an extraordinary Genius Indeed the cleer and happy Justice of those affairs whereon you are engag'd will not finde much here for your imitation yet questionless many things there are which upon another account may challenge your admiration and applause The Symmetrie of your Administrations doth oblige you to accept of this Dedication from him who devoteth himself to your commands in the quality of SIR Your Honours most humble Servant JOHN DODINGTON To the Reader I Desire thee to excuse the many Errata's which doubtless thou wilt here meet in regard the Printer in some places hath fail'd in point of Orthographie give him the allowance as in such cases are common and the scales will be turn'd for other faults I must also Apologize in regard of my own affaires which would not permit me to review my own Coppy or Correct the Press If thou dost then demand why I undertook it I shall deal ingeniously with thee and tell thee I was ingaged upon it by the importunate surprisall of a friend who extorted a promise of it from me ere I well knew what I had promised I beseech thee therefore to connive at what cannot now by either of us be amended Thus much more I thought good to let thee know that if this finde thee merciful I may perchance present thee with the sequell of the Cardinals Administration until his Death the manner of his Death his last Will his Birth and Youthfull Studies with diverse of his Letters and many quaint Observations upon his Life and Death which I hope may better deserve thy approval I. D. These Books are lately Printed and are sold at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard A Collection out of the best approved Authors containing several Histories of Visions Apparitions Prophesies Spirits Divinations and other wonderful Illusions of the Divel wrought by Magick or otherwise Also of divers Astrological predictions shewing the vanity of them and folly of trusting to them By G. I. A Restitution of decayed intelligence in Antiquities concerning the most Noble and Renowned English Nation by the Study and Travel of Richard Vestegan The History and Character of the Bishops in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James Written by Sir John Harrington for the private use of Prince Henry The Magistrates Authority in matters of Religion asserted Or the Right of the State in the Church A Discourse written by the Learned Hugo Grotius Of Government and Obedience as they stand directed and determined by Scripture and Reason Four Books by John Hall of Richmond Two Plays of Mr James Shirley's The Constant Maid A Comedy and St Patrick for Ireland That excellent Tragedy of Bussy D' Ambois Written by George Chapman These now in the Press The Man in the Moon Or a Discourse of a Voyage into the Moon By Domingo Gonzales Also Nuncius Inanimatus or the Mysterious Messenger both written by D. F. G. a man of great parts and Eminency in his time The Indian History of Anaxandre and Orazia Written in French by Monsieur de Bois-Robert Translated into English by a Person of Honour some years since THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu Anno 1624. GOD who is able onely by the strength of his Arms to over-rule Kingdomes according to his own pleasure hath given some part of their Government to Soveraigns whom he hath established as Vicegerents of his Power The Love which he bears to men hath inclined him to admit them unto the pertaking of his Authority And if he hath ordained intelligences in the Heavens to over-see their motions he hath also decreed certain men upon the earth who should have the charge of reigning over Kingdomes But though he hath invested all Kings with an absolute Authority yet he hath not indued them all with one and the same Genius His Prudence which guides all things by Weight Number and Measure hath affected that as in Painting there are Raphaels and Titians whose pieces serve other Painters to learn the perfection of their Art so there should likewise be in Regality Caesars Constantines and Charlemains whose Actions might be recorded as examples for all others As it is said in Philosophy Perfectum in suo genere est mensura Caeterorum The worthiest subject in every kind serves for a measure to all within its compasse And who can refuse to rank in this number the present King under whose Scepter the Kingdome hath the happiness to be now governed To speak truth his Actions have fixed the Kingdome in the highest point of glory that many ages have seen his Prudence Valour and Justice do shine with so much splendour that without doubt they are sufficient to teach the Laws of Government to all other Princes He never affected any Title but that of Just because he made choice of Justice for the rule of all his Actions knowing that it was the most illustrious perfection in all Kings that it was it which rendered their Majesty most venerable That it was it which gave a good successe to all their enterprizes and lastly that this was it which was the strongest Prop of Peace But we should offend against that very Justice if we should deny hâ—m the Title of Great which his Scepter gives to him The Title of Invincible which his Valour hath merited the Title of August which his vertue hath acquired the Title of Conquerour which Fortune her self hath bestowed upon him His dignity maketh him the greatest of Kings his Power the strongest his Conduct the wisest his Treasuries the Richest and his Vertue the most just We have seen some Clouds arise which have seemed to obscure his light but they have onely
of Brittain daughter to Guy Count of Ponthieu elder brother to the said Count of Montfort of the other party That as long as there should be Males of the said House of Brittain no Female should inherit the said Dutchy They did not apprehend this Agreement to be firm and good unlesse Charles the Fifth who was Soveraign of the said Dutchy should ratifie and confirm it for that it was contrary to the Custome by vertue of which said Custome the said Jane had obtained the said Dutchy by a solemn Judgement against her said Unckle the Count of Montfort in being preferred before him as being the neerest and daughter to the eldest Brother and that therefore they intreated the Commissaries and Deputies who were the Arch-Bishop of Reiâ—ns and the Marshal of Boucicaâ—d to ratifie and confirm their Award which they did That upon the score of this Ratification the Males of the House of Montfort had alwaies succeeded in the said Dutchy of Britain by being preferred before the Females That Rainard the second in not having followed this order for the Dutchy of Barr and those other Lands which depended on France had made his said Will and Substitution absolutely void in it self Fourthly the best Historians did moreover alledge That this same Will of Râ—ynard the second was not deemed to be vallid in the House of Lorrain but had been abrogated from time to time As for those Lands which related to France they answered that the said Duke himself had about ten moneths after dis-owned his said Will by a solemn Act whereby he beseeched Lewis the twelfth to grant his consent that his Heirs Males and Females might succeed to inherit those lands in France though the said Claudius was born out of the Kingdome as may appear by the Letters of Naturalizing granted by the said King at Lyons in the year one thousand five hundred and seven in the moneth of May preferring by this Act the Heirs females of Claudius before Anthony his eldest son whom he had created Duke of Lorrain and the sons of the said Anthony That in Prosecution of his said Deed of Abrogation the said preferrency had been granted to the daughter of Claudius in reference to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumalle as also in the Principallity of Joinville in which it is declared that the said Daughters should be admitted to inherit the said Lordships and Lands excluding the sons of the late Duke at least from all which related to France Sixthly they added that as for what hath dependence from the Empire the Will ought not to be valid neither for that it is directly contrary to the Custome received and used in all Principallities thereunto belonging which are upon that side of the Rhine and particularly against the Custome of Nancy it self By vertue of which the daughters have ever succeeded excluding the Males when ever they were nearer related and that it was not in the power of Raynard to abolish the said Custome without the Emperours consent to that purpose first had and obtained On the other side there were some others who were of opinion that the Will of the said Raynard ought to be good and vallid there being no disposing Power which can exceed a Priviledge that it was true the said substitution was contrary to the Customes but the Soveraign Liege having power at least with his States to make and to constitute such Ordinances and Laws which might regard the good of his people provided alwaies that the Supream Authority from whence he depended were not injured in it he might abrogate such usances and that no one could pretend to oppose it no not the Lord Paramount himself for that he was not at all concerned in it admitting his particular Rights were preserved to him seeing as the Lawyers say That whatsoever is resolved by the States of a Country for the reformation of a Custome ought to be deemed and observed as a Custome of it self Their main reasons were That it was necessary to distinguish between a Soveraign Paramount and a Liege Lord that indeed it was granted a Liege Lord had not power to make any Orders or Laws in prejudice of his Superiour Lord but that it is not the same thing as to what concerneth the Powers which appartains unto him and that he may at least dispose of them with his States not to alienate but certainly to substitute and appoint them That it were indifferent to a Lord Paramount whether they were Males or Females who succeeded in the Government it being not any thing of concern to him provided his rights were preserved to him and that his Homage Service and Obedience were paid him That if at any time they should oppose such Orders and Laws as were made by a Soveraign Liege and his States their opposition however were not of any validity for that no one hath any right to oppose any thing which doth not clash with his own Interests That withall this reason was so much the more considerable in respect of those States which have dependance on the Empire because they are held with much lesse Subjection then those of the Crown of France for that the Duke of Lorrain is not at all obliged to pay Homage to the Emperour but onely to serve him and contribute to the necessities of his State They alledged one very considerable reason as to what concern'd his Majesties interests in relation to those Signiors which depended on his Crown making it apparent that he was so far from being prejudiced by those constitutions made in favour of the heirs Males that rather on the contrary his Majesty would receive a notable advantage by it seeing by this means the States of Lorrain would alwaies remain in the Possession of some small Prince whose weakness alone if he should at any time be minded to fall off from his Fidelity would force him to continue in his duty whereas if the daughter were admitted to a succession before any Males further removed it would of consequence fall out that those Females might fall into the hands of some Potent Prince from whom his Majesty might probably receive more dis-service then service as it happened in the case of Inheritrix of Lorrain who married Raynard it is apparently known to every one of what great concern it is without being beholding to examples for a King to have small Princes to be his neighbours As to that which concerneth the Ordinances of Orleance and Moulines which restrained all substitutions made to the fourth degree besides the first institution that is to say from the Institutor and the instituted who succeedeth the intestate they pretended it did not exclude Francis Count of Vaudmont from the substitution seeing he was the fourth from Anthony who was the first instituted For this Anthony left his State of Lorrain to his son Francis which Francis left them to his son Charls and Charls to the late Duke Henry his son who was father to Nicole which Henry having no sons
Power of the States themselves of some Countries to change such Customes as have been received there time out of mind for the successions of Soveraigns Anno 1626. The Duke of Savoy's Design to continue the Warre against the Spaniards WHo so hath at any time beheld the Sun shining through a black Cloud dissipating those darknesses that cover the earth dispelling fear out of their Souls who had been affrighted with the Thunder and rejoycing the World by the presence of his rayes hath seen the Image of that happy Peace which entred upon the beginning of this year in concluding the Wars wherewith Italy and the Vâ—lteline were so much afflicted But to go on with the prosecution of that which hapned after the raising of the siege of Verrue untill the conclusion of the Treaty I must tell you that after those advantages obtained the Duke of Savoy being suggested by those happy successes and the Devastations which the Spaniards had made in his Country desired passionately to fall upon their Army which was retired to Pand sture as also to enter upon Mallan that he might ingage the two Armies in a long War and by that means be revenged of them This was according to the temper of his Soul who could not indure any quiet but the Constable ae Lisdiguiers and the Marshal de Crequy who desired not to attempt any thing which might not sort to their Masters glory opposed his design representing to him that there was no sence of reason to assault the Spanish Army which consisted of fourteen thousand men effective intrenched in a place very advantagious with Cannon and where they might be releeved with all necessary provisions and that neither the season nor condition of their forces would consist with the besieging any place in Milan without hazarding the Kings Army and Reputation These reasons were very considerable and the Constable without losing any more time and seeing his presence would be needlesse during the rest of the Winter in Piedmont withdrew himself towards Granoble after he had put the Troops in Garison under the Command of the Marquis de Vignolles and Vxelles In the mean while it being necessary to give his Majesty an accompt of the condition of affairs and to receive his commands he forthwith dispatched the Marshal de Crequy towards the Court. This journey of the Marshal did much perplex the Duke because hee doubted that he would induce the King to Peace as also least he might make complaint to his Majesty of the little care which was had for the satisfaction of the Treaty of the League and least he might lay all the faults which had happened in his dish This moved him to resolve upon sending of the Prince of Piedmont towards him as well to defend his Interest as to perswade the King to carry on the War in Italy and having dispatched him a few dayes after they both arrived at Court about the beginning of February where after they had entertained his Majesty according to their own desires they were obliged for the better consideration of their Propositions to put them down in writing accordingly they presented them to his Majesty who assisted by his Ministers examined them with great deliberation and at last resolved in order to that Prince his designs and withall the more to oblige him to have a greater care in performing his promises hee was assured of having the chief command of his Army though the effect of it was diverted by that unexpected negotiation of the Sieur de Fargis in Spain which ended in the Treaty of Mouson in Arragon Politick Observation HAppy is that Prince whose Councels in War become unprofitable by a favourable Treaty of Peace who can doubt but that the one is the source of all miseries brings all things into necessities deprives the people of their liberties maketh the land barren destroyeth the most glorious Pallaces tieth up the hands of Justice and bringeth the Country men under the barbarous insolency of souldiers and that on the contrary the other is acknowledged to be the Mother of Plenty the beginning of the happinesse of Kingdomes and the joy of Nations that it giveth all Liberty of Commerce and Labour leaving to every one the power of injoying his own Goods making Arts to flourish Justice to Reign and banishing all fear which keepeth the mind in hell and in a continual unquietness whilest there are any troubles It is not much more pleasant to behold the earth decked with its verdure painted with all sorts of Flowers inriched with the diversity of Trees which either nature or the Labourers hand had Planted replenished with all fruits and spices and flowing with Milk and Honey then when it languisheth by the insufferable hardnesses of Winter converted into Snow and Ice become stiffe and dis-coloured and the Land Barren and over-flowed with Water So much more satisfaction ought a wise Prince to receive when Peace commeth to deliver his Subjects from those miseries into which War had precipitated them to restore them the free use of their own Goods to give them the means of exercising their own Professions with quiet to drive away necessity from them to open the Ports of Trade from one Coast to another about their affairs then to see them remain idle and without exercise in the want of the greatest part of necessaries not daring to go out of their Gates besieged by War in their Towns and slaughtered in their own houses by sickness and famine The Conclusion of the Treaty of Mouson FOr the better understanding in what manner this Treaty was concluded It will be needfull to look a good way back and to take the first rise of Affairs from Count Olivares the chief Minister of Spain who finding that the Legat could not bring his business to that passe as was expected resolved to use his utmost to accommodate things in a peaceable manner and accordingly made several overtures that way tending to the Sieur de Fargis Ambassador with his Catholique Majesty who was not wanting to give speedy notice of it hither and at the same time the Marquis de Mirabel Ambassador for the Spaniard certified to the Marshal de Schomberg that his Master desired a Peace Whereupon orders were sent to the Sieur de Fargis that he should answer to such overtures as had been made that his Master would not be unwilling to embrace it if it might be made upon Honorable and safe conditions and he was also acquainted with the Kings desiers in that particular which were reduced under three principall heads First that the Spanjards should renounce all pretenses to the Passages in the Valtoline next that the Soverainty of the Valtoline should be preserved to the Grisons and last related to the safety of the Catholique Religion he acquitted himself of their directions very diligently but with so much heat that after several meetings and conferences had with the Count d'Olivarez they at last set down their several proposals in writing which
he had won to his Interests in Brittain might stir up some Commotion with hopes to enforce the King to grant him his liberty but as his Majesties presence only was sufficient to deprive them both of the means and liberty to do so he went to Nantes and shortly after summoned all the States to meet there where such as were any wayes suspected were not suffered to appear The King was pleased to be personally present at their first Assembly and the Lord keeper gave them to understand that his Majesties design was only to consider of what means and wayes were most proper for setling the peace of that Province which was the principal thing there debated and at last it was so happily concluded by the Kings Authority and the Prudent conduct of the Marshal de Themines to whom his Majesty had committed the Government of it upon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment that there did not any difficulties arise in it The chief means to settle all was to disarm such as were suspected and to deliver them to others who were known to be right and honest To destroy some strong places many of which belonged to the Duke of Vendosme and served only to countenance a revolt Which being thus ended The King began to debate with the Queen Mother and his Counsellours whether it were proper to marry Monsieur or not for that was one of the main pretexts of the Cabal who had endeavoured to possesse Monsieur with the opinion That having no other liberty or freedome he might chuse his own wife and in that particular follow his own inclinations but it was easie to undeceive him by laying before him how the liberty incident to Marriages was civil that it is ordered by the Laws of the Kingdome which do prohibit any Princes to marry themselves without the Kings consent and that he for his part could not do better then to be governed by the King who loved him very dearly and would undoubtedly match him which such a person as would be most proper for him Divers reasons were urged both of the one and t'other part all sorts of Interests were considered with great deliberation and all the consequences incident upon his marrying or not marrying were examined to the full and in conclusion the King of his own motion said he indeed apprehended several reasons which were sufficient to take him off from any thoughts of marrying him but with all that the Quiet of his State seeming to oblige him to marry him he resolved to do accordingly That his intentions in it being good he could not but hope Heaven would blesse it with good successe and in case the enemies of the publique Peace should attempt to raise contrary effects out of it that he had power enough in his hand to remedy and defend it It is reported That Monsieur the Cardinal did only represent to his Majesty those reasons which might seem either to invite or disswade the marrying of him without inclining more to the one then to the other as well because he knew his Majesty to be prudent enough and not to want any advices in what did so neerly concern the power of his Authority as also because it was a business in which his Majesty ought to follow his own will and pleasure and was not obliged to conclude off or on but with his own satisfaction and content it is very dangerous to second too strongly such counsels whose effects are lyable to the changes of Fortune and it were a great folly for a man to think himself safe and sure of that which is often perverted by the wickedness of some men who by it raise advantages to themselves At last it being generally resolved the Queen mother passionately desirous that Monsieur should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier sent to Madam de Gâ—ise to come forthwith to Nantes and to bring her with her as also she presently proposed to execute those Articles which had been so long since concluded on This Princesse who indeed was the richest match of France had been betrothed to the late Duke of Orleans in the year one thousand six hundred eight whilst the King was then living and the young Prince dying about the year one thousand six hundred and eleven both the King and Queen Mother had pass'd their words to marry her to Monsieur who was to succeed in the quality of Duke of Orleans Both being now of an age fit to be married Madam de Guise did oftentimes urge that the promises which had been made to her might be performed and Monsieur who had alwayes preserved himself in a total resignation of his own to the Kings will was the more easily induced to effect it in regard of those most excellent qualities wherewith Heaven had blessed both the Person and mind of that Princesse but however the liberty which is usually permitted to Princes of his age did allay the over hasty execution of it neither did his Majesty presse it until he had discovered by the dangerousness of the Cabal that one of the onely means to shop the farther progress of them was to hasten on his marriage The King did not approve of his marrying any Forraign Princesse least it might prove an in-let for Factions in the State and least it might open a dore for strangers to invade the Kingdome as often as they would raise any discontents to themselves but he liked well of this Match with Madamoiselle de Montpensier her Birth and vertue rendring her worthy to be admitted into the Royal family The Queen Mother who could not be heartily perswaded to love Monsieur the Prince did not like of the Match between his Daughter Madamoiselle de Bourbonne and Monsieur though the Cabal did much drive it on Withal Madamoiselle de Montpensier being left sole inheritrix of her whole house was extreamly rich and would very well serve to make up Monsieurs affairs as also ease the Exchequer of great Pensions which otherwise must of necessity be bestowed on him They of the Cabal were vexed at heart to find things so carried on but they were necessitated to be quiet and to hold their peaces too Shortly after the King declared some part of his thoughts to Monsieur who answered him that if it were his Majesties pleasure to marry him there he should totally resign himself to his Majesties will By which and in several other occasion he hath alwayes shewed That Heaven did with his birth infuse into him extraordinary respects for the King which had doubtlesse inseperably linked him to his Majesty had not the mallicious devices of those in whom he placed some confidence diverted him Monsieur sent M. le Coigneux his Chancellor to Madam de Guise to assure her of his kindnesses and particularly of the affection which he had to conclude the Match between himself and Madamoiselle her daughter and charging him afterwards to wait upon Madamoiselle de Montpensier he commanded him to assure her on his behalf that he would
because his Majesty was desirous to give a period unto those calamities which had brought Germany into so miserable a condition but also for the Interests of this Crown which being concern'd with those Christian Princes who are not tied to the House of Austria oblige him to hinder the Emperours becomming absolute unto which the war seemed to contribute by weakning the Princes Electors and ruining the Protestants This was the more considerable in regard his Majesty was not then in a Capacity to redresse their aggrievances by force of Arms he was likewise commanded to procure an Electoral Diet where the Electours comming to treat together would doubtlesse resolve and conclude a Peace whereas if they should manage their affairs by their Doctors who for the most part were Pensioners to the House of Austria there could be but slender hopes of a good successe His Instructions Charged him to acquaint them that he was commanded to negotiate the cessation of Arms both with the Emperour the King of Denmark and themselves and that he should effectually endeavour to accomplish it provided that they would ingage unto his Majesty by Instruments drawn up in form that they would after the King of Denmark should assent unto it procure the Emperour to do the like and that themselves would do the same on their parts and lastly that they would call an Electoral Diet where the Peace should be ratified as also a confirmation of their Alliance with France These were the Chief Points of the Sieur de Macheville Instructions in which he bestirred himself with such diligence that he prevailed upon the Princes Electors without discovering his Majesties Intentions to defer the Election of the Roman King That he perswaded them to think it improper for the Prince Elector to retier into France That he tied the Prince Elector of Treves unto his Majesties Interests by Chains of Gold and that he at last procured them to meet at Mulhausen He himself came thither and represented to them those great miseries which the war had brought upon Germany in such effectual language that they became more inclined to Peace then formerly they had been And the year following the Peace was accordingly concluded which the House of Austria would have found means to prevent had not France interposed in the business Politique Observation IT is a piece of great Prudence in a Prince to procure a Peace for his Allyes when the war is not favourable to them It cannot be doubted but that his endeavours will redound to his Honour and Glory seeing it is no small reputation to become an Arbitrator between Soveraigns for God himself who overuleth the whole World hath styled himself The God of Peace But besides this consideration those Princes who have gone by the worst in a war are mutually bound to assist him in his occasions he having preserved them from destruction withal the quality of Allie doth oblige him to become a Mediator for them it being a means proper to preserve their Union and an Act necessary for their conservation The Laws of Charity which command all Christians to lend a helping hand unto one another in dangers and necessities do more especially injoyn it unto Princes seeing their downfals cannot but carry greater consequences with them and that after many frowns of war their ruin cannot be avoided When once they are reduced to extremity it is no longer seasonable then to treat of a Peace for victory pufs up their Enemy whose insolency will hardly give way to loose the advantages he hath gotten and if he should be drawn to lay down his Arms it must be upon hard and shameful termes It is easie to conceive how dangerous it is long to expose them unto the uncertainties of war seeing that Prince who once looses either part of his reputation or forces doth for the most part undergo duly crosses and seems to have been made the laughing stock of Fortune It was not without great reason that Scipio said unto Antiochus The Majesty of a King is not so easily reduced from the height of their power to a more indifferent degree as it is precipitated from an indifferent degree unto the lowest ebb of Fortune Hereupon it was that Hannibal desired Peace of Scipio the African before the last battail which he fought in which he was overcome and that he Etolians were blamed for not accepting of it when offered unto them by the Romans after they had been often worsted by them I might hereunto add that a King who in such occasions procureth a Peace for this Allyes doth not a little serve his own Interests for that a Kings Power consisteth as much in the force of his Allyes as in that of his own subjects There is so strict an Union between the States of Allyes that no one of them can receive any considerable losse but the effects of it will soon appear in all the rest The Power of Allyes is like the strength of the Frontiers to a Kingdome and as an Enemy having once gotten the suburbs and out Quarters hath a notable advantage against the Town it self so the Allyes of a King can neither be weakned nor ruined but himself is in danger of being assaulted in his own Dominions and is rendred the lesse able to make resistance in regard his Allyes are not in a condition to relieve him It was for this cause that Thucydides said he who dis-respecteth his dangers of his Allyes is carelesse of his own safety and I conceive that a Prince who sees his Allyes groaning under the hand of War is equally bound to assist them by mediating a Peace for them least his ruin follow theirs as every man seeing his Neighbours house on fire is obliged to use his utmost endeavour to extinguish it least his own house come into the like danger The Marquis de Saint Chaumont sent to Vincent the Duke of Mantoua in quality of an Ambassodour Extraordinary AT the same time that the Sieur de Marcheville went into Germany His Majesty who thought himself equally concern'd in the Interests of his Allyes as the Affairs of his own State sent the Marquis de Saint Chaumont Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Duke of Mantoua The Duke had by letters express given his Majesty notice of his Brother Ferdinand's death and also begged his assistance to second by his name and officers as Rome the suit which he made there for dissolution of the marriage which he had lately contracted with the Princess de Bossolo who though she had charms enough to perswade him to marry her yet was too old to bear Children The King could have answered him by letters but it being necessary to look after Monsieur de Neuers his Interests who only hoped for his Majesties assistance he thought it more proper to send an Extraordinary Ambassador thither The Marquis de Saint Chaumont was chosen for this employment and commanded to signifie to the Duke how sensibly displeased his Majesty was at the late Dukes death but
to caresse such strangers as at any time passed through his Court besides it passeth for a mark of Courage and Resolution whereas insolencie is only an Index of lowness and meanness of Spirit This courtesie ought to be accompanied with magnificence that it may be the more considerable for words and behaviour do lightly passe away if not followed by some other effects This magnifience consisteth in Treating them with splendor for that the good entertainment which is given them serveth no lesse to testifie the affection then the great and noble mind of him who maketh it Paulus Aemilius was very industrious in making all people welcome who came to visit him and being one day asked the reason of it he answered that there was as great prudence in the well disposal of a feast as in the Marshalling of an Army for the Battail for the one is to become terrible to ones Enemies and t'other agreeable to his friends Next he is bound to make them presents according to their qualities A little expence of this nature gives Princes a great reputation amongst strangers for they on whom it is bestowed are careful of preserving it in their families as a testimony of the Honour which they have received by such a head which they keep as Proofs of his magnificence and I should think it much better to cut off from any other expences then from this Agesilaus said That which appeared most Illustrious and glorious in all Kings was the doing good to divers persons the Ambassadors of Corinth refusing to receive Dionysius of Siracusa's Presents he seemed to be much offended at it and told them that this was one of the chief means which Kings had to make themselves glorious In fine who so wants liberality is never heartily served by his own nor honoured by strangers The Duke de Rohan despaireth of doing any good in Languedoc THE Duke of Rohan finding that his Majesty began to raise works about Rochel to take it prosecuted his designs with the more vigor in Languedoc that by making a Revolt he might if possible oblige his Majesty to it quite designs But the Duke had several misfortunes which crossed him and that in the beginning of the year at Montpellier was none of the least He had Commanded his Kinsman the Baron de Bretigni to come to this Town under pretence of a certain suit of Law in the Court of Aydes there but with design to surprise the Cittadell if possible it might be effected Bretagny set his engines on work so gain the Baron de Millay last Captain of the Regiment of Normandie and one of his old acquaintance unto his purpose He pretended himself very willing and ready to heaken to his propositions and to serve him in that particular design But in the mean while the Baron de Milay gave notice of it to the Marquis de Fossez who was very glad of this discovery and advised him not to loose the oportunity of getting advantages from his Majestie by this piece of service The Baron assured him by all protestations of his fidelity and zeal and in fine he got out all the designs of the Duke de Rohan by which he pretended to steer himself and he behaved himself in this affair with so much addresse that the Duke Imagined he had not a more faithful friend then the Baron was In this confidence the Duke advanced his Troops about the beginning of the year towards Montpellier giving out he intended to besiedg Corcown and about two or three at night came to execute his design But the Marquis de Fossez who had punctual Intelligence of all his designs made preparation to receive him according to his deserts He ordered every thing in the Cittadel that nothing could fall out amisse and then he hid in Ambush neer the Gate by which they were to march in the most choise Souldiers which he had he ordered one of his Souldiers to cut the Cord of the Port-Cullis when they were once got in that he might make sure of them and cut them off In this interim the Duke of Rohan sent one of his Captains to the Baron of Millay to be informed of the State of the place and to learn what order should be observed for their coming in The Baron shewed him all the City and every place adjoyning only excepting that where the Souldiers were hid The Captain fully informed and satisfied returns to the Duke gives him an accompt of what he had seen and concluded The Duke hereupon advanceth his Troops to the Counterscarp and Bretigny leading them on the Baron de Mellay forthwith opened the Port. Bretigny enters with fifty persons of quality and the Baron d' Aubes following of him with the second train of fifty more all which got in at the same dore Now he who was commanded to cut the Cord of the Port-Cullis did it sooner then he should have done which vexed the Marquis de Fossez to the very heart for had he let it alone but a little longer the Duke had lost at least four thousand men But however to punish those who had been so hardy as to enter the Souldiers in Ambush let fly at them and cut them all off thirty nine of them were Officers and of good quality and the Marquis Spinola being then at Rochel when the news came openly said that this blow was of greater concern to the Duke of Rohan then if he had lost two thousand Souldiers Neither was this all for the Marquis de Fessez made the great Guns be shot off at random upon those Troops which had not come in and the morning following there was good store of bloud to be seen in several places which made the Marquis conclude there were many more killed and wonded but that the Duke had caused them to be carried off with him Politique Observation NAture which hath given Arms to all Creatures to defend themselves hath bestowed on man understanding that by it he is able to protect himself from any dangers which threaten him which Arms are more to be esteemed then those of Force One of the greatest perfections of it is to deceive a publique Enemy and to repel Force by Force and Mines by Countermines Amongst other Inventions which it affordeth That of pretending as correspondence with an Enemy is not one of the least considerable as Zenophon saith It being certain that a pretended Intelligence with an Enemy and well mannaged doth often effect greater things then Force it self I shall add too That they are much more glorious and that the greatest reputation of a Chieftain is to break an Enemies strength by Plots and contrivances and to destroy him by his own designs It is indeed commendable to repulse an Enemy from an assault by valour and courage but much more to ruin an Enemies intents and purposes by designs in which the Souldiers lives are not endangered In Sparta he was much more esteemed who gained a victory by pollicy then he who carried
homage in that form which should be thought reasonable and in the mean while to beseech him that he would excuse him for some little time He presented unto his Majesty a Kennel of as find hounds as could be seen which his Majesty kindly accepted of and yet to let him see that he looked upon hunting onely as a diversion when other important State affairs gave him some leisure time he hereupon made him a discourse which is not amisse to be observed in this place for the instruction of Soveraigns in what degree they ought to hold those recreations which tend to their pleasure Cozen said he I have left off hunting I must confesse I delight in it when other affairs give me leave but at present my thoughts are altogether taken up to show how affectinately I interest my self with my Allies after I shall have relieved the Duke of Mantua I may perchance return to my old recreations till some other of my friends may have occasion to make use of me And most certain it is his pleasures never withdrew him from theears of his State He would be informed very exactly of all affairs how mean soever neither would he allot any time for the recreations which other Princes used to allow themselves because his piety forbid him as knowing them to be contrary to the Laws of God Politique Observation HUnting is a kind of war not onely not misbeseeming but sometimes very comendable in a Prince It was Xenophons advice in his Cyropaedia It teacheth them saith he to rise betimes It inures them to heats and colds habituates them to riding and all other labours The resistance which salvage beasts make against them teacheth them to fight and to use their Weapons seeing they ought to observe a time when to beat them when to prevent them and to have the free command of their body to cast themselves to and fro when once they come up upon the pursuit Doth not the chasing of those who may endanger them accustome them not to fear any perils I have often observed that those Princes who are great hunters have been likewise esteemed very valiant History tells us so in the examples of Vlysses Pelopidas Pompei Alexander The Prince of Roman eloquence saith that a man at hunting useth a kind of military exercise Plinius Secundus thought it the more agreeable for Princes it being a solitary and silent exercise and giving them leisure to think on their State affairs to which give me leave to add one effect more which renders this recreation very commendable in Kings and that is it keeps them from vice It is reported that Hippolytus Theseus his Son did use this diversion to live chastly and avoid idlenesse the source of all vices and evills The Poets feigned that Diana spent most part of her time in that manner in the company of Arethusae Calista Cranae and divers other Nymphs who were all desirous to preserve their virginities each of them knowing that they were exposed to many Shipwracks by the divers companies with whom they conversed Plutarch observed upon the life of Pompey that this great conquerour imagined that Princes get no little honour by this exercise and after he had vanquished Domitius in Affricque and reduced all in those Countries to his power himself spent some dayes in hunâ—ing Lions and Elephants to the end quoth he that the stoutest beasts themselves might not be ignorant of the Romans good fortune and courage A Victory obtained by the Kings Forces against those of the Duke of Savoy upon the 14. of February 1629. THe King departing from Chaalons passed by Lyons but did not go into the Citie by reason of the sicknesse to Grenoble where he staid 7. or 8. dayes during which he oftentimes sent to the Duke of Savoy to acquaint him that he was come thither resolved to relieve Cazal and to demand passage through his States which he was obliged by Treaties to grant under assurance of not doing any acts of hostility or any other damage The Duke being engaged with the Spaniard and having promised them to assist them in the taking of Cazal as Comte Louâ—s d'Ast one of his Residents at Rome had openly declared had recourse to his usual artifices and returned many complements and fairs words he beseeched his Majesty to give him leave to find out some expedient to dis-engage him of those promises he had made to the Spaniard The Duke proposed several overtures but so void of reason and Justice that it was no hard matter to discern his intent was onely to stay the King until Cazal was taken which as was well known could not hold out above dayes but it was all in vain for the King a person not to be delayed but with just reasons and who was well assured that Cazal would yet hold out in expectation of him two full moneths marched from Grenoble and by great Journies came to Oux a place bordering upon the Frontire and passage of Suze The Duke having but ill intelligence heard not of his Majesties advancing for indeed he made such haste that it was hardly credible but by them who were eye witnesses of it The Duke thougâ—t he had been still at Grenoble when indeed he was not far off Suze But for fear of that storm which threatned him he resolved to send the Prince of Piedmoâ—t his Son to delay his Majesty by giving him some hopes of opening the passages not without expectation that Cazal would in the mean while be taken The Prince was hardly come to Chamberry but he heard the Kings Army was passed the Mount of Geneva this made him return directly to Chaumont where he found the Cardinal already arrived with the Vanguard He had at that place a long discourse with his Eminence who no lesse powerful in his words than arms entertained him with a great deal of addresse and pressed upon him such reasons that he at last promised to do whatever should be desired of him The Cardinal at first told him he was much astonished that notwithstanding the Treaties between France and Savoy that his Majesty and his Army should be denied to passe his Country to assist one of his Allyes Hee remonstrated to him how injurious this procedure was to the honour of a Prince it being contrary to his word and faith that his Majesties Arms marched in a just cause but that his did unjustly protect injustices That if he should have the advantage at any time to hinder his Majesty from entring into Italy which however he could not well hope for yet it would be as great a discredit to him to support an unjust oppression as the design of a protecting a Prince would be glorious to his Majesty withal that he did apparently deceive himself if he imagined to raise any advantage by assisting the Spaniard in the taking of Cazal that his hopes of sharing the Montferrat between them was vain and that they would suffer him to have no greater a part than in six
of necessity He is more apprehensive of the discredit to loose an occasion of glory then of the mis-fortune and is alwayes more careful to preserve his honour than his life his courage fortifies him and makes him confident of the means dictated by his prudence he doth not fight rashly with his eyes shut as the Andabates or precipitate himself into dangers without looking what is necessary to secure himself but guiding his courage by reason he takes such Order as is fit and needful and then engageth without fear There is no courage so commendable as that which is accompanied with prudence and when the heat of Anger exciteth an obligation to repel al obstacles his reason ought to serve him in examining his designs his prudence to make choise of those means which are most likely to obtain an happy successe and his Anger to make him quick in action Last of all he delay not the exposing himself to combates where his prudence tell him there is not any danger but knowing that fortune is the friend of courage and doth often favour the bold he assaults his enemies as soon as ever his prudence hath given Orders for the fight he carrieth deeply engraved in his heart that saying of Salust They who are most fearful run most hazards and sure it is confidence is a rampart and every thing gives way to him who fals in with courage as every thing repelleth him who is carried away with cowardize To apprehend resistance is to be half overcome and he who scornes danger is half master of his enterprise Valour is very needful for the obtaining of an happy successe in all afâ—airs Fire is the noblest of all the Elements because it worketh quickest and nothing resisteth it and that man is most to be commended for his courage who acteth the most boldly and whom no dangers are able to affright It is also true that resoluteness doth oftentimes bring a good issue where prudence and counsel had no part whence it 〈◊〉 appears that in many affairs of war long deliberation is unnecessary and often prejudical in the successe of attempts besides the diminishing of his honour who conducteth them Something must be ventured and where there is no clear demonstration of a good successe there a good resolution seconded with judgment will go far which once concluded on then comes action into play and the sword to execute The Prince of Piedmont comes to Suze with full power from the Duke of Savoy to Treat with the King PResently after this victory the King sent to summon the Governour of the Fort Jaillon belonging to the Duke of Savoy bordering upon Suze to surrender he refused it but not long after fled with 300 men into the mountains and left the Fort to the Country people who left it to the King who put â—00 Soldiers in guard there At the same time his Majesty caused some forces to march to Roussillon a league and half from Suze being in all about an 1000 foot and 2000 Horse under the Command of the Marshals de Creiquy and Bassompierre who were saluted by those in the Cittadel of Suze with about 1000 musket and 200 great shot but no hurt onely the wounding of about a dozen men This insolency of theirs made his Majesty resolve to assault the Cittadel and for that purpose the Regiment Estissac was drawn out upon the top of Mount Brunet which adjoyneth to it In the mean while hearing that the Duke of Savoy began to repent his being engaged with the Spaniards and opposing of the French fearing belike and that not without good reason that his State would be seized on as a punishment of his rashness his Majesty sent the Sieur de Seneterre towards him to understand with he did intend to do and to let him know that if he would hearken to an accomodation that his Majesty out of his natural goodness and in consideration of Madam his Sister would forget what was past without making any other advantage of his victories onely for the assisting of his design to raise the siege of Cazal he expected to be assured of the passages for the conveyance of victuals to his Army and to be furnished with all things to revictual it paying for what he had The Duke thought himself very happy to be quiet upon such slender terms and presently dispatched the Prince de Piedmont towards the Cardinal to make the Treaty inpowering him to give his Majesty all content The Prince came to Suze and the same day it was concluded with Monsieur the Cardinal that the Duke of Savoy should give free passage through his Country to the Kings Army that he should furnish the markets both to Cazal and back again that he should contribute to the revictualling of Cazal by furnishing victuals and munition of war for which his Majesty should pay him withal that in future he should open such passages as the King should desire and should set out as many Soldiers for the securing of Montferrat if need were as his Majesty should think fit that for the better assurance of his promise his highness should presently deliver the Cittadel de Suze a the Fort de Gelasse into his Majesties hands and shortly after things being thus concluded he came to salute his Majesty and rendred him all kinds of respect Politique Observation NOthing is so requisite in a Prince as to attempt all things with Justice and such as are within his power without this he will inevitably fall into confusion and see himself exposed to as much shame as he proposed glory Imprudence is the spring of ill successe and rashness throws a Prince into the Gulph of confusion it inforceth the courages of those who have more heat than judgment charming them with a certain show of glory for which it makes them hope but indeed onely to engage them in greater disasters True generosity consisteth not in a blind impetuous rage which adventures upon all without considering the power or weighing the design by the Laws of prudence but it follows a medium between defect and excess Holding the head too high doth oftentimes throw down into praecipices and the want of prudence is no lesse dangerous for it oftentimes obligeth to discover not onely a deficiency of power but also of heart That Prince is greatly to be blamed who falls upon a King incomparably more powerful than himself and who pretends with an handful of men to oppose that which at last he will be forced to grant It is no shame for necessity to take the Law of one that is more powerful but if power prevail the who is forced to it is discredited with interest besides in passages how strait or difficult soever they be he cannot be able to defend himself from the danger which is falling on him unless he be very strong seeing that enemy who comes to assault him with a great Army will at last force him although they loose some men in the gaining it Commonly there
cuts and rends the air on every side So likewise a great Minister cannot be moved at any shocks of Fortune his courage never permitting her to Triumph in the least over his resolution or to Byas him from the Laws of Prudence the rule of all his conduct and this it is you will find our Cardinal to practise in all and every the transactions of this year The Promotion of the Arch-bishop of Lions and Monsieur Bagny to the Cardinalship I Will begin with the Honours which the King procured his holiness to bestow with the Cardinals Hats on the Arch-bishop of Lions and Monsieur Bagny the Popes Nuntio The great Worth of the former at the least equalized that honour of the Cardinalship and his sublime vertue made it apparent to all the World that to have left him in the solitudes of a Cloyster had been a great injury and wrong to the whole Church I shall not need say more of him then that he was the Cardinals Brother seeing that qualification were sufficient to render him capable of so eminent a dignity The King who slips not any occasion of acknowledging the services which he had done both to his Person and Estate could not endure to see him have a Brother in the Church and not advanced to the utmost degree of Honour which the French are capable of and the Pope had but too much assurance and knowledge of the great advantages he had procured to the Church so that he could not do lesse then honour his Brother with a hat seeing it was not in his power to raise himself to any higher Eminency It s true by the Laws of the Roman Court it is not permitted that two Brothers be Cardinals at the same time But as these Laws are not so considerable as those of gratitude and acknowledgment so his Holiness did not so much as once scruple at it And for that which concerns Monsieur de Bagny besides the custome of ordinarily conferring the Cardinalship on such as have for some time resided neer his Majesty in the quality of his Holiness Nuntio which seems to give him some right or claim to the Hat His own Worth which rendered him deserving in the judgments of all the Grandees in the Kingdom not only of the Cardinalship but even of the Papal Miter every one predicting that he would one day wear is invied nay enforced the King to contribute his utmost to obtain it for him and not only that but the quality of his Genius caused every one to conclude that he would one day be very considerable in the Court of Rome when before he had arrived to that pitch of Honour he could not but be very advantageously useful to the Interests of France which upon frequent occasions depend upon their well management in the Consistory Politique Observation ALthough the Cardinals are not regarded in France but as Princes who are strangers Yet this their promotion doth not render them lesse useful or important to the State they being more considerable then other Princes of the same condition by reason of the affairs which are daily negotiated with his Holiness the Pope and indeed ought to be respected as the principal conservators under the King of the Liberties and Franchises of the French Church and State they being his Majesties Chief Ministers in Ordinary neer the Pope and it hath been alwayes held necessary that there were some one of this quality either a French man by Nation or at least very affectionate by Nature to the Interests of France who might cordially advance the designs and concerns of the French King and Church with his Holiness the Pope And from hence it came to passe that if they were naughty French little affectionate either to the State or his Majesties Person or infected with the Maximes of Spain that great Inconveniences befell as hath been heretofore seen and for my particular I believe it to be safer for his Majesty to permit France to be with out any rather then such Cardinals But we live not in an age which hath any reason to complain of such an unhappiness seeing France oweth the restauration of its greatness and glory to the Cardinal as to the Prime and first of second Causes which Act under the King for to him chiefly belongs the Honour in that he had so great an influence upon the Popes disposition that he gave the Italians themselves a just occasion to say that his Holiness was turned Cardinal The dispatch of the Marshal d' Etree to the Commonwealth of Venice concerning the Affairs of the Duke of Mantua I Shall passe from the consideration of those reasons of State which might be made upon the aforesaid Lords Promotion to the Cardinalship that I may tell you how about the end of the foregoing year Fortune being become seldome favourable to the house of Austria or their Arms the Imperialists found themselves so oppressed with diseases and incumbred with sicknesses and necessities that they were enforced to raise the siege of Mantua But it was as if they had only withdrawn themselves into their Winter quarters The Duke of Mantua was vigilant for the preservation of his State and well knew the ambitious humor of Spain which had sought all occasions for fifty years past to render themselves Masters of Italy and would not now bee wanting to reassume their former design in causing new Troops to come from Germany and in giving better Orders and Instructions then heretofore that they might give new life to their intentions and designs This moved him to make addresses to the King that he would be pleased to interpose his Authority with the Venetians to induce them to raise an Army and make themselves Masters of the field which would discourage the Imperialists to return or make any more approaches towards Mantua This request of his was granted and the Marshal d' Estree dispatched towards Venice about the beginning of January to treat there concerning those succours with order to retirs himself into Mantua after the conclusion of his Embassie according as the Cardinal had perswaded the King to be most proper before he had began his Journy thither And thus it being business of no small importance for the Venetians to hinder the Spaniard from seating himself so neer them as Mantua His Dominion being like the Eagles Feathers which frets and eateth away those which are next and neerest unto it they readily imbraced the protection of the said Duke of Mantua and chose the Duke of Candal for their General and gave him after many importunities continually suggested by the Marshal d' Estree about twelve thousand foot and three thousand Horse to which were joyned the Regiments of Candale and Valette which were about three thousand men a piece sent by the King Politique Observation IT is very necessary to know the designs of an Enemy before he be in a condition to put them in Execution and this foresight is so much the more commendable by how much it
with the Prince of Piedmont upon the Bridge of Beauvoisin there to determine what should be done designing that this interview should entertain them with specious hopes and so prevent their absolute breach with him and seizure on the Passages by force of Arms. The Cardinal very well knew there was nothing to be thought on but to be done that was to open the Passages and furnish the Markets as it had been resolved on so that after a full debate with himself what honour he was bound to render to this Prince being the Kings Brother-in-law he concluded that in going to confer with him who had falsified his word and intended nothing but to surprize him he should do an act quite contrary to the Kings Majesties Grandeur who had done him the honour to make him Lievtenant of his Army so that he absolutely declined this meeting as well knowing that the Duke of Savoy's design in it was to amuse and delay the Army in their march and by this means to disperse and bring them by little and little to nothing so the Cardinal advanced to Embrun not being willing to come near Suze lest in case the Army should want rest they should there meet with many inconveniences and eat out all their store of Provisions Politique Observation IT cannot be denied but that it is a basenesse in a General to go meet him who hath broke his word and who designs in his interview nothing more then the losse of his Army If he will needs go meet him let it be with his sword in his hand to chastise him for the injuries he hath done I am of the same opinion with the Grand Cosmo de Medicis who said a man may forgive his enemies their faults but its fit to punish the offences of such as call themselves our friends and under that notion betray us But if a King or he who represents his person do not desire satisfaction or to revenge the injuries which are offered unto them yet it would be ignominious to go meet and confer with a Prince who aims at nothing but his own interest and advantage This were to be defective both in the Rules of Prudence and Valour Besides those conferences of face to face between incensed Princes do rather increase their hatred then breed any hearty good will between them and of this Plutarch hath well adjudged upon that conference between Pompey and Lucullus And Tacitus in his Annales upon the meeting between Germanicus and Pison It 's true the place design'd by the Duke of Savoy was proper enough and such as hath been sometimes used between Princes and great Commanders who have chosen to meet upon Bridges in the middest of which Rails and Barriers have been set up to prevent any attempts of either party And thus Lewis the Eleventh met Edward King of England as Philip de Commines hath it upon the Bridge of Pequinis But the same Historian doth much dis-approve of such meetings between Princes in the midst of their discontents and esteemeth it more to the Purpose that they should refer the accommodation of such mis-understandings to their Officers and Ministers of State who have not resented any offence done to their private and particular persons The Duke of Savoy's Artifices discovered by the Cardinal of Richelieu BY this refusal of the Cardinal the Duke of Savoy concluded that all his designs were discovered and misdoubting that a just punishment would follow he had another trick to take to which was he granted the Passages and Marts but in such places as were accessible by none but Bears and if those were not approved of he promised others but with this reserved resolution that he would so long delay the furnishing the Army with Victuals and other necessaries that in effect it should not passe at all The Cardinal whose Soul fore-sees the Effects in their Causes guessing he would flie to such tricks and shifts gave advice of it to the King His Majesties Orders soon came which were to accept of no other ways then those usually called the military it being impossible to lodge the Troops in any of the other Passages but most facile for his Majesties enemies if they had but as much power as they had ill will both to impede their march and indeed totally to ruine them So the Cardinal utterly refused any other ways the difference now was concerning the Markets which the Duke indeavoured to retard with all his might and main that the Imperialists and Spaniards might have time enough to fortifie themselves in their Passages and places of Mantua and Montferrat and that he might force the Army to break up either by mutiny or famine The Duke gave out that theâ—e was no Corn in Savoy though it was well known there had been great quantities brought thither from Bresse Dauphine and Bourgogne and that which the King sent from Nice had been likewise already received He demanded a greater rate too for Provisions then had been agreed on which however the Cardinal submitted to that he might take away all occasions of excuses and paid down the advance money Notwithstanding all this there were fifteen days spun out in which he had not provided one loaf for the whole Army creating every day new difficulties and in conclusion would open no other Passage but that of Candâ—n which in Summer was good enough but at that present so full of Boggs and Quagmires that they could not be passed but with very great danger so that all his whole proceeding for some time was nothing but a continued imposture and cheat that he might render his promises made to the King of opening the Passages and providing Victuals for the Souldiers ineffectual and to no purpose Politique Observation IT s usual amongst Princes who would deny any thing to their Allies rather to pretend an Impossibility or at least a most extraordinary difficulty then point blank to refuse them it must be granted for a prudent put off when such excuses are not contradictory to any promises formerly made which if they be they rather serve to condemn them of injustice If any great or notable losse insue as the destruction of an Army or the breaking a design it renders them for enemies and administers a good reason of commencing a War upon the Authors without breaking any Treaty He being reputed the first breaker of the Peace who gives the first occasion by his unjust Combinations and Practises not he who first takes up Arms. As Procope the Armenian Embassadour suggested to Cosroes King of Persia when he advised him to take up Arms against Justinian Indeed he who would serve himself with such excuses had need be well assured that he is the stronger for admitting him to be the weaker the punishment of his falsenesse will be unavoidable there being no one thing so difficult as for a weak and low person to attempt and enterprise the deceiving and crafty undermining of others who are more able and want neither
own interest who will become spies to give intelligence and agents to draw others into their opinions It seems rigorous indeed that the innocent should suffer with the nocent but how prejudicial would it be to the Common-wealth if not so better it were to preserve the publike tranquility severity then to indaâ—ger it by lenity Never was there yet Law made for the publike good which was not attended with some inconveniences to particular persons and he who would make Laws in which no particular man should be interessed will but deceive himselâ— for want of penetrating into the consequences The best course which can be followed is ever to prefer the universal beâ—ore a particular good remembring that wise saying of Tacitus that all exemplary acts have somwhat of evil in them but the injury they do particular men will be abundantly recompenced by the publick advantage Prosecution of the History THus you have the several Intreagues and the strange attempts which they who abused the favours of the Queen-mother and Monsieur used during this year contrary to their allegiance the Kings Authority and the tranquility of the Kingdom You have likewise the courses which were taken to impede their designs which ended in the ruine of the Complotters The Cardinal used such care addresse and Prudence that all their attempts were only like so many impressions made upon the clouds which vanish with the first breath of Wind they were like Bullets shot at random like blows in the air and like pictures in the water which the waves do as soon deface as designed The Pilot seems sufficiently employed during the Tempest if he preserve his Vessel from the violence of the Winds and fury of the Waves his presence and command being necessary to guide all those who have any charge to the performance of their Offices and his prudence to incourage them to go through stitch with any thing which conduceth to his happy successe so it is hard to beleeve that a Minister of State hath not as much employment as humane wit can undergo when he is obliged to defend himself and the State too from the violence of a faction headed by the chief persons of the royal family seeing he must necessarily every day issue out a thousand several Orders and hardly will any one beleeve that he can be capable of any other thoughts whiles he is agitated in such furious Tempests True it is the highest pitch of glory that a Minister in such encounters can attain to is to avoid shipwrack Experience hath made it evident that great Souls can passe further on and that as the intelligences though taken up in their contemplation and love of the Divinity yet cease not to be solicitous of things here below or neglect the protection of Princes Kingdomes and particular persons so likewise Heaven doth sometimes produce certain sublime wits endued with courage addresse and prudence enough to undertake such encounters a thousand other noble enterprises besides the conservation of the State Hath not all Europe found it so in the Cardinal who without shewing any trouble at all the attempts this year made to embroil France and destroy it under which any other but himself would have sunk not only rendred them successelesse but re-established the Duke of Mantua and defended the Princes of Germany whom the House of Austria had almost swallowed up a thing which I cannot sufficiently admire and of which I find my self obliged to say something that it may serve for instruction in the Government of States Affairs of Germany I Will begin with the assistance of the German Princes concluded with the King of Sweden in January at which time these factious agents did their utmost to destroy this great Minister We have demonstrated in the precedent year with how much justice the King of Sweden entred Germany to defend the liberty of some Princes oppressed by the House of Austria who were allied unto him as also to this Crown and who were not only driven out of their Principalities but also reduced to such extremity that they knew not how to live We have likewise seen that he was the more readily induced to defend them in regard himself had received some injuries from the Emperour particularly when the Emperour caused his Letters sent unto the Prince of Transilvania to be opened and falsly interpreted when he sent the Duke of Holsace with a great Army under his own Colours to make War upon him in Prusse when he confiscated the Ships and Merchandises of the Swedes formerly landed in the Towns of Germany when he not only refused audience to his Embassadours and denied them answer but commanded them upon pain of their lives presently to depart the Empire and when he refused by way of scorn his proffer of Peace in confidence of destroying him not thinking him able to sustain the force of his Arms. The Cardinal knew that a Prince received no lesse glory from defending his Allies then from curbing the Ambition of his Neighbours and therefore thought himself obliged to perswade his Majesty not to forsake the King of Sweden and Princes of Germany in so important an occasion He knew no War was more lawfull then that which tends to the keeping of confederate Princes in their Dominions and to revenge any injuries offered unto them Hence it was that having taken order for the interests of the Catholick Religion in Germany he perswaded his Majesty to conclude and sign the Treaty of Alliance with the King of Sweden the conditions whereof had been concluded about three or four moneths before His Majesty engaged to assist him with Men and Money as he then did and the King of Sweden expresly engaged not to attempt any thing in prejudice of the Church in the Catholick Towns of which he might possibly become Master our invincible Monarch not thinking it enough to follow the generous sentiments of his justice which led him to secure those Princes from oppression unlesse accompanied with those of his Piety so he could not resolve to assist an Heretick King without precaution for the interest of the Church that those violences which are the usual effects of Arms might not be attributed but to the disorders which do necessarily follow the Camp Politique Observation THat War is just saith St. Ambrose which is undertaken in defence of the weak or the Allies of a State against those who oppresse them St. Augustine teacheth us that those Arms are justifiable which are taken up to revenge injuries The defence of Confederates is one of those actions which doth most of all set off a Kings glory and raise it to the highest pitch of greatnesse Nothing doth more assimilate them to the Divinity then the stretching out of their hands to support the weak the protecting of whom is an act well-beseeming their Majesties He who never ought to divide his Crown to any one ought however let his Arms be common to other Soveraigns for their defence They who do otherwise
their rage but a wise Prince will easily be inclined to quit his Arms when those three grand causes do cease which are the usual occasions of War The Philosophers say the effect is no longer necessary when the cause ceaseth to act which ought not only to be understood of the efficient but also of the final cause it being reasonable to abstain from such actions when the end which first stirred us up doth no longer ingage us besides he is compelled as it were to make peace abroad when any intestine War calls him to look home The discreet Physitian gives the same counsel by his example when he is much more solicitous of those evils ingendred within the body then those which only appear upon the skin Civil Wars concern the preservation of a State forraign Wars are only usefull for glory or power Now as that which is necessary is still to be preferred before that which is profitable he ought so much the sooner to recal such forces to remedy that disorder which threatens him within it being almost impossible to give order at the same time both for one and the other in fine â—e ought to make peace after the obtaining those advantages which he could expect either from fortune or his own conduct The successe of War is not alwaies the same and it is difficult to make good fortune to last alwaies Victories do not alwaies depend upon Prudence Fortune hath her share in them It is not to be avoided but that after a long Calm the Vessel should meet with a Storm maugre the Prudence or the Pilot so likewise it is impossible that after divers advantages obtained in War some misfortune should not happen Hannibal was alike couragious both in Affrick and Italy yet after his return to Carthage he was no longer successefull in his Arms. This is one of the reasons which hath induced the Sages to advise great Captains to withdraw upon their advantage lest they lose the glory which they had formerly obtained What it is that makes Cazal considerable to the Spaniards THis advice were fit for the Spaniard to follow that he might stop himself in the enjoyment of those great successes which fortune hath bestowed upon them under Ferdinand Charles the Fifth and Philip the Second but their Ambition will hardly give them leave so to do They made it apparent in this particular where they shewed themselves totally averse from Peace unto which his Majesty was so easily inclined they testifying by their actions that their chief design was to hinder the Duke of Mantua's peaceable enjoyment of his States They perswaded themselves that the Court being divided by those Tares which they had sowed and which they manured with such care in the minds of the Queen-mother and Monsieur France neither would nor could long sustain the War in Italy and withall as they could not imagine but the Queen-mother would in fine attain her wil in the Cardinals destruction they concluded that that once effected Cazal would easily be reduced to their obedience which his discreet conduct kept safe from them Montferrat of which Cazal is the strongest place is a Country of small extent yet of great importance to the design which they have a long time had upon Italy Untill this present they have been forced to sit still in the out-bounds Naples and Millan and true it is this is one of the principal objects which hinders the conquest of the rest could they but once joyn their German with their Italian power they would soon be Masters of the whole therefore have they indeavoured it for so many years but without Cazal all their attempts are vain that place alone being a Bul-wark to block up the passage of any Troops which passe from Germany to Millan This is indeed that which makes Cazal so considerable the not having whereof is the more important in regard their power is bounded in at the Fort of Fuentes which being so they resolved to give their Embassador in Savoy full power to conclude any thing in his Master's behalf an artifice full of injustice but which ceased not to be very proper for their design for that he not being party to the Treaty it will still be free for him to break it by refusing to subscribe those Propositions which concerned his interest However as Princes never want pretences for the most unjust designs they would not own this Artifice and the Cloak with which they covered it was that fighting under the Emperours Colours there was no need of any one to treat in their behalfs but after all their indeavours to prevent the execution of the Treaty then concluded they made it apparent that this reason of theirs was only a pretence and that their true design was to hinder the peace that they might make new attempts upon Cazal Politique Observation THat Ambition which is sometimes favoured with good successe hath much much ado to relinquish its enterprises though unjust It is an errour to think Fortune is blind because she distributeth her favours inconsiderately and without forecast for that God himself whose eyes are clearer then the Sun is the Author of whatever befalls man-kind Well may she be painted without eyes when as she doth usually blind those whom she doth at any time oblige with the least extraordinary successe A Prince accustomed to conquer proposeth no law in prosecution of his Will though that right be inherent in God alone Little doth he consider the condition which his birth hath given him and the passion of growing great at his neighbours expence doth so transport him that he thinks he hath right enough if he have but power to conquer them he flatters himself in the belief that those Monarchies which are this day held with most justice are grounded upon no other Titles then the swords of those that first founded them The desire of Dominion which transporteth him rendreth him careless of dying the earth with blood if he may but subjugate more people to himself and of making the world groan under the violence of his arms if he may but get a new addition to his authority It makes him forget that he is a man and consequently that he is subject to the Laws of Death and equally liable with the meanest Cottager to render an account of his actions that the usurpation of anothers right shutteth the gates of heaven against him and that ambition it self is a punishment to those whom it possesseth augmenteth their inquietudes with the encrease of their powers Who knoweth not that it is not the greatness of Kingdoms which maketh Kings greatly happy that the desire of conquest is accompanyed with more pain and hazard then pleasure that those Princes who will subjugate all men are hated by all men and are oftentimes reduced to a non-plus just when they think to extend the bounds of their Empire to the utmost That it is no more just to usurp the power of a Soveraign Prince then to commit murder
That God who is the Judge of Kings taketh pleasure to abase their insolence and to cast them down when they think themselves highest To be short the most sure and agreeable Dominion is that which hath justice for its Basis That the Duke of Mantua's Right doth not prejudice the Emperour THe Emperour had been disabused by the Sieur de Leon of those ill impressions which the Spanish Ministers had instilled into him concerning those Forces which the King had sent into Italy He was informed with the true reasons which engaged him to undertake the Duke of Mantua's protection which was such as did not at all prejudice the Rights of the Empire seeing he had never any thoughts of hindring that Prince form rendring to his Imperial Majesty all those devoirs which could be expected by him He was informed with the Duke of Mantua's pretensions who had no other crime then that of being a Frenchman and therefore odious to the Spaniards to deprive whom of his lawful Succession were to commit an insupportable outrage and to force the most Christian King to protect him At length his eyes were opened to discover the disguisments wherewith the Spaniards had surprized him to the end they might employ the power of the Empire to carry on their ambitious designs in Italy whereupon from a Scholar being made Master of the Affair he resolved to put an end to it and accordingly sent unto the Baron de Galas a full power to conclude with the Ambassadors of France upon some means to execute the Treaty of Ratisbonne and to establish an happy peace in Italy promising to invest the Duke of Mantua in that which belonged unto him his Majesty being readily disposed to make a surrender to the Duke of Savoy These are the true reasons which induced the Emperour to this resolution yet it cannot be denied but that necessity compelled him to it for the King of Swede had already made a great progress in Germany and done great exploits so that had not the Emperour presently recalled his Forces from Italy he would soon have over-run the whole He likewise knew how the Christian King had made a Treaty of alliance with him for the defence of his Confederates and that he must undoubtedly fall in that war if he did not unite his scattered forces to sustain the charge of two so great Powers Politique Observation NOthing is more powerful to reduce Princes to reason than necessity whose Laws are more absolute then those of their Power they know nothing but the Divinity and that above them somtimes it is a trouble to them to admit it especially when it thwarts their ambition yet it cannot but be thought happy when it forceth their arms out of their hands and leads them to a fair accomodation The most discreet do the more willingly submit to its Laws in regard no one can be blamed for following that condition which necessity imposeth a good excuse in the greatest faults somtimes it is so favourable as to lead them to victory by obliging them to attempt it when they least expected it at other times it is content to settle them in peace by a reducing them to a disability of prosecuting war In fine they must subscribe to its pleasure for necessity it is which imposeth the Law upon them but receiveth none from them they being in this respect in the same condition with meaner persons Hence it was that â—halâ—s being demanded what was the strangest thing in nature answered Necessity because it surpasseth all things Are not Castles in themselves impregnable forced by necessity to surrender What saith Quintâ— Curtius Necessity hath a more absolute Empire in Arms then reason it self Is there any Rhetorick which can perswade the mind more efficaciously There is no power which is not obliged to reâ—der it obedience Prosecution of the Subject WE now come to speak of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua Who can doubt of their inclinations to Peace when it was the only means to re-establish them in their States It is a trouble to behold the earth languishing under the rigours of a tedious Winter covered with Ice and Snow and over-spread with torrents of waters But it is much more troublesome to a Prince to see his Sâ—ates in the possession of others his people oppressed by the burthens of War his Towns and Villages forsaken hiâ— Fields unmanured and the Earth dyed with the blood of the dead These were indeed the reasons which obliged Monsieur the Duke of Mantua to entertain the Sieur Priaudy still neer him that he might propose such overtures of peace to him as presented themselves to his thoughts and which induced the Duke of Savoy to send about the beginning of the year the Comte de Drouin to assure the King of his Respects and Affection to contribute his utmost to his Majesties service He well found that the Spaniards chief design was to advance their affairs at his expences and that on the contrary his Majesty who hath evermore fought rather for glory in the defence of his Allies then to usurp their estates had not over-run Savoy and Piedmont until he was necessitated to it by his denying assistance whence it was that he no longer doubted that it would more advance the recovery of his estates to keep a fair correspondence with France then to follow the interests of Spain Politique Observation THere is not any condition more to be pityed then that of a Prince despoiled of his Estates The impotency to which he is reduced is so much the more insupportable by how much the memory of his former Authority doth constantly present it self unto him and his Poverty is the greater in regard of his former plenty Such great â—alls do carry some shame with them especially to such who have been the Authors in some sort of their own miseries We do not hold them to be so much Philosophers as to be content with what Fortune hath left or that they would live in any other condition then their former they are likewise the more impatient of being restored to their estates for that they know Authority if once degraded falls to ruine if not quickly re-instated The Pilot who finds his Vessel beaten by the Tempest his Masts broken his Sails rent his Cordage torn and his Ship leaky bends all his thoughts how to get into Port and a Prince considering his places to be in the hands of his enemies his Revenue sequestred his Country forraged his Subjects fugitives and his Forces reduced to an impossibility of securing themselves from a total ruine is in perpetual trouble until he finds himself restored by a Treaty oâ— Peace The Deputies of the Christian Princes for the Treaty of Peace THese are the inclinations about the beginning of this year of the several Princes who had taken part in the War of Italy or the Interest of Monsieur de Mantua The Pope who is the common Father did not a little contribute to bring things to this pass
any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies it cannot be without danger and somtimes loss to their Countries whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful no one will think of invading them Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body yet it standeth in need of those others and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs hath so established them that they have all occasion to make use of one another This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Alliances but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms that he begins to be terrible On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors because contracting an Alliance with such they not only augment their own Power but weaken that of their enemy and make him incapable of further mischief It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy to take a care that he hath not two for their power being united will be more terrible Thus the Comte de Chaâ—olois son to Philip Duke de Burgogne was very sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third and the less able to hurt him His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen In order hereunto the Sieurs de Moleres de Razilly and de Chaalar were sent to the King of Morocco that an Alliance might be contracted with him and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Barbary He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs that they were well received The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral At â—heir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides and two Companies of Souldiers The King gave them present audience and with as much honour as they could wish so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions whose liberty was presently granted the King of Morocco not taking any thing for their ransom to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty It is true indeed he accepted a Present of Stuffs worth an hundred thousand Livres which the King sent to him â—et his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Master would send unto him to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspondency with him The next thing under consideration was the articles of alliance for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries which was presently accorded the substance of it was thus that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass should not in future be made slaves nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods according to their usual custome that for the better continuing their correspondence Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States but on condition not to exercise their Functions unless only to the French The Treaty was signed and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls at Morocco Male and Saphy In fine The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country Politique Observation IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable the gains being greater and more just That of the Land how advantagious soever seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent and somtimes more and that without giving the least cause of complaint Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable and great States vastly rich and abounding with all sorts of commodities There is another reason which rendreth it the more important and that is Princes being bound to make themselves powerful as well by Sea as by Land which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness for it renders them the more redoubted It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea unless a provision of Ships be made to secure them otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element is the more feared by his Neighbours in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land in case they should presume to offend him Cosmo de Medicis first Duke of Tuscany and the ablest Politician of his time said That a Soveraign can never gain an high repute unless he joyn both those Powers together which are to a State as the Arms to the Body This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable were they but deprived of it they would soon grow weak and poor but maintaining that Power as they do in a good equipage by a long tract of time they want nothing but are capable of undertaking great expeditions Hath not this enabled the Hollanders though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men to sustain the whole power of Spain What makes Gâ—noa so rich but this power by Sea And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories and we know that our late King Henry le grand whose Prudence was no less advantagious to this Kingdom then his Courage was extreamly desirous to settle it in France after he allayed those storms of Civil War to which end he gave order unto the President Janin when he was treating with the Hollanders to learn of them what was necessary in that particular The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Monsieur out of the Kingdom his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instruction of their Processe and to chastise those who were found guilty was not willing to let it fall into their cognizance He well knew that Kings ought not to expose their authority to be dis-respected as his would have been if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders should neglect to prosecute them as was much to be feared they would Those
one of the greatest marks of their Authority God entrusting them to dispence Justice hath not only appointed them to chastise the people but likewise to make Laws and Statutes which may serve for a Rule of their Government Hence the Lawyers say That Princes Will is Law Democracy ascribeth this power to the People but Monarchy restraineth it to Kings only and acknowledgeth no Laws but what are signed by their Majesties Now as the power of making Laws is in them so is that of changing and adding according as they shall think fit if they had not this power we should have no other Laws then those of Nature imprinted in the heart of man by the meer instinct of reason or such as were made by the first Father of Mankind All the Volumns of Theodosius and Justinian might be burnt and those of our Kings too as so many attempts against the liberty of the people because they have been but of late Creation there being none so ancient but what did once savour of Novelty Were not this to put the people into an extream licentiousnesse and to shut our eyes against reason which teacheth us that the Kings of this age have no lesse power then those of old who in their Laws have included what-ever they thought necessary and which could not tye up their Successors hands from following their examples left unto them It is a vulgar error to imagine that to alter Laws must needs be dangerous Without just consideration indeed it ought not to be done but when there happens any such to be the alteration of them cannot but be advantagious it being impossible that the first Law-makers should foresee all inconveniences which being so their Successors have power to change or abrogate them as occasion shall require Absolutely to reject Laws because they are new is but a Cynical humour seeing the antiquity of them cannot be a just denyal to the use of several others which have since been ordained neither can novelty be a sufficient reason to impower those which are at present in use Vlpian saith Kings may change any Laws into better and Cicero pleading against Verres very boldly saith That the ancient ought to be left and the new received when there is a probability of advantage by it All France hath commended Hugh Capet for changing that law which called all the male children to the succession of the Crown and stiâ—l will approâ—e of those changes which tend to preserve the Royal Authority in its luster The Cardinal is created Duke and Peer of France THe King having established all things so firmly in France that none of the factious Caballists could trouble the Peace and restored the Princes and People of Italy to their Liberties by the Treaty of Queraâ—que it was but just that the Cardinals services should be rewarded with some new Titles of Honour in regard those important affairs had been managed by his discreet counsels No one can doubt but that the Quality of Duke and Peer was his just due seeing he had so gloriously acted the part of a Duke and Peer which as the French History relates is either to govern the Affairs of State or some particular Province by his Majesty's Order or else to command his Armies Was it not in these two employments that his prudence and courage so eminently appeared that all Strangers were no lesse terrified then the true Frenchmen rejoyced His Majesty who admires more then any one the eminence of his Genius having made the greatest experiments of him was not defective to confer this honour upon him His Majesty dispatched his letters unto him which carried in them an extraordinary recommendation it being seldome conferred on persons of his worth and after so many glorious actions They were confirmed by the Court not only without any difficulty but with high eulogiums and a particular acknowledgement of the good offices he had done in France In fine he went to take his Oath at the Palace on Sept 15. accompanied with Monsieur le Prince the Dukes of Montmorancy Chevreuse Rets Crequi Vantadour and Montbazon the Marâ—schal d' Estree Vitry and d' Effiat and many other Lords who desired to follow him to testifie by their presence how great an esteem they had of his services which rendred him worthy of so eminent a quality The Chambres were all assembled and coming into the great one he took his Oath to serve his King well and faithfully in his highest greatest and most important affairs to do Justice impartially both to poor and rich and to behave himself in all things like a most vertuous most generous and most magnanimous Duke and Peer of France and then he took his place beneath all the rest of the Dukes Amongst these great honours I cannot omit one remarkable passage that as the greatest Genius are the most modest and scorn inferiour men who esteem of nothing but an extraordinary honour so he would not pass by the great Gate of the Palace where many thousands attended him but by a private door where he might not be seen because he desired not to be publikely commended as the custome alwaies was on such occasions and indeed the most eloquent of the Barreau would have found themselves gravelled to have done it his Actions and Qualities being above expression Politique Observation A King ought never to forget the rewarding of extraordinary services with marks of honour for glory is the Nurse of Vertue and reward ought to follow all Actions accompanyed with Courage and Valour so that it is unjust not to reward those advantages which a grand Minister procureth to the Crown It is likewise true that honourable Qualities cannot more justly be conferred on any then those that do honourable actions seeing the most significant names are given to Subjects only in consideration of their ordinary Actions Now the name of Duke most properly belongeth to him who leads an Army in War and manageth affairs of State in peace under the King's Authority In this sence the primitive Gauls took it and it is most conformable to the Etymologie of the word Those are the Offices which Justâ—nian ascribeth in his Institutes to a person of this Quality Ancient Authors do not observe that this was taken for any constant Honour until Diocâ—esian and Constantine in whose time the Governours of Provinces and Frontiers and Generals of Armies were called Dukes and Masters of War as may be seen in Amienus Marcellinus Tacitus indeed who lived under Trajane called Generals of Armies Dukes but it was only a temporary Quality which lasted no longer then their Commands It was under the later Emperours and our first Kings that this qualification was annexed to any particular person and made permanent as may be seen in Gregory de Tours the most ancient of our Historians where it is observed how Kingâ— â—â—ntram gave the Dukeship and Government of the whole Kingdom for five years unto Eudistus At that rime indeed this quality was not so fixed but
make himselt Master of them but that so doing he followeth the most ancient Law of the world which gives leave to the strong to take whatever they lay hold of This indeed is not tolerable by the Law of Christianity which hath ordained Justice to bound in the covetous Ambition of Princes although birth and succession in States at this present are bars enough to defend them Usurpation was pardonable in Caesar who lived in Paganism but he who professeth himself a Christian ought to regulate his designs by the Law of Jesus Christ It is true indeed Ambition of all the passions of the Soul is most incurable because never to be totally eradicated and a Pince is the more obliged to suppresse such motions which perswade him to make himself Master of that which belongeth nothing to him in regard the vivacity of his spirit may raise a War in his own Country and the heat of his covetousnesse may without reason shed the blood and destroy the lives of his people It were to be wished that Princes were as solicitous to preserve the bloud of their subiects as Pericles the prime man of Greece in his time who being to die thought himself very happy that no Athenian had ever wore mourning through his occasion they would then be lovers of peace and the preservation of their subject would be powerfull enough to extinguish the heat of their Ambition it being most certain that the usurper of anothers right pulleth his Arms against his own State and indangereth his Subjects to undergo a thousand mis-fortunes ANNO 1632. EVery one esteems the work of those poor men as unprofitable who that they may inlarge their habitations do build and make incroachments upon the Banks of large Rivers whose Waters upon the first great rain break out of their Channels and by a thousand re-inforced Waves carry away whatever opposeth their violence it being certain they will not spare the weak indeavours of their hands Who will not in like manner conclude the attempts of a petty Prince to be equally vain who that he may gain some repute and make himself considerable offereth violence to the glory of a great Monarch whose victorious Arms are soon able to reduce the forgetfull to their duties and to over-run whatever resisteth his power Just thus ought we to consider the D. of Lorrain's rashness in taking of Vic in the Emperors name and fortifying it against France when as his Majesties Forces if bent against him could not but chastize his proceedings break his designs and render all his endeavours uselesse His Majesties recovery of it quickly shewed the whole world how vain his attempts were Neither did his Majesties Forces rest there for the Marshals de la Force and de Schomberg forthwith besieged Moyenvic which rendred upon composition and also invested Marsal a place of importance belonging to the Duke and one of those which his Predecessors had usurped from the Bishoprick of Mets. Now the Duke though mastered by ambition and filled with hatred against France was not however so sencelesse but that finding with what celerity Vic was reduced in despite of his Fortifications wherewith he had encompassed it he began to suspect lest all the rest of his Country might shortly run the same chance in case he had not the sooner recourse unto the Kings mercy rather then his own forces or power Hereupon he resolved to send unto his Majesty propositions of peace but in effect he was unwilling totally to relinquish his unjust designs which he would be sure to re-inforce whenever any favourable opportunity or an exâ—raordinary succour from the Emperour or Spaniard should afford him the means such deep root had the hatred which is almost natural to that Family against this Kingdom taken in him It is also true that finding himself straitned in point of time and knowing that the least delay would give the Kings Forces opportunity to take other places he at last resolved to go in person and meet the King at Mets that he might appease his Majesty by his feigned submissions and hinder the progresse of his Armies by a pretended Treaty of peace Had this resolution been frank and sincere the visit had been commendable but such was his malice against his Majesty that those things were the least of his thoughts Not but that he was particularly and I may say strictly obliged unto the King who was very carefull of his education during his youth which he spent in this Court who had patiently expected for eight years together the homage of Barr whereas be might justly have seized upon it within one year after the late Duke's death for non-performance thereof who had passed by the several troubles and intreagues raised by him and his against this State and Kingdom But all these things wrought not upon him and he continued insensible of them He sent word unto his Majesty that he was comming to wait on him and to give him al satisfaction accordingly he came to Mets upon the 26 of December with his face composed of sorrow and sadnesse for his late misbehaviour The King being informed of his approach neer Mets sent the Prince de Joinville with his own and the Queen Coaches who met him half a league from the City and conducted him to his lodging where his Majesty had given order to his Officers to defray his and his Retinues expences The Duke after a short repose went to see his Majesty and shewed himself very submissive protesting that he would flie unto no other refuge but his Majesties goodnesse in order to which alone it was that he had been so desirous of the honour to see him The King received him with all the demonstrations of kindnesse which an offended Majesty may be permitted to use and shortly after being entred into discourse freely told him that he would say before him an infallible sign of his ill-behaviour the Duke indeavoured to justifie himself but he could not alledge any other reason then only his being discontented with the Sieur de Bret Conseiller d' Estaâ— for having used too much rigour in the Borders of his Country in his Inquest concerning the Rights of the Crown of France and his having been assured from the Marshal de Marillac that his Majesty had resolved to invade and ruine him Unto this the King replied every one might justly enquire after â—is own Rights so that what rigours the Sieur de Bret had used were only the effects of Justice and as for matter of invading him with hostility there needed no other proof to assure him of thâ— contrary then that he would not at that time imploy his power any more against him in case he returned to his devoir whereas he then might easily ruine him it being impossible for those persons who had ingaged him in those imbroils to afford him any succour or relief whereas his Majesty would assuredly protect him from the victorious Arms of the Swedish King who was upon the point of
into Germany for it was no small blow unto the Emperour to draw away from him the Electors of Cologne and Treves the Duke of Baviers and divers other Catholick Princes that in some sense it wee to cut off one of his Arms and assuredly to destroy a third part of his strength that in conclusion he believed his Majesty of Swede was obliged in point of discretion to permit them to sit still provided they did totally decline the Emperour's asistance with whom alone he was ingaged that hereby convincing the World he intended not the subversion of Religion a thing much taking with the people it would evidently follow that his enemies would oppose him with the lesse resolution The King of Swâ—den received his Majesties request made by the Marquis de Breze with a great deal of honour but being a Prince of great understanding he forthwith â—ounded the depth of the Catholique Princes promises and made apparent unto him that their Proposals were not real that they had possessed his Christian Majesty with false impressions that they had drawn upon themselves the evils which they indured by their own unreasonable wilfulnesse contrary to the many fair invitations sent unto them of forsaking his enemies and injoying their estates in quiet under an indifferent contribution which he expected from them He likewise declared unto him the resolutions of the League concluded in the Assemblies of Lantshud and Ingolstat which were directly repugnant to these proposals as also the Duke of Baviâ—rs Letters who in the middest of his protestations of forbearing hostility did not however cease to raise forces fortifie Towns and send Letters of Exchange for the advancing of new Levies by all which it was evident enough that his designs tended only to linger out the time whereby he might take better aim in future The Marquesse de Breze replied unto him that in truth the evil designs of those Catholique Princes could no be executed in regard of he time pass'd especially after sight of their Letters yet it was to be hoped they would hereafter manage their affairs more advisedly if there were a Treaty concluded with them That the King his Master was far from countenancing their unjust pretences but that in case they should be reduced to reason as his Majesty well hoped and themselves had fairly promised he should then affectionately desire they might be permitted to sit still in order whereunto he requested there might be a cessation of Arms for fifteen days in which time some reasonable end might be concluded The King of Sweden promised to be willing for the Treaty in the behalf of France without which he should hardly have been perswaded to passe over the Duke of Baviers and the other Catholick Princes after those affronts received from them In fine it was no more then he might have desired he being too prudent not to observe how by granting them to become Neuters he did much weaken his enemies and how that satisfying the World he intended not an invasion of the Church the Emperours Forces would not be so zealous in his service by which means he might the easilier perfect their destruction Politique Observation IT is great Prudence in a Prince who undertaketh a War not to declare himself against Religion a thing which mightily incourageth them who defend it for that most think it glorious to spend their in the preservation thereof They are still put in mind of those Eternal heavenly rewards of which they shall becomâ— partakers so that if a Crown of Laurel proposed as a reward in the Olimpique Games could produce such great passion in those who entred the Lists how much more them will the assurance of a rich Crown proposed in the Heavens animate the courages of the Souldiers They are informed how the death with which they meet is not so much a death as a happy passage from death which leadeth them from the grave to immortality from unavoidable miseries to infinite goods from tears to unspeakable joy and from a fight to triumph Thus it being natural unto man-kind to be concern'd at the apprehension of great rewards it cannot be imagined how much they add unto the courage The most fearfull are stout and bold in defence of their Religion of which the primitive times of the Church have afforded us frequent examples seeing women and children have for the conservation of their Religion tryumphed over the greatest courages of Emperours He who never thought to go out of his own house willingly taketh up Arms when the Churches Liberty is in question The Jews saith Tacitus were not much concerned to die in their wars because they believed another life And Gaesar saith The Druides of France were unconquerable in the Field because they believed the Transmigration of Souls and took it for a shame to be fearful of losing that life which should be restored unto them again What resolution then would the Catholique have amidst their belief of another everlasting and most glorious life The Valour of man doth not so much consist in his bodily strength as the resolution of his soul and in that resolution which banisheth all sence of Fear from the heart which infuseth an universal heat and leadeth men on to surmount all kind of difficulties Now who knoweth not that one Faiths chiesest effects is to replenish the soul with an heavenly fire and to infuse it with power for the destruction of what ever resisteth the glory of God No passion doth so encourage as the zeal of Realigion it rendereth men sensless in all sufferings converteth stripes into pleasures causeth labour to be delightful and maketh the most cowardly and weak to become couragious A Treaty of the Catholique Princes of Germany with the King of Swede THe King of Swede having thought fit to suffer the Catholique Princes to become Neuters and consented to a cessation for fifteen days there were Articles drawn up and those the most reasonable that could be wished they implyed 1. That the League should forsake the Emperors Alliance and Interests and relinquish all Intelligence with him 2. That they should recall their Forces from the Imperial Army 3. That the Palatinate should be restored 4. That the Duke of Baviers and the other Catholick Princes should return unto the Protestant States whatever had been taken from them since the year sixteen hundred and eighteen 5. That they should not permit the Emperour to make any Levies in their States 6. That they should deposit some places in the King of Swede's hands for their performance of the Treaty 7. That in consideration of these agreements the King of Sweden should ingage not to use any acts of Hostility against them or exact any contributions from them There could not possibly be proposed any Articles more just then these whereby to settle the Princes in neutrality for in case they ceased to assist the Emperour the King of Swede would likewise forbear drawing any advantages from them and relinquish those which his Armies
had lately acquired There was not any one but this victorious Prince who had cause to except against them yet the honour he owed the King obliged him to sign them About the same time the Sieur de Varennes then near Sarbruck carried them in all diligence unto his Majesty and they were dispatched unto the persons interessed by sundry Courriers The King having received them sent the Sieur de Charnce unto the Duke of Baviers the Electors of Colâ—gne and Treves the heads of the League to induce them to confirm the Treaty He found them in such sensible apprehensions of the Swedish forces then ready to assault their Gates and hopelesse of repelling them and yet notwithstanding so passionately bent towards the Interests of the House of Austria that it was easie to perceive how all the Proposals of accommodation made unto the King by the Bishop of Wirtsbourg tended to no other end but to protract the proceedings of the Swidâ— and in the interim to strengthen themselves and then to make use of their advantages This inclination of theirs did not much surprise him for that the Cardinal who is not ignorant of any thing and whose Soul pierceth into the very depth of affairs had cold him that he could expect no other overtures from them yet his zeal for the Churches good so animated him that he was very pressing upon them to imbrace the means necessary for a good accommodation Indeed they ought to have duly considered thereof seeing the League which united them was called Catholique and two of them were Feclesiastiques But the first Article was the stumbling block of all for they could not find in their hearts to withdraw themselves from the Emperours Interests The Sieur de Charnace represented unto the Duke of Bavies how that he professing to imbrace the Churches interests ought to prefer the preservation thereof both in his own and his Neighbour States before all other considerations whatever and that being now the thing in question he ought much sooner to sorsake the house of Austria then indanger the other Notwithstanding these reasons he could not find the least inclination in him so to do but rather on the contrary the Duke publiquely declared he could not conclude upon it in regard of the great reason the Emperor would thereby have to complain against him unto which he replied that there was not any cause to apprehend the Emperours being discontented therewith seeing every Princes proper interest is to be preferr'd before all others whatever and that the resolving on this neutrality with the King of Swede was the only visible way to preserve his State from a ruine which else was unavoidable However this discourse though grounded upon reason and piety could not prevail upon him He said as much unto the Elector of Cologne unto whom he made his next address from his Majesty neither here could he effect any thing considerable so much were they disposed to uphold the Interests of the House of Austria before those of the Church as if they had not much regarded the beholding Gods houses demolished Altars profaned Sacred things plundered Priests and Religious men despoyled provided they might not see the House of Austria abased or reduced to the necessity of being contented with those States alone which did justry belong unto them It was a bewitching blindness not to be enough admired that these two Electors by embracing the Neutrality might preserve themselves their Religion and States and yet would by refusing it expose all to assured ruine But will not every one be more surprized with astonishment when he shall understand That they despising that accomodation which his Majesty had mediated should in the end ascribe all the calamities of the German Church unto his Majesty's fault As if he who furnished them with assured means to preserve it could be blamed for their non-acceptance and ruining it For my part I must needs conclude them alone guilty of those afflictions which befel both the Church and themselves for that he who refuseth the means for obtaining any end can complain against no one but himself if he miss of his Designe In fin they desired a prolongation of the Treaty the fifteen days being expired that they might consider on some other ways of Agreement The King that he might lay the whole fault at their own doors as also that hee might not seem to decline any Proposals tending to the Churches good dispatched the Marquis de Breze a second time into Germany for that purpose But the King of Sweden having laid before him how that there was not any more likely way then that of Neutrality by them refused and that delays which was but Truth gave his Enemies opportunity to fortifie themselves against him he desired to be excused And thus their own wilful stubborness was the cause of his pursuing his conquests Politique Observation IT is in petty Princes a fault not to be pardoned if they stand off and submit not to that Conquerour who will undoubtedly be their ruine They cannot alledge any reasons to justifie themselves for that Necessity is a lawful excuse for all our actions and Justice obligeth the weaker to receive the Law from the stronger But much greater is their fault who without any detriment to themselves or Interests may by sitting still make their Peace Caesar one of the greatest Captains amongst the Ancients advised to agree upon what condition soever provided it were sure rather then to be obstinate in a War with an Enemy more potent then ones self Thus of evils the least is to be chosen neither is the Pilot to be discommended who that he may prevent an absolute shipwrack parteth with some of his Lading unto the Sea Humane hopes are deceitful so that it was the choice of a wise man rather to secure himself from an evil then to assure himself of an uncertain good it often hapneth That he who refuseth an advantage offered unto him liveth to repent his non-acceptance thereof Thus the City of Tyre was sorry but too late that they had not sooner accepted of Alexander's conditions by which they might have been exempted from the calamities of a long siege which refusing did not long after behold their beautiful Buildings ruin'd part of their inhabitants kill'd and the rest brought into captivity But it is not to be doubled that Catholique Princes are obliged to comply with a Victorious King if their continuation of the War may bring any detriment unto Religion nor can any Alliance dispence with this Law The Pagans themselves were so just in the observation thereof that they never encroached upon it And indeed what reason can be alledged to prefer any mans State before Gods And what reason is there to endure the profanation of his House who is Lord of Lords for the advancing of an earthly Princes Interests Which being so Is it not just that they acknowledge the Obligation they owe unto God by preferring Religion the only mark of our service
before the Ambition of any Soveraign unto whom they are only rued by the bonds of Friendship Should they do otherwise what could they reasonably expect from so profane a scorn but the inflicting of that curse wherewith God threatned Solomon for not preserving his contracts with him nor observing his Commandments viz. That he would pluck away his Crow and give it to his servant The King taketh the Archbishop of Treves into his Protection AT the same time the Sieur de Charnace made several journeys unto the Elector to represent unto him the same considerations which he had offered unto the Duke of Baviers and Elector of Cologne his Success with him was better then with the other two because he found him in a great Alarum The Swedis were at his Gates and the Spaniards had already seiz'd upon his chief City of Coblen with divers other places of his State insomuch that he had only Hermestine left in his own disposal He had then sent the Sieur de Scoâ—k Gentleman of his Bed chamber unto the King of Sweden to secure himself from that storm which most threatned him but his reception had been none of the best in regard he had not only furnished his own State with Souldiers and made great contributions towards the supporting of the League but had lately taken the Castle of Stolberg and slain a young Comte de Solms with two of his Trayn and his Letters too were none of the most respectful All the answer this Gentleman received was That he should advise his Master to keep his Purse well provided to satisfie all those guests who were coming into his Country That for his part he was not unmindful of the Treaty of Alliance made with France which engaged him to preseve all such Catholique Princes in the enjoyment of their Estates who should accept of the Neutrality which he should not fail to perform when the Elector should adhere unto the conditions of the said Treaty which obliged him to come off from the Emperors party the which if he refused he knew how to compel him to render him an account thereof as all the rest of his Associates This answer seemed very high yet indeed it was but reasonable seeing he promised all fair usage if he became Neuter and observ'd the conditions contained in the Treaty France Could more favour be expected from a Prince against whom one committeth acts of Hostility Now the Elector being naturally fearful was so surpriz'd that be expected the Swedes every hour at his Gates and the same usage from them as the Bishop oâ— Wittsbourg had already received so that he resolved to cast himself into his Majesty's Arms who undertook to make his peace with the Swede and to protect him from all violence Not that he wanted to say the Truth any affection for the House of Austria it being easie to read his inclinations in his very looks but because he knew in cases of Necessity no one is obliged to assist another to his own prejudice especially if it cannot be attempted without exposing himself to the danger of a manifest ruine These were the chief reasons which induced him to shelter himself under his Majestie wings and although his Proposals proceeded not from any good will to France yet they were such as were too important to be refused viz. That he would surrender part of his Towns lying on the Borders of this Kingdom unto his Majesty That he would retire himself unto Trives and there deliver his person as a gage of his Fâ—delity These Proposals were the more considerable in regard his Majesty having him in his power and the Electors of Saxony and Brandebourg at his disposal it would be impossible for the Emperor to get his Son crowned King of the Romans and King of Hungary and this made his Majesty the more willing to receive him into his Protection and to perswade him to sit as Neuter in relation to the King of Swede Politique Observation ALthough Neutrality of it self carrieth little assurance with it it being frequently observed that he who becomes Neuter seeth his Country exposed as a Prey unto the Conqueror yet the case is much altered when his Neutrality is countenanced by the protection of a great Monarch who being his Neighbour secureth him from all danger I should hardly advise a Petty Prince to put himself under the defence if a King far distant from him because in case of an Invasion his succours cannot without difficulty arrive unto him and if they come at all it will be unseasonably and too late for his defence Every one knoweth that an Army in a long march disbandeth of it self and those few who hold out to the end have more need to rest then fight Hence it is those Protections our Kings have embraced in Italy find such ill success Lewis the XII undertook the protection of John and Hannibal Bentivogli who vere both thrust out of Boulogne when it was least suspected neither was there any means to prevent it Octavian Fregose put himself under the same protection but all would not keep him in the Dutchy of Genoa Pisa threw it self into the hands of the French but was deserted it being impossile to dispatch Forces timely enough to defend it Otherwise it is in the protection of a Prince living under the eye of a great Monarch nothing is so easie as his assistance and such a King is in honour bound to defend such a Prince with and against all men that no inconveniency betide him The Law of Protection obligeth him who craveth it to pay all honour and respect unto his Defender and that with such submission that in case he recede from his devoir it may become lawful for his Protector to seize upon his State and on the contrary his Protector ought to undertake his defence and secure him from the oppression of any other whosoever That which rendereth the Protection of a Neighbour Monarch to be valid and full of safety doth most especially consist in the prudent Government of him who is protected as when he doth wisely observe and regard the Laws of Neutrality which are neither to assist or provoke either party in so managing his affairs he giveth no occasion of offence and if the prevalent power attempt against him his Injustice will appear the greater because a petty Prince is not obliged to declare himself when his ruine is in danger His Conduct indeed cannot please either party neither can it reasonably offend either which if so neither can with reason attempt against him whereas if he declare himself against a great Prince lying on the skirts of his State his utter destruction will be unavoidable The King sendeth the Mareschals de la Force and d' Effiat into Germany THe Catholique Princes had no sooner proposed to become Neuters but the Cardinal whose eyes are alwaies open to see and Judge of what is fit and proper for his masters glory advised his Majesty to send a strong army into
Goncales de Cordoue MOnsieur perceiving the Spring to come on and the time for leading Armies into the Field draw neer resolved to leave Bruxelles and joyn with Dom Gonçcales de Cordoue who expected him at Treves Before his departure he took leave of the Infanta at a publick Audience who after he had been re-conducted by all the great Lords of the Court unto his Lodgings sent him a Present to three Coffers which bespoke her no lesse magnificence then noblenesse of mind The first was of perfumed Leather imbroidred the Lock Key and Arms of Gold enamelled within were two suits very rich the second was of crimson Velvet embroidered fill'd with very fine linnen and the third was full of all sorts of sweet meats She likewise presented him with a Suit of Arms and two handsom Horses fitter for shew then use neither was she unmindful of gratifying the chief Gentlemen of his Retinue some with Rings some with Diamonds and others with Chains of Gold having Meddals of the King of Spain hanging at the ends of them Monsieur being once departed from Bruxels made his usual speed towards Treves whither Dom Gonçales de Cordoue was advanced with design to fall upon the Palatinate as he pretended and there to establish his Masters affairs which the Swedes had much disordered but in truth to invade France with Monsieur which was most probable The King of Spain had dispatched him from Court about the beginning of January with Commission to command the Army in the Palatinate and Order to go into France as an extraordinary Embassadour to indeavour some way of accommodation for the affairs of Germany and from thence to go unto the Arch Dutchess who should give him instructions for his further procedure Accordingly he came to Paris and thence went to Saint Germain en Lare about mid March the King being then there His Majesty treated him with a great deal of splendour and caused his Musquetiers to exercise before him that he might see how dextrous he was to imbattle an Army and to lead them on to fight with more judgement then the ablest Commander in his Kingdom The next thing he did was to visit the Cardinal by whom he was very civilly receiv'd but having never seen him before he thought to surprize him and in his discourses upon the affairs of Germany to make him swallow shadows for real substances But his Eminency let him perceive that the Emperors and his Masters designs were but too well known and that it was but a trick â—o perswade the World that the War of Germany was a War of Religion and not of State so that in conclusion he saw his devices were eluded and that there is not any Fetch able to circumvent the prudence oâ— that grand Minister Hereupon he made no long stay at Court his design thither being for other ends then to receive bare complements and civilities yet in going off he committed one Act absolutely contrary to the custom of all Embassadours viz. his refusing of a Sword beset with Diamonds which with the Scabbard was worth ten thousand Crowns sent unto him from the King for a Present shewing by this Action that having left Spain to trouble France he would not receive any Present which might oblige him to lessen his ill will Not but that he was soon payed in his own coin and that by the Sieur de Guron who was the presenter of the Sword for Dom Gonçales his Secretary coming to him and offering him some Present from his Master was told that he would not receive any thing from a Minister of Spain who had refused the Liberalities of his Master and that it was hard to surprize him at Paris as at Cazal After he had continued some few days in this Court he departed towards Bruxels and from thence having received Orders from the Infanta went towards Treves in expectation of Monsieur who came to him about the end of May. Dom Gonçales received him with all imaginable honour went to meet him with the Spanish Nobility entertain'd him and his retinue at Supper with a great deal of splendour and in fine left his own lodgings unto him Treves was the Randezvouz for the forces of Dom Gonçales of the Comte de Mâ—rode of the Comte de Embden had he not been diverted Monsieur was in consultation with them hoping he might carry most of their Forces into France but they let him see how the Spaniards have not yet lost their old custom of promising much and performing little to such as expect relief from them The King indeed had by the Cardinals perswasion taken a good course to divert their designs viz. by giving them work enough in Germany and the Low-countries so to keep them off from invading their neighbours For just at that nick of time it was that the Hollanders by his advice went and besieged Maestry with so potent an Army that the whole force of Spain and the Empire could not possibly relieve it Dom Gonçales found himself necessitated to draw thither that one affair being work enough to imploy his utmost force so that Monsieur was necessitated to be satisfied with such few men as could be spared and to dispatch the Sieur de Fargis unto Spain there to negotiate a greater assistance in the interim he advanced towards Nancy hoping to supply this defect by the forces which he expected from the Duke of Lorrain Politique Observation IT is great Prudence in a Minister of State having once discovered that the designs of a Forraign Prince are to foment and support Revolts in his State to cause an enemy to encounter him that being a most infallible way to break his resolutions for most certain it is every one will sooner bestir himself to quench the fire which burneth his own house then to kindle a fire in his neighbours Prevention and Diversion are too great advantages in War saith Alphonsus de Arragon thus did the Syracusians procure the Lacedemonians to invade the Athenlans whereby they might prevent their sending of succors to Nice in Sicily Thus Hannibal advised Anâ—iochus to go and Forrage the country of Philip to the end that finding new work for his Forces he might be disabled from sending them to the Romans to fight against him and thus Avitus a Roman Captain invaded the Country of Tentari to hinder them from assisting the Ansibarians with their Forces To provide great Armies for the defence of a State and for the suppressing of an insurrection is not all no there ought to be prudence and discretion in the management of affairs and to make a strong diversion is as necessary as to fight well Besides Prudence is of so much the more advantage in regard by such diversions it weakneth those who revolt reduceth them to exigencies and inability of doing any thing considerable and in fine maketh them easie to be overcome wheras without it it would be a hard matter to secure any thing from their violence The Indictment of the
to be another time more wary he commanded the Comte d' Alets to draw out six hundred Horse his own Musquettiers thirty of the Cardinals Guard two hundred Musquettiers of the Regiment des Gardes all mounted upon small Naggs and to go charge them which was effected accordingly with such courage and success that two hundred and fifty were left dead on the place many wounded and taken besides five Cornets and store of Horses which afforded the Foot opportunity to march more to their ease The King's loss was not great there being only seven killed and some few hurt amongst whom the Duke d' Halvin Commander of the light Horse and the Sieur de Bouchavennes received two Pistol shots in their Arms. The Sieur de Calabre was at that time about two leagues distant raising a Troop of Dragoons for the Duke's service but he was hindred by thirty of the King 's light horse and as many of the Mareschal at Schomberg who by his Majesty's order charged them so home and so suddenly that they had not leisure to make any defence but were all brought away Prisoners The King in the interim advanced into Lorrain and took divers places one after another Bar le Duc surrendred upon the first summons Saint Mihel did the like into which place his Majesty entred in Tryumph accompanyed by the Prisoners of Rounray and his whole Army to the great astonishment of the Inhabitants who were not used to behold so great a Power He ordained the Sieur De Nesmond to take the place of Justice in the Seat of the Soveraigne Counsel of Lorrain in this City and finding the Officers refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance he prohibited them to exercise their Offices and appointed others in their stead hereby shewing unto the Duke of Lorrain that his ruine was inevitable as often as he durst attempt any thing against France or recede from his devoir In earnest I know not unto what that little Prince may be compared more fitly then unto the earth which may well fill the Ayr with exhalations and somtimes over-cast the Sun with clouds from which not long after proceed Thunders and Hail to destroy what-ever she hath of beauty and to reduce her richest Harvests unto nothing For just thus who-ever hath beheld the designes of his contrivance the preparations he hath made and his attempts ever since his first comming to the Dukedom must conclude his whole work hath been to raise storms which have in the end fallen upon his own head to his great loss and then vanished like a cloud of Thunder Politique Observation NO War is just but that which is necessary according to the opinion of the wisest Politicians So that a Prince never ought to undertake it but upon just considerations War is know to be the source of all misfortunes it filleth a State with impieties violences extortions and cruelties it destroyeth the innocent incommodateth the rich and pulleth away the bread out of the hands of the poor what reason therefore to commence it unlesse upon good ground and when necessity doth even inforce it Now of all Princes which fail of their designs in point of War none are more justly punished for their temerity then those who build designs disproportionable to their powers such Princes are easily reduced either to a necessity of seeing their Army cut in pieces or of making a Peace upon dishonourable conditions Perhaps they fancy an augmentation of credit power and glory but in conclusion they are driven to exigencies and confusions which had never befallen them bad they but prudently remembred that the Creator of the Universe hath set bounds to all Empires that he had before our births pre-ordained what condition we should here injoy that our lives and our fortunes are both limited and that notwithstanding all our care all our indeavours we cannot increase the one or protract the t'other one tittle unlesse Heaven concur to favour our attempts They find by experience that the most active and busie drive on their ends more slowly then other men that those men whose minds are taken up with continual broyls do often fall into the snare they had contrived for others and that those Princes who think to be most wise and subtle in deceiving others are commonly themselves mistaken and deluded To conclude they who are truly wise do foresee at a distance what the issue of their attempts may be and do refer the management of affairs unto their Judgement without following the impetuousness of their emotions they know that who so is master of his passions is master of his Fortune and they imitate Caesar's Prudence who never took the Field until he had taken care for four things which seem to be the true foundation of Victory The first whereof is To be fully inform'd of an Enemies Force of his Advantages and of his Wants before he encounter with him The second is To have an Army in readiness if possible before he hear of it The third is To have all Provisions both of Ammunition and Victuals in a readiness And the fourth is To have all sorts of Instruments and Warlike Engines at Command These were the things which gave Caesar the opportunity to prosecute his Conquests with success and to bring great exploits to perfection in a very small time He who would imitate his Victories ought to imitate the example of his Prudence otherwise his misfortune will be as great as were his Quondam hopes of glory The Duke of Lorrain sendeth to assure the King of his Service IN vain do the Stars endeavour to twinkle in the Sun's presence who ushered in by the morning darkens them at his only sight In vain do the great Rivers which astonish the world by the impetuousness of their waters endeavour to contest with the Ocean which forceth them to pour all their store into his Bosome as a Tribute due to his greatness And in vain doth a petty Prince make a muster of his Forces in presence of those of a great King before whom he is only esteemed as a small star which hath neither light nor luster when the Sun comes in view The Duke of Lorrain was forced to confess as much though against his Will both in consideration of the defeat of his Forces and loss of his Towns In fine he was necessitated to send the Sieur de Courtrisson to offer all sort of satisfaction unto his Majesty The King amidst the greatest Victories was ever wont to prefer peace before war yet because Infidelities are a just cause of distrust he could not believe that the Duke had any cordial intention to conclude the war his Word and Actions being disconsonant Whereupon be Proceeded on Wednesday June 23. to invest Nancy and accordingly he came with his Army two days after unto Liverdun which is only two Leagues distant from it and sent another part of his Army within half a league from it The Duke well perceived that the King was resolved in good
Souldiers sufficient to make good any assault against those of the Castle in case they should attempt it To this end if there be not sufficient Force among the Inhabitants trained up in the Exercises of War he ought not to be defective in procuring them from other places He shall do prudently if he visit the main-guard every hour to see that all be in a readiness If the City be weak on any quarter whereby it may be liable to a surprize he ought to be dexterous in Fortifying it and in conclusion having once brought the place into a posture of Defence he then ought to resolve on laying siege to the Castle for as an assault addeth more courage to the Assailors then the Defendants so doubtless his will shew more valour then if they were reduced to the necessity of their own proper defence But that which I esteem most considerable is that those of the Castle once surrounded and besieged date not attempt any thing upon the City having enough to do to defend themselves He ought so to invest the Castle that there may be no way left for the carrying of men or provisions into it which once brought to perfection unless they are excellently provided the Garrison will soon be straitned If there be any Hill which doth command it it were proper to raise a Battery thereon whereby to play upon the Castle as also to fill the highest Steeples with Souldiers who by often shooting at them where-ever they appear may in the end tyre them out Neither is it less necessary that he have Souldiers abroad upon all Avennues to prevent any relief and thus the prudence of a Governour animated by his Courage may secure a City after the loss of its Castle The taking of Monsieur de Montmorency THe Mareschal de Schomberg who commanded his Majesties other Army being advanced near Tâ—olouse sought all occasions which might afford him any means of testifying his courage He resolved to besiege Alby but was first obliged to relieve the City of S. Felix de Carmain whose Castle had been surpriz'd by four Brothers called the Judges then in Monsieur his service In order whereunto he sent thither the Marquis d' Ambres with some Forces and himself followed with the residue of his small Army But before his coming thither he was acquainted how the Marquis d' Ambres who held a particular correspondence with those four Brothers had offer'd them a considerable sum of money which they thought themselves happy in accepting of and so to deliver up the place unto him on the first of October Now Monsieur then upon his march to clap some Forces into the Castle hearing of the surrender was so much the more desirous to encounter the Mareschal de Schomberg because he it was that had deprived him of that place as also because his Highness Army was of the two the more numerous He was returned from Beaucaire having left the Duke d' Elboeuf there to secure the Castle if possible The Duke de Montmorency was come with him who animated him to fight The Baron de Linieres offered himself to go and discover the state of the Mareschal's Army which that he might the more easily and securely effect he went in he habit of a Cordelier which only served to render him suspected so apparent was it that he had seldom used to wear it The two Armies met near Castelnaudery and the Mareschal de Schombergh having intelligence that the Duke de Montmorency who led Monsieur's Army had a design to fall upon him he acquainted the Marquis de Breze therewith who commanded the rest of his Majesty's Army in the quality of Mareschal de Camp and after some discourse together they concluded and prepared to fight The Marquis was the first who discovered Monsieur's Army within two Musquet shot of the way at what time he was passing the King's Army over a little River in the Valley Now conceiving by the Enemy's countenance that they design'd to let him pass over a small narrow Bridge with one half of his Army which consisted only of a thousand Horse four Companies of his Mjesty's Regiment des Gardes and six of that of Chamblay that they might the better fall upon the Rear-guard and break it being in a condition not to be relieved he gave notice to the Mareschal de Schomberg how he thought fit to pass the Army by a good passage about two thousand paces higher by which they might get over before the Enemy could discover their intent The Mareschal approved his advice as very judicious and having signified as much to him he put it in execution and whole Army passed the Brook before any of the Enemy advanced towards them They presently saw the Army in Battalia within a great Meadow and withall to give the Kings Army leave to passe they drew off a little neerer Castelnaudary But had they taken their stations when the enemy in hast passed the River who were payed in their own coyn for the Marshal de Schomberg discovering their Forlorn Hope sent to charge them before they were all passed over the foot made their shot as also the enemy's and the Horse advancing were at first impeded by certain ditches though the Sieurs de Loriers and de Beauregard Champreu found a way to passe through with twelve or fifteen of their followers And Monsieur de Montmorency who was advanced onely to discover them came on presently and charged them with an hundred Gentlemen they met with all possible courage but with great losse on Monsieur's part for the D. de Montmorency was wounded the Comtes de Rieux and de la Fucillade slain four or five hundred slain upon the place and amongst them the Comte de Moret for the Kings Musquetiers having discharged upon their Horse beat them out of the Field insomuch as Monsieur de Montmorency was on a sudden forsaken by all saving four or five of his followers His courage was neverthelesse so impetuous that he was not moved at it but on the contrary suffering himself to be transported by an inconsiderate rashness as if his wounds had bereft him of sense he advanced from the place where he was with those four or five others in his company into the Field where meeting the Mareschal de Schombergh's company of Gendarmes he gave and received some wounds both of Sword and Pistol without any more consideration of the danger he ran then if he had been immortal He charged up to the very Guards and Chamblay's Regiment where they discharged so thick on him that his Horse being wounded in divers places fell down and his Master under him by which means he was taken Prisoner by the Officers and Souldiers of the Regiment des Gardes which yet was so far from incouraging Monsieur's Army to endeavour the fetching of him off rather on the contrary they were so astonish'd at it that they kept their stand as if fear and grief had equally surpriz'd them Hereupon the Mareschal de Schomberg
of every thing which seemed necessary for the establishing a secure Peace in France every one supposed that the wings of those who favoured Monsieur's Revolt had been so clipp'd that it would be a long time ere they could flie into such disorders All good Frenchmen were touched with such joy as they who having been long weather-beaten by a Tempest at Sea do at length safely arrive unto their wished Haven But those joys were short lived the Sea being quickly covered with Fleets scouring up and down which threatned France with a furious storm The Sieur de Puy-Laurens and some others who carried any sway in Monsieur's Councels had only perswaded him to reconcile himself unto the King with design to ingage him in some new Revolt as occasion should present and in hopes to make a more advantagious use of it towards the obtaining of their pretensions then they had done in Languedoc they were not long without a pretence to palliate their intentions Monsieur de Montmorency's death should be the ground of his leaving the Kingdom They suggested to him that his intreaties having been so ineffectual and unconsidered in the saving his life who was a person of such neer concernment to him he could not think himself over secure of his own freedom in case there should be any suspicion upon him that however it was a strange affront put upon him in the sight of all Europe seeing he had not credit enough to save a Gentleman who had adventured his life and fortunes for his interests At the same time they gave out that his life had been promised unto Monsieur upon his accommodation whereas on the contrary the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez did never give him any such assurance that having failed in a particular so much concerning his honour his Highnesse could not make any longer abode in France Now although all of that Cabal did jointly conclude to carry him out of the Kingdome yet they could not agree upon the place whither to carry him The Sieur de Puy-Laurens who was passionately in love with the Princesse de Phalsbourg proposed Lorrain the place where his heart was and advised him to retire thither it being a thing due to the Princesse Marguerite and there being no such powerfull invitations to carry him into any other place The rest found but little safety in Lorrain by reason of the Dukes weaknesse unable to secure their retreat or stay there but were of opinion that Monsieur should retire into Cazal where they assured themselves the Marshal de Toiras would receive his Highnesse and where he might live secure from all fear The little assurance of safety which Monsieur foresaw in Lorrain did somewhat touch him but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens insinuating to him how easily he might retire from Nancy to Bruxelles in case his Majesty should seem to incline towards any expedition against Lorrain in consideration of him and how that he would alwaies be received there his birth rendring him considerable swayed his former resolutions and made him incline to that side so powerfull was his credit with him although the rest represented to him that he would find lesse security by casting himself into the hands of the Spaniards then in any other place whatever that they might perchance entertain him with honour but that it was to be feared he would not long continue Master of his own liberty or that he might have the freedom to get off when he should most desire it The resolution of departing being concluded Monsieur went into Lorrain in November and for the more specious pretext of their relapse they presumed to write unto the King persisting to abuse his name and pen how that the preservation of Monsieur to Montmorency's life and the procuring of his liberty having induc'd him to submit to whatever his Majesty was pleas'd to impose the taking off of his head being a person so dear to him was so publique an affront and slight that he could no longer indure it and withall that it was impossible he should longer continue in France without giving cause to suspect he had made his own accommodation with other intentions then of obtaining that favour of which he was still fed with great hopes Besides that he could expect little satisfaction for his own person seeing his requests and intreaties had been so little considerable in the executing of him whose life was equally dear to him with his own and whose death he could not digest without great dishonor This was the substance of the Letter whereunto there need no other answer but that the Duke of Montmorency having been condemned by one of the most famous Parliaments of the Kingdom for a Crime which could not be let passe without punishment unlesse to the very great detriment of the State especially after himself had sent seven Couriers to assure his Majesty of his fidelity after he had conspired with Forraigners to destroy the Kingdom after he had almost totally raised one of the chiefest Provinces after he had been taken in the head of an Army with his sword died with blood in his hand actually fighting against his Majesties service after he had somented divisions in his Majesties family and committed several other enormities as hath been declared there was little reason to expect his pardon and as to the other part that it was improbable his Highnesse should consent to the Treaty made at Beziers only in order to obtain Monsieur de Montmorency's pardon when as he was absolutely forced by necessity to submit thereunto having not forces enough to defend himself Such was the reply which the King sent unto him wherein he testified to the whole World how he never offered any just cause to those of his royal blood to separate themselves from him or to be deficient in paying those respects unto which nature and his Majesties affection did not a little oblige them Politique Observation VVHatever refusal a Prince receiveth from his King yet he rendreth himself inexcusable if his Passion transport him beyond his duty He ought to recollect unto his memory how that no one in a well-govern'd State can impose the Law on his Soveraign but that every one ought to submit his own private to his Princes Will. There are in a State as in the Soul superiour and inferiour powers and as the law of Nature hath ordained the weaker faculties give way unto the stronger and more able so the Grandees of a Kingdom are obliged to stoop under the Laws of their Supream Prince and to comply with his Will without any the least contradiction What but Death can be expected from that body whose particular Members refuse to execute those Offices which are injoyned them by the Head And what can be looked for from a State where the Nobles flie out and deny obedience to the Soveraigns Decrees This were repugnant to the Order of Justice nothing but misfortunes could attend it It matters not whether they alwaies
meet with their particular satisfaction seeing a King is obliged to intend the publick good not the requests of his Grandees The Sun which presideth in the Heavens doth not alwaies shine and smile on the earth as we would have him but as he is obliged in order to the universal good so he withdraweth himself at certain hours and who so should be discontented herewith would it not appear unreasonable Are not Kings sometimes necessitated in consideration of their State to with-hold their favours and to deny their pardon for certain crimes which otherwise they would not scruple to grant And were it not too too little submission upon such occasions for a Subject to fall off and to flie out into extremities Reasons of State are often so visibly apparent that there need nothing but a privation of passion to behold and force a confession that it were imprudence not to prosecute them but admit there were no such evincing arguments yet no man can justly complain against his Soveraign in regard reasons of State are for the most part kept secret Antiquity did observe a custome very mysterious which was this they placed a Sphynx over the Portals of their Temples to teach the people they ought not to enter they but with submissions such as should as it were lock up their bold curiosities from inquiring into the mysteries which they adored it being more proper humbly to reverence divine things then to pry into them with a needlesse Inquisition I could wish the like Statues were placed at the Gates of our Kings Pallaces to teach men of all conditions to receive their Commands and Laws with obedience cheerfulnesse and submission without examining the reasons of them which ought by them though unknown to be esteemed for good and just especially seeing at last their Will ought to be a Law to all their Subjects and that it is a kind of Rebellion as it were to contradict it For my part I think it likewise a great prudence not to inquire into the motives reasons or inducements of their Wills because Ministers might thereby be obliged to discover Truths not proper to be known as happened at Florence in the time of Cosime de Medicis who being extreamly pressed by a Florentine to tell him the reason why he had refused him an Office whose Predecessor had been hang'd for ill discharging it at last told him after many importunities that he did it because he feared he would likewise be hanged as the former letting him see by this answer how he knew him to be like enough for his wickednesse to dance in the same rope So a Prince expressing any discontent for punishing of any Grandee who had ingaged him in a Rebellion and earnestly pressing to know the reason of such rigor might be answered that it was done for fear he might draw him a second time into the same snares It is alwaies safer for Princes to dissemble their discontents and cheerfully to submit unto their Soveraigns Will then to expresse any dislikes which only serve to bring them into distrust to raise suspicions and spies upon their actions and to hinder their receiving of any more favours whereas by their seeming to be well satisfied they preserve themselves in their Soveraigns good opinion and in a condition to reap abundance of advantages And Guichardine in his advices saith that he had oftentimes obtained his ends by dissembling his discontents with those who else would never have served his turn and that he had receiv'd such friendships and favours from them as he could not have expected had he discovered any dislike Certain Bishops of Languedoc deposed from their Charges THe Duke of Montmorency had acquired so great credit in Languedoc that he not only drew off divers men of quality from his Majesties service but several Bishops also and perswaded seven or eight to subscribe unto the Declaration of the States some recanted what they had done and became conformable to what his Majesty had ordained in his Declaration but othersome stood out in their Rebellion amongst whom were those of Alby and Vsses who had delivered their Cities into Monsieur's hands of Nismes who would have done the like of Alets and Saint-Pont well-willers to the Rebellion either by raising of forces or provisions to be sent to places already revolted The Arch-Bishop of Narbone President of the States had not been defective in indeavouring to divert them from their designs representing to them how contrary it was to their profession which tended to procure Peace and to shew examples of obedience unto others And why Gentlemen quoth he one day in a full Assembly speaking unto them and why would you add fuel to the fire already kindled in this Province or assist those who indeavour to subvert the State or why will you dispence with the service you ow both the King and people to assist those who contrive wickednesse Will you be the men who shall make this place a Theater of bloody Tragedies Why do you not consider that the designs in which you have been ingaged tend only to serve some discontented persons of the Court to come and extinguish the fire-brands of their Ambition in the blood of our Diocesans and to fight out their quarrels upon our very Altars Have ye not heard how that Forrainers are at the Gates of the Kingdome and ready to invade us Think you they will not fall to divide the spoil in case they obtain any little successe And shall this Province become a Conquest where Rebels and strangers shall have so much as their Swords will intitle them unto Have ye forgot the disasters which the Church suffered in these parts during the Civil Wars Would ye be willing to see your Altars prophaned your Goods destroyed your Church Ornaments plundered the Portions of the poor rifled and the Priests of the whole Country flying from their Cures into places of Safety And admit these Heavenly considerations should not affect you how can you countenance the revolt of this Province where his Majesty hath destroyed Heresie restored Peace Liberty and Glory to the Church of which she had so many years been deprived Can you forget how his Majesty came personally into those very places wherein you now countenance Rebellion with his Sword in his hand for our defence what dangers he attempted how often he grapled with our enemies and to what hazards he exposed himself that be might re-establish us in our Functions and the free injoyment of our Goods Can you think on these things and not remain firm in the obedience you ow unto him Behold an opportunity of obtaining great glory is now presented by God in us It is in this occasion God hath injoyn'd us to shew forth that loyalty and submission by him so often recommended unto his Apostles whose successors we have the honor to be This is it unto which I cannot sufficiently invite you yet you may herein gain honour and happinesse and more then that too if
to a Forraigner were to treat them more favourably then the Princes of the royal family and withall to indanger a loss of their Soveraignty Ambition hath no bounds and a Prince who hath obtained the priviledge of some Soveraignties may be easily wrought upon at least his Successors to pretend to them without and depending upon others so that who so is peccant in this excesse of Liberality what doth he but raise a power against his own and sow the seeds of division in his Kingdom Besides States be not so much for Kings as Kings for their States they are no lesse oblig'd to preserve them in all their dependances then the State is obliged to preserve it self in the obedience they ow them from whence it is that to alienate such rights or any notable part of their Demesne is one of the causes of their deposing in those Kingdomes where it is permitted by the Fundamental Laws as is observed by all those who have written on that Subject and indeed he seemeth to be unworthy of a Crown who neglecteth to preserve it in its intire lustre How the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet the King at Chasteauthierry where his Majesty stayed to demand Nancy in Deposite IT had been not only commendable but advantagious to Monsieur de Lorrain to have been more concern'd at the seizure at Bar and to have waited upon his Majesty to do him homage and satisfie the just discontents conceived against him by his submissions but fortune contriving to destroy him had cast her Mantle before his eyes so that the continued immoveable in his first designs Whereupon his Majesty about August found himself obliged to go to Chasteauthierry from thence to meet the Army which he had recall'd from the Country of Treves and to carry them before Nancy the better to hinder the Duke of Lorrain's Levies and in case he persisted in his late Procedures to reduce him to such a passe that he might be no more in a condition of giving any jealousie to France or interrupting the forces of its Allies Whiles his Majesty was at Chasteauthierry the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet him and after some complements and excuses beseeched his leave to make some Propositions unto him He told him that he did much condemn his brothers actions and that he had never had any hand in them both in regard of the respect he owed his Majesty as also because be foresaw the issue could not but be disadvantagious that if his Majesty should continue in the resolution to drive this affair to the utmost he concluded his Brothers ruine inevitable and that for his own particular fortune he should seek no other refuge but that of his royal bounty beseech'd him to receive him into his protection and to permit him to retire into France His Majesty received him very favourably and told him that he should alwaies know how to distinguish betwixt his and his Brothers actions that he was sufficiently inform'd that he had no hand in his Brothers deport and that he should willingly afford him all the proofs of as hearty a good will as the interest of his affairs would permit that he assured him of his protection and that amidst his Brothers disgrace he should be sure to find all the advantage which could be justly desired from his protection The Cardinal de Lorrain would have made hereupon certain Proposals to his Majesty for the accommodation of affairs which his Majesty remitted to Monsieur the Cardinal The same day the Cardinal de Lorrain went to visit Monsieur le Cardinal assured him of Monsieurs marriage proposed to him to break it to put his sister the Princesse Marguerite into his Majesties hands and to cause the homage of the Dutchy of Bar to be payed unto his Majesty in the Dutchesse of Lorrain's name The Cardinal answered him that the King could not give ear to any proposition seeing the breach of that match was not in the power of Monsieur de Lorrain that besides his so little fidelity in observing the three Treaties lately made with him his Majesty had particular information of his evil conduct and could no longer trust him without some more potent means to oblige him to keep his word that his faltrings had three several times constrained his Majesty to raise great Armies to the great and trouble expence of his Subjects which made his Majesty resolve to put a final end to the War that there might be no more trouble in it that the Duke his Brother might not have the boldnesse to intermeddle in any factions of his State as he had formerly done even to the ingaging of Monsieur in a match which did equally offend the dignity of the Crown and Person of his Majesty being managed without his consent against the Laws of the Kingdom and to the countenancing of his invading France and that the only means which could induce his Majesty to trust the Duke his Brother was to Deposit Nancy in his hands that this was the best course he could take seeing it would preserve his Country and that Nancy it self should be assuredly restored unto him if he carried himself for the future as did become him that in case he intended fairly he need not fear any thing but if on the contrary he was resolv'd to persist in attempts against his Majesty it would be to no purpose to treat that his Majesty was positively resolved to admit of no other conditions and that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to make the lesse difficulty to consent thereunto in regard he was despoiled of all his Estates excepting Nancy it self the losse of which would be unavoidable unlesse he gave his Majesty satisfaction that this place indeed was strong but that the Duke being unable to keep the field and without Revenue his Majesty would the more easily force him to surrender it in regard he might manage the War against him at his own charges that to ground his hopes upon the alteration of times was a counsel very pernicious seeing his Majesty was young absolute in his Kingdom and that his cause being just there was reason to hope that God would continue to prosper his Armies with the like happy successe as he had hitherto done Hereupon the Cardinal of Lorrain represented to him that this condition was so hard that he could not advise his brother to accept of it but at the last extremity seeing the chance of War could not reduce him to a worse pass then to see his Captal City taken from him and forced to depend upon anothers Will That he doubted not of his Majesties intention to perform the trust of a Deposit but that the state of affairs being subject to change his enemies might by their ill Offices make his Majesty believe that he had broken the Treaty and consequently give him occasion to detain Nancy that he beseeched the Cardinal to consider what a shame it would be for his brother to deliver up one of the
best places in the World in the sight of all Europe without resistance and not being forced thereunto that he confess'd his Majesties Power was great and that it would be difficult for him to withstand it and that finding himself between two great Princes he ought to be the more cautious of his deportment in regard if he should satisfie the King by delivering Nancy he should contract the Emperour's displeasure from whom he holdeth his Dutchy which doubtlesse he would declare to be forfeited by Proclamation of the Empire with a resolution to seiz upon it as soon as ever the affairs of Germany would permit him That indeed he might reasonably expect his Majesties protection but that then it might so fall out that his Majesty might be so far ingaged in other Wars as not to be in a condition of assisting him by which means his ruine would then be inevitable and moreover that he thought it impossible to perswade his brother to Deposit Nancy unlesse at the last extremity of his affairs Whereunto the Cardinal answered that he found it not strange that he should alledge his holding of the Empire and the power of the House of Austria but besides that the King did not consider such pretensions he thought that if the Duke of Lorrain did well weigh it he would find no great reason to build upon it because he well knew that those whose interests he alledged being the chief Authors of his evil conduct had not been very solicitous to assist him That he confess'd indeed Monsieur de Lorrain was under the Pâ—otection of two Crowns but that the Laws of the very protection obliged him to deserve it from the King by his respects and good deportment and to conclude by the desires which his Predecessors had testified that his preservation intirely depended thereupon That instead thereof he had provok'd his Majesty broken his faith by infringing of Treaties taken part with Spain run into all acts of Hostility and to compleat all the rest of his breaches of promise which might offend his Majesty had ravish'd a son of France and ingag'd Monsieur to marry his sister whereupon his Majesty had but too much reason to invade his Countries and that if he did more fear the power of the Emperour then that of France then at his Gates he might chuse what party he pleased to defend himself by force but that in case he would prudently avoid his ruine which was inevitable he could not take a better course then by depositing of Nancy which would secure his States without any loss to him As for matter of his holding of the Empire the King was far enough from admitting it seeing he himself claimeth the Soveraignty of Lorrain and that the Homage was due unto him that the Empire had heretofore usurp'd it from this Crown but that length of possession could not prejudice a Soveraigns right because great Princes who acknowledge no other Tribunal upon earth where they may claim their own are alwaies permitted to demand their rights from Usurpers and to enter them by force so that no time can cause a prescription against them that the affairs of France had not heretofore been in a condition to dispute these pretences but that now God having opened his Majesty a way to establish his Monarchy in its primitive greatnesse Posterity would have a just cause to reproach him with negligence if he should not imploy his forces in the recovery of the most ancient rights of his Crown that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to have had those fears alledged by him in his mind at such time as he was running on to provoke his Majesty against him but that now having done the injury his Majesty could not dissemble his resentment wherefore he was absolutely resolved to be reveng'd unless he receiv'd such satisfaction that all Europe might know to be reasonable that his Pâ—edecessors had ever well-esteem'd the friendship of France and that he himself might have rested secure in this protection because his Majesty well knew how to defend him against any man But in fine that the King could not admit of any other condition then the Deposite of Nancy seeing though he already had the best places of Lorrain in his hands they could not oblige the Duke to keep his promise and that his Majesty had reason to suspect he would not be much more solicitous for keeping it in future after so many changes of his resolution that his Majesty chiefly desired this assurance that he might no more hazard the receiving a new injury or be necessitated to his great expence to raise a new Army a thing peradventure which might then fall out when the State of his affairs would hardly permit him to attend it whereas the present conjuncture was such that his Majesty could not wish it more favourable there being no likelyhood of any thing to divert him that the Duke of Lorrain might be thereby the more readily induc'd to this resolution his Majesty desired to inform him of the present state of his affairs that that of France was such that it was not only at Peace but without fear of civil War all ill Subjects conspiring to be obedient the Treasure being full of money to sustain the charge and on the other side the Treaty of the Low Countries being broken without the least hopes of being brought on again and the Spaniards being in so much want of assistance from their Allies that the Duke of Lorrain could not pretend to expect any from them As to Germany that the Emperours forces had enough to do to defend themselves from the prosperous successe of the Swede who was not likely to be stopp'd As to matter of Italy that the Cardinal Infanta's forces were not yet ready to march and that admitting they were yet that they might meet with great obstructions in the Valtoline the Swedes being advanced thither to hinder their march and that thus Nancy might be besieg'd and taken without hopes of any assistance to releeve it unlesse Monsieur de Lorrain had rather Deposite it in his Majesties hands The Cardinal de Lorrain found it an hard task to answer these reasons and being retired all the course he took was to beseech his Majesty to give him time to confer with the Duke his brother and in the mean time not to make any further progresse The King not only refus'd it but assur'd that he would march before Nancy with the greatest speed that might be resolv'd never to depart until he had reduc'd it to its obedience That there ought to be other assurances taken then bare words from an incens'd Prince who hath oftentimes broke his word IT is necessary to take other kind of security then bare words from a Prince who hath often failed of his word especially who is known to be incens'd passionately desirous of revenging the punishments he hath receiv'd His apparent submissions in matters of accommodation are effects rather of his weakness then
good wil and as Passion rather treadeth under foot the Laws of honor and justice it will afterwards make no difficulty to break its promises if it find any overture to evade them and re-assume its lost advantage Asdrubal may serve for an example who finding himself so block'd up in Spain by Claudius Nero that he must unavoidably die with famine in his Trenches or fall under his Arms in a disadvantagious battel sent him very fair Proposals of Peace and in the interim found away to escape his hand Nero indeed angry for being thus surprized for which he had been blam'd at Rome made him afterwards suffer in the Marquisate of Ancona for his Treachery but besides that this was not without indangering his whole Army yet had it been a shame to suffer himself to be deluded by his enemy under shew of accommodation Pope Julius the Second that he might amuse Lewis the Twelfth sent his Nuncio's to Treat a Peace and conclude it that he might gain time to make a League offensive with the Venetians and King of Aragon aginst him but let us look back again into the examples of Antiquity Mark Anthony held Fraates besieged in Priaspe with full assurance of taking it in few days Fraates sent his Embassadours to him that it was thought a Peace might easily have been concluded between them Mark Anthony gave them present Audience and withall sent other Embassadour to Fraates to conclude it but Fraates continuing his Treachery made great complaints unto them of Mark Anthony and in conclusions added that as often as he should withdraw his Army from the place wherein he was incamp'd he would be content to make a Peace with him Mark Anthony hereupon presently withdrew his Forces without breaking down his Treches or carrying away his Engines of War he had not march'd far from his Camp before the Medes sallied out of Priaspe mastered it and destroyed all his Engines which he had inconsiderately left there though peradventure not without hopes that he might be there soon enough to defend them in case the Medes used any Treachery Besides part of Mark Anthony's Forces were cut off when he led them back again to the Camp so that he was forc'd to relinquish that design with shame and losse and by his example taught all Princes not to be over-credulous of an Enemies promises How the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet his Majesty at St. Dezier and made divers Propositions which Monsieur the Cardinal refused THe Cardinal de Lorrain took his leave of the King upon the 20. of August to meet his brother and the same day his Majesty who seldom loseth any time in such enterprizes advanc'd towards Nancy but being neer St. Dezier the Cardinal returned to him and offered in the Duke of Lorrain's name to deliver the Princesse Marguerite his Sister into his hands in order to the dissolution of that marriage and to surrender La Mothe unto him one of the strongest places of his State The King carried him to St. Dezier and had two hours conference with him at which Monsieur le Cardinal Duc the Sieur de Brassac Bullion and Bouthilier were present to examine the Propositions but they were thought improper because they did not deprive the Duke of Lorrain of the power to re-assume his former designs so that his Majesty return'd him no other answer but this that he was resolv'd to have Nancy as a place without which he had no assurance for the performance of any Treaty however his Majesty knowing that the Cardinals negotiations were very frank and affectionate to procure an accommodation he testified unto him that his inter position was not only acceptable but that he had ever a regard to his particular interest notwithstanding the injuries he had receiv'd from his Brother and withall offered him all sorts of honour and imployments suitable to his quality if he thought good to reside in France After this he returned to the Duke his brother to acquaint him with the Kings resolution and having told him what extraordinary testimonies of favour and good will he had receiv'd from his Majesty the Duke at last resolved to surrender his Estates into the Kings hands hoping by this means to evade the effects of his Majesties just displeasure yet took assurance from the Cardinal his brother to restore them unto him He discoursed of it with the Cardinal who having assured him that he would therein do whatever could be desired he beseeched him to return to the King to tell him that seeing he was so unfortunate that his Majesty could not beleeve his promises he had resolv'd to put his estates into his Brother the Cardinals hands and that he hop'd his Majesty considering his deportment whould the more readily consent thereunto because then there was no cause of fear and that he could not receive a greater satisfaction from him then to see him reduc'd to the quality of a private person by devesting himself from that of a Soveraign The Cardinal de Lorrain return'd to his Majesty at Pont au Mousson upon the 28. of the same moneth and proposed this to him renewing his promised of delivering the Princesse Marguerite into his hands and so to indeavour the dissolution of that marriage The King desir'd him to treat with Monsieur the Cardinal relying upon this grand Minister whom he knew to employ most of his time in examination of what might be granted and in prevention of such inconveniences as might probably arise from their Propositions The Cardinal de Lorrain went to meet him and made the same Proposition unto him and withall told him that to give him the greater assurance of his fidelity and of his positive intention to keep his word he beseeched him to give him Made de Combalet his Neece in marriage and to procure the Kings consent unto it professing that he desired it with a great deal of affection as a most certian gage of his good will and a powerfull means to preserve him in his Majesties favour and protested totally to imbrace his counsels and to have no other will then his whereby he might absolutely root out all subject of division between France and Lorrain Monsieur the Cardinal replied unto him that as for matter of the surrender of the States of Lorrain he beleeved the King would not divert his brother from it seeing his particular actions gave sufficient ground to beleeve his behaviour toward France would be such as would give his Majesty all kind of satisfaction but that this was not to cure the disease because M. de Lorrain might repent of his surrender and return into his states either by open force or under-hand dealing and that then the whole businesse were to be begun again wherefore it were necessary to find out another expedient and that the Deposite of Nancy was the only secure way which could be taken This was sufficient to let him know that it was mistrusted lest there were some collusion between them but
the King to treat entred into conference with the Cardinal of Lorrain and concluded a Treaty upon these following conditions 1. That the Duke of Lorrain should renounce all new Alliances it prejudice to that of France 2. Thatt he should oblige himself to serve the King with and against all 3. That he should not make any Levies of War during the present troubles of Germany without his Majesties consent 4. The he should disband as soon as his Majesty should receive notice from the Chancellour Oxenstern that he would not attempt any thing but withdraw the Swedish forces from his Countries 5. That he should deliver the City of Nancy both old and new in Deposit to his Majesties hands within three days until such time as his good behaviour or the pacification of the trubles of Germany should take away all cause of suspicion of the like enterprizes as he had heretofore made against his Majesty and his Allies and also untill such time as the pretended marriage between Monsieur and the Princess Marguerite were declared null by Law and that the differences between the King and the said Duke were decided each of them in the mean while enjoying their rights without prejudice of this Treaty yet however that in case the War of Germany should last four years the conditions of this Treaty being first accomplished his Majesty should restore Nancy into the hands of the said Duke or his Successors 6. That the Princess Marguerite should be delivered into the Kings hands within fifteen days or at least that the said Cardinal and Duke of Lorrain should use their utmost endeavour to recover her from whence she was and to deliver her into his Majesties hands and should so order the business that her retreat should not hinder the dissolution of the marriage 7. That the Dutchy of Bar should continue sequestred untill such time as his Majesty should be satisfied for the homage thereof 8. That the Revenue of Lorrain and the States thereupon depending should be receiv'd by the said Duke with all sort of liberty 9. That he whom his Majesty should place in Nancy during the Deposit should have the absolute command of the Arms without other obligation then that of receiving the word from the Cardinal of Lorrain in case he would make his abode there 10. That Order should be taken that the Garison might not offer any distast to the Inhabitants This was the conclusion made in the Camp before Nancy the 6. of September Whereupon the Cardinal went to the Duke to procure his ratification He brought in and the Cardinal accompanied by Janin his Secretary of State coming to give his Majesty assurance thereof there were three days time alotted for execution of the Treaty and for his Majesties entring into Nancy But the day being come the Cardinal de Lorrain fell off to delays and excuses pretending that his brother had sent order to the contrary by a certain Gentleman named Giton so that the whole businesse was to be begun again However the Cardinal sensible of his own power and not ignorant of the advantages he had upon the Duke of Lorrain would not totally break off the Treaty but sent the Marquesse de Chanvalon to Nancy to the Cardinal of Lorrain with charge to tell him as from himself that the King found himself by divers reasons forced to carry his affairs to the height yet had however some unwillingnesse to put that resolution in execution because of the franknesse and affection he had testified to contribute his endeavours for a reasonable accommodation The Cardinal testified that his good will was no whit diminished that he would once again see what he could work upon his Brother to induce him to adhere to the Treaty in order whereunto he sent a Gentleman to him with such effectual expressions perswading him to settle his affairs then in a declining condition that he at last hearkned to his advice and sent the Sieur de Contrisson to his Majesty to desire a safe conduct to confer with Monsieur the Cardinal at St. Nicholas His Majesty granted it but the morning following thinking it more fit that the Cardinal should go as far as Charmes to treat with him for fear lest he might have propos'd this conference at St. Nicholas that he might the better get away into Flanders where once being there was no lâ—kâ—lyhood of his depositing Nancy it was signified unto him that Charmes would be a place much more proper for the Treaty which he accepting of the Cardinal and he came thither upon the 18. Monsieur le Cardinal came first thither about five in the evening accompanied by the Cardinal de la Valette the Popes Nuntio a great many Lords and Gentlemen and a good party of Horse and Foot The Duke came not untill about eleven at night so that finding the Cardinal in bed and not willing to permit his people to wake him according as he had commanded they met not untill the morning following That day they had two long debates without any conclusion so that every one thought there would be no agreement but in fine the Duke perswaded by the Cardinal's eloquence and addresse submitted just as his eminence was bidding him adieu at his Lodging and pass'd his word to conclude the Treaty which his brother had made by his Order without including any other condition but this that he might make his abode at Nancy with all honours due to his quality as also the Cardinal his Brother and that the Treaty being within three moneths particularly that which ingag'd him to deliver the Princess Marguerite into the Kings hands his Majesty should restore him the City of Nancy without more ado then demolishing the Fortifications if his Majesty should so think fit Monsieur le Cardinal did the more willingly consent unto these two Articles in regard he pretended only to put things into a way of reason not to extend the bounds of France which was of it self large enough to obtain as much glory as his Majesty could desire so that both of them having signed it there wanted nothing but the execution of them Monsieur le Cardinall was not ignorant how important it was not to abandon Monsieur de Lorrain or to leave him to his own honesty which possibly might have been shaken by the natural inconstancy of his humour So that he earnestly laboured to perswade him to meet his Majesty in person in order to the performance of his promises He represented to him that it would be the more glorious for him in regard it would testifie unto all Princes that he had not Deposited Nancy upon compulsion as also of great advantage in regard it would be an ample demonstration of his real intentions of submitting his unto his Majesties Will Who would thereupon be the more indulgent of him and surrender Nancy unto him as soon as ever he should be assured he might be confident of his good deportment Such were the charms of his words that
But that I may now return to the two Brothers who were come to wait on this Majesty at Bloys his Majesty being retired to his bed sent about two howers after mid night to find out the Sieurs d'Hallier and the Marquis de Moicy Captains of his Guards and commanded them to go into their Chambers and make sure of their persons accordingly they seized on them and it is reported that the Duke of Vendosm beginning first to speak should say looking on his Brother well Brother did not I tell you in Britain that we should be arrested and that the Grand Prior should answer would I were dead upon condition you were safe there again and then that the Duke should reply I told you the truth when I said the Castle of Blois was a place fatal to Princes They then made a thousand excuses each telling the other that he was the cause of their imprisonment and that they themselves confessed that they were advised that evening by a letter how they should be imprisoned but that they could not believe it That whole morning they had liberty to disburthen their miracles by their complaints of the misfortune in which they found themselves imbroyled Afterward they were carried to the Castle of Amboyse and thence to the Bois de Vincennes This blow gave the allarum to the whose Cabal though his Majesty who would content himself with punishing of some few pretended to be ignorant of the rest He also sent a commission to the Count de Soissons to command during his absence in and about Paris for the securing of it It 's true he would not trust himself there but chose rather to passe away some little time either in Savoy or Italy A certain Princess took the boldness to say unto some who went to visit her that notwithstanding the assurance which the King had given to the Grand Prior in behalf of his Brother the Duke of Vendosm yet that both of them were arrested which did clearly evince that those were near his Majesty did perswade him to break his promises which being reported to the King it is said he was pleased to answer that the was not well informed of the whole passage and that he was not concerned to entertain such discourse for that if they knew themselves innocent they would never have thought of demanding a security to come and wait upon him and that who so doeth require an assurance for his attending on his Soveraign doeth in effect condemn himself to be guilty and that the promises which are made on such an occasion ought not to be his warrant unlesse they be very clear and expresse to that purpose Politique Reflection ALthough all absolute promises which are made by Kings ought to be kept and that even with seditious persons yet it is not the same thing where a divers sence may be imposed on them or where there is an apparent good will shewed on purpose to draw them on into a snare prepared to arrest them To punish them and hinder their troubling the repose of the Kingdom cannot be denied for an Act of Justice which if it cannot be done but by giving them fair hopes and good words to a muse them then such means are to be made use of accordingly provided alwayes that there be no expresse promise granted unto them King Antigonus having understood how that Pitho Governour of Media did raise Souldiers and money to revolt against him pretended not to believe those informations but gave out that he would send him an Army to command upon some exploit or other designing that Pitho when he once heard how affectionately he was esteemed would peradventure come to wait upon him which indeed hapned accordingly for he presently repaired to the Court shewing himself highly pleased with the Honour which the King did him and that he came on purpose to receive his Majesties Commands whereas Antigonus finding him within his power chasticed him according to his deserts Pope Leo made use of the self same device to imprison John Paul Baylloni and to punish him for those Crimes which he had committed and he answered those who complained of being deceived by his promises that evil doers could not think themselves deceived when they were chasticed for their fals but that they were deceived when as there were permitted to continue Scot free in their Crimes and when their liberties and lives of which they were unworthy were continued and granted to them The proceeding of Artaxerxes King of the Persians towards Artaban is not improper to be remembred on this occasion This Prince having unâ—eâ—sâ—ood how the other had contrived to kill him and seize upon his Kingdom resolved to prevent him but he being cunning and alwayes well guarded he had recourse to his wit dissembled the suspition which he had against him and that so handsomly that Artabanus imagined himself to stand very right in his opinion To compleat his designe he gave out that he intended a certain forraign invasion and gave him order to levy his Troops and draw them together which being all assembled Artaxerxes desired to see them mustered in his own presence and comming up to him in the head of his Forces seemed to be much taken with the handsomness of his Arms and desired to make an Exchange with him Artaban finding himself obliged to put them off forth with disarnied himself and presented them to the King who seeing him naked would not loose that opportunity but fell on him and killed him with his own hand I know there are some Politicians who are of opinion that there need not any great care be taken concerning performance of promises nay not those which are absolute and expresse though made by Princes in the way of assurance and security and that it is sufficient for them to answer those who shall complain of the breach of them as Agesilaus did a friend who taxed him upon a promise which he afterwards had found to be unreasonable If what you demand be Just I have promised it but if it be unjust I am not obliged to be as good as my word and when he was answered that a Prince ought to perform whatever he promiseth yes Quoth he and a subject ought not to request any thing of his Soveraign which is unreasonable But for my particular I am of opinion that a Prince is obliged inviolably to observe all expresse promises and that it is only permited to his Ministers for Justice sake to be lesse then their words I should rather imagine that a Prince should on such occasions make use of all violent means rather then delusions because Force is reputed for a vertue when backed by authority and nothing can be alleadged against it whereas deceipt cannot be taken for any other thing then a kind of mallice unbecoming the Majesty of a Soveraign The Assembly of the States at Nantes the King being present UPon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment it was mistrusted least divers persons whom
with reason declared by giving him his eldest Daughter to wife that she should be the true Inheretrix of his States and that he should only enjoy them in her right He also made his entry into Nancy with Balls and publique rejoycings in his Court and all that he might celebrate with the more Honour his arrival to the Crown of Lorrain hereupon he pretended to do Homage to the King in his own name for the Dutche of Bar as appertaining to him in Fee and not in right of his wife but he therein met with greater obstacles then in that of the Bishop of Verdun It was presently given him to understand that he had not a little offended his Majesty in that he had upon his own head assumed upon himself the Investiture of Bar and not expected his Majesties introduction to whom the Soverainty did belong That he had expedited all letters Patents in his own name without mentioning that of the Dutchess his wife for that no vassal hath any thing by descent in his Fee until he be invested by his Soverain to whom he doth Homage That he gave a just ground to be disseised of it if he should possesse himself thereof before he were lawfully introduced That he had also committed no small fault when as he attempted to alter the quality of Tenure of Bar and so create it Masculine whereas the Chief Soveraign could only alter the nature of Fees and dispence with Customes The inconsiderate and lofty humour of this Prince was such that he could have wished he had not been dependant on any other and gave him not leave to consider the Justice of these reasons he answered those Ministers with whom he treated that it being indifferent to his Majesty whether the Homage of Bar were Masculine or Feminine he imagined that Râ—ynard King of Sicily his great Grandfather had lawfully constituted it upon the Males in exclusion of the Females and that in consequence it was become his own right that he was ready to pay unto his Majesty that homage which is due unto him and lastly he added that in his judgement he had no power to annul the right which he had acquired He made use of the Duke de Châ—ureuse who made many journies too and fro to make his argument passe amongst the Ministers for good and some others too which being inconsiderable I shall passe by But he was ever told that his Majesty had reason enough and interest withall to oppose that an Homage dependant upon his Crown might be altered in quality that the Customes of Countries and succession of States were not at all altered seeing such changes are reserved in his onely power and in no other whatever That he ought to know the Customes of Bar were never changeable but by his Majesties permission and moreover on condition that they were confirmed by the Parliament of Paris That he could not be ignorant how the custom of both Bar and all those lands bordering upon the Rhine did grant the succession to daughters in exclusion of any Males descended from a second Brother they beâ—ng daughters of the eldest and that he had so much the lesse reason to change this custom without the Kings Authority in regard this one Article was of greater concern then all the rest that such a change was contrary to the fundamental Laws of Lorrain and that he debarred the Dutchesse his wife of the right which indubitâ—bly belonged to her Now as he could not possibly make any satisfactory answer to these objections so he was forced to return without doing any thing at all in it onely he procured some time to make out his pretensions and to furnish himself with Titles and Reasons to second and uphold them Politique Observation THE wisest Politicians have thought it dangerous to the good of the State to alter any Laws without urgent occasion or unlesse the change carry some great advantage with it Aristotle saith it makes subjects slight rules and powers and doth much diminish their Authority Thucydidâ—s hath gone a little further thinking it safer and more proper inviolably to continue the Laws of a Country though ill ordered rather then set up new ones and better in their place St. Austin saith that as in sicknesse it is good to continue the use of those medicines which till then the sick person had used so likewise it is the effect of a great discretion to preserve the observation of those Laws which had formerly enough in them to remedy any inconveniences in the State Which if true of Laws in general is then much more necessary in Fundamentals which have been the establishers of a State seeing they are no lesse conducing to its preservation then the Foundation of a house for the subsistence of it To speak ingeniously such Laws are the Pillars which uphold Authority and as a building if the Foundation be undermined and shaken soon falls to the earth so a State too quickly comes to ruine if those Laws upon which it is established once come to destruction or alteration For this reason Adrian ordained that no one should intraduce any new Customes into Rome Plato in his Common-wealth prohibiteth the changing of any thing in it even Childrens-play for novelties alter manners and bring antiquity into dis-esteem a thing of great consequence I should like well of the alteration of some rules of Justice because the manners of men are variable and the punishing of Crimes too may admit of change according to the disposition of men and times But it is not the same thing in fundamentals which rule the government and which settle the election which God hath made of a Soveraign which do authorize the order established by former Princes for the ordering of the people and which are the known rules for the preservation of the common good indeed such ought no more to be changed then the Laws of nature for both are equally founded upon Gods Law He it is who divideth the earth amongst Nations who establisheth Kings families and inheritances so that without his will no alteration may be intraduced to change those Customes which have been anciently in use The Dutchess of Orleans death upon her lying in of a Daughter THE King was much troubled soon after the Duke of Lorrain's departure for the Dutchess of Orleans his Sister in Law We have in the former yeart related how many broils the marrying of this Princess did raise at Court and how most of the Princes of Christendome indeavoured to hinder it now we are come to wonder at the blindnesse of Grandees who turmoil themselves in extremity who move heaven and earth by their broils and all for those things which death and the inconstancy of humane affairs cause to vanish in a moment The marriage was concluded but more for discretion than love in his part yet God so blessed it that Love had quickly united both their affections very strongly notwithstanding all the indeavours or devices of Monsieurs Favourites
prudence or intelligence to discover and detect him nor force and power to punish and chastise him Prepositions of Peace made by the Nuntio Pauzirolo on the Duke of Savoy's behalf to the Cardinal Richelieu ONe other device the Duke had by which he verily imagined to surprise and allay the Vigilance Prudence of the Cardinal incausing his troops to advance together with the Artillery and Ammunition which was to send him every day new Propositions of Peace sometimes by the Nuntio Pauzirolâ— who had no power to conclude any thing otherwhiles by Mazarini another Lord of his Court but never consenting to the Kings demands without which he knew his Overtures would never be admitted The King was positively desirous to have the Passages free and open for him to succour the Duke of Mantua as often as need should require and the Duke of Savoy as peremptorily denied it alledging that the Emperour never would consent that the Princes of Italy should undertake his Protection with and against the whole world and that the Spaniard never would give way that he should entertain any French Troops in his service which were however very needfull for the surety of his Estate it being impossible for him to raise a sufficient party in his own Dukedom The Cardinal long before had sounded the vanity of all these propositions which did no way prevent his care of giving all necessary Orders for the carrying on of the War never would he stop his ears to any Proposals of Peace but used his utmost indeavours to obtain such conditions as without them the King neither would or could with his honour quit his Arms. And indeed had a Peace been concluded without such terms it had been but of a short continuance for that it had onely given opportunity of time to the Spaniard and the Duke of Savoy to fortifie the Passages and render themselves Masters of the Dukedom of Mantua with the greater ease a design which France could not brook though the hindrance and prevention of it was at that time most difficult to bring to passe Politique Observation MOst certain it is that by how much a War maketh a State to be lamented by so much Peace is to be wished for and imbraced Peace is the most sweet bond of humane society the delight of nature the nurse of good Laws of Order and Policy it peopleth Desarts and maketh the Land fruitfull every one finds it the more agreeable by its being accompanied with safety and aboundance On the other side War is a fatal source of mis-fortunes the desolation of Countries the demolition of Cities the destruction of Nations and the cause of all sorts of miseries There are I must confesse two Occurrences in which War is better then Peace The first when that Peace cannot long last for who can imagine that a man would take any great care to obtain that which he doth verily conclude will be as soon lost Such was Archidanus his advice when he disswaded the Lacedemonians from making a Peace with those of Thâ—bes in Isocrates opinion wise Princes make a War for the procuring of more certain and established Peace to their estates and Countries and they indure without regret the troubles of a War that they may the longer enjoy the Tranquilities of a Peace and most certain it is that the Arms which are in the hands of a wise Prince do much contribute to ferment and fix it Besides the most wise men have ever preferred War before Peace on all such occasions where no accommodation could be made but to the prejudice of the Kings honour or estate Peace is not to be wished for but upon honourable conditions not onely because the Glory of a Prince is to be preferred before all things but because without this he hath but a slender assurance of any thing it being apparent that whosoever doth patch up a Peace with any confusion or disorder will quickly be the first that shall break it to recover his lost honour and reputation As you may find in T. Livius the Carthaginians did after the ratification of the Treaty upon the first War with the Romans The Revictualling of Cazal AFter all this jugling the Cardinal was forced to break with the Duke of Savoy but his Courage was still governed by his Prudence though he did not beleeve that the Kings enemies would accept of those very conditions of Peace which themselves proposed Now the reason why he would not so soon break off the Treaty was because he would cast the blame on them and their party and that the Kings Army might appear with more Justice on its side who had prosecuted their desires or Peace so long as they might with their Honours endeavour the obtaining of it moreover that by this means he might pierce into their designs as also to revictual Cazal which he could not have done should he have fallen out with the Duke as soon as there was an occasion offered for it For though the Duke had not force enough to carry away the Victory from the Kings Army he had however sufficient to hinder the transport of any releef to Cazal without which the Souldiers there could never have endured the Siege and for which Spinola had began his preparations and to skirmish with them in Piedmont and there to hold him play untill his enemies had began the Siege and fortified themselves in their Trenches which would be in a short time impregnable As soon as Cazal was thus victualled and that he was not able to procure an honourable Peace his Zeal and Courage for his Majesty was not then longer able to break the insolencies of his enemies which till then his Prudence and discretion caused him to passe by and take no notice of at all Politique Observation IT is not alwaies fit to break off a Treaty of Peace as soon as one dispairs of concluding it But I think it very expedient and a matter of great concernment to prolong it as long as honourably one may provided he get any advantage by it And as Salust in his Oration of Philippus against Lepidus hath well observed a man ought principally to have a care that in Treaties he do not testifie his desires of Peace with too great an Ardour or Affection because that were an assured sign of fear and weaknesse the knowledge of which gives a considerable advantage to ones enemies Though in a Treaty of a Peace a Prince reap no other benefit then this one to wit the sending abroad with more liberty his intelligences into his enemies Quarters under pretence of Conferences there to find out his enemies designs yet the advantage were not despicable In this Overture the Cardinal was not behind hand with them in any of these particulars for there passed not any day in which he did not send to visit the Duke of Savoy by persons both of great quality and judgement well knowing that men so qualified are capable in their negotiations not onely of knowing
the State of Affairs but also to penetrate into the very secrets of their enemies Counsels And so Plutarch hath well observed that Hannibal was not to seek of this Prudent course in the Wars which he had with Scipio Divers Conferences between the Prince of Piedmont and Cardinal Richelieu I May not passe by the many conferences which the Cardinal had with the Prince of Piedmont in which the Prince could say little in his own defence for that the Duke of Savoy had promised the opening of the Passages and furnishing the Marts with necessary Provisions At last all occasions of discontent were removed and the Cardinal did no longer refuse to see him I am the willinger to be a little particular in this affair that the model of it may serve for Princes to guide themselves by in interviews of this kind The main ends of the Prince of Piedmont drift were to sift out the Cardinals designs in his discourses and to sink into his thoughts if he could find any manner of hopes that the Cardinal would relinquish and wave the general Peace with this belief that Peradventure those many inconveniences which the Army had smarted for in their first Quarters might have somewhat abated and it might be altered the Cardinals last resolutions But the Cardinal who well understood both by his own discretion and experience the ends of such meetings and discourses especially when such persons are concern'd in them who in former procedures have evidenced their intentions of lying on the Catch so managed himself and kept himself in so retired a garb that the Prince of Piedmont could not pick the least advantage out of him At first nothing of business was named only Complements and Civilities The Cardinal made his Excuses that he should not first propose any thing being obliged to pay that Honour to the Prince of Piedmont that he might thereby learn what it was they would be at And the Prince fearing to discover himself would have slip't his Neck out of the Collar and left all to the Cardinals Proposals The time was best spent in discoursing of the general Peace after both Parties had made their proposals However the Cardinal stuck close to those Articles which he had proposed on the Kings behalf with this provisionary promise that if they were ratified then the Duke of Savoy should expect satisfaction from his Majesty to whatever he should desire more then this he would by no means discover telling the Prince of Piedmont very plainly that for his part as he was not at all curious to prie into their designs so he could not think it strange that he did not discourse to him his Majesties intentions and resolutions Politique Observation STayedness and discretion in Grandees who are imployed in treaties of this Nature is a matter of very great concernment for even by this means those who are but meanly vers'd in affairs do discover the others most secret thoughts and consequentially are prepared to oppose them and lay rubbs in their way when occasion and time serves By this means they do as it were besiege and Block up a man by their divers prepared Questions and Artifices so that if then he be not altogether silent which will make him passe for an impertinenâ— man and render him suspected it will be impossible for him to tell what he would have himself There are but few men who indeed can discuss an affair of State in so reserved a disguisement for any long continuance but by some means or other they will be discovered for oftentimes the Behaviour and Gesture speak a man as well as words so that it is necessary for a States-man to arme himself from head to foot before he attempt any such Treaties to be well instructed advised and prepared not only to keep his thoughts lock't up in his own breast but also to make such propositions as may not in truth be any whit a kin to his thoughts but such as all else would conceive to be the main things he drives at and thus he ought to be complemental with all kind of Civilities with an open free discourse ever referring his resolution upon such new proposals as are made to him unto some other time and never giving his answer upon the sodaine upon any occasion whatsoever For this same prolonging of a Resolve is a sure hold to every wise man in his negotiation but it is very difficult I may say impossible for a man to prevent his being snapt and caught if he shall presume to give an answer in that instant when the Question is first started Those with whom a man treats have commonly cunning and craft enough so to addresse themselves that thereby they may discover that which they pretend though they appear to be far enough from ever so much as speaking of it indeed without this referring and delaying of a thing to another time there is no way to shun the ruining and downfall of a whole design In brief If a States-man would have his affairs to succeed according to his designs it were requisite that he got the repute of being a Frank open generous person and a speaker of truth otherwise his words will not be belielieved and are look't upon as no way tending to the design he hath which is in effect to perswade his Enemies that his Intention are quite contrary to his meaning He ought also to be secret not to speak one tittle of his designs And lastly he must make himself a Master in the Art of dissimulation feigning to watch every thing and place but that which really he doth and by his discourse slyly indeavouring to perswade his designs to be any thing but what they are The Prosecution of this Subject A Man can hardly imagine how much the Cardinals Prudence in these interviewes did hamper and perplex the Duke of Savoy the Prince of Piedmont Spinola and all others who treated with him The Valour of the French Nation is that which hath made them so much redoubted they having been otherwhiles taxed with want of discretion in their Treaties but here they found to their confusion that the Cardinal had as much Prudence as courage when as all of them had tryed alwayes to discover somewhat of his intentions by their practises to tire him quite out with prolongings and delayes but he at length caused the Avant Gard to March from about Suze and to draw near towards Ceseletta they not guessing at his design in it because he drew farther off from Cazal The Cardinal pretended to do it principally to ingage the Duke of Savoy to joyn his forces with the Kings and therefore brought the Army to his Frontiers which was strong enough to have made him jealous of somewhat else and certainly the Duke was somewhat more then ordinarily ingaged so to have done for that the Cardinal presently sent him word that the King had accorded him the vale of Sizery on the Bridge of Gresin according to his own desires
Observation THere are four principal causes which make Kings to march out of their own Country Ambition which hath no limits makes them impatient of being confined within those of their own States and desirous to inlarge them at their neighbours expences The natural inconveniences too of their own Country may draw them out to seek a better where they might live with more ease as our first French the Vandals and Goths did Some flatter themselves in the belief that there is not at this day any lawfull Prince at all whose Estate had any other beginning and that Kings have no juster Titles then by Conquests with their Swords Lastly they go forth to revenge those injuries which are done them it being allowable to repel Force with Force and to decide their differences in the field by that power which God hath given to them They quit their Countries to assist their Allies it being not only necessary for a Prince who aims at an extraordinary pitch of Glory not to injure any person but also to defend and protect those who are joyned with him by interest alliance or kindred The Assembly at Ratisbonne ABout the same time there was held an assembly at Ratisbonne and the King of Swede understood that it was then and there resolved to make a strong resistance against the Justice of his Arms and that the Emperour had contrived a design wherein though he was much mistaken to force him out of Germany and to make him perish in the Baltique Sea not vouchsafing to treat a Peace upon those Proposals which had been sent to him only for restoring the States and Liberties to those Princes and Republiques from whom he had ravished them Resistance heightens and augments Courage and this made the Swedish King march up into the Country and resolve upon great designs which we have seen him bring to passe But first he had recourse to such Kings and States with whom he was in League About September he writ to the King desiring him by that ancient Alliance which had been between the Kings of France and Swede with mutual promises not only to preserve friendship between one another but also when occasion should serve reciprocally to assist one another to imploy the power of his Arms and Authority to defend that cause which he had then undertaken in prosecution of which he had passed the Sea and all in the behalf of those who were tied to him by kindred and allied to the Crown of France The King whose courage could not indure that any wrong should be offered to his Allies received this request so much the more favourable in respect it were as glorious a thing in him to contribute to their establishment and accordingly he gave the most advantagious answer to his Embassadours that could be expected However the Cardinal offered one thing to his Majesties consideration that it would be needfull to take care for the maintaining of Religion in preserving of States and to ingage the King of Sweden not to commit outrages against it where he found it setled His Majesty took time to deliberate and resolve on the Articles of their Treaty which being concluded and assigned about the beginning of the yeer following I shal then re-assume my discourse of it in its due order Politique Observation HAsty rashnesse in resolving upon grant affairs is as dangerous as a nimble executing of them is advantagious Prudence ought to guide both one and t'other And whatever Justice appear above-board in designs yet they are subject to have but ill successes if not commenced with mature deliberation Though the wise man resolve to do such a thing which he knows to be just yet he will take time to deliberate on the means And as the interest of Religion is very considerable so the Cardinal would not act any thing untill that were secured Whereas on the contrary rash hasty persons do greedily run unto the end which they have once concluded but never examine the ways which conduce to attain to it thus they do many times find themselves so at a losse and intangled in the executing their designs that they at last find no dore to walk out at with honour and so leave off with shame and confusion Hence it is that Demosthenes in his first Oration against Philip saith They who counsel with great hast are not the greatest Counsellours those Stomacks which make a quick digestion do not concoct so good a Chilâ—â—s as those whose heat is moderate as Physitians tell us and true it is those spirits which make their resolution with most heat and promptness do commonly came lamely of at last cast The King honoureth the Sieur de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staff of Marshal of France SHortly after his Majesty came to Paris well knowing that rewards of honor are not only due to those who have deserved them but withall usefull to incourage others to follow their example He resolved to honour the Sieurs de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staffs of Marshal of France as a mark of Valour which the former had shewed in the War of Piedmont and which the second had shewed to all Italy during the Siege of Cazal They being persons of great esteem every one commended his Majesties choice which he had made in raising them to that eminent degree of honour But the Rebellion of the one and the evil Government of the other did shortly after sully part of that glory which they had merited they shewing by their Procedures that valour and prudence do not alwaies meet in the same subject Politique Observation THe rewarding of services is so necessary for the good of a State that when it is once laid by the practice of vertue is neglected especially if it be not distinguished by marks of honour There are but a few of the same mind with the Phylosopher who said he never expected other fruit from his good deeds then the contentment to have done them and that he thought himself very happy to receive that testimony from his Conscience which she gave to him It is true a truly noble man doth not so much regard the Recompence as the Action of Vertue which render him deserving but it cannot be denied that those marks of honour do make lively and excite resolutions to noble actions The wisest Phylosophers have said that the two supporters upon which all the motions of a State depend are reward and punishment without which there were no doubt but that great disorders would soon follow and vertue become totally neglected The King Honours the Sieur de Servient with the Office of Secretary THe King who was not to seek in any thing which concerned the good of his State would now make another proof of the knowledge he had of that Prudent maxime One of the places of Secretary of State being vacant by the death of the Sieur de Beauclere his Majesty recollected in his mind the services of the Sieur de Servient the Prudence wherewith
he treated in Piedmont and Savoy the fidelity wherewith he had guided himself in those Treaties wherein he had been imployed since the beginning of the War The intelligence of Forraign affairs which had made him happy and considerable in several encounters The good order which he kept in the Army whilest he was super-intendent of Justice and the eloquence which he had testified in his younger daies in several Charges Now that so many good qualities might not be let lie without honour and so many noble actions without reward his Majesty as I said thought fit to impose the Charge on him of having a care concerning the Affairs of War making it evident by his judicious choice how exactly well his Prudence knew to make use of persons according to the particular qualifications of their minds The quality and good parts of a Secretary of State THe Charge of Secretary being as it is one of the most important of the Kingdom It is needfull that the Person with whom it is intrusted should be indued with qualities accordingly He should have Experience to manage both at home and abroad the affairs in which he is imploied He should be well acquainted with the particular humours of Princes strangers and Grandees of the Kingdom as also of their several interests and pretensions Eloquence in discourse is necessary for him because the King intrusts his Pen with him to write to all Monarchs Princes Parliaments and Estates and generally to people of all sorts For it is not enough barely to let them understand the will of his King but he should do it in fit and proper terms for a King that is with Majesty and the Elegance of a Masculine generous stile without any thing of bombast or affectedness I know nothing so absurd as to make a King speak beneath his Majesty As for that which concerns Eloquence though to write Letters in the name of some barbarous King which are not so exactly digested may be tolerared yet it would be extreamly found fault with in France where neatnesse hath made her Throne and doth particularly inhabit and where our Kings have nothing but what is eminent and of the best The very name of Secretary of Estate doth sufficiently shew how much Fidelity and Secresie are required in him he ought principally to be blessed with these two qualities because should he discover such things as are intrusted with him there could not but great inconvenience follow it The King pardons the Duke of Vendosm AFter that the King had evidenced in the course of this yeer an invincible courage to reduce his enemies under the Law an admirable Prudence in the good Orders both of Peace and War A constancy not to be shaken in resisting the Artifices of seditious spirits A Justice full of Courage to assist his Allies and in a word all other vertues which are proper ornaments for a Kings Crown he would conclude all with an action of Clemency in pardoning the Monsieur de Vendosm after some assurances of his repentance and fidelity for the future in relation to those Crimes for which he had been till then kept Prisoner in the Boys de Vincâ—nnes and gave him liberty but on condition to go pass away sometime out of the Court and Kingdom Politique Observation IT is an act becomming the greatness of a Prince to pardon the faults of Grandees when there are no longer any apprehensions of danger to the State and when they are washed out by an humble repentance The most generous are still the most mercifull and they esteem it as honourable to forget an injury as to remember a kindnesse That Emperour was highly commended by all Antiquities who being to sign a Warrant of Condemnation wished he had never learnt to write And Solomon who hath left to all Kings a perfect example of Wisedome saith it is the glory of a man to passe by offences However a King ought to be mindfull that he do not too soon recall into his Court a Prince or Grandee who may be provoked by that Justice which hath been passed upon him least the opportunity of revenge which he may meet with in affairs do carry him insensibly to a relapse Opportunity is a charm which ingageth men ere they think of it The least disgusts which they shall receive will revive their old grudges and it is impossible for a great person to conserve any Love for a King from whom he imagineth he hath received some harsh usage and once not loving him he is above half disposed to raise embroils whenever occasion shall serve It is very difficult to join close together that which hath been once broken asunder and a reconciliation in point of friendship is not stronger then the glue which joyns crackt vessels which are easily broken asunder by a small blow An imaginary wrong or a small displeasure should not make a reconciled Prince fall back again when he is replaced in his first station of affairs They who imagine that just punishments are soon forgotten do much deceive themselves It is as much as a Stoick would say that he had forgot injuries but Princes are far enough of from such maximes so that the safest remedy for all their evils is a removal from the Court that no meeting with any who are used to ingage people in Intreagues they will be as it were forced to keep within their limits when as peradventure their passions would make them flie out again ANNO 1631. JT is much more pleasant to behold the Heavens twinkling with a thousand several stars or shining with the glorious light of the Sun which rejoiceth the earth with its splendour then to look on it ful of Prodigies flashed with lightnings ful laden with Clouds shaken with Tempests and covered with the Vail of an obscure night Just thus without all peradventure was it much more agreeable to consider France in the splendour of her Victories which she obtained in the fore-going years in the enjoyment of a happy quiet caused by the submission of the Grandees of the State and by uniting of all the people all things being established in excellent order under the Conduct of so wise a King and every one living with Peace in his own profession then to contemplate her full of factions troubled with Combinations and threatned with a general dissolution by those intelligences which the chief persons of the Kingdom held with strangers But as the Laws of History oblige me to write them impartially both in one relation and t'other so I look upon my self as compelled to give an accompt of those turbulencies wherewith she hath been assaulted that by those glorious actions of the King and those Prudent Counsels of the Cardinals the way of securing and warranting an estate from those dangers whereunto it is commonly exposed by civil Wars may be learn'd Though the Queen Mother had reason to have rested satisfied knowing her self to be the happiest as well as the greatest Princess upon earth yet she
earnest to chastise him for all his ill designs against France and finding himself press'd by the near approaches of the Army sent the Sieur de Ville chief Gentleman of his Bed-chamber and Janin Secretary of State once more to offer him all manner of content giving them likewise full liberty to treat They testified unto his Majesty that their Master was very much afflicted for having inconsiderately suffered himself to be ingaged with Monsieur They protested that in future he would continue immovable in his Devoir That he would pay him the Fealty and Homage due for the Dutchy of Bar That he would inviolably adhere to the Interests of France particularly offering to joyn his Forces with his to be employed in any expedition whatever and withal that he would deposite part of his Towns in his Majesty's hands as a gage of his performance The King received them very curteously knowing it to be more glorious to receive the submissions of his Enemies confessing themselves vanquished then to destroy them despoil them and insult upon them and then as if he would set no bounds to his clemency he promised to pardon him a second time and that he would not be against any accomodation that reasonably could be desired provided there might be any assurance of his promises But it being requisite to find out some other kind of security for performance of his engagement then what had formerly been whereby he might be deprived of the means of running any more into his former designs his Majesty remitted them to the Cardinal to conclude the Articles of the Treaty Politique Observation ALthough all Princes have power and riches more then enough wherewithal to be contented yet some there are who pursuing their ambitious Inclinations sooner then the Laws of Prudence do daylie engage themselves in new Designs They seem to divert their eyes from what they possess covetously to behold what they have not and to quit the true and solid goods of peace that they may obtain an uncertain vain-glory in War Their Designe of growing great feedeth them with discontents and that they may not bound their pretensions their minds are perpetually floting in uncertainties Oftentimes it falleth out that they do but ill proportion their undertakings to their abilities by which means when they imagine themselves to be highest they fall lowest God that he may punish them seldom permits them to gather any other fruit from their desires but trouble and vexation and that those who endeavour to rise highest should have the greatest falls To conclude a little child forsaken by his Nurse before he be well able to go alone will not so soon fall as an ambitious Prince in the midst of his whole Power for the child finding himself unsupported begins to fear to lay hold on any thing and not to stir a foot But a Prince once bewitched with this Passion being too too confident doth inconsiderately run into every danger attempteth things above his reach and in fine sheweth by woful experience in himself that he who feareth no man is soon to be destroyed Better it were that they bounded their affections and that considering 't is not the large extent of a Princes Dominion which giveth him contentment but the moderation of his desires they would arrest those emotions and ebullitions which set them in action and make them stoop to the Empire of Reason The second Treaty of Peace with the Duke of Lorrain VVHat good successe might there not be expected from this Treaty when the Cardinal had the management of it His courage and conduct had already extended the bounds of France raised several Trophies to the King's glory and acquired new Lawrels to his Majesty wherefore it was not to be doubted but that he would a second time let the Lorrainers know that his Master doth as well inherit the courage as the Crowns of his Predecessors who have ever forced their Ancestors to stoop under their Arms in despite of the House of Austria the Supporters of their hopes not their State and that there was no conclusion to be made with him without extraordinary pledges for performance of their promises To this end tended his very first discourse that he might presently cut off their hopes of surprizing him and destroy their designs of getting clear for a few fair words or protestations of fidelity Two causes there were which inclined the Deputies to receive the Law from him First An unavoydable necessity either of accommodation or of ruine to their Master's affairs And secondly That in regard it was to be doubted that in case these effects did not oblige him he would resolve notwithstanding all the misfortunes arrived upon him to re-commence the War upon the first fair opportunity of time or hopes wherewith the House of Austria entertained him This latter was so improbable that it could hardly sink into the Cardinal's thoughts yet because he somwhat suspected it he made it his main designe in this Treaty to obtain such advantages for the King that it should be altogether impossible for the Duke of Lorrain to engage himself in a third War without his utter ruine The meeting was at Liverdun where after divers contests it was at length concluded That the Duke should deliver the Town and Castle of Stenay within six days and within three days after the Town and Castle of Jamets with the Arms Ammunitions and Victuals therein unto his Majesty for four years times as gages of his fidelity upon condition that the said time being expired the said places should be restored in the same condition they then were That during the said term of time it should be lawful for the King to put into them what number of men he pleased That the Inhabitants take the Oath of Allegiance unto his Majesty and swear not to attempt any thing contrary to his service That the Duke should within three days surrender into the King's hands the City and Fortress of Clermont which his Majesty pretended to belong unto him by Process of the Parliament of Paris who had adjudged his Majesty to have the possession thereof paying to the said Duke such a sum of money as should be agreed on by Commissioners from both parties in recompence of the Revenue he received from thence That the Duke should be obliged to render homage and fealty for Barr. within one year unto the King And as touching all differences moved or which hereafter should be moved between them that there should be Commissioners of either side appointed to sit at Paris when-ever it should please his Majesty to think fit to make a fair end between them It was likewise concluded that the Duke should religiously observe and keep the five first Articles of the Treaty of Vic which should be confirmed without any exception what ever That be should faithfully adhere unto his Majesties Interests That he should joyn his Forces with his Majesties and assist him to his utmost in any War what-ever That his