Party which makes for the Liberty of the Subjects of both Sides or else sets over them Men so senseless and cowardly that they undertake nothing considerable one against another but leave the Limits of the Kingdom as they found them 2 Mirari 〈◊〉 subit impervestigabileâ— Dei sapientiam qui plane â—â—â—traria uno fine conclusit Nam cum duâ—â— adâ—ersarias potestates inter se coâ—mittere statuit nee alteram alteri subjicere aut ingenio virtute 〈◊〉 utrinque parti moderatores praeficit ut alter alterius consilia 〈◊〉 vertas utrinque subditorum libertati consulatur aut utrosque â—ebetes imbelles deligit ut neuter alterum tentare sâ—pta quod aiunt 〈◊〉 audeâ—â— veteresque regnorum limites convellere Niceph. For the same ends Divine Providence has parted the Forces of the French and Spanish Kings by interposing the high Walls of the Alps lest Propinquity of Territories or Easiness of Passage should be a Temptation to War and favour the French most if that Nation should have these Doors so often open It has still for greater Security given the Keys of them to the Duke of Savoy an Italian Prince who having his States between those two Kingdoms can lock or leave them open according as the Publick Good requires This Divine Disposition Pope Clement VIII was sensible of and with singular Prudence procured the State of Saluzzes to fall into the Duke of Savoy ' s Hands * Here is a Page and an half omitted in the French This was a very ancient State-Maxim on which Alphonsus King of Naples grounded his Advice to the Duke of Milan not to deliver up Asti to Lewis the Dauphin For said he it is not for the good of Italy that the French strive to get footing there but to bring it under their Subjection as was attempted in the Genoese Expedition That Italian Prince penetrated not the force of this Counsel who advised the prefent French King by making himself Master of Pignerol to get firm footing on the Alps deceived probably unless it were Malice by the appearing Conveniency of having the French ready against any Attacks of the Spaniards not considering that by the fear of a future War which might perhaps never have really happen'd a present and most certain one is kindled upon the admission of the French into Italy it being impossible for Peace to be preserved in any one Province betwixt two Nations so opposite and disagreeing Nor were Italy like to reap any other Benefit from it than this That it would nourish a Serpent in its Bosom whose poisonous Sting would certainly afterwards envenom it Besides that the French even when within their own Limits on the other side of the Alps are always near enough to march into Italy when called nor is it necessary that they be so near as to have the Passage at their Command Besides were the French so modest so void of Ambition as to confine themselves there and not move but when called upon yet who doubts but upon such an Occasion they would widely transgress the Bounds of Protection as Lewis Sforza Castruchio Castrocani and several others have actually experienc'd who sought their Aid with no other Advantage than that the same befell them as it does some at this day which Tacitus relates to have happened to the Frecentini who while they agreed among themselves valued not the Parthians but upon their falling into Dissentions while each called in Aid against his Rival the Person invited by one Party conquered both 3 Quoties concordes agunt speâ—nitur Parthâ—â— ubi dissensere dum sibi quisque contra aemulos subsidium vocant accitus in partem adversuâ— omnes valescit Tac. Annal. l. 6. Now if that Power might be brought into Pignerol so as to be wholly at the Disposal of Italy either to call it in or send it out of its Territories as Occasion should require there had then been some Reason in the Policy some colour of Zeal for the Publick Good in this Counsel But now in a time the most improper in the World to place it within the very Gates of Italy to enter them upon every Motion of Ambition or Levity and that Fear of it might keep the Spaniards continually upon their Guard and Occasion be given to other Princes to take up Arms and a Storm of Wars be raised never to be calmed was so far from being good Counsel that it was the rankest Treason being in plain terms no other than exposing it to the Power of France and wresting that out of the Italian Prince's Hand which he had over the Alps for the Common Good of All. In the other Potentates of Italy which are not situate between those two Crowns this Reason of Neutrality has not the same force for when once War is brought into Italy they cannot but fall a Prey to the Conqueror without having obliged either Party as the Consul Quinetius said to the Aetolians to persuade them to declare for the Romans in the War against Antiochus and as the Florentines found when refusing to join with the King of Arragon they stood Neuter thereby losing the Favour of the French King without appeasing the Anger of the Pope 4 Quippe sine dignitate praemium victoris eritis Liv. l. 35. Neutrality neither makes Friends nor removes Enemies 5 Neutralitas neque aâ—icos parit â—eque inimicos tollit Polyh Hence Alphonsus King of Naples said of the Sienois who thinking to save themselves by Neutrality were ruin'd That the same happened to them which usually does to one who lodges in the middle of an House whom they below fill with Smoke those above pour Water down upon him What did not the Thebans suffer by being Neutral when Xerxes invaded Greece While Lewis XI of France continued so he never had Peace with any Prince 6 Phil. de Comin * This whole Paragraph is omitted in the French Let not the Prince be deceived in imagining this Neutrality to be the best means to balance the Forces of Spain and France for certainly there ought to be some Declaration in behalf of the former not that it may enlarge its Territories or make an Inrode into France but that it may maintain what it is already possessed of and the French be kept within their Kingdom and not by any Neutrality or Affection be invited out And this is so certain that the very Declaration of Favour without any other Publick Deâ—â—nstrations poises these Scales and is a sufficient Arâ—ment of War Italy can never bear two Factions that â—ive to raise their Fortunes by the Contention of both â—owns within its Bowels This Charles V. was sensible 〈◊〉 when to restore Peace to Italy he destroyed them â—â—d new-modelled the Republick of Florence which at â—â—at Time encouraged them for one of the two Balances 〈◊〉 France or Spain never so little over-loaded turned 〈◊〉 Scale of Peace which consists in keeping them even â—â—on the
so distant from one another would be in imminent Danger were it not as 't were united by Oars and Sails and timely supplied with Recruits for its Support and Defence So that Ships and Gallies seem to be nothing but a kind of Sea-Bridge For this Reason the Emperor Charles V. and Ferdinand Duke d' Alva advis'd King Philip II. to maintain a great Fleet at Sea King Sisebutus well knew the Advantage of it being the first that kept a Fleet upon the Spanish Seas Themistocles gave the same Adice to his State and the Romans made use of it afterwards to conquer the World This Element begirts and conquers the Earth In it Strength and Speed are united and whoever can make use of them with Valour has the World at command Arms at Land attack and terrifie only one Nation but at Sea they Alarm the whole World There is no Circumspection or Power sufficient by Land to defend the Sea Coasts 'T is the Sea which has civiliz'd all Nations which had been rude and barbarous without the Use of Navigation and Commerce which has taught 'em to know one another's Languages and Customs This Antiquity meant when they feign'd that the Rudder of the Ship Argo spoke intimating that by the Help of that foreign Languages were learn'd 'T is Navigation that supplies each Nation with the Goods and Riches of others all Nations mutually furnishing each other with what they want which Advantage promotes that mutual Love and Correspondence between Men which is necessary for their reciprocal Assistance This Marine Power is more necessary for some Kingdoms than others according to their several Situation and Disposition The Asiatick Monarchies have more Occasion for a Land than Sea Force Venice and Genoa of which one lies upon the Sea the other near it being utterly unapt for Husbandry and Agriculture apply themselves wholly to Navigation And as long as they maintain'd their Power at Sea they were the Terrour and Glory of the World So Spain which is in a manner surrounded with the Ocean must establish its Power at Sea if it would aspire to Universal Monarchy The Situation of its Ports is very commodious not only for the Support of such Force but also for hindring the Navigation of other Nations who by our Trade get Riches and Strength to make War upon us afterwards For which Reason 't will be convenient to provide sufficient Security for Commerce and Traffick they being the principal Causes 't is they turn all the Ports into Magazines and Stores furnishing the Kingdom with all things necessary making it flourish and grow Populous These and other Conveniences the Prophet Ezekiel intimated in the Allegory of the Ships which belong'd to Sidon a City situate at the Entry of the 1 Ezek. 27. 3. Sea which was full of Merchants and Mariners 2 Ibid. They of Persia and of Lud and of Phut were in its Armies Men of War they hang'd the Shield and Helmet in it they set forth its comeliness 3 Ibid. ver 10. Tarshish was its Merchant by reason of the multitude of all kind of Riches with Silver Iron Tin and Lead they traded in its Fairs 4 Ibid. ver 12. In a word There was nothing in any Nation which was not sold in its Fairs so that it might be truly called glorious in the midst of the Seas 5 Ibid. ver 25. We find also its Prince exalted and lifted up by its Traffick 6 Ezek. 28. 5. The Republicks of Siâ—â— Nineveh Babylon Rome and Carthage flourish'd boâ—â— in War and Peace as long as they maintain'd theâ—â— Trade and Commerce When Venice and Genoa fail'd â— Traffick and Navigation their Grandeur and Glory soon faded Holland situate upon a barren Sand 〈◊〉 capable of being manur'd by either Spade or Plow supports very numerous Armies by their Trade anâ— Commerce and maintains such populous Cities as the most fertile Plains would not be able to supply Frâ— â—â— has neither Mines of Silver nor Gold yet does it enriâ—â— it self by its Trade in several kind of Toys and Gugaâ— in Iron Lead and Tin Whereas we through Laziness neglect these Riches which the Conveniency 〈◊〉 the Sea offers us We with great Toil and Danger bring Home the Treasures of both the Indies as Diamondâ— Pearls Spice c. without proceeding any further whereâ—as other Nations reap the Benefit of this our Labour bâ— transporting them into all the Countries of Europe Asia and Africa We support the Genouese with Gold 〈◊〉 Silver to trade with and afterwards pay 'em extravagaâ— Prices for their Commodities so paying Interest for oâ— own Money We furnish other Nations with Silkâ— Wool Steel Iron and many other Commodities which after they are wrought are brought to us again and we buy them at a prodigious Rate by reason of thâ— Carriage and Workmanship So that we pay very deâ— for the Ingenuity and Industry of other Nations Thâ—â— bring us trifling insignificant Ware and carry henâ—â— our substantial Gold and Silver Whence it is â— King Henry II. said That Foreigners nay sometimes 〈◊〉 very Enemies grow Rich and Powerful while our own 〈◊〉 are Impoverish'd and Beggar'd This the Emperor Tiberâ—â— formerly complain'd of when he saw the Extravaganâ— of the Roman Ladies in Pearls and Jewels 7 Quid lapidum causa pecuniae nostra â— hostiles gentes transferuntur Tac. 3. Annal. Yoâ— R. H. would gain Immortal Honour in Encouragiâ— and Promoting Trade and Navigation both in the Citizens and Nobility for the Products of the Earth are not more Natural than those of Traffick and Commerce The Kings of Tyre did not disdain to Trade and the Fleets which Solomon sent to Tarshish carry'd not only Necessaries but also Merchandize and Effects to Trade with that he might exceed all the Kings of the Earth for Wisdom and Riches 8 1 King 10. 22. We read that Pompey put out his Money to Use. The Nobility also of Rome and Carthage thought it not beneath 'em to Traffick Rome Instituted a College of Merchants whence I believe the Dutch took the Institution of their Companies How much more commodiously might Spain Establish them by securing them with Men of War which would make it not only Rich but Formidable These Conveniencies the Kings of Portugal considering setled their Commerce in the East by Force of Arms maintaining their Arms by their Trade and by the help of both founded a new and large Empire 9 Psalm 71. 8. Establishing Religion before unknown to those remote Countries As it was also to the Western Part of the World till introduc'd by the Valour and Prowess of the Castilians who instructed that Heathen Country in what before they never so much as heard of 10 Isai. 49. 12 so that receiving from them the True Religion of the Gospel and the Mysterious Bread of the Encharist brought them so far 11 Prov. 31. 14. that they cried out for Joy with the Prophet Isaiah Who hath begotten me
enter the Valtoline with His Majesty's Forces that thereby shutting up the Passage of Valcamonica from the Venetians they might desist from their Pretensions and that the Valley might be clear'd of the Protestants The Duke moved by these Instances and by the common Danger of this Sect which threatned the State of Milan and all Italy and also by the Complaints and Tears of the Catholicks enter'd the Valtoline and immediately the French upon new Considerations change their Minds and oppose this Intent entring into League in Avignon with Venice and Savoy under Pretence of the Liberty of Italy though that consists more in the stopping that Passage from the Protestants on t'other side the Mountains than in any Acquisitions the Spaniards could make in this Country and the Valtoline being only the Pretence of the League the Arms of the Allies serv'd only as a Diversion and all the Force and Design were turn'd to the Oppression of the Republick of Genoa So that Pretences vary according to the Alteration of Interests Times by their Effects discover the Falsity of these Pretences for either they don't perform what they promise or don 't act where they propos'd The Republick of Venice had a mind to seize Gradisca and took for a Pretext the Incursions of the Vscoques in Croatia They made a Feint to defend the Liberty of the Sea and made War upon the Land Many times they make War upon pretence of Zeal for the Glory of God and rather hinder it sometimes for Religion and confound it sometimes for Publick Peace and disturb it sometimes for the Peoples Liberty and oppress 'em sometimes for Protection and enslave them sometimes to preserve their own State and they invade others O Men O People O States O Kingdoms whose Tranquility and Happiness depends upon the Ambition and Capriche of a few When the Ends of Actions are Just but are in danger of not being so interpreted or of miscarrying if they are understood we may so dispose them that our Actions may appear different to the Eyes of the World and be thought to be guided by other honest Causes He who acts so cheats none but acts justifiably but only amuses Malice by false Appearances by which it deceives it self and prevents its opposition to the just Designs of the Prince for no Reason obliges him to point at the Mark at which he levels for it would be impossible for him to strike one if at the same time he did not seem to aim at another There is not less Danger to States in the feign'd Zeal with which some would seem to respect the Publick and regard only their own particular Interest They pretend to reform the Government to weaken its Authority They propose Means and suggest Counsels after the Effect to discover Errors already past Remedy They affect Liberty to gain the Applause of the People against the Magistracy and confound the State by reducing it afterwards to Slavery 10 Vt Imperium evertant Libertatem praeferunt si impetraverint ipsam aggredientur Tac. 16. Annal. These Artifices are us'd by all Tyrants of Republicks 11 Caeterum libertas speciosa nomina praetexuntur nec quisquam alienum servitium dominationem sibi concupivit ut non eadem ista vocabula usurparet Tac. 4. Hist. What Feints did Tiberius make of restoring Liberty to that of Rome when his whole Design was to oppress it 12 Speciosa verbis re inania auâ— subdola quantaque majore libertatis imagine â—egebantur tanto eruptura ad infensius servitium Tac. 1. Annal. The same Methods the Prince of O us'd to make the Netherlands Revolt which his Family have made use of since to Lord it over the Vnited Provinces Time will shew them to their Cost the difference between a Natural Prince and a Tyrant then they will repent of having preferr'd Rebellion with their Ruine to Obedience with Security as Cerialis advis'd those of Treves 13 Ne contâ—â—aciam cum pernicie quam obsequium cum securitate mâ—litis Tac. 4. Hist The People blindly fly to the Call of Liberty and don't know it till they have lost it and find themselves intangled in the Nets of Slavery They suffer themselves to be moved by the Fears of these false Crocodiles and rashly intrust them with their Lives and Fortunes How peaceable would the World be if Subjects knew that whether the Government be of All of Many or of One it would have its Inconveniencies with some kind of Tyranny For though Speculation may invent a perfect Form of Government as it must be of Men not of Angels it may be commended but not practised 14 Dilecta ex his constituta Reipub. forma laudari facilius quam evenire vel si evenit haud diuturna esse potest Tac. 4. Annal. So that Liberty consists not in this or that Form of Government but in the Preservation of that which a long Use and Experience has constituted and approved in which Justice is defended and Publick Peace preserv'd supposing that some sort of Government must be obey'd for Liberty never suffers more than in such Changes We think to find a better and we fall into a worse as it happen'd to those who survived Tiberius and Caius 15 An Neronem extremum Dominorum putatis idem crediderunt qui Tiberio qui Caio superstites fuerunt cum interim instabilior saevior exortus est Tac. 4. Hist. and when we better our selves it does not countervail the Damage we sustain in the change of one Form to another So that 't is better to bear with the present though unjust 16 Ferenda Regum ingenia neque usui crebraes mutationes Tac. 12. Annal. and hope that if the Prince be bad God will be pleas'd to send another good one 17 Vlteriora mirari praesentiâ— sequi bonos Imperatores voto expetere qualescunque tolerare Tac. 4. Hist. 'T is he bestows Kingdoms and 't would be accusing his Divine Decrees not to obey those whom he has constituted Nebuchadnezzar was a wicked Prince yet God threatned a severe Punishment to those who did not obey him 18 Ier. 27. 6. As we are contented with the Seasons and bear patiently the Inconveniencies of Nature so also we should the Defects of our Princes 19 Quomodo sterilitatem aut nimios imbres â—aetera Naturae mala ita Luxuriam vel avaritiam dominantium tolerare Tac. 4. Hist. While there are Men there will be Vices 20 Viâ—ia erunt donec Homines Ibid. Where is there to be found a Prince without them These Evils are not continual If one Prince be bad another good one succeeds and so one makes amends for the other 21 Sed neque haec continua meliorum interventu pensantur Ibid. EMBLEM LXXIX NO Bird so much resembles Man in the Articulation of the Voice as the Parrot * Si me non videâ—s esse negabis avem Marâ— It s Vivacity is
His Royal Highness William Duke of Glocester Printed for M. Gillyflower and L. Meredith THE Royal Politician REPRESENTED IN One Hundred Emblems Written in Spanish by Don Diego Saavedra Faxardo Knight of the Order of St. Jago Plenipotentiary Ambassador To the Cantons of SWITZERLAND At the Imperial Diet at RATISBON At the Famous Treaty of MUNSTER And of the Supreme Council of State for both the INDIES With a large Preface containing an Account of the Author his Works and the Usefulness thereof Done into English from the Original By Sir JA. ASTRY VOL. I. LONDON Printed for Matt. Gylliflower at the Spread-Eagle in Westminster-Hall And Luke Meredith at the Star in St. Paul's Church-Yard MDCC TO His HIGHNESS THE Most Illustrious Prince WILLIAM Duke of Glocester May it please your Highness THE Author of the ensuing Work originally a Spaniard was in his life-time so highly esteemed for his Learning Wisdom and Experience in State Affairs that he made no small Figure in the greatest Courts of Europe Nor has this Off-spring of his Brain met with less favourable Success For having been translated into several Languages and in each often printed it has been received with great Applause and ever been honoured with the Protection of some Illustrious Young Prince But Precedent Royal Sir is not my only Apology for this Presumption for were Saavedra now living he might see his Theory reduced to Practice by the best of Kings in the best of Governments And though he has indeed given you excellent Maxims supported by many eminent Examples yet are there none so worthy your Imitation as those you may continually observe in the Conduct and Bravery of that most Excellent Prince your Heroick Vncle the whole Series of whose Life as far surpasses Panegyrick as the Greatness of his Soul abhors Flattery And I was the rather induced to attempt this unpolished Version knowing that honest Plain-dealing and unbiassed Integrity the two darling Mistresses of our Author could not be unacceptable in a Nation where they are so generally beloved and in a Court where they are beyond Precedent more peculiarly cherished and maintain'd Your Royal Highness will here find Discourses which I hope will not only be divertive to your Youth but profitable even in your ripest Years by reviving those Seeds of Honour and Virtue which are daily sown by the pious Care and Example of Your most Illustrious Parents You may here learn not only the Duty of a Prince but that also of an accomplish'd States-Man and Loyal Subject And if ever it shall please God to make You his Vicegerent You may from hence next to the Holy Scriptures learn your Duty to him also by whom Kings Reign and Princes decree Justice In fine You have here a Compleat System of Religious Politicks which may guide You through all the Labyrinths of Government in this World and crown You with immortality in that to come But pardon me Royal Sir I presume not by this Address to think but that the nicest Stroaks of our Author come far short of Your Highness's blooming Virtue but as near as Perfection can be copied this Work has a Right in Your Royal Highness it shewing not so much what You should be as if we may Iudge the ensuing Day by the Glorious Morn what You will be the best of Princes But here I beg leave to retire having already waded out of my Depth Your Highness's Praises being a Topick so profound that in attempting them I should only trouble the Stream without hopes of ever plumbing the Bottom The main Motives to this Dedication were those two inherent Passions of Mankind especially Writers Interest and Ambition the first in Regard to this Work which has need of no less a Name than that of Your Royal Highness to protect it the last in respect to my self having none greater than to subscribe my self Your Highness ' s most Faithful and most Obedient Humble Servant I. A. The Author to the Reader IN the toilsome Leisure of my continual Travels over Germany and several other Countries I compos'd these Hundred Emblems wherein you have an Idea of a Royal Christian Politician penning them down at vacant Intervals These I had meditated on in my Journeys upon the Road as oft as that continual Intercourse I had by Letters with his Catholick Majesty and his Ministers and other publick Concerns incumbent on me gave me Time and Leisure By Degrees the Work swell'd and though I was well assured it came far short of Perfection as not being compil'd with that continual Application of Thought nor with that Accuracy and Labour corrected as was requisite to have render'd it agreeable in all its Parts and an abfolutely perfect Piece and that it would be thought Pride in me to presume to prescribe Precepts to Princes 1 Praecipere qualis debeat esse princeps pulchrum quidem generosum prope superbum Plin. Jun lib. 3. Epist. 18. However the Importunity of my Friends who have ever great Influence over me prevail'd upon me to publish it in which also Self-love had some part for we are generally as fond of the Products of our Brain as of those of Nature I write not this Reader to excuse my Errors for that I can't do sufficiently but that I may more easily obtain Pardon of those who shall consider my Zeal in having amidst such a Croud of Business Fatigues and Dangers compil'd this Book that if any Benefit might be reapâ—d from it it might accrue to my Prince and Master and least with me should die the Experience which I have acquir'd by a continued Exercise in Busâ—ness for Four and thirty Years which after five years Study in the University of Salamanca I have pass'd in the principal Courts of Europe always employ'd in Publick Affairs having been at Rome at the Election of two Popes at the Assembly of the Electoral Princes at Ratisbone when Ferdinand the Third the present most August Emperor was created King of the Romans at Eight Diets in Switzerland and lastly at the Imperial Diet at Ratisbone being Plenipotentiary for the most Serene House and Circle of Burgundy Wherefore if any one of these Political Counsels or Precepts shall be any ways beneficial to him who is happpily born to govern both the Old and New World I believe this Attempt will be excus'd Nor should any one be disgusted at the Use of Emblems since God himself is the Author of them The Brazen-Serpent 2 Numb 21. The Flaming-Bush 3 Exodus 3. Gideon's Fleece 4 Judges 6. Sampson's Lion 5 Judges 14. The Priests Garments 6 Exodus 28. The Amours of the kind Spouse 7 Song of Solomon What are they else but Emblems It has been my chiefest Endeavour to have the Invention new whether the Performance be answerable I know not There have been many Ingenious Men who have wrote upon the same Subject and 't is very obvious for different Persons to Jump upon the same Thoughts
Roman Senate on his side whose Authority could never be wholly Darkned though it might be sometimes Eclipsed 4 Nunquam obscura nomina etsi aliquando obumbrentur Tac. 2. Hist. This also made many Countries submit to it and seek its Protection 5 Erat grande momentum in nomine Vrbis praetextu senatus Tac. 1. Hist. in the Differences that were between those Great Generals Caesar and Pompey each his principal Aim was to Conquer rather the Reputation than Arms of his Rival well knowing that Minds and Forces follow more the noise of Fame than that of the Drum King Philip the Second was eminently skilful in this Art of preserving Reputation having by it from his Cabinet so managed the Reigns of both Worlds that he always had them at Command Nay even when the Ruin of States is apparent 't is better 〈◊〉 suffer them than ones Credit to be destroy'd for without this 't is impossible to re-establish them For which Reason though the Republick of Venice saw it self lost in that violent Storm of the League of Cambray yet that most Prudent and Valiant Senate thought it better to shew their Constancy on that Occasion than to betray any Cowardice by using dishonourable Means Desire of Dominion makes Princes mean For want of this Consideration Otho with stretch'd out Hands seem'd to adore the People he embraced every one and shewed all the servileness imaginable to gain them to his Party and so procur'd the Empire by those means which declared him unworthy of it 6 Nec dâ—erat Otho protendens manus adorare vulgum jacere oscula omnia serviliter pro dominatione Tac. 1. Hist. Even in Indigence and Necessity it is not fit to use means violent and inglorious or seek the Assistance of Foreigners for both are dangerous and neither seek to relieve want nay Reputation is the better Remedy for it One Man is as rich in Opinion as another in the abundance of hid Treasures The Old Romans were undoubtedly perswaded so when in several occasions of Adversity the Provinces offering them Money and Corn they return'd Thanks but would not accept them Two Legions having been cast away at Sea to recruit the Loss Gaul Spain and Italy sent Money Horses and Arms Germanicus commended their Affection and accepted only of the Horses and Arms but not the Money 7 Caeterum ad supplenda exercitus damna certavere Gallia Hispania Italia quod cuique prompâ—um arma equos auâ—um â—fferentes quorum laudâ—to studio Germanicus armis modo equis ad bellum sumptis propria pecunia militem juvit Tac. 1. Ann. In two other Presents made the Roman Senate of Golden Cups of great Value in time of extraordinary Necessity the first time thanks were given the Ambassadors for their Care and Magnificence and the Cup of least value accepted 8 Legatis gratiae actae pro magnificentia cuâ—aque Patera quae minimi ponderis fuit accepta Liv. l. 22. The other Thanks were return'd but the Presents rejected 9 Gratiae actae â—â—rum non acceptum Liv. 22. The Authority and Reputation of a Prince proceeds from several Causes some of which respect his Person others his State The former sort are either of Body or Mind Of the Body as if it be of a suitable Frame and a Disposition capable of maintaiÌ„ning Majesty though the natural Defects of Body are often supplied by Virtues of Mind Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy had no small Imperfections of Body yet his great and generous Soul his lively Wit his Complaisance and other Courtly Accomplishments made him admired by all A grave and austere Carriage make him pass for a Prince who without that would be but very contemptible yet this Air ought to be temper'd with Courtesy and good Humour that Authority may be supported without incurring Hatred or the Character of Arrogant a thing Tacitus commends in Germanicus 10 Visuque auditu juxta venerabilis cum magnitudinem graviâ—atem summae fortunae reâ—ineret invidiam aâ—â—ogantiam eâ—â—ugeret Tac. 2. Ann. The Riches and Splendor of Apparel is another thing procures Admiration and Authority for the Vulgar are taken with these Outsides and Mankind admits the Eyes no less than the Understanding into its Counsel Whence Alphonso the Wise very well said That Cloaths contribute much to make Mâ—n known for either Noble or Base and the Ancient Sages oblig'd their Princes to Cloths of Gold and Silk and beset with Iewels that they might be known at sight without inquiry When King Ahasuerus gave Audience he wore Royal Apparel and shone in Gold and precious Stones 11 Hest. 15. 9. It was on this account God commanded Moses to make Holy Garments for Aaron his Brother for Glory and for Beauty 12 Exod. 28. 2. And he accordingly made them of Purple embroidered with Gold and adorned with other things of great value 13 Ibid. which his Successors wore after him and at this day the Popes do though with greater Prudence and less Expence And indeed if his Holiness be an Arm of God upon the Earth if the Voice of his Censures be like that of the Almighty's Thunder 14 Job 40. 4. 't is but just whatever Impiety cavils that as God covers himself with Light 15 Psalm 103. 2. the Garment of Heaven so she should be deckâ—d with Earthly Pomp and carried upon Mens Shoulders 16 Job 40. 5. The same has place in Princes who are God's Vicegerents in Temporals 17 Psalm 81. 6. Large and sumptuous Palaces magnificently furnish'd 18 Eccl. 2. 4. a Noble and Eminent Family 19 Prov. 22. 29. Guards of Nations of approved Fidelity 20 Job 25. 2. the Splendor and Grandeur of a Court and other Publick Ostentations do also set out a Prince's Power to the best advantage and give an additional Majesty Illustrious Titles of States Conquered or Hereditary which are attributed to him are also Manifestations of his Eminency Thus Isaiah by divers Names and Titles declares the Majesty of the Supream Creator and Prince of all things 21 Isaiah 9. 6. By these therefore your Highness is to study to enhance the Lustre of your Royal Person provided however they be not ascrib'd out of Levity or Flattery but from an universal Applause founded upon Virtue and true Valour such as were those of your Highness's Ancestors Ferdinand the Holy Alphonso the Great Sancho the Brave Iames the Warlike Alphonso the Noble and many others The Excellency of Virtues and in general all natural Perfections requisite in a good Governor procure a Prince Esteem and Authority One alone that shall shine in him whether it respect Peace or War abundantly supplies the defect of all others as if he apply himself to Business though not with absolute sufficiency for to leave all to the Care of Ministers infinitely diminishes the Force of Majesty This was Sallust's Counsel to Livia 22 Neve Tiberius vim
Princes and States the pernicious Medea's of the World sow Discord among Princes and reap Wars and Confusion the Fruit thereof in their own States 1 For they have sown the Wind and reap'd the Whirlwind Hâ—sea 8. 7. They think to enjoy themselves that Repose which they molest in others and the Event proves contrary Cosmographers say about the Aequilibrium of the World that it is so Equidistant from the Center that the least Weight moves the Earth 'T is the same in War there is none so distant but it changes the Center of Rest of other Kingdoms War is a raging Fire which kindled in one Place runs on to others and very often to its own Home according as the Wind drives it The prudent Farmer dreads the Storm he sees gathering upon the Mountain's top though at never so great a distance Much greater need has he to fear who raises it by supplying it with Vapours Those who foment the Dutch Power and Grandeur may in time repent it when subject to the Yoke of their Slavery as it befell those who favour'd the Rise of the Roman Grandeur The Venetians jealous of the Portuguese for that by their Voyages they depriv'd 'em of the Traffick of the Persian Sea and the East-Indies sent an Embassador against them to Cairo and Engineers and Carpenters to arm the King of Calâ—cut against them persuading the Dutch to oppose their Passage by the Cape of Good Hope But they having comply'd with their Desires and establish'd their own Factories and Commerce quite disappointed the Republick who had better have left the Portuguese Trade free since so they might have made use of their Ships to Import the Eastern Commodities which when they had brought to their Ports the Inhabitants might with more Industry and Profit disperse over Europe Thus we see the Means which humane Prudence makes use of for its own Safety turn to the Ruine of the Author The Dukes of Savoy and Parma thought to maintain the War in the State of Milan and the one utterly ruin'd his own and the other made his the Seat of War Ill Advice impos'd upon the Goodness of the French King made him fearful of himself diffident of his Mother and Brother and of the whole Kingdom being persuaded that without War he could not subsist and that his Preservation depended upon the Ruine of the House of Austria and for that end he rais'd with the Blood of the Nobility of that Kingdom engag'd in Civil Broils Clouds which created a general Tempest against all Christendom the Rhine Moselle Danube and Elbe being summoned to his Assistance He foments the Clouds in England Holland and Denmark He breaks the Ice of Sweden that he might pass the Baltick Sea by those Northern Streights to the Ruine of Empire 3 Isai. 23. 11. He thaws the Snows of the Switzers and Grisons and scatters them through Germany and Italy He turns the River Po upon the State of Milan summoning the Tyber and Adriatick to his Assistance 4 Ezek. 32. 2. He raises the Fogs of Africk Persia Turkey Tartary and Moscovia that they might in Clouds of Arrows and Lightning invade Europe He forces through the secret Crannies of the Earth Earthquakes which shook Brazil and the East-Indies He sends through all Parts furious Hurricanes which made one continual Tempest and he disturbed the Heavens with such Diligence and Art that it darted Fire hail'd Shot and rain'd Blood upon the Earth 5 Ier. 4. 13. He reaches from Pole to Pole with the Shot of his Artillery 6 Ier. 8. 16. and with his Dragoons more swift by the Negligence or Malice of some than the Imperial Eagles 7 4. 13. Their Neighings are heard in all Parts and Mars triumphs in Blood and Dust 8 Ier. 8. 16. The Author of so many Wars verifying what Isaiah said of Lucifer That he disturbs the Earth ruines Kingdoms dispeoples the World and destroys its Cities 9 Isai. 14. 16. For when God makes use of one as a Scourge to the rest he gives him his Power by which he succeeds in whatever he undertakes while his Divine Anger continues 10 Isai. 10. 5. He told Moses That he had made him God over Pharaoh 11 Exod. 7. 1. and so as God he wrought Miracles to punish him and his Kingdom 12 Data est Moysi authoritas potestâ—◠〈◊〉 velâ—t Deus Pharaontem â—erreret puniret Hil. l. 7. de Trin. But I am not so bold to say that in Pharaoh's Person and his Kingdom is represented that of France and the Punishment that Divine Sun of Justice threatens it and that we must hope for other miraculous Actions for the Preservation and Grandeur of the House of Austria 13 2 Mac. 15. 8. That his Displeasure being appeased will by little and little dispell the Clouds which obscure its Pinnacles discovering thereupon the Triumphant Imperial Eagle which having sharpned its Talons and its Beak and refresh'd its Feathers in the Waters of its Trouble shall join that Divine Lightning which shall be Light to it and Fire to France causing to fall upon them the whole Tempest which they had raised against other Kingdoms The Spirit of so many Tempests shall waste it self their Counsels being rash and violent 14 Isai. 19. 3. French shall War with French Friend with Friend Brother with Brother City with City and the Kingdom with the Kingdom 15 Ibid. by which it shall become the Bloody Scene of that War which it has so industriously procured other Nations 16 Ezek. 29. 10. Such Counsels are like Spiders Webs drawn from their own Bowels their due Punishment is to fall into the same Nets which they have spread for others 17 Proâ— 26. 27. Perillus invented a Brazen Bull for the Exercise of his Tyranny and was himself the first that made it Bellow No Possession is secure which is founded upon the Destruction of others A certain French Embassador advised the League of Cambray against the Republick of Venice insinuating That she should sow Dissentions among the Princes and build her own Fortune upon their Ruine And several of them uniting disarmed her and took from her all the Lands she possess'd upon the Continent It may be that those Times required such Artifices or that the Prudent Noblemen of which that Illustrious Senate always consists knew those Inconveniencies but could not prevent 'em either through the furious Torrent of the Multitude or through fear of rendring themselves suspected by Opposition This is the Misfortune of Republicks that Malice Tyranny fomenting Hatred and Self-Interest without respect to Justice pass for Zeal and Love to their Country hindring Persons of Integrity from appearing That the Prudent endeavour to procure the Peace of the State while giddy Fellows who have no Prospect of the Time to come molest it by their vain and dangerous Enterprizes 18 Sapientibus quietis Reip. curae levissimus quisque futuri
whereon Life depends If what Timorousness and Solicitude spends Abroad to keep the Monarchy in Security Prudence would lay out at Home in maintaining Forces both by Sea and Land in Fortifying and Garrisoning Strong Holds Forts and Cities the remote Provinces would be abundantly more safe and if any one should be lost it might easily be recovered by the Forces within Rome was able to defend it self and even to retake all that Hannibal had gotten from them nay even to overthrow Carthage it self by keeping all its Wealth and Strength within the Bowels of the Commonwealth Not that I say this with a desire to persuade Princes always to refuse their Money to their Friends and Neighbours but only that they might be very careful how they lay it out and rather assist them with Men than Money for this stays with them that receiv'd it whereas those return to him who sent them And this is to be understood when there is no danger of engaging themselves in the War by drawing it into their own States or of getting their Friend greater Enemies as also when it is more Expensive and liable to more Inconveniences to aid with Money than Arms For one of the two ways State-Interest absolutely requires us to defend a neighbouring Prince as often as our Fortune is inseparably joined with his it being prudenter to carry on a War in another's State than to feed it in the very Heart of our own Thus of old it was the peculiar way of the Romans to make War far from Home and by the Fortresses of the Empire to defend the Fortunes of their Allies 11 Fuit proprium populi Romani longè à domo bellare proâ—ugnaculiâ— Imperii sociorum fortunas non sua tecta defendere Cic. pro leg Man not their own Houses And this we ought to have learn'd from that Government that we might not be forced to lament at this day so many Calamities 'T is this Policy rather than Ambition that has moved the Swiss-Cantons to undertake the Protection of some People for though they were sensible this could not be done without great Charges and the running the Risque of their own Defence yet they thought it more their Interest to keep the War out of their own Territories The Confines of a neighbouring State are the Walls of our own and as such to be guarded with all the Care imaginable EMBLEM XCII EVen the Feathers of Birds are in danger when too near those of the Eagle in that these by that natural Antipathy surviving in them which is between the Eagle and the other Birds corrode and destroy them 1 Plin. l. 10. c. 3. Ael l. 9. c. 11. de Animal Thus Protection changes into Tyranny A Superiour Power observes no Laws Ambition no Respect What was committed to its Trust it afterwards detains as its own under colour of Self-Preservation Petty Princes think to secure their States by Foreign Aids and utterly ruine them They fall a Prey both to Friend and Enemy the former being no less dangerous from Confidence than the latter from Hatred With a Friend we live secure without the least Fear or Precaution so that he may easily strike us without any Danger on his side Upon this Reason I conceive was founded that Law which commanded the Oxe that had gored any one to be stoned 2 If an oxe gore a man or a woman and they die the oxe shall be sâ—rely stoned Exod. 21. 28. but says nothing of the Bull because we trust the Oxe more as being a Domestick Animal we every day make use of Ambition creeps in under the pretext of Friendship and Protection and that by their means is easily obtained which never could have been by Force With what specious Names did the Romans mask their Tyranny when they received the People of other Nations for Citizens Friends and Allies They admitted the Albani into their Common-wealth peopling it with those who before were Enemies The Sabines they made Free of their City and abundance of Countries called them to their Aid against their Enemies as the Protectors of their Liberties and Privileges and the Universal Arbitrators of Justice Thus they who of themselves could not have 〈◊〉 one Foot of Ground by the Ignorance of others extended their Dominions far and near At first they exacted but moderate Tributes of those Nations thus disguising their Treachery under the Appearance of Morality But when that Imperial Eagle had spread its Wings wider over the three Parts of the World Europe Asia and Africa she whet her Beak upon Ambition and discovered the Claws of her Tyranny The People then found their Confidence was miserably deluded and the Feathers of their Power destroyed under those of the Oppression of Taxes and the loss of their Liberty and Privileges and now the Tyranny was grown powerful could neither recover themselves again nor re-establish their Forces And to the end the Venom might turn into Nature the Romans invented Colonies and introduced the Latin Tongue thus to efface the Distinction of Nations and leave the Romans alone to enjoy the Empire of all This was that Eagle in Ezekiel's Vision with great Wings and many Feathers 3 And there was also another Eagle with great wings and many feathers c. Ezek. 17. 7. or as the Septuagint has it many Talons because such were its Feathers How often do Men think they stand under the one when they are really under the other How often do they think themselves covered with the Lily when stuck so fast amidst Thorns and Briars that they can't escape without tearing their Cloaths The City of Pisa put their Rights and Pretensions against the Republick of Florence under the Protection of Ferdinand the Catholick and the King of France and both agreed to deliver it to the Florentines under the pretence of the Repose of Italy Lewis Sforza employed the Assistance of the French against his Nephew Iohn Galeas and they having divested him of the Dutchy of Milan carried him Prisoner into France But what need is there to look so far for Examples Let the Duke of Mantua 〈◊〉 how dear another's Protection has cost him Let 〈◊〉 Elector of Treves and the Grisons say whether they have â—â—eserved their Liberty by admitting Foreign Armies into their States for their Defence and Protection Let Germany tell us how it finds it self under the Patronage of Sweden now the noble Circles of its Provinces heretofore the Splendour and Support of the Imperial Diadem are divided and broken now those sparkling Diamonds the Cities of the Empire its ancient Ornament are sullied and unset the Orders of its States overthrown and confounded the Harmony of its Politick Government destroyed its ancient Nobility stript and impoverished that of all its Provinces which knew best how to assert its Liberty now without the least appearance of it is trampled under foot and laid waste by the Fire and Sword of Foreign Nations and exposed to the Will of a thousand
of 〈◊〉 ordered him to leave it instantly threatning if he â—â—d not to drive him and all that belong'd to him out 〈◊〉 his Kingdom The same did his Son Ferdinand in 〈◊〉 the Bishoprick of Cuenca to which Pope Sixtus had â—â—â—ated Raphaël Galeot a Relation of his own 11 Anton. â—eb Hist. Hisp. For â—â—e King incens'd that it should be given to a Foreigner and without his Nomination enjoined all the Spaniards to leave Rome protesting he would call a Council upon that and some other Matters and when the Pope afterwards sent his Nuncio into Spain he bid him return complaining that His Holiness did not use him as such an obedient Son of the Church deserved and wondred that the Embassador should undertake such a Commission But he humbly making answer That he would renounce the Priâ—â—es of an Embassador and submit wholly to His Majesty's Pleasure by this and the good Offices of the Cardinal of Spain he was admitted and all the Differences adjusted But unless for Self-Preservation or otherwise the Case be extremely dangerous recourse should not be had to these Methods and it is befitting the Paternal Affection of the Popes not to give Occasion to them behaving themselves so Courteous always so as thereby to maintain a good Correspondence with Princes For although they have in their Hand as was said the two Swords of Spiritual and Temporal Authority yet this ought to execute nothing but by the Arms of Emperors and Kings as Protectors and Defenders of the Church Which makes it as Alphonsus the Wise says * In Proem p. 2. of so much concernment for those two Powers always to agree so that each may help the other when Occasion requires I doubt not but all those whom God hath placed in this High Station have this Care deeply rooted in their Hearts but yet it is often-times perplexed by the Courtiers of Rome whose only business is to sow Discords as also by the Ambition of some Ministers who think to wind themselves into the Favour of the Popes and to procure the best Preferments by their Independency on Princes and by the Aversion they bear them always inventing Pretences to reject their Petitions and taking all occasions of Affronting their Embassadors and who to appear Stout suggest violent Counsels under colour of Religion and Zeal all which ruine the good Understanding of the Popes and Temporal Princes to the great prejudice of the Christian Commonwealth and chills the Veins of Piety for want of Love the Artery that cherishes them and maintains their warmth EMBLEM XCV THE Isthmus maintains it self between the Force and Power of two contrary Seas as their common Arbiter not enclining more to this than that Hence what one takes from it the other restores again and by the conflict of both it is preserved entire for if the Waves of either should once swell and overflow the whole Tract of Ground they would spoil its Jurisdiction and it would be no longer an Isthmus This Neutrality betwixt two great Powers supported for a long time Peter Ruiz d'Azagra in his Government of Albarraein situate on the Frontiers of Castile and Arragon 1 Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 11. c. 16. for each of these Kings took care not to let it be oppress'd by the other and those Emulations kept the Freedom of that little State untouch'd By this the Dukes of Savoy may see how much it is their Interest to stand Neuter between the two Crowns of France and Spain and to keep in their Hands the free Disposal of the Passes into â—â—aly by the Alps as a thing whereon their Grandeuâ— their Conservation and the Necessity of their Friendship entirely depends it highly concerning each of these Crowns not to let them be subdued by the other Hence the Spaniards have so often marched to the Aid of Charles Emanuel and recovered such Places as the French had taken from him I know only one Case wherein it is better that these Princes breaâ— this Neutrality and side with one of the two Crowns and that is when the other attempts the Conquest of their Dominions particularly that of France For if once the French should drive the Spaniards out of Italy they would become so powerful considering they have already eâ—tended their Dominions from the very utmost Limits of the Ocean as far as the Mediterranean through Calâ—â—ria that over running the States of Savoy and Piedmont they must of necessity either unite them to the Crown of France or but then them with an intolerable Slavery which the whole Body of Italy would soon feel the Effects of without hopes of redeeming their Liberty again and for Spain ever to retrieve their Losses or balance their Forces would be extremely difficult considering the vast distance between them too This Danger the Republick of Venice with a great deal of Prudence weighed when seeing Charles the Eighth's Power encrease in Italy they struck up that which was called the Holy League From that time one may say Divine Providence began to contrive the Security and Preservation of the Apostolick Chair and of Religion and to prevent its falling under the Tyranny of the Turk or being infected with the Heresies then taking root in Germany advanced the Greatness of the House of Austria and establish'd the Spanish Monarchy in the States of Naples Sicily and Milan that Italy might have a Catholick Prince to defend it on all sides And to restrain the Power of Spain and make it content with the Rights of Succession Fiefs and Arms it raised it a Rival in the Person of the King of France to lay its Kings under a necessity for their Preservation of gaining the Love and Good-will of their Subjects and the Esteem of other Princes by maintaining Justice among them with these Peace without giving the least Occasion to War which always hazards the Rights and Designs of the most Powerful This Advantage which Italy reaps from the Power of Spain is by some unjustly traduced as a Yoke of Slavery when on the contrary it is the only Instrument of its Repose of its Liberty and Religion The Mistake proceeds from their not well knowing the Importance of this Counterpoise A Person ignorant in Navigation seeing the Bottom of a Ship filled with Sand and Stones thinks it carries the Cause of its Wreck in this Weight whereas they who are acquainted with Sea-Affairs know that without this Ballast the Lightness of the Ship could never subsist long against the Agitation of the Waves Nicephorus speaking of this Aequilibrium between two Crowns looks on it as a Common Advantage to the Subjects of both Kingdoms when he says That he could not enough admire the inscrutable Wisdom of God who makes two directly opposite Means tend to the same End as when he would keep two Powers at variance without however subjecting the one to the other he either gives to both Commanders whose Capacity and Courage discover the Artifices and oppose the Attempts of the adverse
knowledge of this Truth all prudent Princes â—â—d Commonwealths have shewed themselves more adâ—â—ed to Spain to add some Weight to it and that by â—â—ing a more perfect Aequilibrium they with their â—â—tes might enjoy a happy Tranquility and if at any â—ne any one has disordered it by espousing the contrary â—â—ty he has been the Occasion of great Troubles and â—â—moted the Ruine of Italy Glory that constant attendant of Ambition prompts â—ne Italians to think it would be more advantageous 〈◊〉 them to unite against both Crowns and have no â—â—er Masters but themselves either by dividing themâ—â—ves into Republicks or setting up one Head Thoughts â—re for Talk than Effect considering the present â—â—ndition of Italy for either this Sovereign must be 〈◊〉 Pope or some other If the Pope there want not â—â—y many plausible Reasons to shew the impossibility 〈◊〉 maintaining a Spiritual Monarchy changed into a â—mporal one under an Elective Prince especially if 〈◊〉 be of a declining Age as generally all the Popes are â—sed only in Arts of Peace and Ecclesiastical Tranâ—lity wholly employed in Spiritual Affairs and surâ—nded with Nephews and Relations who should â—â—â—y not require to secure to themselves the Succession 〈◊〉 their States will be sure to share them by Investitures â—â—â—des it being the Interest of Christendom that the â—â—â—es be the Common Fathers of all its Members and 〈◊〉 have any Differences with other Princes they will â—â—â—eby be engaged in perpetual Quarrels with those two â—â—wns which on account of the Claims each lay to the Dutchy of Milan and the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily will soon fall upon the Apostolick See whetheâ— joined by some Compact to divide the Conquests of these States or separately one breaking into Italy through the Milanese the other through Naples with the Danger too of one of them calling in the Aid of the Germans or the Turk who would afterwards fix in Italy But suppose any Person were created King of all Italy yet still the same Inconveniencies would remain nay another much greater would arise from hence that in form a Monarchy this King must necessarily make other Princes subject to him and strip the Pope of his Empire For should he leave them in the same Condition they are at present though it were under some acknowledgment of Homage or in Alliance he could never support himself besides that thus Italy would lose that Spiritual Empire which renders it no less Illâ—strious than heretofore the Roman did and being dâ—prived of its Liberty would be brought to a kind 〈◊〉 Tyrannical Confusion There is yet less probability of Italy 's continuing 〈◊〉 Peace under several Native Princes for they can neveâ— agree so uniformly as to unite against the two Crowâ— but will rather ruine one another by Intestine Wars â— it happened in former Ages the Italian Nation being 〈◊〉 so lofty a Genius that it scorns a Medium either it mâ—â—â— absolutely Govern or Obey From all which it appears how necessary soâ—â— Foreign Power is to Italy which opposed to all otheâ— neither suffers Wars between its Princes nor alloâ— them to make use of Foreign Arms which is the reasâ— that since it was united with the Crown of Spain it 〈◊〉 always enjoy'd a perfect and continual Peace The Advantage therefore that attends that necessity 〈◊〉 joining it self to one of the two Crowns may preâ—â—â— upon the Italian Nation to conform to the present 〈◊〉 especially since if there should happen any Alteration 〈◊〉 Milan Naples and Sicily it could not but give a 〈◊〉 â—â—â—â—rbance to other Governments For no New Forms 〈◊〉 â—ntroduced without the corruption of others and 〈◊〉 one of the two Nations must be incorporated 〈◊〉 Italy the Spanish has most Reason for it they lying 〈◊〉 under the same Climate which renders them more 〈◊〉 in Firmness of Religion Observance of Justice â—vity of Actions Fidelity to their princes Constancy in 〈◊〉 Promises and Publick Faith in Moderation of Mind 〈◊〉 briefly in all other Customs and Manners and â—es because the King of Spain governs not in Italy 〈◊〉 Stranger but as an Italian Prince who aims at noâ—â—â—g more there than to maintain what he justly posâ—â—â— since he can with much more Advantage to his 〈◊〉 extend his Monarchy over the vast Countries 〈◊〉 Africa This Maxim Ferdinand the Catholick left to Successors in generously refusing the Offer of the 〈◊〉 of Emperor of Italy saying That he desired nothing 〈◊〉 what of Right belonged to him and that it was not his 〈◊〉 to dismember the Imperial Dignity This Truth is â—â—â—ently attested by the Restitutions the King of Spain 〈◊〉 made of several Places without making use of any 〈◊〉 of Arms or demanding Satisfaction for Charges 〈◊〉 Damage or taking up Arms but upon necessity 〈◊〉 for his own defence or that of another as the 〈◊〉 of Mantua have experienc'd and if he has at 〈◊〉 time made War upon the Duke of Nevers it was 〈◊〉 as Malice would insinuate to make himself Master â—asal but to put it in the Power of the Emperor to justice to those who laid Pretensions to these States 〈◊〉 the Duke of Nevers having implored by the Marquess Mirebaean His Majesty's Protection and Consent to 〈◊〉 Marriage of his Son the Duke of Retel with the â—â—â—eess Mary obtained both But after the Conclusion of 〈◊〉 Matter Advice was brought to Madrid That by the â—er-hand Practices of Count d'Estrige the Wedding 〈◊〉 already celebrated Vincent Duke of Mantua being â—he point of Death without the King's knowledge â—â—â—ctly against the Agreement between him and the 〈◊〉 which was the reason that this Novelty which appeared to some a kind of Slight and Distrust deferred first the execution of the Protection and gave afterwards place to fresh Deliberations wherein it was resolved That without any Notice taken of all this the Favour promised should remain in full force and One be sent to give the Married Couple Joy But as Divine Providence had determined the Destruction of the City and House of Mantua for the Vices of its Princes and their Violation of so many Marriages it directed all Events to that end and accordingly for this Reason while these Things passed in Spain Cardinal Richlieu a sworn Enemy to the Duke of Nevers brought it about that the Duke of Savoy assisted by his Master denounced War against him to get what he laid claim to in Montferrat But the Duke smelling this to be nothing but a Pretence under which to bring thâ— French Arms into Italy and by the Ruine of both Dukes to encrease the Grandeur of France discover'd the whole Intrigue to Gonsalvo of Cordoua Governor of Milan promising to desert the French if he would assâ—â—â— him Gonsalvo desired Time to consider and seâ—â—â— Advice of it into Spain and seeing the Duke make some difficulty to grant it and that if he did not succoâ— him the Doors of the Alps would be open to the French he of his own head agreed with the Duke
Subjects can never long bear 〈◊〉 War at Home for by maintaining in this manner â—oth Friends and Enemies Charges encrease Means â—il and Dangers continue But if any one thinks â—â—reby to sooth up and the more easily appease him he â—â—gaged with it is imprudent Counsel there being no â—â—ttering a declared Enemy Moderation in War is â—ot imputed to Clemency but to Weakness and the â—ost Powerful lose their Reputation and are endanger'd 〈◊〉 it The King of Spain 's Mildness to Charles of Savoy â—â—st him dear This Duke made War against Ferdinand Duke of Mantua to assert his ancient Pretensions upon Montferrat and King Philip III. not thinking it fit that 〈◊〉 Sword should decide this Suit then depending before the Emperor and that the Quarrel of these two â—rinces should disturb the Peace of all Italy made War â—pon the former and sate down before Asti not with â—â—y design to enter that Place forcibly which might â—â—ve been easily done but by this Menace to oblige him 〈◊〉 Peace as accordingly he did This moderate way â—f proceeding encreased the Duke's Obstinacy and contrary to the Treaty he again took up Arms kindling another War more dangerous than the first Upon which His Majesty besieged Verâ—eil which he took but presently restored again so that the Duke who saw his Designs succeed so happily struck up a Leagâ—â— with the French and Venetians at Avignoâ— and a third time disturbed Italy All which Wars might very easily have been avoided had the Duke of Savoy been made to feel the weight of the Spanish Arms and suffered the loss of part of his State Whoever has once opposed a greater Power will never become a Friend till he sees himself oppressed and robb'd of all as Vocula said to the Mutinous Legions when he encouraged them against some Provinces of France 4 〈…〉 cum spoliâ—â—i exutique 〈…〉 fore Tac. Hist. l. 4. that revolted Princes are not feared for having the Weapons in their Hands but for knowing how to use them No one assaults him who dares turn again Almost all Wars are grounded either upon the Oscitancy or Cowardice of the Person against whom they are waged What Risque is there in making War against a Prince wholly devoted to Peace since whatever the Success be that will certainly be obtained For this Reason it seems convenient that the Maxims of the Spaniards be changed in Italy which endeavour to inculcate That the King wishes nothing so much as Peace and would purchase it at any Rate It is fit indeed Princes should know that His Majesty is always Sincere and willing to keep a good Understanding with them ready to employ all his Forces for their Conservation and Defence and that he will spare no Care which may contribute to the Quiet of those Provinces but withal they should know That if any one unjustly opposes his Grandeur and conspires to overthrow it putting him to the Damages and Expences of War he will get Satisfaction by detaining what he shall take from them What Court of Justice will not allow Costs to the Party that sues another without Reason â—â—o will not try his Sword upon the Body of a potent 〈◊〉 if he can do it with safety When a Victory is obtained the Spoils should be 〈◊〉 among the Soldiers and particular Honour shewed 〈◊〉 as have eminently signalized themselves in the Fight â—â—at Valour seeing it self rewarded may be encouraged 〈◊〉 greater Enterprizes and be an Example to others 〈◊〉 this end the Romans invented so many Crowns â—ollars Ovations and Triumphs Saul erected to himâ—â—lf a Triumphant-Arch upon the Defeat of the Amaâ—â—â—ites 5 Saul came to Caâ—mel and behold â—e set him up a place 1 Sam. â—5 12. Nor are these Honours to be done the â—â—rvivors only but those also who have valiantly lost â—â—eir Lives in the Battel since they bought the Victory 〈◊〉 so dear a Price Signal Services done the State canâ—ot be recomeâ—â—â—ed but by some Eternal Remembrance â—hus those of 〈◊〉 were requited with a Sepulchre â—hich lasted 〈◊〉 many Ages 6 And set up 〈◊〉 pillars upon it one against another for 〈◊〉 father his 〈…〉 And he set great pillars round â—â—out them and set arms upon the pillars for a perpetual memory 〈◊〉 carved ships beside the arms that they might be seen of men â—â—â—lling in the sea This sepulchre which he made at Modin standeth 〈◊〉 unto this day 1 Maccab. 13. 28 29 30. The Soul sensible of 〈◊〉 own 〈◊〉 undervalues Dangers to make the â—emory of its Actions immortal too Hence the Spaniards 〈◊〉 old raised as many Obelisks about every Soldier 's â—omb as he had killed Enemies 7 〈…〉 Arist. l. 7. Poâ— c. 2. God being the â—â—vereign Disposer of Victories to him we ought to pay 〈◊〉 Acknowledgments first to engage him to grant us â—thers not only by way of Thanksgiving and Sacrifice â—ut by Spoils 〈◊〉 and Offerings as the Israelites did â—pon raising the Siege of Bethulia and routing the Assyrians 8 After when they 〈…〉 Jerusalem they worshipped the Lord and as soon as the 〈◊〉 were purified they offered their burntâ— offerings and their 〈◊〉 offerings and their gifts Iudith 1â— 18. and Ioshua after his Victory over the Men of Ai 9 And thou shalt offer burnt-offerings thereon unto the Lord thy God and thou shalt offer peace-offerings 〈◊〉 27. 6. In which particular the Spanish Kings have always been very liberal which Piety of theirs God has rewarded with the present Monarchy EMBLEM XCVIII WAR in many things resembles Fire not only in its Nature which is to destroy but also for that the same Matter wherewith it iâ— fed when there is too much of it extinguishes it Arms support War but if they are very powerful quench it 〈◊〉 change it into Peace Therefore whoever would obâ—â—in this must use them it being impossible that any â—eace should be concluded with Honour and Advantage â—Nless it be treated of under the Shieldâ— and with this â—he Arm must be guarded which reaches out the Hand to receive the Olive of Peace Clovis wish'd for two Right-Hands one arm'd to oppose Alaricus the other â—aked to present in token of Peace to Theodorick the Mediator between them The Arms of a Prince should be equally prepared for Peace and War Clovis never thought he could obtain that by shewing his unarmed Right-Hand without having at the same time another â—pon its Guard This is that the Greeks meant by the Hieroglyphick of a Man holding in one Hand a Pike in the other a Caduceus Negotiation expressed by the latter can never succeed except the Menace of the former attend it When the Athenians were annoyed by Eumolphus their General marched first with a Caduceus in his Hand and was follow'd by the flower of his Men in Armour hereby shewing himself ready as well for Peace as War When the Rhodians sent an Embassy to Constantinople there went one by the Embassador's side carrying three Boughs signifying the same
acknowledged when he prayed God to take away the Reproach which he fear'd 8 Psalm 118. 39. Let the Prince therefore arm himself with Constancy to resist any Events and the Opinions of the Vulgar and shew his Valour in the Defence of the true and real Reputation of his Person and Arms seeing the loâ—s or stain of this brings the whole Empire into danger King Ferdinand the Catholick very well understood this when he advised his Father Iohn the Second King of Arragon to adapt himself to the Times and Necessity and endeavour to secure his Crown by gaining the Hearts of the Marquiss of Villena and Alphonso Carillo Archbishop of Toledo †Mar. Hist. Hisp. He did indeed all honourable means to effect it but could never be oblig'd basely to bend his Regal Authority to the Fury and Violence of his Subjects thinking there to be more Danger in this than Advantage in gaining their Affeâ—â—ions Time is the best Master of these Arts and such â—one may come as will make even mean Actions Heroick and impute even base and servile Submission to Fortitude 'T is an honourable and lawful End enobles them Tacitus accuses Vitellius for being Nero's Assâ—ciate in his Debaucheries without any Necessity which had made it very excusable but out of meer Luxury and Lasciviousness 9 Sectari cantantem solitus non necessitate qua honestissimus quisqâ—e sed iâ— Luxu sagina mancipatus emptusque Tac. 2. Hist. To submit to Necessity requires no less Resolution than to overcome it and what is sometimes thought Baseness is a desire of Honour as when to prevent the loss of this or at least to preserve it Injuries are put up for a time He that immediately runs to Revenge suffers himself to be led more by Passion than Honour Anger 't is true has Satisfaction but the Ignominy becomes more notorious and publick How oft has Bloodshed been a kind of Rubrick inscribed with Injuries How often have we seen in the Offenders gashed Face the offended Person 's Infamy written in Scars as in so many Letters Honour has been more frequently lost by Revenge than Dissimulation this brings Oblivion that Remembrance and we more value a Person that has prudently taken an Affront than one who has rashly reveng'd one He who makes a true and prudent Estimate of the price of his Honour weighs it against Revenge which the former with the Addition of a Grain of publick Esteem out-weighs by much Although it is my Advice that the Prince value not popular Discourse this however I would have limited to the Cases mentioned that is when it is compensated by the Publick Good or obstructs the Execution of any great Designs which the People donâ—t comprehend at least not well understand For the Success and Honour of the thing recovers afterwards the lost Reputation with Interest It will in the mean time be Prudence in the Prince at all times as much as possible to conform his Actions to the Inclinations of the People their Approbation working almost the same Effect with real Glory they both consist in Men's Imagination and the popular Voice though false sometimes gains so much Credit that neither Time nor any contrary Action can ever after efface it EMBLEM XXXIII WHAT an entire Glass represents the same when broken each part of it exhibits Thus the Lion views himself in both Pieces of that of the present Emblem that Symbol of Fortitude and generous Constancy which a Prince in all Accidents ought to maintain In as much as he is a Publick Mirror wherein the whole World views it self as King Alphonso the Wise has well observed speaking of Kings Actions and how they ought to be regulated Whether therefore Success preserve or Misfortunes break him he should ever appear with one Countenance which indeed in Prosperity is of some difficulty considering how apt the Passions are to break forth of themselves and that Reason vanishes with Glory However a truly noble Mind suffers not it self to be transported even by the highest Happiness as one might see in Vespasian who though he was by the unanimous Consent of all saluted Emperor was yet neither Proud nor Arrogant 1 In ipso nihil tumidum arrogâ—â—s aut in rebus novis novum fuit Tac. 2. Hist. nor could the Alteration of Affairs work any in him That Man who with his Fortune changes his Mind confesses he did not deserve it 2 Frons privata manet non se meruisse fatetur Qui crevisse putat Claâ—d This modest Assurance was eminent too in Piso who when adopted by Galba look'd so serene and unconcern'd as if it had been in his Power to be Emperor and not depending upon the Will of another 3 Nullum turbati aut exultantis animi mâ—tum prodidisse â—ermo erga â—â—rem Imperatoremque reverens de se moderatus â—hil in vultu haâ—â—qe mutatum quasi imperare posset magis quam veilet Tac. 1. Hist. Valour also is wont to be endanger'd by adverse Accidents in that they generally find Men unprepared there being scarce one who seriously thinks of all the Calamities incident to him Which makes them surprise many unawares and is the reason the Mind is then in so much Confusion which proceeds either from excessive Dotage on those Happinesses it falls short of or from fear of loss of Life the desire of prolonging which is ingrafted in every Man's Nature Let others harbour those Passions yet in a Prince's Breast they ought never to be entertain'd whose Duty 't is to Govern equally in both Fortunes and to keep always a pleasant composed Countenance and undaunted Speech Thus Otho appear'd to his Friends even after the loss of his Empire endeavouring to stop their unreasonable Tears 4 Vlacidus ore intrepidus verbis intempestivas suoâ—rum lathryâ—â—â—â—ercens Tac. 2. Hist. In that bloody Fight at Navas of Touloâ—â—â— King Alphonso the Ninth continued in the Heat of the Engagement with the same Calmness of Mind and Looks No Accident was ever able to disclose the Passion of King Ferdinand the Catholick Being once struck by a mad Fellow of Barcelona he seem'd to be nothing disordered only gave Command he should be seized The Emperor Charles the Fifth at the Siege of Ingolstadt changed neither his Looks nor Station though the continual Fire of the Enemies Guns had tore his Tent in Pieces and cut off some by his side With no less Constancy the King of Hungary now the most August Emperor and his Highness Ferdinand the Infant both glorious Rivals of Charles's Courage and Atchievements stood undaunted at the Battel of Norlinguen not the least terrified by the Death of a Colonel who was kill'd by a Cannon-shot very near them Nor should I omit here the Example of Maximilliâ—â— Duke of Bavaria and Elector of the Empire the same who was famous for the numerous Victories he obtain'd at the Head of the Catholick League He was not puff'd up with them nor suffer'd
afterwards his great Soul to be broken by the contrary Success though he saw his States ruined and the King of Sweden and Frederick Count Palatine in his Palace of Monaca a Fabrick worthy so great a Prince and tho' he found the Duke of Frizeland as much his Enemy as the other two Let Envy and the fickleness of Times divide and dash into never so many pieces the Glass of tates yet in every of them however small Majesty will remain entire Whoever is born to a Scepter ought not to be chang'd at any Event or Accident whatever nor think any so grievous and insupportable as for it to abâ—â—don himself and dissemble the Person he bears King Peter even when he fell into the Hands of his Brother and deadly Enemy conceal'd not who he was may when it was question'd if it were he or not he cried out aloud It is I it is I. This very Constancy in preserving a Grandeur and Majesty in misfortunes 〈◊〉 sometimes the best and only Remedy against them as it was with Porus King of the Indies who being taken Prisoner by Alexander the Great and demanded how he would be treated Made answer Like a King And when Alexander ask'd him whether he desired nothing more He replied That Word comprehends all Which Heroick Answer so affected Alexander that he not only restored his Kingdom but gave him other Countries besides To yield to Adversity is as it were to side with it Valour in the Conquered pleases the Victor either because it renders his Triumph more glorious or because such is the intrinsick Energy of Virtue The Mind is not subject to Violence nor has Fortune any Power over it The Emperor Charles the Fifth used severe Threats to Iohn Frederick Duke of Saxony to oblige him to Surrender the Dutchy of Wirtemburg To which his Answer was His Imperial Majesty may indeed do what he pleases with my Body 〈◊〉 shall never be able to strike fear into this Breast Which he really shew'd on another occasion of much greater Danger for it happened as he was playing at Chess with Ernest Duke of Brunswick he heard Senâ—â—nce of Death was pass'd upon him which he receiv'd with no more Trouble than if the News had not concern'd him but chearfully bid the Duke play on which generous Carriage wiped off in some measure the Infamy of Rebellion and procured him Glory One great Action even upon a forced Death leaves a Luster and Repute to Life As has in our own time â—appned Rodrigo Calderon Marquiss de Sieviglâ—sias or â—â—ven Churches whose truly Christian Valour and Heâ—â—ick Constancy were the whole World's Admiration in so much as to turn Envy and Hatred things comâ—â—on to one of his Fortune into Pity and Commendaâ—â—â— None are delivered from violent Casualties by Timorousness nor does Confusion any way lessen Danger whereas Resolution either overcomes or at least renders it illustrious The People gather what Peril they are in from the Princes Countenance as Mariners do the danger of the Tempest from that of their Pilot. For that Reason ought he to appear equally serene in Prosperity and Adversity least Fear dash or Pride exalt him and others be able to judge of the State of Affairs This made Tiberius take so much care to hide every unsuccessful Accident 5 Haec audita quanquam abstrusum tristissima quoque maxiâ—â— occultantem Tiberium pertuleâ—unt Tac. 1. Ann. All is in Disorder and Confusion when in the Princes Face as that of Heaven the Tempests which threaten the Commons are discernible To change Colour at every Breath of Fortune betrays a light Judgment and mean Spirit Constancy and an even Look inspire Subjects with Courage strike Enemies with Admiration All Men fix their Eyes upon the Prince and if they see Fear there they fear Thus 't was with those who were at Otho's Table 6 Simul Othâ—â— vultum intnâ—eri atque eveâ—t inclinatis ad suspicionem mentibus cum tiâ—â— ret Otho timebatur Tac. 1. Hist. Besides there can be no Fidelity where Fear and Distrust find Entertainment 7 Fides metu infracta Tac. 3. 〈◊〉 Which however I would have understood of those Cases wherein it is convenient to dissemble Dangers and conceal Calamities for in others to join in publick Expressions of Sadness don't ill become the Prince as that which manifests his Love to his Subjects and engages their Hearts The Emperor Charles the Fifth put himself in Mourning and express'd his Sorrow for the Sacking of Rome David upon the news of the Death of Saul and Ionathan took hold of his Cloaths and rent them 8 2 Sam. 1. 11. The same did Ioshua for the loss received by the Men of Ai And he fell to the Earth before the Ark of the Lord 9 Jos. 7. 6. And indeed what can be more just than in a common Calamity thus to submit to God 't is a kind of Rebellion willingly to receive Good only at God's Hands and not Evil also 10 Job 2. 10. He that is humble under Correction moves to Pardon Here it may be disputed whether this Steddiness of Mind be commendable in an Inferior when he needs the Aid of the more Potent the Solution of which Doubt requires a peculiar Distinction He who is under Oppression and craves anothers Assistance should not do it with too much Cringing and Solicitude least he make his Fortune desperate there being no Prince who out of pure Compassion will reach his Hand to a Man fallen or undertake the Defence of one that has already abandon'd all hopes of himself and his Affairs Pompey's Cause lost not a little in the Opinion of Ptolomy when he saw so much Submission in his Ambassadors The King of the Cherusci shewed much more Courage when upon the loss of his Kingdom thinking it his Interest to procure the Favour of Tiberius He wrote to him not like a Fugitive or Beggar but as one who remembred his former Fortune 11 Non ut profugus aut supplex sed ex memoria prioris fortunae Tac. 2. Ann. Nor is the Example of Mithridates les Illustrious who being overthrown by Eunon is said with a Resolution truly Royal to have thus bespoke him Mithriâ—ates so many Years sought by the Romans by Sea and Land here voluntarily Surrenders himself do what you please with the Off-spring of the great Achemenes the only thing my Enemies cannot deprive me of 12 Mithridates terra marique per tot annos Romanis quaesitis sponte adsum utere ut voles prole magni Achemeis quod mihi solum hostes non abstulerunt Tac. 12. Ann. Which Words prevailed with Eunon to intercede with the Emperor Claudius in his behalf 13 Mâ—taâ—â—â—e rerum prece haud degenerare permotus Tac. 12. Ann. Let him who hath faithfully served his Prince speak boldly if he find himself injured as Herman Cortez did to Charles the Fifth and Segestes to Germanicus 14 Simul Segestes ipse ingens