doubted but of which he had given assurances to the Synod They forbad Ministers to be the first Aggressors in Disputes of Controversie It seem'd by the Measures that were taken in this Assembly to hinder the Abuse of removing Causes to the Chambres Miparties or Chambers half Protestant half Catholics that Litigious Cavils had made their advantage of their Institution But what was most remarkable of all that there pass'd is that the Brevet for 45000 Crowns for the Payment of Ministers having been given to the Churches but three years before Roni was so little â—zact in paying his brethren that there was due to 'em the Arrears of this Sum for three years Some Months after the seperation of the Synod the King Answer'd some Papers sufficiently Large that had been presented to him of which principal Articles were that the Reformed in Dauphine were Tax'd for the places of their Churches and of their Church-yards that in many places they depriv'd their poor of the General Alms and thrust their Sick out of the Hospitals that at Bourdeaux and Xaintes the Juâ—ats and Judges would have seiz'd upon the Money that was gathered for the poor at the Church-Doors that at Rouen they refus'd the Petitions presented in the Name of a Reformed Church Body or Community that at Orleans and elsewhere they tendred to the Officers at their Admission Oaths to live in the Roman Religion That at Gâ—rgeau the King's Proctor had Depos'd his substitute for the Sole Cause of Religion That at Lions the Chevalier du Guet would by Force accompany the Attendants at Funerals anâ— exacted excessive Fees and those who kept the Hospital of the Bridge of Rhone disturb'd these Funeral Attendants as much as they were able Upon all which they had all they could desire Granted 'em to Wit most severe Prohibitions against continuing to do 'em the same Injuries Nor were their two last Articles less favourably Answer'd By one of which the King was oblig'd to preserve the Churches of the Country of Gex in the same State in which he found 'em when he United it to the Crown and the other that the Reformed might Traffick in all the Duke of Savoys Dominions without fear of being disturb'd for their Consciences The King promis'd to the Inhabitants of the Country of Gex Liberty of Conscience and the exercise of their Religion as to the Rest of his Subjects This was as much as to say that he Granted 'em the Protection of his Edicts according to which the Roman Religion ought to be Re establish'd there and that for the rest things should remain there in the same condition in which they were found Because that was properly the General Rule for Executing Edicts In Effect he re-establish'd the Mass there in some time after and he sent the Baron of Lux on purpose to make this Re-establishment But he left the Reformed Churches in Possession of those Priviledges which they enjoy'd when the Country was yielded to him He refer'd the Reformed for the other Article to the Fifty third of the particulars of the Edict where what they desir'd was intirely Granted ' em At that time there was a Great business a Foot at Rome in which they would fain have engag'd the King It concern'd the Succession of England which the Pope labour'd to have settl'd in the Hands of a Catholie There was in prospect a Prince of the House of Parma and a Church man was sent over into that Island with the Title of Arch-Priest to incline the Catholics of the Country to it The King of Spain would have gotten this Crown for himself or for a Prince of his House and there were Writings dispers'd wherein the Jesuits did Impudently maintain that it was devolv'd to him The Motive of this Intrigue was Queen Elizabeths Age who in all probability 't was thought could not live long It wasnot known how she would dispose of the Suucession But it was well known that she would never leave it to a Catholic Prince And 't was fear'd that the King of Scotland her next Heir coming to the Crown might be capable of doing a great deal of hurt to the Roman Religion if he had an Affection and Zeal for the Reformed He was yet but young and as he had hitherto liv'd under a kind of Guardianship his Genius and his Inclinations were not yet known But they alter'd their measures when they knew how to hit his Humour and they carried things so far that they made use of him himself to endeavour the reducing of England to its former Obedience to the Pope But while they expected that things should come to that the King did not Rellish the Intrigue He gave his hand to the project of reducing this Kingdom to the Catholic Religion and during the rest of his Life he was the Mediator and confident of this design But he was not willing to aggrandize his Enemies by this change The other designs which he had in his Head did not require that there should be no more Protestants in Europe Chaâ—illon the Admiral 's Grandson was taken off this year by a Cannon shot in Ostend besieged by Arch-Duke Albert Never did a young Lord give greater hopes He was born for War and among the good Qualities that are necessary to a Commander he had the knack to make himself belov'd by his Souldiers whose Hearts and Confidence he had gain'd 'T is said that he had so great a Credit in thâ— Army of the Statâ—s that Prince Maurice could not forbear being Jealous Nor was he of less Authority amongst the Reformed of France who lov'd in him Virtues equal to his Fathers and Grandfathers He was continually talking of their Actions and aspir'd to no more then to imitate ' em The most Ardent of his desires was that of being like his Grandfather at the Head of the Reformed and to fight one Battle for their Interest His Merit made him lamented by the King when he heard the News of his Death But when Courtiers who always speak of the Dead or Absent what they durst not of people in a capacity of revenging themselves had drawn to the King what Picture they pleas'd of the Ambition and the Designs of this young Lord he took for a Sign of Prosperity what immediately before he look'd upon as a Subject of Grief It was in this year too that the Dauphin came into the World His Birth gave great Joy to all true French Men who by that saw all the Seeds of War suppress'd which the several pretensions to the Succession might have produc'd But that did not hinder the Spaniards from preparing all occasions of disturbance nor prevented from time to time the spreading of a Rumour that the King having promis'd Marriage to the Marchioness of Verneuil there was a doubt whither the Succession belong'd to the Children of Mary de Medicis There were some Spanish Casuists that made it a Question whether the Dispensation was fairly obtain'd In
against the Protestants The Cruelties of Monluc and of Adrets and of the Roman Catholicks in general The Massacre at Sens. Foreign Forces brought into France The Battel of Dreux The Siege of Orleans The Death of the Duke of Guise with which our Author charges the Admiral Peace agreed upon The Marriage of the Cardinal of Chatillon and what followed thereupon Tithes secured to the Roman Clergy The retaking of Havrede Grace from the English Prosecutions against the Admiral The End of the Council of Trent A Revolution in Bearn New causes of Jealousie given to the Protestants The Voyage of the Court and the Counsel of the Duke of Alva The progress of the Reformed Churches The Reconciliation of the Admiral with the Guises The Enterprise of Meaux and its consequences A Peace clapt up before Chartres without any design to observe it The 3d War The Death of the Prince of Conde and of Andelot Battels lost The Admiral restores the Party and gives new life to them A fraudulent peace The incredible Artifices of the Court The Massacre of St. Bartholomew The Princes of the Blood obliged by force to change their Religion The Inconstancy of Des Rosiers The Sieges of Rochelle and Sancerve Factions in France The Duke of Alanson Protector of the Protestants and of those called the Politicks The Death of Charles the 9th Henry the 3d returning from Poland and succeeding him continues the War The Retreat of the Princes A peace broken as soon as made The Edict of 1577. Synods The Conferences of Nerca and de Fleix The King eludes the Edict under pretence of observing it Outrages committed by the Leaguers against the King who is forced against his Will to make War upon the Protestants The Courage of the King of Navar. La Trimouille turns Protestant The Battle of Courtras The Defeat of the Reiters The Death of the Prince of Conde The Edict of Vnion The Insolence of the Leaguers The Estates held at Blois The Death of the Duke of Guise and of the Cardinal his Brother The Duke of Mayenne escaping revives the Leaguers party The extremity of the King's Affairs He makes a Truce with the Protestants The King's Affairs in a State of Recovery He besieges Paris and is stabb'd by a Monk THE Reformation which changed the Face of Religion all over Europe at the beginning of the last Age met with great Oppositions wherever it was preached For the Court of Rome used her utmost Endeavours to extinguish at its very Birth a Light that was likely to prove so fatal to her Grandeur and set in motion all the Springs of her most Refined Politicks to maintain the Errors and Abuses from which she drew such vast gains against those Enemies that so clearly revealed and laid open its ambitious Artifices She raised against them all the different Bodies of her Clergy whose miserable Ignorance and Corruption they so briskly attackt She spared neither her Bulls nor Anathema's to render them odious to all the World She armed against them all the Temporal Powers where she had Credit enough to procure her Maxims to be embrac'd and on the other side the Princes of those Times who had their secret aims for the advancing of their Authority were glad of so fair an occasion to satisfy their Ambition and greedily laid hold on 't For the aspiring passion after Arbitrary Power had so possest the Heads of the Soveraigns then Reigning that thinking their Power too much confined by some certain Relicks of Liberty which were by the Laws preserved to the people they were ravish'd to meet so patly with a Religious Pretence to employ one part of their Subjects to ruine the other as being very confident that when the soundest and most understanding part of them should be once oppressed they should easily master the rest And the Court of Rome likewise in her turn when she smelt out the Intentions of the Princes was in no small fear of them as well as of her pretended Heretick Enemies and looking upon Absolute Power as a Jewel fit only to be reserv'd fot the Triple Crown she never sincerely assisted those whose power was in a State of giving her any Umbrage in that ticklish pretension Yet for all these precautions the Emperor Charles the 5th upon this occasion had very like to have reduced all Germany under his Yoak but that after he had defeated the Protestants an unexpected Revolution reduced into Smoke all the prosperities of his life And his Son Philip the 2d was still more unfortunate in that by his ill-managed attempts upon the Liberties of the 17 Provinces he gave the first Motion to those mighty concussions that have since proved so ruinous to the Greatness of his House But the Crown of France has succeeded better in those designs for tho in the contest it has been reduced more than once to the very brink of Ruin yet Religion has been at last so useful an Expedient to its Monarchs to advance their power beyond all bounds that they at this day acknowledge no other limits to it but their own lawless Wills However all the Oppositions formed by divers Interests against the progress of the Reformation were not able to hinder it from spreading every where in a very few years time It was too necessary and too just not to find some hearts disposed to embrace it and a multitude of good Souls had too long groaned under the intolerable Yoke of the Superstitions and Tyranny of Rome not to receive with open arms those which preached with such forcible Evidence against her Corruptions as well in points of Doctrine and Worship as of Manners and Discipline But yet it met not every where with the same contradictions nor with the same easie successes For there were some States where it was receiv'd almost without resistance others where it found such Obstacles which it could never surmount and others again where the Difficulties it met with could not be mastered but by an infinite number of Crosses and Pains France was one of the places where the longest oppositions were raised against it and it was firmly setled in many other parts of Europe before it was known what would be its destiny in France and if we except the 10 or 12 last years of Henry IV. it may truly be said it never enjoyed any peace there and that since its first dawning in that great Kingdom till now it has always been persecuted For if its Adversaries have seemed sometimes to give it any respite and to renounce the further use of any violent means to oppress it 'T was only to gain opportunity to compass it by other more hidden and consequently more dangerous and effectual practices They have successively employ'd against it Capital punishments Wars fraudulent Treaties Massacres and all the Artifices of a profound and refined policy and whenever they met with a Juncture of time they thought favourable to their design they never were ashamed divers times to make use of
and the same Religion The Reformed complain'd of these Articles which were granted directly to their Prejudice But the Proctors endeavour'd to excuse one part by saying that certain Expressions were added in favour of the Edicts and that they were forc'd to be contented because it would have been impossible for 'em to have obtain'd clearer or more precise Expressions to explain their meaning So that all the Security of the Protestants in respect of these Articles depended upon certain equivocal Words the Explanation or Interpretation of which was reserv'd to those who had concluded the Treaty Thus it was that they gave an Account of that same Clause of the Sixth Article touching the Publication of the Council which had been ill receiv'd by the Reformed because they could not look upon the Publication of a Council call'd on purpose to condemn 'em otherwise then as a fore-runner of their Ruine The Proctors upon this alledg'd that they could not explain that Article more at large But that the Pope knew and very well understood that the Clause not to disturb the publick Repose was added in favour of the Edict of Bearn and that he neither could nor would explain it better for fear he should be thought to approve it In like manner in reference to other Articles that seem'd to press the King too furiously to certain things more difficult in France then Rome imagin'd they affirm'd that the Pope had no design to force the King to Impossibilities but that he would always be contented with what lay in his Power Thus they oblig'd the King to whatever the Pope should please and left it to the Popes good Humour to excuse the King tho' it were impossible for him to perform the Penances which he had enjoin'd him In the mean time we may judge by the Cruelties that were committed at Rome upon those that were call'd Hereticks that they were not in the least become more equitable or more moderate toward any other People of the same Character A Fleming was burnt alive in the Field of Flora and an Englishman who had thrown the Host to the Ground and had us'd the Sacrament like an Idol was punish'd at the same rate after they had cut out his Tongue and dismember'd him of one of his hands And for fear his Punishment should be too gentle they sing'd him continually by the way with burning Torches from the Prison of the Inquisition to the place of Execution The Reformed might gather from thence what they were to expect if the Sincerity of the Edicts that were granted 'em depended upon the Inspirations that came from Rome But they had other Reasons to be afraid of every thing For they had Intelligence also from Rome that there were other Secret Conditions upon which the King was absolv'd which were spread about there whether it were an Artifice of the Spaniards to sow new Seeds of Distrust in the Minds of the Reformed or whether the Pope had demanded 'em and that the Proctors had verbally promis'd certain things which they thought not convenient to put down in Writing 'T was reported at least that the King was ty'd by those Conditions to exclude the Reformed from all Offices and Employments whatever Promises he had made to admit 'em to Preferment to marry the Princess his Sister to a Catholick Prince and to make War upon the Hereticks of his Kingdom till they were utterly extirpated And the Marriage of the Princess with the Duke of Lorrain which happen'd some years after confirm'd the Suspicions of all the rest so much the rather because she would have been courted by Princes of her own Religion if the King would have listen'd to it Certain it is that the Reformed were convinc'd that these Articles were real and that du Plessis also wrote to the King that his manner of Proceeding was imputed to his Compliance with the Popes Demands and that it was believ'd of all that was propos'd against 'em there was none but the Article that concern'd their Destruction that he ever refus'd to hearken to The End of the Third Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes BOOK IV. The CONTENTS of the Fourth Book The Massaker at Chataigneraye excepted by Letters Pattents out of the Acts that were to be comprehended in the Amnesties Artifices to perswade the Reformed to deliver up the Prince of Conde Interests of the Prince of Conti and Count of Soissons Duke de la Trimouille suspected by the King The Princess's Process removed to the Parliament of Paris whether Pisani carries her with the Prince her Son Precautions taken for the Princes Religion ill observ'd Justification of the Princess Deputies of the Assembly at Saumur attend the King paid with general Promises War declar'd with Spain League with the Queen of England who would needs have one Article inserted in favour of the Reformed Marshal de Bouillon opposes it Discontents of the Reformed the Effects Whence the King's Coldness proceeded Suggestions of the Catholicks The Popes Address Different Language from the King his Desires Reports of the Reformed being out of Favour the Original of it Assembly of the Clergy Edict of Travercy Edict in favour of the Duke of Mayenne Revenge of Henry the Third's Murder neglected State of the Kingdom and Project to dismember it Assembly meets at Loudun with leave New Suspicions and new Complaints Deputies sent to the Court. Resolution of the Assembly to defend themselves till a Conclusion ill taken of the King who orders the Dissolution of it Effect of this Rigour Du Plessis's wise Expedient succeeds in the Assembly is approv'd by the King who revokes the Order of Dissolution and promises a Commissioner Patïence of the Reformed Continuation of their Instances Legat in France revives their Fears Garrisons retrench'd or ill paid â—oni's Jealousies Synod at Saumur It 's Resolutions Their Letters to the King Commissioners to the King Complaints to the King Constancy of the Assembly which is translated to Vendosme Releases upon the Generality of Free Exercise Obtains by way of Compensation the Second Place of Bailliage and the right acquir'd by Possession of the Year 1596. The Edict of 1577. verify'd at Rouen The Reformed not contented with it The Pope complains and D'Ossat appeases him The Assembly discontented at the Return of the Commissioners who write to the King the necessity of satisfying ' em Reciprocal Suspicions and Distrusts Divisions in the Assembly which returns to Saumur Surprize of Amiens Confusion of Affairs Proposals of War to the Assembly Motives of de Bouillon and de la Trimouille The King at a Nonplus His various manner of writing to the Assembly before and after the Surprize Answers of the Assembly which 〈◊〉 translated to Chastelleraud more numerous then before Excuses for the Assemblies Constancy in requiring Securities Their Conduct in respect of the Siege of Amiens Various Advices Reformed serve at the Siege Actions of Bouillon and de la Trimouille Change of Commissioners The Treaty continu'd
Conspiracy of Marshal du Biron And indeed the Duke Transported by his Discontents was engag'd a little too forward in those Intrigues Tho his design was not to give the King any disturbance but he would have remov'd Roni from the management of Affairs where he had got too great an Authority This Favorite finding himself held up by his Master abus'd and injur'd all the World without Fear and Wit under pretence of his Husbandry which flatter'd the inclinations of the King he made all those uneasie who would fain have had to do with a more liberal Prince The Duke had let the King know that Roni's Credit was the pretence of the Male-contents Neither had Roni fail'd to do the like by the Duke which forc'd him to fly the Kingdom after the Death of Biron left like him he might have lost his Head upon a Scaffold The King would fain have had him left himself to his Discretion and he gave great assurances of shewing him favour provided he would freely confess his Fault But the Duke would never trust him Whether his Conscience made him fearful of his safety or that he fear'd Roni whom he knew able to do any thing when he could conceal a Crime under pretence of serving the State or that both these Reasons together augmented his distrust But that his Innocence might be clear'd of the Accusations that were form'd against him he presented himself voluntarily before the Chamber of Castres under whose Jurisdiction he pretended to be because of his Territory of Turenne And he writ to the Court to demand his dismission In which he derogated from the Privilege of Dukes and Peers whose Causes are of Course referr'd to the Parlament of Paris The Chamber gave him an Authentic Act of his Submission but because the King's Counsel took no Notice of it he found himself no longer safe in the Kingdom and therefore passing through Geneva he retir'd into Germany where he staid some years before his Peace was made During his absence almost all the Protestants Writ in his behalf He gave 'em to understand that Religion was the principal occasion of his Persecution and he alledg'd Reasons which might perswade it There were many others said he that had a greater share in the Conspiracies then they pretended he had Nevertheless they chose to draw up an Impeachment against him tho he strongly deny'd to have been concern'd in it and that they had no charge against him Which could not proceed but from the difference that Religion put between him and the rest to whom they said nothing But neither his Reasons nor all the Credit he had in France could make his Case pass there for a Case of Religion And the Reformed kept themselves within the bounds of Intercession only Foreigners that wrote in his behalf did the same and only pray'd that their Zeal for Religion might not over-rule their Justice in this Case Queen Elizabeth who had a great esteem for this Lord was the only person that pleaded for him in another Tone She excus'd him by her Letters as much as she could and cast all the accusations that were rais'd against him upon the hatred of his Religion The King dissembl'd the discontent that these Letters gave him But he appear'd incens'd at the Synod and the Polic Assemblies for concerning themselves in the Affairs of the Duke And he shew'd openly that he took in ill part the Protection which it seem'd The Chamber Miparti had given him receiving his Petitions and retaining his Cause At the end he continu'd inflexible to all the Entreaties that were made him at home or from abroad But if this Affair occasion'd no more Tumult the King's severity to the City of Rochelle produc'd no Effect that much more extraordinary An Assembly held at Rochelle like a kind of Petty State had establish'd a certain Right which was call'd the Pancarte This Right was to be suppress'd at the term of some years But the King's Farmers continuing to raise it after the time expir'd it caus'd divers disturbances in the Provinces Many great Towns oppos'd this exaction by open force and Rochelle among the rest committed some violences but was forc'd like the rest to submit it self to the King's pleasure She receiv'd Roni himself accompany'd with twelve hundred Horse within her Walls and all the Interest she had in the party could not hinder but that the rest of the Reformed remain'd in their Obedience There was nevertheless among 'em particular persons full of suspicion and mistrust who fear'd that the King had some hidden designs against 'em And others that foresaw by the Attempts that were made that the Public Liberty was in danger of being oppress'd La Trimouille Free and Bold spoke on this occasion in such a manner as made him be look'd upon as very obnoxious at Court Marshal de Bouillon was formidable by means of his Intrigues altho he was absent and du Plessia incens'd by the Injury which he pretended to have receiv'd from the King at Fontainbleau was as much suspected as the rest They were afraid so much the more in that 't was well known that their distrusts were not without some Grounds There was at the Court and in the Council it self a Cabal intirely Spanish who were enliven'd by the Intrigues of the Council of Spain and by those of the Court of Rome This Cabal mov'd all sorts of Engines to engage the King to destroy the Reformed And after having us'd the direct means they took indirect and remote to bring the King to it of which he was not aware For that Reason it was that they vigorously press'd the Repeal of the Jesuits that they had already form'd Projects of an Alliance between France and Spain that they caus'd it to be loudly spread abroad that at the same time that there was a Dauphin born in France there was an Infanta born to the Catholic King as if this occasion had been a stroke of Providence to oblige these two Crowns to Unite themselves by the Marriage of these two Children for the Destruction of Heresie Taxis Embassador of Spain press'd the King incessantly to extirpate the Heretics of this Kingdom and to give that as an evident Sign of the sincerity of his Conversion to the Church of Rome They say likewise that this Embassador having spoken to him one day in Terms that offended him this Prince Answer'd him that he wonder'd that they should go about to force him to destroy a people who had done him good Service and who tho they held Errors which the Church Condemn'd yet at least Ador'd Jesus Christ and believ'd him the Son of God while His Catholic Majesty tolerated in his Territories the Mahometan Sects whose Religion was nothing but a Complication of Blasphemies against Christianity The King made this Answer in such Terms as by his pronouncing 'em seem'd to imply a necessity of doing that in France against the Reformed which the King of Spain
surrender'd to the King by the Duke of Savoy It is the Natural Obligation of Princes to leave all things in the condition in which they find them when they fall into their hands at least as to what relates to those Rights which subjection cannot deprive Men of such as are those of Conscience and of Priviledges acquir'd by a long Possession in favour of Liberty For which reason Henry the IV. had made no alterations there contenting himself with restoring the free exercise of the Catholick Religion there until means could be found to reconcile the two Parties about the possession of Estates and Buildings But Lewis the XIII his Successor would no longer keep the same measures The Commissioners which he had sent into Burgundy of which that Bayliwick was a dependency took at once from the Reform'd both the Ecclesiastical Revenues and the Houses which had formerly been imploy'd for the Roman Church In order to make them some amends for that loss the King allow'd them 1200 Crowns for the Salery of their Ministers and took the said Sum out of the 15000 which he allow'd the Reform'd more than the late King had granted them in recompence of their Tithes To this he added leave to build Temples but he gave no fund towards it He only order'd two very illusive things the one was that they should take materials from the demolish'd Convents to imploy them towards these new Buildings the other that the Catholicks should pay the reparations and amendments of their Churches and that the said Money should be apply'd towards the Constructions of the said Temples This was the way to Involve the Reform'd into continual Law Suits to recompence them for the Estates that were taken from them besides it reduc'd the Salary of the Ministers to a very inconsiderable thing since they were only allow'd 1200 Crowns tho there were 12 Ministers at that time in the said Bayliwick Insomuch that taking out of the said grant the indispensible Charges which every Church was oblig'd to be at yearly there did not remain enough to allow each Minister a Pension of a 100 Crowns But that which was most remarkable was that the King indemnisied the Churches of Gex at the cost of the other Churches of his Kingdom taking out of what he had promised to some wherewith to make the others subsist The National Synod having part of these things before their eyes and foreseeing the rest endeavour'd to remedy the same Therefore they charg'd the Deputies General on the one hand humbly to beseech his Majesty to leave the receit and distribution of the said Sum to the Reform'd as the King his Father had allow'd them the Care and Management of that which he had granted them and on the other they order'd them to oppose the endeavours of those who should make their applications to the Court in order to obtain some Pension out of the said Sum to the prejudice of the right of the Synods and of the common good The Town of Bergerac was highly censur'd for having taken that way to obtain the Sum that was granted them and the Synod injoyn'd them to desist from that pretention and not to pretend any thing out of that Sum unless by the approbation and Will of the Assembly It proved somewhat difficult at first to make them obey but finally the Synod having sent express Deputies thither to remonstrate the consequences of the thing to them they submitted to the discretion of the Synod and 1200 Livers were granted them soon after it for their College The same Synod renewed all the demands the Assembly of Saumur had already made and declaring that they were not satisfied with the Answers to the Cahiers of the said Assembly they form'd others just like them and charg'd the Deputies General to endeavour to obtain more favourable answers than the preeceeding But no Article was so earnestly recommended to them as that which desir'd that the Reform'd might not be oblig'd to call their Religion themselves Pretended Reform'd The Synod charged them to desire in the name of all the Reform'd that they would sooner undergo a thousand Racks than to give their Religion that â—ious Title As many Persons may be surpris'd without doubt to see the same Article press'd so often with so much â—â—nestness and perhaps may not at first perceive the conâ—â—uence of it I will give you a short account of the Reasons which oblig'd the Reform'd to insist so much upon that latter Therefore I will observe once for all that the word Petended is equivocal It often signifies the undecided and doubtful state of a thing in contestation upon which nothing â—s been determin'd as yet to bind the Parties The Judges like use of it as of an indifferent term when before the deâ—ion they speak of the things which are pretended by one of the Parties and disputed by the other and sometimes also the Instruments that are common to both the parties like use of it in speaking of their Rights without being aâ—id of doing themselves any prejudice In a word Pretended is relative to Pretention and in that sence implys â—â— thing suspicious or offensive But it is yet more usually â—en in a signification almost equivalent to the Terms of â—se and Unlawful and whereas the first sence is in some â—asâ—re reserv'd for the Barr the second is of a common use â—ery where else So that there are words to which the word pretended cannot be joyn'd without giving it an inâ—ious sence You cannot apply a pretended Merit or pretended Vertue to any body without offence and in that â—e a pretended Schollar signifies an ignorant Person â—is use of it draws another after it viz. That the word petended becomes Ironical in several occasions and gives offensive air of reproach and railery to discourse Therefore the Reform'd being sencible what was meant when â—ey were call'd Pretended Reform'd took it for an affront â—â— be oblig'd to give themselves that equivocal Name as if they had approv'd the opinion which the Catholicks had of their Religion and of their Doctrine The Deputies General were also minded to complain of thâ— Illusive Journey of the Commissioners It was apparent that the Court had not sent them to better the condition of the Reform'd Their main Function had only been to disolve the particular Assemblies and to hinder the establishment of the Provincial Councils Besides which they had hardly give any decisive Ordinances and they had left all the affairs undecided either by divisions or removals to the Council Their chief expeditions were only to give some Church-yards and far from doing the Reform'd Justice upon their Complaints they had made their condition worse in some places than â—â— was before They gave the Deputies General Instructionâ— and Memoirs to second those Remonstrances The affairâ— oâ— the Churches of the Bayliwick of Gex were comprehended in them and the Deputies General were chargâ— to desire that the Sum which the King
justifi'd themselves had the Court design'd to have us'd 'em favourably For they repli'd That there was nothing of Novelty in the Union that till then the King had never disapprov'd it that they had bin always join'd together in their Deputations in their Submissions in their Petitions in their Papers which they had always presented to the King in Union one with another That by the Answer to Article VIII of the last Papers it was promis'd there should be no Innovation in the Cities held by the Protestants which would be no more then a delusion if Rochel were excluded That the Edicts of Peace had bin general hitherto and accepted in common without any resenting the Union of Interests That the acceptance of the Peace without Rochel would be an express condemnation of that City which would be an Action highly scandalous among People of the same Religion so much the rather because Rochel was resolv'd to submit That if the rest of the Reformed abandon'd Rochel to the King's Indignation People would be afraid that their general destruction was to be begun with the particular ruine of that City seeing that the Clergy the Parlaments and the principal Persons of the Kingdom discours'd openly of extirpating Heresy and of beginning with Rochel which was confirm'd by the printed Pamphlets that were publicly sold in Paris But the same Reasons which made the Reformed judge that their Union with Rochel was just and necessary were the very Reasons that oblig'd the Court to endeavour the dissolution of it For the ruine of that formidable City was sworn and the Cardinal who was desirous to signalize himself by great things thought it an Enterprize worthy himself So that â—here was nothing listen'd to of what was spoken in favour of â—hat City whose Destiny was vow'd Nevertheless she was 〈…〉 much astonish'd as the rest at Soubises's Defeat and falling 〈…〉 a suddain from a Resolution a little too haughty into â—…ost profound Submissions she resolv'd to beg with humility â—hat Peace which she had refus'd with disdain Her Deputies â—ame and threw themselves at the King's Feet and besought â—is Pardon in most submissive terms But the King answer'd 'em â—…ke a Master that resolv'd to make his Pardon his Punishment â—nd reduce 'em by the Peace into a worse Condition then the Calamities of an Unfortunate War could e're have brought ' em The Chancellor therefore to whom the King referr'd 'em impos'd these Conditions upon ' em That the Council and Government of the City should be in the same Condition as it was 〈…〉 1610. That they should admit an Intendant of Justice That the Fortifications should be demolish'd That the King should be admitted with respect whenever he pleas'd to enter That they should have no Men of War and that Merchants Ships should take their Passes from the Admiral of France That they should restore to the Ecclesiastics their Goods and Estates And â—hat certain Wagons and Merchandise which belong'd to the â—nhabitants of Orleance and which the Rochelois had seiz'd should be restor'd Upon these Conditions they were promis'd to be comprehended in all the Priviledges of the Edict 'T was a sowre piece of Condescention to submit to such severe and rigorous Laws nor could they tell how to mollify the Victor into more easie moderation In vain the General Deputies interceded for Rochelle in the name of all the Churches However Maniald took upon him to spake and made a most moving and passionate Speech to the King wherein he made a lively description of the Misery of the Rochellois he excus'd their taking Arms as done out of necessity Which nevertheless he condemn'd with Expressions full of execration whatever the Pretence were with which it was cover'd He said that the Rochelois were come to accuse themselves and sue for mercy He besought the King to grant 'em Peace not as Enemies subdu'd by the Sword but as Subjects with the moderation of his Sceptre He added that without Liberty they would not be Subjects but Slaves Concluding he implor'd pardon with promise of submission and of servitude also if the King's satisfaction and the good of his service depended upon it But all this was to no purpose The King was resolv'd that Rochelle should be excepted out of the General Peace and that she should submit to particular Laws In the mean time there was a League concluded between the King of England the Republic of Venice the Duke of Sâ—â—â—â— and the States of the Vnited Provinces in Conjunction with France against Spain which kept almost all Italy under the Yoke and was fairly preparing to deprive her of the remainder of her Liberty These Confederates were very urgent with Cardinal Richlieu to hasten Peace with the Reformed to the end they might act unanimously against the Common Enemy 'T is true that Minister had it deep laid in his thoughts to humble Spain but he thought that the first step which he was to take to that end was to enslave France and by that means to bereave Foreigners of Opportunities to renew the Civil Wars To that end he judg'd it necessary first to ruin the Reformed who were still strong enough by their Union to support a Party of Malecontents And therefore he resolv'd to begin with Rochelle after the reducing of which he did not expect to meet with much more Resistance in the Kingdom Nor did France want Persons who were sharp sighted enough to penetrate the Cardinal's Design But their foresight did not hinder 'em for all that from contributing to their own Servitude They well perceiv'd that in oppressing the Reformed they made Fetters for themselves but every one was in hopes to make his Fortune by the Public Misery This was that which made the Cardinal so obstinate to except Rochel out of the general Peace to the end he might separate it from the rest of the Reformed and destroy it with more ease But two things constrain'd him to surcease this Great Design The one was That the Spaniards waited the Success of these Confusions that they might take their own Methods that they treated with the Duke of Rohan to accept of their Service that the Duke had sent Campredon into Spain to make himself â—e more considerable by their Succour that the Conjuncture 〈…〉 Affairs render'd the Spaniards more stiff and authoriz'd the â—inning out a Treaty begun with 'em about those things which â—d kindl'd the War in Italy The other was That Powerful â—abals were forming against him to remove him from the Miâ—stry He saw the chiefest part of all that was great at Court 〈…〉 Combination against him and rightly judg'd that he should â—ve too many Factions to employ his Wits without taking â—â—on himself the management of two Wars at once the one â—omestic the other Civil He resolv'd therefore to put an end â—â—th to the one and the other with a resolution to set a-foot â—e Civil War agen so soon as the Conspiracies against his
and that the Souldiers live under such Discipline that they may do no wrong XXI Your Cities of S â—â— Foy and Bergerac most humbly Beseech ye Sir that you would be pleas'd out of your singular Goodness to discharge 'em of the Oppressions which they have suffer'd so long and so excessive letting your said City of Bergerac fully enjoy your inviolable Promises by hindring so many Innovations and the building of the Cittadel intended notwithstanding that your Subjects of the Religion have kept themselves within the Bounds of a most humble Subjection and Obedience to your Majesty out of a desire to Merit in some measure the Effect of your said Royal Promises their Liberty and the Peaceable Exercise of their Religion The King will take such Order as shall be most proper for his Service XXII And by your Mildness and Gentleness to ease your People of the Religion to bring 'em back to a firm Confidence and to Corroborate as much as may be the Peace which you vouchsafe 'em may it please your Majesty to obliterate all Marks that are contrary to it And to these ends to disband the Souldiers that are quarter'd in Lower Languedoc Cevennes and other Provinces by this Means kept in continual Fears and Apprehensions of your Displeasure and beseech your Majesty to hasten the said Disbanding to the end that the Effects of their Obedience which they desire and ought to pay you as well in demolishing the Fortifications of the Places as in all other things which you shall be pleas'd to command 'em may not be delay'd Sign'd Montmartin Deputy General Maniald Deputy General Done and Answer'd by the King in his Council at Paris March 4. 1623. Sign'd Lewis And lower Phelipeaux Compar'd with the Original by Me Notary Counsellour and Kings Secretary Du Candal A Circulatory Letter of the General Deputies of the Reformed Churches GEntlemen We doubt not but you have expected our Letters with Impatience and that you did not take it amiss that we did not send you what pass'd concerning the Duke of Rohan You ought to believe that nothing has so much hinder'd us from that as our fear of putting you to no purpose in uncertain Hopes or Apprehensions Now that it may be thought that we ought to see a little more clearly after the Release of the said Duke we shall tell you that altho' the Report of a War and particularly of the Siege of Rochel be very hot in this Place and that from hence it spreads over all the Rest of France nevertheless we see no Preparation for open and present War On the contrary we have nothing from the Kings Mouth and his Principal Ministers of State but Words of Peace and Promises of putting in Execution what has been agreed As to the Affairs which we have manag'd hitherto you must know that having presented to the King a Paper containing the Principal Complaints of our Churches and other things of which we have the Cognizance and Memoirs in our Hands we have obtain'd Answers such as you will see by the Printed Paper which we send you enclos'd which thô they be dated the fourth of this Month nevertheless were not deliver'd us till the twenty second At present we solicit the Performance of the Answers which are favourable continuing to demand satisfaction upon those which are otherwise Nor shall we fail to give you Advice of the Success as also of all that we shall judge proper to come to your Knowledge As for News of the Particular Affairs of the Provinces and Churches of whose Deputies we have a great number here we have given satisfaction by particular Letters to all Occurrences It remains that you second our Labours with your Prayers to God as we earnestly desire you considering the need we have in such a difficult time as this And for our parts we shall also beseech him to accumulate his most Sacred Benedictions upon your selves We are Your most humble and Affectionate Servants the General Deputies of the Reformed Churches of France near his Majesty Paris March 30. 1623. Montmartin Maniald The King's Declaration by which it is provided that in the Assemblies which shall be beld by the Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion concerning the Regulations of the Discipline of their said Religion no other Affairs be propounded or treated of then such as are permitted by the Edicts Given at Fontain-Bleau April 17th 1623. And verifi'd in Parlament May 22. LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. Altho' by our Edicts of Pacification and the Private Articles granted to our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion in the Year 1598. they were allow'd to hold Assemblies concerning the Regulations of the Discipline of the said Religion pretendedly Reformed and Places where the Exercise was settl'd with our Permission first obtain'd and that by several answers made to their Papers they have been always forbid to admit into the said Assemblies other then the Ministers and Elders and to treat of other Affairs then those which concern the Regulations of their said Religion upon Pain of Forfeiting this Favour Nevertheless we have found that for some time since and particularly of late Years under the Toleration of the said Assemblies our said Subjects have taken the Liberty to introduce Persons of all Conditions as also to treat of Politick Affairs from whence have ensu'd several Resolutions contrary to the Sentiments and Intentions of the Generality and most considerable of our Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion and to the Publick Tranquility To which there being a necessity of providing a Remedy and to prevent for the future the consequences of such abuses prejudicial to our Authority and the Peace of our Subjects We declare that for these Causes and other Considerations Us thereunto moving with the Advice of the Princes of our Blood c. We have said and declar'd and do say and declare by these Presents and it is our Will and Pleasure that in all Assemblies that shall be held by our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion concerning the Regulations of the Discipline of the said Religion there shall be by us or by our Lieutenant Generals of our Provinces a certain Person commission'd and appointed one of our Officers of the said Pretended Reformed Relgion to be present in the said Assemblies to see and consider whether any other Affairs are propos'd and handl'd then are permitted by our Edicts and to give a faithful accompt thereof to Us. And to the end that our Intention may be exactly follow'd We ordain that for the time to come no Assemblies shall meet or be held unless the said Officer be before appointed who shall be admitted into 'em without any or Lett or Scruple So we command our Beloved and Faithful c. we also command our Governours c. In Testimony c. Given at Fountain-Bleau April 17. 1623. and 13th of our Reign Sign'd LEWIS And below By the King De Lomenie Read
held a little after the Edict of Poictiers was remarkable for a Cause that was judged between the Prince of Conde and the Consistory of Rochel which had suspended him from the holy Supper because he had not well received the Remonstrances of the Company upon the Subject of a Prize taken at Sea during the 40 days prescribed by the Edict for the laying down of Arms. It was found that the Judgment of the Consistory was too rash and that the Prince on the other side had too little Respect for the Authority of the Consistory and Deputies were named to reconcile them This Peace as to other things did not cease all Jealousies And therefore to take away all pretences for them there was a Conference held at Nerac where the Protestants had some new favours granted them and some new places of security The King of Navar was then permitted to raise a certain Sum upon the reformed Protestants and all Churches which the Edict of 1577. had either maintained or re-established were rated to it and accordingly every one paid his part and took an Acquittance And this was pretended some few years ago to prove that the Churches which could produce them had their Right established from the year 1577. But neither the Intendants nor the Council would regard any Titles of this nature The young Gent. of the K. of Navar 's Court began a 6th War which was called the War of the Amorous because it was undertaken only to please the Ladies The greatest part of the Protestants did not enter into it So that this fire was not very hard to be extinguished â—â—s course was stopp'd by the Conference of Fleix after this 5 years passed in peace such as it was the Edicts were observed in some places in others not regarded The King was he that kept them least of all for he gave no Offices to the Protestants of his own accord And when any of them asked any from him he had always some pretence ready to refuse the â—â— nay he took them from those that possest them already and stirred them up Troubles and Law-suits and always caused them to come by the worst to oblige them to lay them down reserving expresly to himself the cognizance of these sorts of processes to be assured of the condemnation of the pretended Hereticks He would not receive into his Houshold any Gentlemen of the Reformed Religion and his Courtiers knowing his mind took care to tell them that complained of those Refusals that their Religion was the cause In one word the King kept his promise to the Estates and he did more mischief to the Protestants by those Arâ—s in 5 years causing more Revolts among them than have been seen to happen in 30 years War and Massacres Nay you might have seen some others who being ashamed themselves to quit a Religion which they had embrac'd with great affection yet had the weakness to bring up their Children in the Catholick Communion because they would not bring them up in a Doctrine which the King would not suffer and some again that used a quite contrary Policy in turning Catholicks for fear of losing their Offices but for the discharge of their Consciences brought up their Children in the Reform'd Religion because they believ'd it to be the safer way to salvation During this false peace all Europe was engag'd in great conspiracies against them whom they believ'd to be the Chiefâ— or Favorites of the Protestants The Duke of Alenzon who had took the Name of the Duke of Anjou and the Prince of Orange fell in them They had a way in France to penetrate into the secret of those dark Actions but they were not willing to sound them to the bottom In the mean time the security into which the King fell made the Leaguers take Courage Their Preachers exposed him in their Sermons They entertained the Catholicks with nothing but the mischiefs which would happen if a Reformed King should mount the Throne and they frighted the Bigots with horrid Histories and Pictures of the pretended Cruelties which Queen Elizabeth exercised in England At last the Guises began openly to persecute this unhappy Prince and drove him to incredible Extremities He was forc't to undergo the Violences of the Duke who had begun the War against him under pretence to secure the Crown for a Catholick Prince He durst not murmur tho they disputed the right of Succession during his Life nor at the assembling of the States to debate that question nor at their debauching his Officers and Servants from him Villeroi who was one of his Secretaries of State was supposed to be Pensioner to the Duke of Guise and the King not being otherwise able to guard himself from him oblig'd him to a distance from the Court and shewed him always after that great marks of his displeasure From whence it came to pass that his Father and himself threw themselves into the League after the Death of the Guises The War against the Protestants was then renewed against the K's mind who had made peace with the Leaguers upon that condition Great Sums were exacted upon the Clergy under this pretence which they paid but grudgingly as may be seen by the Remonstrances of their Deputies They protested they had never counselled the War tho it was notoriously known they had endeavour'd with all their power the Revocation of the Edicts The K of Navar made His Majesty great Reproaches upon that Subject by his Letters he sent him during the Sessions of the Estates and there renews the Offer of standing to the Decisions of a Free Council He wrote to others of the Nobles and the 3d Estate where he makes great complaints That they forced the King to make War against him But the Courage and good Fortune which he had to affix at Rome an Appeal against the Bull of Sixtus Quintus by which he declared both him and the Prince to be Hereticks relapsed Favourers of Hereticks excommunicated deprived of all their Lordships and incapable to succeed to any Principality and particularly to the Crown of France did him greater Honour than all the rest of his Actions and procured him Esteem even with the Pope himself He appealed by his Remonstrance to the Peers of France in Temporals and in Spirituals to the next Council to which he cited the Pope declaring him Antichrist if he refus'd to appear In the Height of the War Claudius Trimouille the Son of a most zealous Leaguer embrac'd the Interests and Religion of the P. of Conde and took his Sister Charlotte Katharine in Marriage This Alliance extreamly fortify'd the Reformed Party in Poictou because that House is there very powerful The Conference of St. Bris between the Queen-Mother and the P. of Conde towards the end of the year allayed not their Spirits and the next year France saw her self overrun with Strangers which both Parties had called in for Succours The K. of Navar gain'd the
according to the stile of the Roman Church that he should make himself a Catholick in that time Thoseare 2 things which they neither distinguish in Speech nor Practice to be instructed according to them being to promise to relish their Doctrine and to engage to make Profession of it Whereas reason requires that Instruction should be only an Essay after which one should have entire Liberty to advance no further towards the Roman Religion if after such Instruction the Conscience be not fully satisfied The second condition was That the exercise of the Reformed Religion should be suspended during that time The third That the King should grant no Office to any Protestant for those 6 Months this the Catholicks desired to secure those that were in possession of them from being turn'd out The last was That they should have permission to send to the Pope to give him an account of their Reasons for submitting to the Kings obedience Altho it was very hard for the K. to buy a Crown so dear that was legally â—aln to him yet he consented to all but the 2d Article And in effect besides the shame of depriving himself of the exercise of his Religion it would have been a piece of injustice to take away from his Subjects the priviledg they enjoy'd before his coming to the Crown and 't was to be fear'd he would find them resolute and strong enough to maintain them in spite of all Prohibitions The Catholicks did not take well this denial but however to induce them to approve it he promis'd to re-establish the Catholick Religion in those places where the exercise of it was not before free The Article which concern'd the K's Instruction was not much contested by the Protestants themselves of whom he took Counsel and himself assures in a Letter which he wrote upon this Subject that the principal of those that were his followers did not disapprove his proceedings The Reason of it was because the Protestants were perswaded that if they proceeded to this instruction in a method agreeable to his Dignity and the importance of the thing they should â—ather gain than lose by it For they thought of nothing for that effect but General or National Councils or at least eminent Assemblies of the most Ecclesiasticks Reformations of Abuses sincere and serious conferences and they hoped to make the Truth of their Doctrine shine forth there so clearly that instead of losing the King they should gain many Lords who hated not their Religion but only out of ignorance of its Principles Du Plessis Mornay was pre possess'd with this Hope as well as others and it was for this Reason that two years after he agreed so easily with Villeroy upon this Article The Catholicks would have had a Declaration signed by the King for the assurance of the things which he had granted them and notwithstanding all the Complaisance he had for them they were not entirely contented Some signed the Accord with regret and others refused to sign it Vitri carried the matter further and threw himself into the League The Duke of Nevers stood in a kind of Neutrality under pretence That his Conscience would not let him joyn himself to the Enemies of the State such as he esteemed the Leaguers nor serve the King because he was not a Catholick He persisted in those Sentiments a long time and it was nothing but the King's Victories which determined him to his service In the Provinces the Governours of Places who held for the King did in a manner the same thing Some were brought others promising to obey declared without ceremony That they should do it with regret whilst the King continued an Heretick But nothing did him so much mischief as the Retreat of the Duke of Espernon who quitted the Army without discovering what Party he would take nor the true reason of his Conduct He would fain have the World believe he did it out of a pure Motive of Zeal for Religion but 't was suspected he had other considerations besides c. He fear'd perhaps that he was not in security at the New Court which did not love him because he abused the Favour which he had under the late King or whether he could not resolve to submit to the mean figure in which he must have lived had he staid since there arose already some contests about his Rank either perhaps he had no inclination for the New King nor confidence in his Friendship or whether in retiring to his Government he thought himself strong enough to Cantonnize that part and there expect what would befal the Realm and in case of dismembring it he would keep what he had Yet however in a little time after his Retreat he promised the K. to serve him in those Provinces where he governed But his Example proved of considerable consequence because the Lords and Captains retired likewise and the Troops disbanded themselves and the fine Army which would easily have brought Paris and the League to reasonable terms dispersed in a few days Some even of the Protestants with drew themselves and because their enemies made it a great Crime afterwards it is necessary to observe that the Dissipation began first by the Catholicks and for a few others quitting it that Retreat ought not to be imputed to the whole Party It is certain that the K's true Servants were as useful to him in the Provinces as in the presence of his person In effect there were many Cities which waver'd at the News of Hen. III. his Death and the Resolution taken at Paris not to receive an Heretick King upon the Throne of St. Lewis appear'd so pleasing to the Catholicks that it drew a great number into the League and 't was thought it would bring over many Cities which held out for the King And therefore the Protestants had need of some part of their Forces to bridle those that had a mind to stir and to keep their own places from being surprised in whose preservation the King had as much Interest as themselves So that they were oblig'd to disperse part of their Troops into divers places to keep as much of the Country as they could in obedience From whence it follows that if we judge equitably we must not make the Protestants guilty of a Crime where they can excuse themselves either by the Necessity of the Time or by the Example of the Catholick Nobles or because if they did go off from the King's Army it was but to serve him elsewhere In the mean time the dissipation of the King's Army made the League take Courage and they had fresh Springs for succour and the King who was in no estate to enterprise any thing being retired towards Diepe to receive the Forces which he expected from England the D. of Mayenne pursued him and reduced him to so great an extremity that he was upon the point of passing the Sea as despairing of his affairs But the Mareshal Biron hindred
be good that since his Majesty was pleased to Postpone God after Paris he was afraid God would not give him Paris at all And indeed after he had lost a great deal of time before that great City and slipt many occasions of gaining it he was forced to raise the Siege and give ground a little before the Leaguers whose throats till then he had in a manner under his foot After Paris was reliev'd and the D. of Parma retired the proposal for satisfying the Protestants was again taken into Deliberation and the K. moving towards Normandie ordered a project of a Declaration to be drawn up for the procuring of Peace among his Subjects notwithstanding the difference of Religion In which Du Plessis who fram'd it laid open at large the K's Intentions in order to the reuniting of all his subjects into one fold if 't were possible by the means of a General or at least a National Council or if neither of them could be had of a considerable Assembly of Select Church men such as should be judged the fittest to conduct to a happy issue so holy an enterprise and in the mean time while such a reunion should be endeavouring the Catholick Religion was every where restor'd with an entire liberty to use the publick service practised by that Church whereas nothing at all was done for the Protestants but what was before granted them by the Truce except only that all those Edicts were recall'd which had been extorted to their prejudice by the Leaguers And that one would think was very little for those people who were of the K's Religion and who had so usefully and faithfully serv'd him from his Infancy And indeed after so long patience and after they had run through many dangers and toilsome labours to obtain nothing else of a K. that had been a long time their Protectour but what they had already obtain'd from another that had been a great while their Persecutor was e'en to get just nothing at all But the Catholicks took the alarm as soon as ever any proposal was offered to grant any new favour to the Protestants and were much more disposed to make retrenchments from than additions to the Edicts of Toleration and all they could hope to obtain from the equity of the most moderate of them was that the Terms of the precedent Edicts should be strictly observed without extending or diminishing any of their Concessions So that the Protestants were fain to be content with what they could obtain and all the pretences they could make to any new favours in recompence for their long services were sacrificed to the K's Interests who could not do any thing for them without imbroiling himself with the Catholicks and therefore they reduced all their demands to these three heads viz. A security for their lives and consciences 2. A liberty for the publick exercise of their Religion And 3. An equal share in the Distribution of places and employments By the consideration of which it 's easy to judg which were the most equitable the Catholicks or the Protestants The Catholicks would have both the K. and the Protestants at their Discretion and thought these latter obliged to serve him without any recompence nay and without any security too but yet had the face to demand a recompence for themselves before any service done and would be assured of the K's Conscience before they would give him any assurance of their Allegiance Whereas the Protestants on the contrary demanded only such tolerable conditions as were fit to be granted to honest men and good French men and to be treated like other Members of the State of which they were a considerable part It was then enough to satisfy them to restore them the Edict of Toleration granted in 1577 with the Explications of it contain'd in the Treaties of Nerac and Fleix and to revoke the Edicts put out against them only in compliance with the furious humours of the Leaguers So that the Edict that Du Plessis had drawn up would certainly have contented them tho no other security were given them for the performance of it but the K's protection who was himself their security But whilst those matters were in debate This new suit of theirs was traversed by those whose old custom it was to thwart the good Dispositions of those that were inclined to let the Protestants live in quiet Biron was one of those and one of the most fiery of them too He would needs have but one Religion suffer'd in the Kingdom and yet what is most remarkably extravagant in one of that hot headed temper is that he himself lived peaceably with his Lady who was a Protestant and had permitted her for some time to bring up his Son in her Religion which made Du Plessis take occasion one day to tell him he wondred why he could not as well find means to make two Religions agree together in one Kingdom as he had found the secret to make them agree together in one Bed This Remark is proof enough that passion and prejudice had a much greater share in the opposition made against the Protestants than either good Reason or true Zeal However the project of the Declaration after it had been examined at Pont St. Pierre in full Council was found so reasonable that it was resolv'd it should be publisht and the K. ordered the Chancellour and Du Plessis whom he had made Councellour of State since the Battel of Yvri to go to Tours to get it approv'd by the Parliament and part of the Council that resided there of which the Cardinal of Vendome was President but the Catholicks bafled that attempt too as soon as the two Commissioners were gone and procur'd the Chancellour to be recall'd Their true reason was because they concluded that if the Protestants were once confirmed by an Edict and cured of all the jealousies they had of the King it would be a great obstacle to that Prince's return to the Roman Church because then they would stickle the more vigorously to keep him in theirs and besides would thereby get such footing in all posts of business under the favour of a K. of their own Religion that they would soon overtop the Catholicks in power but however their pretence was as it used to be viz. For fear of alienating the Affections of the People and authorising the Jealousies of the Leaguers â—u Plessis made vigorous Remonstrances to the K. concerning the Equity of that Declaration telling him freely in writing that 't was 〈◊〉 shame for him to let the Edicts of the Leaguers remain so long in force those Edicts that had been extorted by unjust Violences that had thrown the State into confusion and caus'd the Death of Henry III. which had declar'd Henry IV. uncapable of the Crown because of his Religion and in some sort degraded the Princes of the Blood that the Reinforcement of the Edict of Toleration granted in 1577 was
from Time and Political Prudence These reasons had a great empire over the mind of a Prince that was weary of the toilsome trade he had followed near twenty years and who saw that his labours were not as yet like to come to an end The Misery of the People that could hold out no longer was represented in order to move his Compassion By setting forth the heads of the Protestants as restless and ambitious and he was made to fear them He had cause to complain of several Catholicks that treated him after an insolent manner of whom he desired to be in a condition of making fair riddance Conspiracies were carried on against his Person that caused him to fear nay he complain'd to du Plessis that the Catholicks of his Party had plotted with the Duke of Mayenne to seâ—ze on him at Mantes He was under apprehensions least the States of the League then assembled at Paris should chuse the Cardinal of Bourbon and that the Spaniards should uphold him Most of the Courtiers were weary of this laborious Life where there was nothing but pains to be taken and as little to be gained The fair Gabrielle d' Estree the Kings Mistress shared in these Intreagues She hated not the Reformed whom she judg'd to be faithful and honest Men and even had many of them in her Service But the Protestant Lords had no great complyance for her and they never wou'd have favour'd her ambitious Designs On the contrary she was put in hopes that if the King changed Religion she shou'd have more reason to pretend to Marry him because he could get the Pope to make void his Marriage with Margaret of Valois and be at liberty to contract another whereas the Reformed Religion debarr'd him from such easie means of making that rupture And to assure the Crown to the Children that should come of this new Marriage she therefore added her reasons to those of the rest and the King who appeared more than half resolv'd upon this unworthy Marriage suffered himself thus to be overcome partly by the Prevarications of his Confidents and Ministers partly by the advices of Policy and partly by the Illusions of Love Nevertheless he dared not as yet to declare his Intention whether he was asham'd of this timorous Conduct or that he feared that the Reformed whereof some spoke of cantoning themselves and of abandoning the King if the King forsook them shou'd strike some desperate Blow This was not the language of all those that professed the Reformed Religion the greatest part of whom and even some of the most authorized preach'd Patience and Loyalty to the rest It appear'd in process of time that those who were of this Sentiment were the strongest seeing that after the Kings turning there was none that formed a Party against him and that all of them remained four years more not only in Obedience but in his Service there were therefore but a few men that used these Menaces They did not do it so much through a formal Inclination of cantoning themselves but thro' a knack of Policy for to oppose a kind of a Counterpoise to the threatnings of the Catholicks and thus to put in some measure the Kings Mind in an equal Ballance The Catholicks often renewed to the King their Threats of quitting him for another if he did not change his Religion It was therefore requisite that the Reformed should do the like fearing least that the King having nothing to fear but on one side and finding on the other complyance and gentleness should with more ease suffer himself to be conquered by the threatning Party The Mind is govern'd as the Body and when either the one or the other sinks under an effort that makes it lean on one side there must strength be put on the other for to raise it up and to restore it to its natural Scituation So that for to put a stop to the King who was dragged on the Catholicks side thro' the fear of being abandoned by them it was necessary to oppose him with the like fear from the Reformed if he quitted their Religion but there was a vast difference betwixt the conduct of the one and the other The Catholicks Threatnings were followed with sad Effects Intelligences with the Leaguers Cabals amongst themselves and voluntary Obstacles to the Kings Prosperity There was also the third Party whose Head was known and whom most of the Catholicks threatned to acknowledge for their Soveraign But the Threats of the Reformed consisted only in bare words dictated rather by Prudence than thro' an Intention of doing ill and which hindered them not from remaining Loyal Yet the King concealed his Thoughts from them upon that matter with a deep dissimulation tho' his designs was so well known to the Catholicks that the very Spaniards mistrusted it therefore they insinuated to him that they would treat with him without touching his Religion This they did for to benefit themselves with the Leaguers by the Kings steadfastness if he suffered himself to be dazled with this deceiving Proposition But in order to dissipate the Suspicions of the Reformed the King already resolved to quit their Religion testified that he was desirous to provide for their Safety Therefore he came to Tours as they desired him for to cause the Restrictions to be taken off wherewith the Edict of Nantes had been Registred He went thro' Saumur in his way thither and the Ministers having the honour to salute him upon his departure he assur'd them that he would dye in the Reformed Religion and declar'd unto them that if they heard that he was fallen into some Debauch they might believe it because he had many such like Frailties but that if the noise should spread that he was to forsake his Religion they should give no credit thereunto But when he arrived at Tours there fell out things that made it visible he had other Intentions He dared not to keep his Bed of Justice as 't was thought he would because the procuring an advantage to the Reformed being in agitation he might have given cause to the Catholicks to murmur for as much as at his first sitting in the Parliament he should have constrained that Senate to receive into the Charges those that were called Hereticks He for that reason Assembled only the Heads to whom he declared his will and ordered them to consult thereupon But this weak means advanced not Affairs and the result of this debate made it evident that the King had promised to turn Catholick He made a shew of being irritated at the Parliaments resistance and spake very angry terms to the Attorney General But it was all the satisfaction the Reformed had The Restrictions remained as they were and it appeared that the King had ingaged to do nothing for them before he had embraced the Roman Religion It seemed that if the Catholicks had consented to what the King demanded they would have drawn him out of a great perplexity and would
feared more mischief from the Assembly than perhaps the Assembly designed to do and on the other hand the Assembly apprehended more harm from the Court than was there prepared for them Thus in dubious Affairs Fear is often mutual and there is a kind of emulation who shall shew most Resolution and Courage when really the Fright is equal on both sides The King severely complained to the Assembly by his Letters and laid openly the Fault at the doors of the Dukes of Bouillon and Trimouille but there happened such Divisions in the very Assembly as did e'en almost ruin their Affairs It may be 't was â—n effect of the usual Intrigues of the Court who designedly had drawn the Assembly nearer home the better to have them within the reach of its Caresses and Favours Not but that it might be also the effect of that Misfortune commonly attending the union of divers Persons differing in Genius Abilities and Interest who tho' agreeing in a general Design do often fall out about the choice of necessary Expedients It is with them as with that Harmony by which the World subsisteth through a correspondency of several discording Causes which might easily break out of that just proportion whereby they agree if they were not preserved and maintained by an Almighty and Divine Hand Thus the union of many Men who aim at different ends may break of it self tho' they often have the same Motives for acting concertedly when each one wou'd regulate the Conduct and Interest of all others by his own Maxims and Prejudices The Assembly who ascribed the Progress of those Disorders to the influence of the Court to prevent more Mischief thought it fit to remove elsewhere and accordingly came to Saumur on the Fifth of March This removal might be agreeable to both Parties to the King to whom du Pâ—â—ssâ—â— might be very serviceable there in allaying with his Wisdom the Heat of the most forward and accordingly the King had sent for him a while before and commanded him to go to Vendome and endeavour to bring them to a better Temper and it was agreeable to the Reformed also in that the Authority of du Plessis his Prudence and Equity might heal their Divisions and bring them all to an unanimous Effort for the common Cause In the mean while Matters went on slowly and the Assembly being very little satisfied with the Commissioner's delays which were supposed by several Members to be designedly made they carried their Discontents along with them to Saumur Nay on a Report spread abroad that the King was secretly treating of a Peace with the Arch-duke their Jealousies increased and they thought that the Court used so many delays to the end that if a Peace could be made before any thing was concluded with the Reformed the King might be in a condition to grant them only what the Catholicks pleased But a little while after the Assembly was settled at Saumur there happened an Accident which did extreamly allarm all sorts of People the Spaniards having surprised Amiens the defence whereof was left to its Inhabitants they defended it very ill This Blow made a great noise through all Europe France was counted lost the old Caballs began to revive and the consternation was so great that People knew not what course or resolution was best to take the King himself was disheartened in this Misfortune and fell from that greatness of Soul he had always been Master of before In short one may judge what condition France was thought to be in by what happed in Britany Brissac who was Deputy Lieutenant in that Province and a late reconciled League man caused an Assembly of the Nobility to be held there in his presence being therein as 't was said countenanced by Mompensier and the Dukes of Bouillon and la Trimouille There they proposed to put themselves under the Protection of the Queen of England by the Name of the good French People bons Francois taking it for granted that the King after that loss was no longer able to keep his Kingdom and defend his Subjects against a foreign Invasion The same accident occasioned great Agitations amongst the Reformed some were for taking up Arms and endeavoured to draw to their Opinion all such as were capable to bear them insomuch that one moved for an Attempt upon Tours whither some Troops were to be sent in the Name of la Trimouille others thought that they ought not to make use of such a dismal occasion and that it was even more honourable for them to desist from their former Demands than to make new ones As for the two Dukes they pushed on briskly their Proposals and endeavoured to perswade them that War was the only remedy they had left But almost all the Churches rejected it the great Towns whose example might have drawn in the rest and the best part of the Nobility were deaf to it so that the Project of the two Dukes fell to the ground It was nevertheless reported abroad that Discord had alone hindred the Reformed from voting the War because the Nobility and Consistory men renewed their old Quarrel and fell out about the management of the Money that was to be raised the Nobility claiming it as their right and the Consistory men being for Commissioners to be appointed by the respective Churches for the safe management of it But all these Intrigues as it was given out miscarrying through the dissention of the different Parties every one at Court after the retaking of Amiens valued himself for having no share therein and strove very hard who should make the first discovery to the King so that all the odium fell upon the two Dukes who had been the authors and promoters of the whole matter From whence it follows that their misdemeanour might be misrepresented and made a great deal more than really it was since in Reports of that nature Men use to say more than they know and consequently run the hazard of telling more than the truth As for the Motive of the two Dukes 't is not easie to guess at them The Catholic Writers charge them with designing to make advantage of the Disorders of the State that they might get by force those Preferments that were denied them but the President de Thou who saw the matters nearer than any body else as being present in all these Transactions gives us a more innocent Motive of those two Dukes He ascribeth their Design to Necessity and the Publick Calamity because in the General Confusion of the Kingdom every one did almost despair of his own safety and thought he ought to seek his security from himself for the proof of which he saith that as soon as Amiens was retaken they submitted to what Terms the King was pleased to prescribe to them because then their former hopes of enjoying Peace under a King capable to defend them were without doubt revived That is in a word that we may
the Low-Countries some Preacher or other had the boldness to Preach in favour of the Negative And at divers times Libels were dispers'd about concerning this matter A Capucin who was suspected to have learn'd his Lesson at the Court of Savoy put off a thousand extravagancies on this Subject in Italy and in Rome it self But there was a stop put to the course of these mischievous Intentions by the Authority of the Superiour In the mean time as the Birth of the Dauphin made all the World talk La Riviere one of the King's Physicians a great Astrologer and much possess'd with Predictions Erected a Scheme of his Nativity the King that gave a little too much heed to these Vanities either through his own Inclination or by the Example of Roni his Favourite who gave much way to it or by the Inducement of the Queen who was prepossess'd as almost all the Italians are the King I say having oblig'd him notwithstanding several denials to tell him his Judgment of this Child according to the Rules of his Art answer'd him half in Choler that he should Reign that he should destroy what his Father had Establish'd that he should scatter all that he had husbanded that he should leave Posterity under which all should grow worse and worse The State which at this day the Religion and the Kingdom are in may make this Prediction to be Rank'd among those which make most for the Honour of Astrology But there were very dangerous Motions in the State which were stirr'd up by Forreign Intrigues The Court was full of Male Contents which were there engag'd under divers pretences Biron a Man of a Presumptuous Spirit and without Judgment was so deeply involv'd in 'em that it cost him his Life But 't was believ'd that the King was yet strong enough to quash this Conspiracy as long as he had the Reformed at his Devotion this is the Reason that nothing was wanting to engage 'em in the Party They were admonish'd as by way of Friendship that the Peace of the State was the way to their Ruin that there was a powerful League concluded against 'em seeing that the Peace of Savoy was negotiated that there was a Project laid for a kind of Croisade that the Catholic Princes had sworn it by their Deputies that the Oath was given upon the Eucharist by the Legat that every one was Tax'd at a certain Sum and a certain number of Souldiers that the League was to last till the Protestant Religion was exterminated that there were two Originals of this Treaty Sign'd by the Pope the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy and that that Duke had one in his Hands which he offer'd to Communicate to the Reformed To this were added the greatest promises of security that could be thought on provided they enter'd into the League that was propos'd to ' em This Advice was confirm'd by that which one Brochard Baron gave to Marshal Boâ—illon touching the Leagues Sworn against the Reformation This Baron who call'd himself the Nephew of Cardinal Baronius boasted that he was sent by the Pope to the Catholic Princes to make 'em Sign the Project of New Croâ—sade and before all things to have presented the Book of this Institution to the King of Spain He said that the Instructions of those that were entrusted to engage the Princes to a Protection of this League recommended chiefly three means to succeed in the Conversion of Heretics The first was to institute Missions to instruct those that were gone astray by good Sermons and Examples The second was to tolerate the Enterprises of Magistrates against the Liberties of Heretics and to make use of Politic Artifices and Pious Frauds to take away their Priviledges The Third was to use Force and Arms to reduce ' em The Jesuits business was to sow great Divisions between the Great ones and in the Provinces And great Liberality was to be shewn to the first Converted to serve for a Bait to others He aver'd that there were five and twenty thousand gain'd in England that were able to bear Arms and Ministers enow to hope that the Reformation would be Condemn'd by the the Mouth of the very Ministers themselves He discover'd great Designs that were laid against all the Protestant States and he pretended that a great part of the Nobility in Germany were corrupted I know not whence he had got the Mysteries he laid open in his Discourses but in the sequel the things he spoke have been so exactly practic'd and with so great success that if his Relation may be judg'd by the Event rather then by the Picture he made of the Design he must be look'd upon as one that spake positive Truth This Baron not being rewarded as he expected went into Germany and Holland to put the same Ware off there and if he did not perswade those who had a share in the Governmente he found the people more apt to believe him There were Preachers who during the Siege of Rochelle remember'd his Discourse and apply'd it to the State to which the Reformation was reduc'd at that time in France and Germany To elude his Testimony they would have had him pass for an Incendiary who had invented one part of what he said Nevertheless there was not in all his parts one story made at random There was Erected a little while since at Thâ—non a Town belonging to the Duke of Savoy a Friary for Conversion of Heretics and to render it more Venerable to the people it was call'd by the pitiful Name of The Congregation of our Lady of Compassion of Seven Griefs This New Society was no sooner set up but they Writ to the Catholic Princes to invite 'em to enter into this League D'Ossat did not deny to the King that they writ to the Pope But he assur'd him that the Pope rejected this vain proposition as capable of Uniting the Protestants for their mutual Defence which could not but endamage the Catholic Religion and give a fair Opportunity to the Turk to extend his Conquests over Christendom during the Divisions of Europe This Prelate likewise accus'd the Duke of Savoy for having abus'd the Commissions and Procurations of this Fraternity on which the Work of this imaginary League was built to serve him in his Designs to imbroyl France For the rest he describes this Baron as a Man the most fickle and inconstant that ever was He had been a Priest and during that time had committed a Murther he turn'd Protestant it may be to avoid the punishment he had deserv'd He marry'd but being soon weary of a Marty'd Life he return'd to the Roman Religion which in the sequel he forsook a second time This is according to the Picture the Cardinal makes of him But tho there had been nothing to have been said against Baron the Duke of Savoy was too much suspected in point of Religion to gain Credit among the Reformed He had not the Reputation of having
appear'd nearer at hand and they found themselves still lyable to be attack'd on so many sides that they judg'd it absolutely necessary to provide for their safety by speedy and effectual means Therefore the wisest and most moderate among them who were us'd on all other occasions to recommend Peace and Obedience above all things joyn'd in that design And indeed the thing spoke of it self and that so lowd that the dullest and most stupid might apprehend it A Minority an Italian Regent old Members of the Leagues or Jesuits that were absolute in the Council a revengeful Queen who thought herself offended and was govern'd by foreigners for whom the Reform'd had no great consideration a great number of Factious either old ones the seeds of which were not yet stifled or new ones that daily form'd themselves an invincible ascendant which the Court of Spain that aim'd at nothing but the renewing of the Wars about Religion had gain'd over France and several other reasons obliged that Party which had been so often deceived to stand upon their Guard and to take proper measures to secure themselves at least untill time had dissipated those allarms To pretend that it was a Crime for the Reform'd that had suffered so much and were assaulted by a thousand lawful terrors to renew their Vnion to hold assemblies and to present Petitions is undoubtly a â—yrannick absurdity As if a Wretch should be impeached as a Criminal against the State for having cryed out for help seeing himself in danger of falling into a Precipice or for having taken hold of the first thing he could light on to break the violence of his fall And if it be alledged that at least after having taken measures with the Court for their safety they ought to have laid a side their fears troubling themselves with nothing but to serve God according to their Conscience and to obey the King according to their Duty I answer that it would have been very reasonable and perhaps very easie so to do had not the Court in the very instant they granted them any favours taken away more from them with one hand than they gave with the other They were comforted with â—words while they were tormented by Effects The Clergy granted nothing to the King without a consideration The first Article of their demands always contain'd something in favour of the Catholick Religion which never fail'd of being interpreted against the Reform'd Religion as if the one could not have been preserv'd without the ruin of the other The Court and Clergy persisted in this way of proceeding untill the Civil Wars broke out and the success of the Artiefices that were us'd to amuse the Reform'd having incourag'd their Enemies they proceeded so far as to laugh at them publickly and to Violate the most solemn Promises without shame This may be seen at large in that part of the History that relates the disgrace of the Duke of Sulli the Illusions practis'd at the Assembly of Saumur the Divisions sown among the Reform'd the Resolutions of the States the Marriage accomplish'd between France and Spain and all the other Transactions that justly create Jealousies So that the same Law of Nature which teaches Man to secure himself behin'd Walls and Ramparts when he suspects an Enemy against whom he only designs to stand upon the Defencive that Law I say without doubt Authoriz'd the Reform'd to whom the faithlessness of their Enemies was so well known to secure themselves against the suspicious proceedings of a Court that had sworn their Ruin I do not speak in this place of their Vnion with the Prince of Conde because that War was of a different nature from the Rest Religion had little or nothing to do in it Interests of State were the true Motives of it The Reform'd cannot be tax'd with it but the accusation must fall with more violence upon the Catholicks The last occasion'd it the first only joyn'd with them but too late if we consult prudent Policy only by reason that it was no longer time to prevent the Marriages which was the pretence us'd for taking Arms. But that delay only proceeded from that most of the Provinces and Churches did not think themselves concern'd in that Business So that it was not properly an affair of the whole Party but of some Lords who were follow'd by their Creatures Therefore there is nothing in this first degree of the fall of the Reform'd which they can be justly upbraided for But they seem to be less excusable in the second in which they are seen actually in Arms against their Prince We are to resolve two questions the better to understand the matter The first is general and relates to Right viz. Whether there are occasions on which Subjects may lawfully take Arms against a Soveraign The second is Particular and relates to the act viz. Whether allowing that there may be such occasions the case of the Reform'd was of that nature and they had sufficient Reasons to Arm. The General Question is of too great a discusion to be examin'd in a Preface in which I do not design to inlarge Therefore I shall only make eight or nine Observations which may give some light to that matter 1. I will observe that the thing which imbroils the said Question is that it is perhaps never handled without Passion or Interest Those that have given a large extent to the Rights of the People have often been animated by an Interest of Party And those that have put no bounds to the Power of Kings are to be suspected either of having been paid for so doing or of having had particular reasons which oblig'd them to flatter Princes in order to obtain some Favours from them When ever there have been divers Parties in a State it has been observable that the Weakest was ever the most fawning and that in order to get the Prince on their side they extended the Rights of sovereign Power as much as in them lay This mischief began in the first Ages of Christianity The Emperors were so severe against the poor Christians who were represented as Enemies to the State that those poor Persecuted Wretches were reduc'd to strain the Point to perswade them that their Religion was not opposite to Soveraign Power Passages of Scripture Testimonys and Examples of the Old and New Testament were promiscuously imploy'd with all the Art of interested Eloquence which transferr'd the Rights of the Judaic Kings to all the Princes of the World wiâ—hout the least consideration After Constantine had rais'd Christianity up to the Empire by his Conversion the Clergy out of interest retain'd the Maxims which they had maintain'd till then out of necessity And whereas they laid a great stress through Ambition and Avarice on those Passages which direct Princes to be Fathers and Benefactors to the Church he was oblig'd to continue to them as it were by way of reâ—alâ—ation for the temporal advantages he extorted from them the auâ—hority wherewiâ—h
Ridicule in a very scornful manner The Author in the first place told them that it was not necessary to exhort the Duke to keep the Places he had left because he was sufficiently inclin'd to do it of himself That they should advise him to stick to his first proposition viz. To leave things in the State in which they were without endeavouring either to be restor'd or to receive a recompence and to egg on his Generosity in that point That they should remonstrate to him that it would be vain to attempt the second viz. To be restor'd since his Place was taken and in the possession of a Man as easie of Access and as Civil as Sully had been difficult and Surly It was Schomberg who was as lavish as Sully had been rigorously sparing That as to the Third about the recompence that was offer'd him they should persuade him to submit to the King who would have him to accept it That upon the Fourth which related to the nature of the Recompence he ought to declare himself about it That what was befallen him ought to be look'd upon as one of those Eclipses of Fortune which are so frequent and which only relating to himself did no wise concern the Reform'd Religion in general That Kings were common Fathers to all their Subjects and use them all alike That the Assembly would be to blame to Insist too much in that affair and to take the Duke's part That both the Catholicks and Protestants would would find fault with it as well as with the Oath of Union which they exacted from the Nobility and he compar'd that Ingagement en passant to the League which had been abhor'd by every body He reflected upon the Duke who was one of the first that sign'd the said Union of which he had formerly condemn'd the Example in the Leaguers He made a distinction between Places that were Hereditary and such as were properly only Commissions and maintain'd that when ever Kings gave Places of that kind they retain'd the liberty of disposing of them at pleasure which was the Duke of Sully's case The superintendence not being an Office but a Commission In order to destroy the Vanity he drew from his Services he reflected upon the Riches he had got and because they knew that he was in dread of his Person he assur'd him possitively that the Court had no secret design against him but told him indirectly that they were not so much affraid of him but that they might undertake it openly when ever they had a mind to it The whole concluded by a smart sensure on the Assembly for meddling with affairs of that Nature which were out of their Province and by an Exhortation to them to keep within the bounds of Humility and Modesty as well as of Duty Works of this kind were very much in Vogue during the Session of the Assembly Several Satyrs were publish'd against the Reform'd Religion and against those that had been imploy'd during the Life of the Late King The Catholicks seem'd inclin'd to be reveng'd on the Catholicon which had discover'd the Ridicule of the Designs and Actions of the League so agreably Pamphlets came out daily in imitation of it Harangues Discourses Pictures Tapstry work c. We may place in that number a Letter publish'd under the name of a Reform'd Printed with the Publishers Name to it which spoke very ill of the Assembly of Saumur The Author divided the Reform'd into three orders of which he call'd one the Malicious the other Zealous and the Third Judicious The Malicious according to his Notion were either Ambitious or Self-Interested and desir'd nothing but War as the readiest way to rise or grow Rich. He ascrib'd Nine or Ten Reasons to them which they made â—…se of to persuade the others to be of their Sentiments First The consideration of the Minority which emboldded their Enemies to attempt every thing Secondly The Conspiracy of the Pope the Jesuits and the Clergy against the Reformation Thirdly The hatred of several Members of the Council against them Fourthly The Queen 's easie Temper which might easily be workt upon in order to their Ruin Fifthly The dread that all these things â—…ight easily form a Party to Exterminate them before their being in a Condition to make a defence Sixthly Their being refus'd Justice in divers Places and upon divers Points Seventhly The Places and Governments that were taken from some of them without the â—…ast pretence Eightly The Practices and Intreagues that were us'd to Corrupt their best Heads Ninthly The Pensions that were offer'd to some of them to betray the secrets of their Brethren Tenthly Finally the divisions and diffidences that were sown among them to weaken them which they were persuaded proceeded from the Court It is apparent by this that the Person who had writen this Pamphlet was very well acquainted with their affairs since he explain'd so openly the Reasons the Reform'd had to be afraid and perhaps taught them some which they only suspected as Practices and Pensions The Zealous according to this Author were naturally Jealous and their Maxim was that diffidence is the Mother of Safety The Writer mixing Railery with serious Reflections in this place made them say that Huguenot and Jealous were Relatives and were the Consequence of each other as Monk and Shav'd This disposition of their minds continued he render'd them the sport of the Malicious who met in them fit Instruments ready to serve their Ambition and Avarice The Judicious according to him were only those who look'd upon Civil War as the worst of all Evils and who in order to avoid it kept within the bounds of obedience He endeavour'd after that to refute the Reasons of Fear which he had alledg'd But his Arguments were not strong enough to destroy them And whereas the only remedy he propos'd against the Conspiration of the Jesuits and of the Clergy was the sincerity and promises of the Council the Authority of the Parliaments and notable Societies and the good will of the Queen we may say that he confirm'd those Reasons instead of refuting them since the main reason that allarm'd the Reform'd was that they found little Sincerity in the Council little Justice in the Parliaments and waving her Intentions little solidity in the Mind of the Regent She was Turbulent Revengeful Ambitious could not contain her self and those who did not love her said that she had all the ill Qualifications of Catherin de Medicis but none of her great and Royal Inclination She was like her in being prepossess'd in favour of Astrology and the advice of the best Politicians could not prevail over the Observations of Fabroni who drew Figures of the State of Heaven upon all things of Importance that related to that Princess The Truth is that whether accidentally or otherwise he succeeded in divers of his Predictions which the event proved to be as just as could be That of the
into others and to say the truth it cannot be deny'd 〈…〉 he impos'd Laws upon the Court if we reflect on 〈…〉 manner in which those troubles were ended He demanded more advantagious Conditions than those the Assembly of Saumur had obtain'd and for his own particular he 〈…〉 sir'd the removal of La Rochebeaucour and of Foucaud whâ—… he did not like to have the disposition of the Compâ—… of the first To Nominate a Deputy General himself 〈…〉 his and his Brothers and his Friends Pensions should be restor'd together with the arrears that had been stopt 〈…〉 that all manner of proceedings should cease against such 〈…〉 had been prosecuted upon his account Those pretentiâ—… were so high that there was no likelyhood to expect tâ—… the Queen would condescend to them Great difficulâ—… arose upon it and while the Council was deliberatiâ—… bout them there arose new ones A Messenger haâ—… subpaened Hautefontaine to appear in the Parliament of Bordeaux was very ill us'd at St. John d' Angely where the â—…signs of the Court advanc'd as little by proceedings of â—…stice as by threatnings of War On the other hand Saujon Gentleman of Saintonge who had been sent by the Duke 〈…〉 to the upper Guyenne to try what succors he might expâ—… â—… those provinces and to maintain Rambures in the Government of Aiguemortes against Berticheres whom the Reâ—…'d were jealous of was stopt at Rouergue and us'd like 〈…〉 Prisoner of State So that people were exasperated on 〈…〉 sides Nevertheless the Court not finding it self in a Condition sustain by effects the height of their first threatnings â—…mis'd the Duke all that he had desir'd The truth is 〈…〉 the Queen was not displeas`d at the removal of La Rochebeaucour by reason that the Government of Chatelleraud 〈…〉 vacant at that time she bestow'd it upon him She only â—…'d in order to save appearances that the Duke Rohanâ—…ld â—…ld receive him for eight or ten days in St. John as if the â—…en having had the power to maintain him had only reâ—…uish'd it in order to promote a peace without being any 〈…〉 obliged to it But whereas the Generality of the Reform'd began to be heated she was also oblig'd to grant them 〈…〉 of those things which had been refus'd to the Assembly Saumur I have said that the National Synod had renew'd 〈…〉 demands of it and that they had charg'd the Deputies General with a Cahier in which they were contain'd Some â—…hose Articles were favourably answerd ' The Reform'dâ—…e â—…e allowed not to stile their Religion Pretended Reform'd 〈…〉 Court promis'd the Ministers the same exemptions â—…he Ecclesiasticks of the Roman Church injoy'd The â—…ods were restored to their former Liberty which had been â—…tle incroach'd upon by the last Declarations They proâ—…d to redress the grievances of the Provinces and to give 〈…〉 Reform'd satisfaction for the Towns of Aiguemortes Essone 〈…〉 Mas d' Agenois They promis'd to revoke all the Expeâ—…ons Letters Acts Decrees that had been given since the â—…mbly of Saumur against the Reform'd But that which was â—…st considerable was the toleration of Provincial Counâ—… The Queen had express'd a great repugnancy towards 〈…〉 but whether it were that she was afraid they would keep â—…m up against her will or because she had a mind to that the Reform'd a favour to blind them she finally consented to that Settlement but with a Clause which miâ—â—â— occasion some dispute but yet could not be refus'd whâ—â— was that they should use that priviledge as modestly 〈…〉 they had done in the Late King's time But when the Duke de Rohan receiv'd an account of tâ—â— promises of the Queen he was in the first transports of 〈…〉 anger for the violence committed against Saujon So â—â—â— he refus'd even to answer the Reasons that were alleâ— to him to oblige him to receive those good offers 〈…〉 threatned the utmost severities incase that Gentleman 〈…〉 ceiv'd the least ill treatment and protested that he woâ—… hearken to no reason untill he had receiv'd satisfaction upâ—â— that Article Thus all those promises which the Qâ—… made perhaps less to keep them than to dissipate the 〈…〉 which was to repair at Rochel prov'd ineffectâ—â—â— and the Deputies met there on the appointed day Tâ—â— Court found no other expedient to prevent their takâ— any vexatious Resolutions that to send Rouvray thither 〈…〉 to prevail with Du Plessis to assist at it They could 〈…〉 prevail with the Assembly not to meddle with such Afâ—… as might create most occasion of vexation and morâ—oâ— the Assembly us'd them almost like suspected Perâ—… The reason of those suspitions was that they distrusted 〈…〉 Queens promises and that they partly discovered her Inâ—tions through the fair words wherewith she design'd to amâ—… the World What ever Rouvray could say to justifie 〈…〉 sincerity of her promises prov'd ineffectual the Assemâ—… refus'd absolutely to break up untill they beheld the eâ—… of it and all that could be obtain'd from them was thâ—â— they would break up without leaving any marks of thâ— having made any deliberations on condition that 〈…〉 Deputies should meet at the same place again on the 2â— of December to see whether the said promises were pâ—â—formed and to confer about it without holding the soâ—â— of an Assembly Nevertheless in order to make them coâ—â—ply to this Rouvray promis'd to add some new Aâ—â—â—cles to those which the Synod had drawn and among â—… they desir'd that whenever there should be a vacancy of Government of any place of Surety the Churches â—…ld have the liberty to Nominate three Persons to the â—…g out of which he should chuse one That what had 〈…〉 retrench'd out of the Sum promis'd for the payment â—â—e Garrisons should be restor'd That the form promis'd the Edict of Nantes should be given to the Chamber of Edict of Paris That the Reform'd should be allow'd Nominate the Person that should Collect the Sums that â—…ld be given to them for the maintenance of their Garriâ—… and of their Ministers and some others of that kind 〈…〉 little Assembly seem'd to exceed the bounds of their â—…er since that according to the Intention of the Reguâ—…n of Saumur they ought not to have exceeded the 〈…〉 of St. John d' Angely upon the account of which they 〈…〉 been conven'd But the relation of that affair to all â—…rest and the jealousies occasion'd by little things in â—â—ch a mistery was suspected made them pass over â—…e reflections And Rouvray could obtain nothing withâ—… those Conditions â—ouvray having made his report to the Court the â—…en found that bare words would not satisfie Perâ—… so well resolv'd but she thought her Authority too â—â—h concern'd in the continuation of that Assembly to â—ny thing at their request Therefore a Council was 〈…〉 on purpose upon that Subject in which it was resolv'd â—…o nothing that might seem to be granted in favour â—hat Assembly which was look'd upon as unlawful 〈…〉
made all his deâ—…miscary None but the Reform'd were still able to do something for him but they were slow to declare themselves Their Assembly had been open'd at Grenoble on the 15th of July and Lesdiguieres having refus'd the Presidentship which was offer'd to him by all the Deputies they had Elected De Blet Deputy for the Nobility of the Province of Anjou for their President and Durand Minister of Paris and Deputy for the Isle of France for his Associate and Boisseuil and Maniald for Secretaries The Prince of Conde sent a Gentleman thither to invite them to joyn with him in order to procure a good Reformation of the State in which he promis'd to make the Reform'd find all the Sureties they could reasonably expect A considerable part of the Assembly inclin'd towards that Union and the Pretences the Prince us'd were so plausible and so Noble that they could hardly fail of making an Impression upon many People To pass the Independence of the Crown into an Act of the State to secure the King's Person against Assassinations Excommunications and Depositions to revenge the too long neglected Murther of the late King to hinder the Publication of a Council against which a great King had Protested and which was very prejudicial to France to reduce Taxes and Impositions at reasonable Rates to remove the excessive Authority of Foreigners and to call them to an Account for the Abuses introduc'd during their being in Favour to settle the Edicts of Pacification beyond Reach All these were great designs which appear'd so Just so Lawful and so necessary that no body question'd but they would be attended with the Blessing of God and that all true Frenchmen would unanimously favour them But others were of Opinion that the Assembly ought to leave the management of the Political part of those Projects wholly to the Prince of Conde and to apply themselves solely to take measures for the safety of the Reform'd Religion They did not question but the Prince had a Right by his Birth to endeavour to purge the Government of all the Abuses that were slipt into it but they did not think it proper for the Reform'd to ingage in it otherwise than by Prayers to God and most humble Remonstrances to the King Some Provinces had given their Deputies Instructions to that Effect The diversity of Opinions manag'd by Lesdiguieres for the Interest of the Court having appear'd at the overture of the Assembly satisfy'd the Queen that the Reform'd would not be ready so soon but that she might have time to put her designs in Execution before the Prince and they could be in a Posture to oppose them She had given great Causes of Complaint to the Duke of Rohan whom she was Jealous of upon that Account Therefore being desirous to oblige him by some Favour to forget what was past she took the occasion of a difference between the Houses of Rohan and de la Trimouille about the Presidentship of the Estates of Britany to which they both aspir'd with such Equal Rights that it was impossible to decide the question otherwise than by adjudging the said Privilege to both to injoy it Alternately The Duke de la Trimouille who was lately return'd from Travelling design'd to appear in the Estates and so did the Duke of Rohan They refus'd to yield to each other which concurrence could not fail of being attended with ill Consequences The Queen being desirous to pleasure the Duke of Rohan by seeming to declare her self in favour of him either to imploy him elsewhere while she perform'd her Progress or to oblige him in an Affair of Precedence and Honour sent him an Order to repair to the Estates to preside there and at the same time sent a contrary Order to the Duke de la Trimouille whose displeasure she did not Value by Reason that he was very young not much known and far from that degree of Credit and Power in which the World had seen the late Duke his Father This avail'd the Queen but little by Reason that her Refusal of the Governmént of Poitou to the Duke of Rohan to whom she had formerly Granted the Survivorship thereof made a deeper Impression upon him than her pretended Favour about the Presidentship He made no use of the Order he had receiv'd from the Court and Presided that time by consent of the Duke de la Trimouille by Virtue of an Accommodation procur'd by their mutual Friends to hinder those two Potent Families that liv'd in Friendship at that time from coming to a Breach Nevertheless the Queen being so well satisfy'd with the then State of Affairs as to assure her self of success resolv'd to improve it and to do her Business before the Prince could have time to oppose it Therefore all of a sudden while the Negotiation of Peace seem'd to draw towards a happy Conclusion she sent an Order to him from the King to repair to his Majesty with all speed to accompany him in his Progress in Order to the Accomplishing of his Marriage And lest he might plead Ignorance she acquainted him with the very day he had pitch'd upon for his departure The Prince complain'd highly at this Precipitation and took occasion from thence to take up Arms but with so small a Number of Men and so little prospect of Relief that he was like to sink under it In the mean time the King set forward and continu'd his Progress slowly tho' some of the most Judicious and best skill'd in Affairs of State were of Opinion that it was a Rash Resolution by Reason that the King removing from the Center of the Kingdom left a kindl'd Fire in it which would have time and opportunity to do a great deal of mischief while the Court remain'd at one of the Extremities of the Kingdom the most distant from the Conflagration The Assembly of Grenoble which after all the delays occasion'd by the diversity of Opinions had at last determin'd to try what they could obtain from the Court before the taking any other measures had deputed three Persons to the King to present their * Cahiers to him and had charg'd them expresly humbly to beseech his Majesty to consider the Prince of Conde's Remonstrances Those Deputies were Champeaux Des Bordes Mercier and Maillâ—ray Champeaux had the greatest share of Honour in that Deputation by Reason that he was the Head and speaker of it But Desbordes had more Credit because he was a Man of better Parts besides his being ingag'd in the Prince of Conde's Interest to which the Marshal de Bouillon had drawn him as I have already said by very fair promises The King was gone before the Deputies reach'd Paris and could not overtake him till they came to Amboise from whence the King having heard them adjourn'd them to Poitiers for an Answer This delay was ill resented by the Deputies who lookt upon it as an instance of the little regard that would be had to
Parliaments Jesuits Burials Answers to the Cahiers Illusory Remedies WHILE the Prince of Conde was still uncertain whither he should go to Court there to gather the Fruits â—f the Peace The Queen who was unwilling he should have â—â—e honour of procuring some Advantages to the Reform'd â—â—om whom he had receiv'd such good Services granted them 〈…〉 Declaration suitable to the Answer the King had already giâ—en to their Cahiers about his Coronation Oath It importâ—d that though the King had sufficiently evideno'd his Intentiâ—ns by the Confirmation of so many Edicts nevertheless beâ—ng inform'd that some Reform'd still entertain'd Suspicions â—y reason of what was happen'd between the Deputies of the Nobility in the Estates General he was still willing to give â—hem farther Proofs of his good Will towards them and in â—rder to remove all their Scruples about the Propositions made â—n the Estates he declar'd that it had never been his Intention â—o include in his Coronation Oath those of the Reform'd Religion who liv'd in the Kingdom under the benefit of the Eâ—icts Secret Articles and Declarations given in favour of them And that in order to their better observation for the future â—he confirm'd them a-new This new Edict was dated the 20th of July and was verify'd within a few Days after But the Publick Tranquillity did not remain long â—â—disturbed And the very Conditions on which it was obtain'd gave an occasion to renew the Troubles The Prince of Conâ—â—â—â—â— â—â—â— bethought himself during the Treaty of Peace to make two new Demands after all the rest were granted to him which gave the Queen a great deal of Vexation The one was That the Queen should take from the Marshal â— Aâ—â—â—â— with whom the Duke of Long ueville Governor of â—icâ—â—â—â— could not agree whatever he had left in that Province The other was To grant him to hold the Pen in the Council which was the power of Signing the Decrees of the Council the Weekly State of the Finances and the Accounts of the Exchequer That is he desir'd an Authority which would be so much the greater in the Affairs of the State the Quality of first Prince of the Blood being joyn'd to that of first Minister The Queen had Spies at Loudun which had given her an account of those Propositions of the Prince before Villeroy who had engag'd himself to obtain the approbation â—â— that Princess had acquainted her with it She thought that those Novelties had been Inspir'd to that Prince by that Minister who had been favourable to him all along in the Trâ—â—ty as if he had design'd to Imploy his Credit against the Marshal d' Ancre who design'd to ruine him But as soon â—â— he had spoken to the Queen she immediately granted the Prince new favours though she had express'd a great deal of â—…y to it to her Confidents The Reason of that â—â—teration was that Villeroy hinted That in case the Prâ—â—â—â— should make an ill use of that Power contrary to the Queeâ—â— Intentions it would be in her Power to secure him whenever she thought â—â—â— Nevertheless this Expedient which the Queen improv'd so well soon after did not reconcile Villeroy with the Marshal d' Ancre who put him out of favour in a short time However he was restor'd to his Places again as soon as that Favourite was Dead but he did not live long to injoy thâ—â— The Prince coming to Court after some Delays soon saw â— Croud of Courtiers attending on him and even the Marshâ—l himself speaking before him to secure himself against the Publick Haâ—â—ed The Queen seem'd at first cordially reconâ—â—â—il'd to him and the Prince of Conde who was satisfy'd with â—he degree of Authority he had obtain'd sincerely desir'd on â—is part to live in good understanding with her Insomuch that â—e took the Marshal d' Ancre into his Protection at the Queens â—equest and promis'd to secure him against all Insults But â—â—at occasion'd so many Complaints and Reproaches against â—im from those who had assisted him during the Wars â—nd who were all Enemies to the Marshal that he chose raâ—â—er to retract the Protection he had promis'd him than to â—â—se so many Certain and Useful Friends for one Man who â—as odious to the whole Kingdom Whereupon the Marshal â—as oblig'd to remove from the Court and to retire into â—â—s Government of Normandy The Queen was extreamly â—â—ncern'd to see her Authority fallen to that degree that it â—as not in her Power to maintain the dearest of her Creaâ—â—res without the Assistance of the Prince But it receiv'd a â—â—nsiderable Addition when she found her self at the Mercy 〈…〉 a reconcil'd Enemy for whom the whole Court had alâ—ost abandon'd her Therefore according to the Advice 〈…〉 which she had receiv'd the Overture from Villeroy she â—…t him in Prison This Enterprise as bold as unexpected â—â—ould have been greater and perhaps would have secur'd â—â—e Authority of that Princess for a long time had she dar'd 〈…〉 resolve three or four days sooner to seize the other three â—â—incipal Heads of the Cabal with him who were all come â—…considerately to expose themselves to be seiz'd upon But â—â—e durst not undertake it not being prepar'd for it and â—ereby she lost the benefit of the Prince's Imprisonment 〈…〉 reason that the others having reflected on their preceding â—â—prudence expos'd themselves no longer as they had done â—hat at the first Notice they receiv'd of the Princes Prison â—â—ey all made their escape as well as they could that they â—â—ok up Arms again for their common defence and that â—â—ey never laid them down until the Marshal Ancre'sâ—eath â—eath and the Queens Retreat had chang'd the State of â—ffairs In the mean time this Imprisonment occasion'd great Alteâ—â—tions The Inhabitants of Paris reveng'd it upon the House and Rich Furnitures of the Marshal d'Anâ—re which the Queen suffer'd to be pillag'd for three days together for fear of exasperating those Riotors by opposition The Reform'd did rise in divers parts and dreading that Affair would be attended with general Consequences which might bring all those into Question that had been concern'd in the last Troubles they took some measures to avoid being prevented This first Act of Authority done in the King's Name since his Marriage renew'd all their Former Feaâ—â— and taught them to judge by what had been undertakeâ— against the first Prince of the Blood after a Solemn Treaty what the Court might be capable of doing to the Prejudice of the Edicts against odious people whose Ruin had been Swoâ—â— for so many years Among other things which those diffidences put them upon Acting they made themselves Maâ—… of Sancerre a City that had been Famous ever since the 〈…〉 Siege and cruel Famine they endur'd under the Reign of 〈…〉 the IX They lookt upon it as one of the Places of Surety and had possess'd it as such under the Title of Marâ—… with that of Thouars But the Count
being capable to reunite all People to the desire of a Peace was the best expedient that could be taken to procure it and above all to obtain it from the King's Clemency by most humble Supplications that nothing was done contrary to the Settlements considering the Just Cause of Complaint they had that the strongest of all Laws in a time of Confusion and Disorder was Necessity and that Rochel would not abandon the common Cause for the particular Offers that were made to them However the Deputies of the Circle were not well receiv'd at Court from whence they departed without obtaining the permission they desir'd Besides the usual reasons the Court had to dread Assemblies they had some that were particular for this The Troubles were so great every where that they could not Authorise a General Assembly without being guilty of Imprudence by reason that whatever side they inclin'd to they were capable to give the upper hand to the Party they should Embrace and perhaps â—…rm one apart which might take the advantage of the Weakness of the others It was generally believ'd that the Duke of Vendome design'd to put himself at the Head of the Reform'd and it was publickly discours'd that he kept a â—…an on purpose at Rochel to Treat in his Name with the Assembly There was no time to make Rome Relish that â—â—rmission the Council of which had taken such an Empire over that of France that they regulated all their proceedings The Queen had been oblig'd to give the Cardinal de â—…yeâ—se ample Instructions before the Assembly of Saumur 〈…〉 excuse the favour she had Granted to the Reform'd upon â—…e account of Necessity either in confirming their Edicts â—…y a Solemn Declaration or by allowing them to Assemble 〈…〉 a time when they could draw such advantages by their â—…nion It would have been difficult to use those Reasons at â—resent which might have pass'd for good at that time because they could not have been insisted upon for fear of discovering the Weakness and Confusion of the Government The shortest way was to refuse the permission desir'd by the Deputies of the Circle in hopes that those who did not approve that Assembly would have Credit enough to perwade the rest to have patience Nevertheless that Refuâ—… aggravated matters instead of suppressing them and it did not hinder them from inviting the Provinces to send their Deputies to Rochel on the appointed day so that as they persisted in the Resolution to hold the Assembly without leave in case they could not obtain the consent of the Court they thought fit to Publish their Reasons about it Therefore they Publish'd a kind of Manifesto in which they observ'd that people were in Arms every where that the two Parties who aim'd to destroy each other pretended equally the King's Service which might occasion the Ruin of the State and of the Churches unless a distinction were made a what the Real Service of the King consisted in order to side with that that particular Persons apt to divide themselves according to their Interests and Inclinations were not proper Judges to decide that Question that its General Assembly was more capable to do it that the Edicts of Nantes and of Loudun were daily violated as to what related to the Churches that the Deputies General having made their Complaints to the King about it without having obtain'd the least Redress there remain'd no way to Remedy the same but by a General Assembly that the Commissioners promis'd by the Court in the Assembly which was held at Rochel at the time of the Treaty of Loudun had not been in the Provinces or at least that whatever was favourable to the Catholicks having been Executed long since nothing had been perform'd of those things which were advantagious to the Churches that the Court had refus'd the so often promis'd Creation of two Offices of Masters of Requests for the Reform'd that a Fort had been demolish'd in one of the Suburbs of Gergeaâ— in Order to render that Town of Surety Useless to the Churches and to deprive all the Reform'd between the Seine and the Loire of a secure Retreat that they had refus'd to put a Reform'd Governor in Sancerre according to Henry the 4th's Promise that Fontrailles having promis'd to go to Mass provided he were maintain'd against Angalin in Leitoure which render'd him incapable of Commanding there because it was a Place of Surety of which the Governour ought to be a Protestant his Proposition had been heard and that Angalin was not re-establish'd altho the Change of Religion of his Competitor had remov'd all the difficulties of that Affair that the Parliament of Paris had suppress'd the Place of Coâ—drai which was one of the Six allow'd by the Edict to the Reform'd under pretence of that of Villemerau which they had gain'd which show'd that they would not admit them without distinction into Imployments that la Ferté Vidame had been taken by Surprise from the Vidame of Chartres a Reform'd Lord at whose Charge a Garrison had been put into it tho' he had never been suspected nor a Rebel and that no regard had been had to his Petitions that the Switzers of the Reform'd Religion that were Quarter'd at Poiâ—iers had been forbidden to go to Church which was look'd upon as a step to do the same to the Scots and Switzers of the Guard that instead of protecting the Duke of Bouillon against the Arch-Dukes he had been declar'd a Criminal of State which alone requir'd a General Assembly in Order to consult about it That the Council had resolv'd the reunion of Navar and of the Principality of Bearnâ—o â—o the Crown to have a pretence to introduce the Edict of Nantes there contrary to the Edict of Loudun and that which had been Publish'd in consequence thereof that the said Union was attended with several Inconveniencies Viz. that the Ministers and the Colleges would be depriv'd of their Subsistance that the Presidentship in the Estates of Bearn would be given to the Bishops that la Force would be depriv'd of the Government and his Son of the Survivorship that the Garrison of Navarreins an important City provided with Canons and Munitions would be disbanded and that the said City would thereby remain expos'd to the Surprise of the Spaniards They added to all this considerations upon the Enterprise of the Duke d'Epernon against Rochel and from all those Subjects of Complaint concluded that the Assembly was necessary to redress them Those Reasons were so much the stronger by Reason that the Court had been inform'd of those Injustices by the Petitions of the Deputies General who had not been able to obtain an Answer to them Another Consideration likewise made them exceedingly more weighty The Party of the Male-contents was reduc'd almost to the utmost Extremity They had but one Town left and the Duke of Mayenne was Besieg'd in Soissons and no longer in a Condition to defend himself had he been
came to the Army to put a final end to it One of those things which occasion'd the greatest trouble was that the King would needs enter into the City and that the Inhabitants were afraid that if they did admit him he would make 'em pay dear for the Expences of so long a Siege Neverthelefs the King disdaining to promise one of his Cities by a formal Treaty that he would not have entrance into it there was a necessity of endeavouring to persuade the Inhabitants to submit To this purpose the Duke of Rohan had leave to enter and make the Proposal to the Citizens He did so bâ— whether he undertook that Commission rather to inform himself of the true state of the Town then to persuade the People to a good liking of the Proposal or whether it were that he could not remove out of their minds the fear of being made a new Example of the Infidelities of the Court he return'd without being able to obtain the Consent of the City to admit the King Upon that he promis'd to send 'em Relief because the Town was in great want of men but he met with so many difficulties after the Duke of Vendome's and the Constable's â—en were arriv'd in the King's Camp that at length he resolv'd â—pon a Peace Thereupon it was concluded in despight of the Prince of Condé who for madness to see that he had so little Credit â—nd that an Affair of such Importance should be conceal'd from â—is knowledge quitted the Court and travell'd into Italy On the other side the Duke of Rohan with the Commissioners â—f Cevennes Nimes and Vsez came to Mompellier and the â—9th of October the Edict of Peace was publish'd in the Camp before Mompellier This Edict was set forth in the Form of â— Pardon wherein the King before all things took care to assert the Justice of his Arms taken up against the Reformed whose Rebellions he ascrib'd to the Artifices of those who thought to make advantage of their Simplicity and the Troubles of the State and he took God to witness that his Intension had always bin to procure the Peace and Welfare of his Subjects After which he declar'd that he had granted a Peace upon the humble Petitions and Supplications of the Reformed who had besought it by their Commissioners sent on purpose together with a Pardon for their Offences By this Peace he confirm'd the Edicts not only of the deceased King â—ut his own He likewise confirm'd the Secret Articles but â—e added the word Enregister'd wherein he had an Aim that â—o body mistrusted and which was afterwards the foundation â—f many Cavils He re setled the Roman Religion in several places where the exercise of it had bin interrupted and recor'd to the Ecclesiasticks their Tenths their Revenues and their Houses He also re-establish'd the Reformed Religion in places where it had bin disturb'd by the War He ordain'd that the Cities remaining in the hands of the Reformed preserving their ancient Fortifications should demolish their new â—nes for which they gave Hostages and he forbid the fortifying of any place under any pretence whatever He extended the benefit of the Peace to all those that would submit in fifteen days after publication of the Edict He put down all Politic Assemblies if they were not authoriz'd by his Express Permission but he consented to their holding Consistories Colloquies and Synods according to custome provided that nothing were handl'd therein but meerly Ecclesiastical Affairs He granted an Act of Oblivion for all that had happen'd since the first of January 1621 as full and with the same Restrictions as that which had been granted by the 76th 77th and 86th Articles of the Edict of Nantes He added a particular Amnesty for what had happen'd at Privas wherein he comprehended Brison who had been the Author of those Commotions and who had kept his ground there ever since the beginning of the year As for the Accompts and the Sentences or Decrees that had bin issu'd out against the Reformed who had born Arms they were regulated according to the Articles of the Edict of Nantes that mention'd the same things and the Judgments pronounc'd between Persons of their Party by the Judges setled in the Provinces by Authority of the Chieftains were confirm'd the Prisoners on both sides were releas'd without Ransom All Persons of what quality soever were restor'd to their Estates their Dignities and Employments The observation of this Edict was regulated according to the Form prescrib'd by the 82d Article of Nantes and the King promis'd to send Commissioners into the Provinces to see it duly executed This Edict free'd from much trouble a great many Persons against whom the Parlament had issu'd forth very severe Decrees which were put in execution without mercy Thus the Unfortunate Lâ—ssius who had been proscrib'd at the beginning of the Troubles not being able to escape his being surpriz'd at Bourdeaux was put to death in pursuance of a Decree set forth against him the 18th of May. For they thought it more proper and more agreeable to their nature to look upon his Actions as Acts of Rebellion against his Prince then effects of Zeal for his Religion and Countrey He was suspected for one of those who had a great share in the Intrigues of the Reformed and they coupl'd him with Chamier who was slain at the Siege of Montauban and Hautefontaine who liv'd with the Duke of Rohan The Parliament of Rennes no less violent then that of Bourdeaux had upon the 10th of the same Month issu'd forth a most terrible Decree against the Marquess de la Muce and le Noir his Minister They condemn'd 'em for Conâ—â—macy to the Amende Honorable â—nd to be drawn by four Horses Their Posterity was degraded and declared Peasants Muce's Houses and Castle were demolish'd and his Wood cut down to the â—eighth of a Man Moreover their Goods were confiscated and themselves fin'd the Sum of Ten thousand Livres and Six thousand Livres to be bestow'd upon some Churches and Moâ—asteries La Muce was also levell'd with the Earth though 〈◊〉 Decrees of Contumacy the Proceedings were not wont to be â—…swift But in regard the persons condemn'd were out of the Parlament's reach they were discharg'd for an Execution in 〈◊〉 There were also several other very Rigorous Decrees according to the Passionate Humour of the Parlaments which were to take cognizance of the Parties accus'd Nay the Duke of Rohan himself had bin declar'd a State-Criminal by a particular Decree made on purpose However they spar'd him while the Constable de Luines liv'd but after his death a Declaration was publish'd against the Duke and his Adherents â—et though it came forth 27th of December of the preceding â—ear it was not verify'd till the fourth of July 1622. So that 〈◊〉 Duke bore Arms above a year against the King made himself master of several Places reliev'd Montauban and committed all manner of Hostilities all the
Ibid. At Clay 536. Forbid in several Places 301. Exorcisms the ridiculous â—ssâ—cls of 'em 505. F. FAvas's Interest 365. Favourites new Intreignes against 'em 337. Fenouilles Bishop of violent against the Reformed 335. Remarks upon his Speech 337. Beholding for his Preferment to the Duke of Sully yet a bitter Persecutor of the Reformed 152. Ferrand the Minister flatters the King 410. Ferrier retires 67. Heavy Accusations against him 102. Quits the Ministry and is receiv'd a Counsellour at Nimes 146. More of him 148 c. His end 150. Flatteries excessive 362. Foix Desolation of the Church there 338. Fontrailles put out of Leitoure 364. La Force corrupted by the King leaves the Reformed 333. La Force Governour of Bearn 279. His unequal temper and the effects of it 292. France Plays foul play with the Confederates 416. Makes a League with Queen Christina 497. Her Pretensions to all Europe set forth by a Sorbon Doctor 502. G. GAland Augustus a Commissioner 371. Admitted into the Synod 372. His Intreigue against the Duke of Rohan 442. In vain opposes the Vnion of the Churches of Bearn 483. Gex the Bailliage how us'd 534. Commissioners sent thither 93. Great Alterations there in the State of Religion 107. Governours of the Towns of Security basely self-interested 423. Grand Assizes several of their Decrees against the Reformed 512. Grievances a large Memoir of 'em 430. Gustavus King of Sweden his Death 497. H. HArdy put in Marrialds Room 427. House of Charity forbid at Paris 536. House of the Propagation of Faith and a remarkable piece of Injustice 537. Huguenots whether to be admitted in the Kings Army 441. Hust the Original of the Word 349. I. JAcobins turn'd out of Mompellier 275. James I. of England his Compliance for the Catholick Religion 390 391. His coldness as to the Affairs of the Palatinate 391. Jeannin his remarkable writing 330. His Answer to the Duke of Bouillon 181. Jesuits receive a great Mortification 93. Impudence of the Jesuits Aubigni and Cotton 13. Inclinations of the Great Men 314. Independency of Kings from the Pope maintain'd 169. Rejected by the Court and Clergy and why 170. Injustice extraordinary against the Reformed 435. Instructions of the Commissioners 421. Answer'd by Chauve the Moderator 422. For the Provincial Assembly 23. Continuations of the Instructions 26. Invectives against the Synod of Aletz 357. Joseph a Capuchin his draught of the Reunion 474. K. KIng of England in what sence Garrantee for the Protestants 413. Offers his Mediation for a Peace 234. Refus'd by the Council of France Ibid. Knight of Malta Marry'd 432. L. LAnguedoc Lower in Confusion 328. Continue unquiet 234. The Circle of it Assembles at Limel 376. League powerful against Spain 410. Legacies perverted 432. Lescun Counsellour in the Soveraign Council of Bearn 279. His Remonstrance 290. Lesdiguieres pretends to the Constables Sword and intercedes for Peace with the Protestants 334. He endeavours to hinder the removal of the Assembly of Grenoble to Nimes 212. Engag'd in the Interest of the Court 214. He falls out with the Assembly of Rochel 381. His small Affection for Religion Ibid. c. Will not hearken to his Friends 386. He remains at Court 388. Lessius put to Death 354. Letter Satyrical dividing the Reformed into three Orders 29. A Letter from Court Authorizing the Inferiour number against the greater 56. Letter suppos'd to be written in the Duke of Montbazons Name 366. Lewis XIII Marches into Guyenne 314. Returns to Paris 330. Leaves Paris 332. His success in Poitou Ibid. And Guyenne where he treats with La Force 333. He suspects the Duke of Tremoville and seizes Tulleburg Ibid. Hastens into Languedoc 334. He forbids the Reformed to quit their Habitations 339. He makes use of Forraign Catholick Souldiers 342. He puts his Kingdom under the Protection of the Virgin Mary 413. Returns to Paris 358. His particular Insidelity to the Rochellers 363. His Death 452. His Letter to the Queen about the Peace 463. The Court surpriz'd at the Kings Death 1. The Penetrating into the Causes of his Death avoided 14. His Temper 260. His unexpected Journey to Bearn 343. He arrives at Pau and takes in Navarreins returns to Pau and takes the Oath to the States 345. He goes unexpectedly from Paris and removes the Offices of the Receits 401. Lewis XIII born 419. Lion an unfortunate accideent there 326. A new Sedition there 451. Loudun Assembly there justified 301. which produc'd several Complaints and Apologies 302. Answer'd by the King 303. The Place appointed for the Conference which procures Peace 235. Luson Bishop of made a Cardinal 360. His Character Ibid. His Speech to the King 173. He withdraws from the Queen 272. He writes against the Ministers 274. His ill Counsel 341 c. M. MAcon the Bishop of his Speech to the King 274. Proves ineffectual 277. Remarks upon it 317. Mage the Judge 422. Maine Duke of his Death 322. Mandamus Final to the Soveraign Council of Bearn 311. Attended by Decrees of Council 312. Maniald dies 427. Mansfield Count treats with the Reformed 340. Gain'd by the Court 341. Contrary to the Bishop of Alberstads Inclinations Ibid. Marans Count of his Hostilities against Sancerre 268. Marets Minister of Alets put to Death 494. Marriage of Converted Priests 431. Masuyer's false dealing 423. His Character 373. He writes to the King 374. More of him Ibid. c. Mediation of the Dukes of Rohan and Trimoville ruin'd by Favas 389. Metz the Reformed forbid to erect a Colledge there 517. Milletiere a writing of his 373. His Project about Re-union of the Protestants and Papists 477. Refuted by Daille 478. Turns Catholick through Necessity Ibid. Ministers Forraign a Declaration against 'em 436. Decrees against 'em 503. Ministers Pensioners 121. Allow'd to assist at Political Assemblies 270. Ministers of Charentons Answer 273. The Treachery of some punish'd 354. Miron President his Character 172. Missions and Missionaries 467. Mombazon Duke of his care of the Reformed 324 325. Mompellier besieg'd 344. Holds out stoutly 352. The Kings Infidelity to Her 358. A Cittadel built there contrary to the Treaty 377. The building of it oppos'd by Maniald Ibid. Innovations there 436. The Foundation of it by whom Ibid. Monks converted their Rogueries 271. Monsanglard Minister his Process 532. Montauban defended by La Force 318. The Siege rais'd 319. Reduc'd 463. Moulin in danger of being secur'd 390. His Letter to James I. of England miscarries 391. From which the Jesuits seek an opportunity to ruin him 392. Muce Marquiss of condemn'd by the Parlament of Rennes 355. N. NErac a Presidial Court erected there 416. Negrepelisse taken by Assault and great Cruelties there exercis'd 334. Nomination of General Deputies permitted 426. The Synod desires to be exempted from it Ibid. O. OAth of Vnion 377. Renew'd by the Assembly of Tonneins 165. Offices 441. The Catholicks combine to exclude the Reformed from 'em Ibid. 448. Talon's manner of Pleading 510. His Distinction between the Right of
committed to â—…der it necessary that the Assemblies that had been â—…d since that of Saumur were lawful that the like â—…d often been held during the Reign of Henry the 4thâ—…hout â—…hout â—his ever complaining against them That whenâ—…r a permission was given to hold a General Assemâ—… it included leave to hold particular ones either beâ—…e the General to Nominate the Deputies that were to â—…st at it or after it to give them an account of their â—…nsactions there This was particularly grounded on the â—…y form of the fatal Letter the Queen had written the Assembly of Saumur which commanding the Deputies to break up order'd them at the same time to carry assurances of the King 's good Intentions into their Provinces which had induc'd the general Assembly to summon particular ones to acquaint them with those gooâ— dispositions They added that the Council was not ignorant â—â— the resolution of holding those particular Assemblies since the Commissioners that were sent into divâ—… places had receiv'd Orders to repair thither if possâ—… before the Overture That the King had sent some Pâ—… sons of Quality to assist at them in his Name in soâ—… Provinces That the King's Lieutenants Magistrates Counsellors and Presidents had sent for some of the Deputies of those Assemblies to speak to them and to know thâ—… Intentions That the very Commissioners nominated 〈…〉 the King had assisted at some of them That their Caâ—iâ—… had been receiv'd in the Council and that they had treaâ—ed about the Answers that were to be made to theâ— from whence the Synod infer d that the said Assemblies wâ—… neither Criminal nor Clandestine They complain'd thâ—… the Reform'd were blacken'd by that Tacit reproach Tâ—… it revivd former hatreds making them odious both 〈…〉 home and abroad by those oblique accusations which were contrary to the peace of the State Therefore thâ—… seconded the intreaties which the Deputies General hâ—… made and the Petition they had presented to the Parliament of Paris and did protest that the Reform'd hâ—… neither required nor sought after those Letters not deeâ—… ing themselves guilty in any respect and being ready 〈…〉 expose themselves to all manner of torments rather thâ—… to suffer their Loyalty to be tainted by that spot Thâ—… protested that they would make no manner of use of tâ—… pretended Pardon and that they disown'd all the proceedings avowals and approbations the said Declaration might take the advantage of as being contrary to thâ—… approv'd fidelity in which they promis'd to persevere aâ—… to maintain it with their Fortunes Lives and Honouâ—… This Act was dated the 2d of June and the Synod charg'd the Churches of those places where there were â—hambers of the Edict to make Remonstrances to the â—ounsellors who had suffer'd the Inrollment of the said â—eclaration to be made without a vigorous opposition â—…d the Churches of Cities in which there were Parliaments were also order'd to present the protestations of â—…e Synod to them They also writ to the Marshals de Bouillon and de Lesâ—…iguieres to desire them to assist the Deputies General in order to obtain the revocation of that injurious Pardon â—nd moreover because the Synod dreaded the consequences of the Division that had broke out at Saumur â—…ey imployed their utmost cares to reconcile Peoples â—inds They charg'd the Deputies General to imploy themselves about it and gave them for Associates Du Moulin Durant and de Lisle Grolot a man of great merâ—… and credit They wrote to all those who were any â—iâ—e concern'd in those disorders and made very lively â—…d very pressing exhortations to them and declaring themâ—elves positively for those who had insisted for most sureâ—â— they intreated the Marshal de Bouillon and de Lesdiâ—â—ieres to joyn themselves again to the Dukes of Rohanâ—â—d â—â—d de Sully to La Force Soubise and Du Plessis and the â—â—st of those that were Zealous to forget all that was â—â—st and all the diversity of sentiments and of opiniâ—â—s to lay aside all animosities fomented by their common enemies to re-unite themselves to the Churches in â—â—eir Remonstrances in order to obtain favourable anâ—wers at least upon their most important demands They â—rit at the same time to Chatillon to the Duke de Rohan 〈…〉 Parabere and to others upon the same subject to exâ—ort them to a Reconciliation and to make a Sacrifice 〈…〉 their Resentments to the good of the Churches The â—utches de La Trimouille was not forgotten She had begun to apply her self to that Work The Synod writ 〈…〉 her to continue and to breed her Children in good â—entiments of the Reform'd Religion The said Letters were carried by divers Persons who were able to second them but by reason that the Division had pass'd from the great ones to the inferiour sort the Synod also made strong exhortations to private Persons to reunite themselves and conjur'd them in a very moving manner not to abandon the Common Cause Neither did they forget to threaten the obstinate with Ecclesiastical Censures or to denote the Vengeances and Judgments of God against them and they charg'd all the Ministers to endeavour to restore concord in their Flocks The Deputies General had brought the Synod a Brief of 15000 Crowns which the King granted for an augmention to the Sallaries of the Ministers It was dated on the first of October last past and contain'd only what related to the augmentation Another had been granted before to confirm that of 45000 Crowns of which the King promis'd to continue the payment declaring that he knew what considerations had oblig'd the King his Father to give that Sum to the Reform'd to be imployd about their secret affairs Therefore the King allow'd the Reform'd the same Liberty to dispose of that Sum which had been granted to them by the Briefs of the late King But the King did not design to do the same thing in relation to the Brief of augmentation which the Court undertook to distribute themselves Insomuch that the said grant which look'd like a favour was in reality a dangerous Snare All those who were self-interested were fir'd with the hopes of obtaining more from the Court out of that Sum than they expected to get from the Synod in which the Distributions were made with more Husbandry and Equity So that it was easy for the Court to make that serve to corrupt the Reform'd which seem'd to be given to oblige them Some private Persons had already made their Addresses to the King in the short time that was past since the Date of the Brief in order to obtain some gratification out of that new Sum. Even some Communities had been taken by that Charm and the City of Bergerac had obtain'd 15000 Livers that way under pretence of erecting a College Moreover it occasion'd a great Alteration that year in the State of Religion in the Bayliwick of Gex I have related in another place the condition of the Reform'd there when that Country was