Linguistic DNA - Concept Modelling Demonstrator

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
state_n	day_n	lady_n	queen_n	2,012	5	9.5860	5	true

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A09097	A conference about the next succession to the crowne of Ingland diuided into tvvo partes. VVhere-of the first conteyneth the discourse of a ciuill lavvyer, hovv and in vvhat manner propinquity of blood is to be preferred. And the second the speech of a temporall lavvyer, about the particuler titles of all such as do or may pretende vvithin Ingland or vvithout, to the next succession. VVhere vnto is also added a new & perfect arbor or genealogie of the discents of all the kinges and princes of Ingland, from the conquest vnto this day, whereby each mans pretence is made more plaine. Directed to the right honorable the earle of Essex of her Maiesties priuy councell, & of the noble order of the Garter. Published by R. Doleman.	Allen, William, 1532-1594.; Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610, attributed name.	1595 (1595)	STC 19398; ESTC S114150	274,124	500

placed in the Tower though soone after by the suddaine death of king Iohn that course vvas altered agayne Henry his sonne admitted for king And thus much of the sonnes of king HeÌ„ry the second but of his daughters by the same lady Elenor heyre of Gascony Belforest in his story of France hath these wordes following King Henry had foure daughters by Elenor of Aquiraine the eldest vvherof vvas marryed to Alonso the 9. of that name king of Castile of vvhich marryage issued Queene Blanch mother to S. Lewis king of France The second of these two daughters vvas espoused to Alexis Emperor of Constantinople The third vvas married to the duke of Saxony and the fourth vvas giuen to the earle of Tholosa thus being the french stories of these daughters Of the marriage of the eldest daughter of these foure whose name was Elenor also as her mothers vvas vvith king Alonso the 9. of Castile ther proceeded many children but only one sonne that liued whose name vvas Henry vvho vvas king of Castile after his father by the name of Henry the first and dyed quickly vvithout issue and besides this Henry tvvo daughters also vvere borne of the same mariage of which the eldest and heyre named Blanch vvas married by intercession of her vncle king Iohn of Ingland vvith the foresaid Prince Lewis of France with this expresse coÌ„dition as both Polidor in his Inglish story Garibay the chronicler of Spayne do affirme that she should haue for her dowry al the states that king Iohn had lost in France vvhich were almost al that he had there and this to the end he might not seeme to haue lost them by force but to haue giuen them with the mariage of his Neece and so this mariage vvas made and her husband Lewis was afterward chosen also king of Ingland by the Barons and sworne in London as before hath bin saide hereby also the Infanta of Spaine before mentioned that is discended lineally from both these princes I meane as wel from Queene Blanch as from Lewys is proued to haue her pretence fortified to the interest of Ingland as afterward shal be declared more at large in dew place The second daughter of king Alonso the 9. by Queen Elenor vvas named Berenguela and vvas married to the prince of Leon in Spayne and had by him a sonne named Fernando vvho afterward vvhen king Henry her brother vvas dead vvas admitted by the Castilians for their king by the name of Fernando the fourth as before the Ciuilian hath noted and Blanch vvith her sonne S. Lewis though she vvere the elder vvas put by the crowne against al right of succession as Garibay the Spaniard Chronicler noteth and confesseth Heerby then some do gather that as the first interest which the crowne of Ingland had to the states of Gascony Guyne and Poyters came by a vvoman so also did it come to France by the right of this foresaid Blanch wherof the fauourers of the Infanta of Spaine do saye that she being now first and next in blood of that house ought to inherite al these and such like states as are inheritable by vvomen or came by womeÌ„ as the former states of Gascony and Guvne did to king Henry the second by Queen Elenor his wife and Normandie by Mathilda his mother and both of them to France by this former interest of Blanch and more they saye that his lady Blanch mother to King S. Lewis vvhose heyre at this daye the infanta of spayne is should by right haue inherited the kingdome of Ingland also after the murther of Duke Arthur and his sister Elenor for that she was the next of kynne vnto them at that tyme vvhich could be capable to succede them for that king Iohn himselfe vvas vncapable of their succession whom he had murthered and his sonne Henry vvas not then borne nor in diuers yeares after and if he had bin yet could he receaue no interest therunto by his father vvho had none himselfe of al vvhich points ther vvilbe more particuler occasion to speak hereafter Now then I come to speak of king Henry the third vvho was sonne to this king Iohn and from whom al the three houses before mentioned of Britanie Lancaster and Yorke do seeme to issue as a triple branch out of one tree albeit the royal line of Britanie is more ancient and vvas deuided before euen from William Conquerors tyme as hath bin shewed yet do they knytt againe in this king Henry for that of king Henry the third his eldest sonne named prince Edward the first discended Edward the second and of him Edward the third from whom properly riseth the house of Yorke And of his secoÌ„d sonne Edmond surnamed crooke-backs county Palatine of Lancaster issued the dukes of Lancaster vntil in the third dissent vvhen the Lady Blanch heyre of that house matched vvith Iohn of Gaunt third sonne of king Edward the third from which mariage rose afterward the formal diuision of these two houses of Lancaster and Yorke also two distinct branches of Lancaster Besides these two sonnes king Henry the third had a daughter named lady Beatrix whom he marryed to Iohn the second of that name duke of Britanie vvho after vvas stayne at Lions in France by the fal of an old wall in the coronation of pope Clement the 5. of that name in the yeare of Christ 1298. and for that the freÌ„des of the Infanta of Spayne do seeke to strengthen her title by this her discent also of the royal blood of Ingland from Henry the third as afterward shal be declared I wil breifly in this place continew the pedegree of the house of Britanie from that I left before euen to our dayes I shewed before in this chapter that Geffrey the third sonne to king Henry the second and duke of Britanie by his wife being dead his two children Arthur and Elenor put to death by their vncle king Iohn in Ingland as before hath bin said it fel out that Constance duchesse and heyre of Britanie marryed agayne to Guy viscond of Touars and had by him two daughters wherof the eldest named Alis vvas duchesse of Britanie and marryed to Peter Brien earle of Drusse and by him had Iohn the first of that name duke of Britanie vvhich Iohn the first had issue Iohn the second vvho marryed lady Beatrix before meÌ„tioned daughter to king Henry the third and by her had the second Arthur duke of Britanie to vvhom succeded his eldest sonne by his first wife named Iohn the third who dying without issue left the very same trouble and garboyle in Britanie about the succession betweene the two noble houses of Bloys and Monford the one maynteyned by France and the other by Ingland as soone after vppon the very like occasion happened in Ingland betweene the houses of Lancaster York as after shal be shewed And not long after that againe the like

this second tyme in the warr of Ierusalem and so lost therby his kingdome as before Henry hauing no other title in the world vnto it but by election and admission of the people which yet he so defended afterwards against his said brother Robert that came to clayme it by the sword and god did so prosper him ther-in as he tooke his said elder brother prisoner and so kept him for many yeares vntil he dyed in prison most pitifully But this king Henry dying left a daughter behind him named Mawde or Mathilde which being married first to the Emperor Henry the fift he dyed without issue and then vvas she married agayne the secoÌ„d tyme to Geffry Plantagenet Earle of Anjow in France to whom she bare a sonne named Henry vvhich this king Henry his grand father caused to be declared for heyre apparent to the crowne in his dayes but yet after his disceasse for that StepheÌ„ Earle of Bollogne borne of Adela daughter to William the Conqueror was thought by the state of Ingland to be more fitt to gouerne and to defend the land for that he was at mans age then vvas prince Henry a child or Maude his mother he vvas admitted and Henry put back and this chiefly at the perswasion of Henry bishop of winchester brother to the said Stephen as also by the solicitation of the Abbot of Glastenbury and others vvho thought be like they might do the same with good conscience for the good of the realme though the euent proued not so wel for that it drew al Ingland into factions and diuisions for auoyding and ending wherof the states some years after in a parlament at Wallingford made an agrement that Stephen should be lavvful king during his life only and that Henry and his ofspring should succede him and that prince William king Stephens sonne should be dcpriued of his succession to the crowne and made only Earle of Norfolcke thus dyd the state dispose of the crowne at that tyme vvhich vvas in the yeare of Christ 1153. To this Henry succeded by order his eldest sonne then liuing named Richard and surnamed Cordelyon for his Valor but after him agayne the succession vvas broken For that Iohn king Henries yongest sonne to vvit yoÌ„ger brother to Richard vvhom his father the king had left so vnprouided as in iest he vvas called by the french Iean sens terre as if you vvould saye Sir Iohn lacke-land this man I say vvas after the death of his brother admitted and crowned by the states of Ingland and Arthur Duke of Britaine sonne and heyre to Geffery that vvas elder brother to Iohn vvas against the ordinarie course of succession excluded And albeit this Arthur did seeke to remedy the matter by warr yet it semed that god did more defend this election of the common wealth then the right title of Arthur by succession for that Arthur vvas ouer-come and taken by king Iohn though he had the king of Fraunce on his side and he dyed pitifully in prison or rather as most authors do hold he was put to death by king Iohn his vncles own handes in the castle of Roan therby to make his title of succession more cleare which yet could not be for that as wel Stow in his Chronicle as also Mathew of westminster and others before him do write that Geffrey besides this sonne left two daughters also by the lady CoÌ„stance his wife Countesse heyre of Britaine which by the law of Ingland should haue succeded before Iohn but of this smal accoÌ„pt seemed to be made at that day Some yeares after when the Barons and states of Ingland misliked vtterly the gouerment and proceeding of this king Iohn they reiected him agayne chose Luys the prince of France to be ther king and dyd sweare fealtie to him in London as before hath bin saide and they depriued also the yong prince HeÌ„ry his sonne that was at that tyme but of 8. yeares ould but vppon the death of his father king Iohn that shortly after insued they recalled agayne that sentence admitted this Henry to the crowne by the name of king Henry the third and disanulled the oth and allegeance made vnto Luys Prince of France and so king Henry reigned for the space of 53. yeares afterwards the loÌ„gest reygne as I thinke that any before or after him hath had in Ingland Moreouer you know that from this king Henry the third do take their first beginning the two branches of York and LaÌ„caster which after fell to so great contention about the crowne Into which if we vvould enter vve should see playnly as before hath bin noted that the best of al their titles after the depositioÌ„ of king Richard the second depended of this authority of the common wealth for that as the people were affected and the greater parte preuailed so were their titles ether allowed coÌ„firmed altered or disa nulled by parlaments and yet may not we wel affirme but that ether part vvhen they vvere in possession and confirmed therin by thes parlaments were lawful kings and that God concurred vvith them as vvith true princes for gouermeÌ„t of their people for if vve should deny this pointe as before hath bin noted great inconueniences vvould follow vve should shake the states of most princes in the world at this day as by examples which alredy I haue alleaged in part may appeare And vvith this also I meane to conclude and end this discourse in like manner affirming that as on the one side propinquity of bloode is a great preheminence towards the atteyning of any crowne so yet doth is not euer bynde the commoÌ„ wealth to yeald ther-vnto if waightier reasons should vrge them to the contrary nether is the common wealth bound alwayes to shutt her eyes and to admit at hap-hazard or of necessity euery one that is next by succession of bloode as Belloy falsely fondly affirmeth but rather she is bound to consider vvel and maturely the person that is to enter vvhether he be like to performe his duety and charge committed vnto him or no for that otherwise to admitt him that is an enimye or vnfitt is but to destroy the common wealth and him together This is my opinion and this seemeth to me to be conforme to al reason law religion piety vvisdome and pollicy and to the vse and custome of al vvel gouerned common wealthes in the vvorld nether do I meane heereby to preiudice any princes pretence or succession to any crowne or dignitie in the vvorld but rather do hold that he ought to enioy his preheminence but yet so that he be not preiudical therby to the whole body which is euer to be respected more then any one person vvhatsoeuer Belloy or other of his opinion do say to the contrary Thus said the Ciuilian and being called vppon and drawne to a new matter by the question that ensueth he made his last discourse conclusion

To the last pointe of religion they answer that this impediment is not vniuersal not admitted in the iudgment of al men but only of those Inglish that be of different religion from her But to some others and those many as these men do vveene her religion vvil rather be a motiue to fauour her title then to hinder the same so that on this ground no certaintie can be buylded and this is as much as I haue to say at this tyme of these two families of Clatence and Britanie OF THE HOVSE OF PORTVGAL VVHICH CONTEYNETH THE CLAYMES AS VVEL OF the king and prince of Spayne to the succession of Ingland as also of the dukes of Parma and Bragansa by the house of Lancaster CAP. VIII IT hath bin oftentymes spoken before vppon occasions offred that the princes of the house of Portugal at this day do persuade theÌ„selues that the only remaynder of the house of Lancaster resteth among them as the only true heyres of the lady Blanch duchesse and heyre of Lancaster first wife of Iohn of Gaunt which pointe of these princes descents from the said duchesse of Lancaster though it be declared sufficiently before in the third and fourth chapters yet wil I briefly here also set downe and repeat agayne the reasons therof vvhich are these that follow Iohn of Gaunt vvas duke of Lancaster by the right of his first vvife lady Blanch and had by her only one sonne as also one daughter of vvhom vve neede heere to speake for that the other hath left no issue now liuing The sonne vvas king Henry the fourth vvho had issue king Henry the fift and he agayne Henry the sixt in vvhom vvas extinguished al the succession of this sonne Henry The daughter of Iohn of Gaunt by lady Blanch vvas called Phillip vvho vvas married to Iohn the first king of that name of Portugal vvho had issue by him king Edward and he agayne had issue king Alfonsus the fift king of Portugal and he and his ofspringe had issue agayne the one after the other vntil our tymes and so by this marriage of lady Phillip to their first king Iohn these princes of the house of Portugal that liue at this day do pretende that the inheritance of Lancaster is only in them by this lady Phillip for that the succession of her elder brother king Henry the fourth is expired long ago This is effect is their pretence but now vve vvil passe on to see vvhat others say that do pretend also to be of the house of Lancaster by a latter marriage Iohn of Gaunt after the death of his first vvife lady Blanch dyd marrye againe the lady Constance daughter of king Peter surnamed the cruel of Castile and had by her one daughter only named Catherin vvhom he married afterward back to Castile againe giuing her to vvife to king Henry the third of that name by vvhom she had issue king Iohn and he others so as lineally king Philippe king of Spayne is desceÌ„ded from her vvhich king Phillip being at this day king also of Portugal and the cheife titler of that house vnto Ingland he ioyneth the inheritance of both the two daughters of Iohn of Gaunt in one so we shal not neede to talk of these two daughters hearafter distinctly but only as of one seing that both their discents do end in this one man The only difficultie and dissention is then about the issue of the third marriage vvhich vvas of Iohn of Gaunt vvith lady Catherin Swinford whom he first kept as a Concubine in the tyme of his second wife lady Constance as before hath bin shewed in the third chapter and begat of her fower children and after that his wife lady Constance vvas dead he tooke her to vvife for the loue he bare to his children a litle before his death and caused the said children to be legitimated by authority of parlament and for that none of these fower children of his haue left issue but only one that vvas Iohn earle of Somerset we shal speake only of him ommitting al the rest This Iohn then earle of Somerset had issue an other Iohn which was made duke of Somerset by king Henry the sixt who vvith his three sonnes vvere slayne by the princes of the house of Yorke in the quarrel of Lancaster so left only one daughter named Margaret who by her husbaÌ„d Edmond Tydder earle of Richmond vvas Countesse of Richmond had by him a sonne named Henry earle of Richmond that was after king by the name of king Henry the senenth and from him al his discendents both of the house of Scotland and Suffolke do pretend also to be of the house of Lancaster which yet can be no otherwise then now hath bin declared to wit not from Blanch first wife heyre of the duchy of Lancastee but froÌ„ Catherin Swinford his third wife vvherin riseth the question vvhether those men I meane king Henry the seueÌ„th his discendents may properlie be said to be of the true house of Lancaster or no wherunto some do answere vvith a distinctioÌ„ to wit that to the duchy of LaÌ„caster wherof the first wife lady BlaÌ„ch was heire these of the third marriage cannot be heyres but only the remaynder of the issue of the said lady Blanch that resteth in the princes of the house of Portugal But yet to the title of the crowne of Inglande which came by Iohn of GauÌ„t himselfe in that he vvas third sonne of K. Edward the third and eldest of al his children that liued vvhen the said king Edward dyed by vvhich is pretended also that he should haue succeded immediatly after him before king Richard the secoÌ„d as before in the fourth chapter hath bin declared to this right I saie to this interest of the crowne which came by Iohn of Gaunt himselfe not by lady BlaÌ„ch or by any other of his wiues the discendents of king Henry the seuenth do say that they may and ought to succede for that Iohn earle of Somerset eldest sonne of Iohn of Gaunt by lady Catherin Swinford though he vvere begotten out of matrimony yet being afterward made legitimate he vvas to inherite this right of Iohn of Gaunt his father before the lady Phillip his sister for that so vve see that king Edvvard the sixt though yonger and but halfe brother vnto the lady Mary and Elizabeth his sisters yet he inherited the crowne before them and in like manner is lord Phillippe prince of Spaine at this daye to inherite al the states of that crowne before his two sisters that be elder then he so likewise saye these men ought Iohn of Somerset to haue donne before Phillippe his eldest sister if he had bin aliue at that tyme vvhen king Henry the sixt vvas put downe and dyed and consequently his posterity vvhich are the discendents of king Henry the seuenth ought to enioye the same before the princes

in Magistrats and for that the former is of nature the other also is of nature Al which is confitmed also by the consent vse of al nations through-out the world which general consent Cicero calleth ipsius vocem naturae the voice of nature herselfe for ther was neuer yet nation found ether of ancient tyme or now in our dayes by the discouery of the Indies or els where among vvhom men liuing together had not some kind of Magestrate or superior to gouerne them which euidently declareth that this poynt of Magestrates is also of nature and from god that created nature which poynt our ciuil law doth proue in like manner in the very begining of our digestes vvher the secoÌ„d title of the first booke is de origineiuris ciuilis omnium magestratuum of the begining of the ciuil law and of al magestrates which begining is referred to this first principle of natural instinct and Gods institution And last of al that God did concurr also expresly vvith this instinct of nature our diuines do proue by cleare testimony of holy scripture as vvhen God saith to Salomon by me kings do raigne and S. Paule to the Romans auoucheth that autbority is not but of God and therfore he which resisteth authority resisteth God Which is to be vnderstood of authority power or iutisdiction in it selfe according to the first institution as also vvhen it is lawfully laid vppoÌ„ any person for otherwise when it is ether vvrongfully taken or vniustly vsed it may be resisted in diuers cases as afterwards more in particuler shal be declared for then it is not law ful authority Thes two poynts then are of nature to wit the common wealth and gouerment of the same by magistrates but vvhat kind of gouermeÌ„t ech common vvealth vvil haue whether Democratia vvhich is popular gouerment by the people it selfe as Athens Thebes and many other cyties of Greece had in old tyme as the Cantons of Swizers at this day haue or els Aristocratia vvhich is the gouerment of some certayne chosen number of the best as the Romans many yeares vvere gouerned by Consuls and senators and at this day the states of this countrey of Holland do imitate the same or els Monarchia vvhich is the regiment of one and this agayne eyther of an Emperor King Duke Earle or the like thes particuler formes of gouerment I say are not determyned by God or nature as the other two poyntes before for theÌ„ they should be al one in al nations as the other are seing God and nature are one to al as often hath bin said but thes particuler formes are left vnto euery nation and countrey to chuse that forme of gouerment which they shal like best and think most fit for the natures and conditions of their people vvhich Aristotle proueth through out al the second and fourth bookes of his politiques very largly laying dovvne diuers kinds of gouerments in his dayes as namely in Greece that of the Milesians Lacedemonians Candians and others and shevving the causes of their differences which he attributeth to the diuersity of mens natures customes educations and other such causes that made them make choise of such or such forme of gouerment And this might be proued also by infinit other examples both of tymes past and present and in al nations and countryes both christian and otherwise which haue not had only differeÌ„t fassions of gouermeÌ„ts the one froÌ„ the other but euen among themselues at one tyme one forme of gouerment and an other at other tymes for the Romans first had Kings and after reiecting them for their euil gouerment they chose ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ vvhich vvere two gouernours for euervycare vvhose authority yet they limited by a multitude of senators which vvere of their counsel and thes mens power vvas restrayned also by adding tribunes of the people and some tyme dictators and finally they came to be gouerned last of al by Emperors The like might be said of Carthage in Africa and many cityes and common wealthes of Greece which in diuers seasons and vppon diuers causes haue taken different formes of gouerment to themselues The like vve see in Europe at this day for in only Italye what different formes of gouerment haue you Naples hath a kinge for their soueraine Rome the pope and vnder him one senator in place of so many as vvere wont to be in that common vvealth Venice and Genua haue senators Dukes but litle authority haue ther Dukes Florence Farara Mantua Parma Vrbin and Sauoy haue their Dukes only without senators and there power is absolut Milan vvas once a kingdom but now a Dukedom the like is of Burgundy Lorayne Bauire Gascony and Britayne the lesser al which once had their distinct kings and now haue Dukes for their supreme gouernours The like may be said of al Germany that many yeares together had one king ouer al which now is deuided into so many Dukedomes Earldomes other like titles of supreme Princes But the contrary is of Castile Aragon Portugal Barcelona and orher kingdomes this day in Spayne which vvere first earldomes only and after Dukedomes and then kingdomes and now a gayne are al vnder one Monarchy The like is of Boeme and Polonia which vvere but Dukedomes in old tyme and now are kingdomes The like may be said of France also after the expulsion of the Romans vvhich was first a monarchy vnder Pharamond their first king and so continued for many yeares vnder Clodion Merouys Childrik and Clodouaeus ther first christened kings but after they deuided it into fower kingdomes to vvit one of Paris an other of Suessons the third of Orleans and the fourth of Metts and so it continued for diuers yeares but yet aftervvards they made it one monarchy agayne England also vvas first a monarchy vnder the Britaynes and then a prouince vnder the Romans and after that deuided into seauen kingdomes at once vnder the Saxons and novv a monarchy agayne vnder the Inglish and al this by Gods permission and approbation vvho in token therof suffred his owne peculier people also of Israel to be vnder diuers manners of gouerments in diuers tymes as first vnder Patriarques Abraham Isaac and Iacob then vnder Captaynes as Moses Iosua and the like then vnder iudges as Othoniel Aiod and Gedion then vnder high Priestes as Hely and Samuel then vnder kings as Saul Dauid and the rest then vnder captaines highe priests agayne as Zorobabelludas Machabeus his brethren vntil the gouerment vvas lastely taken from them and they brought vnder the povver of the Romans and forraine kinges appoynted by them So as of al this ther can be no doubt but that the common vvealth hath power to chuse their owne fassion of gouerment as also to change the same vppon resonable causes as we see they haue done in al tymes and countryes and God no

at his pleasure without law as Titus ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ for which cause the senators at length ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ him and cut him in smal peces And aftervards they were greatly greeued at the entring of Seruius Tullius their sixt king for that he gaue the crowne by fraude and not by election of the senate and special approbation of the people as he should haue done but most of al they were exasperated by the proceeding of their seuenth kinge named Lucius Tarquinas surnamed the proud who for that as Liuius faith he neglected the lawes of gouerment prescribed no him by the common wealth as namely in that he consulted not with the senate in matters of great importance for that he made war peace of his owne head for that he appoynted to himselfe a gard as though he had mistrusted the people and for that he did vse ininstice to diuers particuler men and suffred his children to be insolent he was expelled with al his posterity and the gouerment of Rome changed from a kingdome vnto the regiment of consuls after two hundreth yeares that the other had endured And thus much for those kingdomes of Italy and Greece And if likewise we wil looke vppon other kingdomes of Europe we shal see the very same to wit that euery kingdome countrey hath his particuler lawes prescribed to their kings by the common vvealth both for their gouerment authority and succession in the same for if we behold the RomaÌ„ Empire it selfe as it is at this day annexed to the Germaine electors though it be the first in dignity among christian Princes yet shal we see it so restrayned by particuler lawes as the Emperor can do much lesse in his state then other kings in theirs for he can nether make vvarr nor exact any contribution of men or money therunto but by the free leaue and consent of al the states of the Germayne diet or parlament and for his children or next in kynn they haue no action interest or pretence at al to succed in their fathers dignity but only by free electioÌ„ if they shal be thought vvorthy Nay one of the chiefest poynts that the Emperor must sweare at his entrance as Sleydan writeth is this that he shal neuer go about to make the dignity of the Emperor peculiar or hereditary to his family but leaue it vnto the seuen electors free in their power to chuse his successor according to the law made by the pope Gregory the fyfth and the Emperor Charles the fourth in this behalfe The kingdomes of Polonia Boemia do go much after the same fashion both for there restrainte of power and succession to their kings For first touching their authority they haue great limitation nether can they do any thing of great moment without the consent of certayne principal men called Palatines or Castellans nether may their children or next of blood succede except they be chosen as in the Empire In Spayne France and Ingland the priuileges of kings are far more eminent in both thes points for that both their authority is much more absolute and their next in blood do ordinarily succede but yet in different manner for as touching authority it semeth that the kings of Spayne and France haue greater then the king of England for that euery ordination of thes two kings is law in it selfe without further approbatioÌ„ of the common wealth which holdeth not in England where no general law can be made without consent of parlament but in the other pointe of succession it appeareth that the restraint is far greater in thos other two countries then in Ingland for that in Spayne the next in blood cannot succede be he neuer so lawfully descended but by a new approbation of the nobility and bishops and states of the Realme as it is expresly set downe in the two ancient councelles of Tolledo the fourth and fifth In confirmation wherof we see at this day that the king of Spaynes owne sonne cannot succede not be called Prince except he be first sworne by the said nobility and states in token of their new consent and so we haue seene it practized in our dayes towards three or fower of King Philips children which haue succeded the one after the other in the title of Princes of Spaine and at euery chainge a new oth required at the subiects handes for their admission to the said dignity which is not vsed in the kings children of France or Ingland In France the world knoweth how women are not admitted to succed in the crowne be they neuer so neare in blood nether any of their issue though it be male For which cause I doubt not but you remeÌ„ber how king Edward the third of Ingland though he were sonne heyre vnto a daughter of France whose three brethren were kings and left hir sole heyre to hir father king Phillip the fourth surnamed the fayre yet vvas he put by the crowne as also was the king of Nauar at the same tyme who was sonne and heyre vnto this womans eldest brothers daughter named Lewis Huttin king of Ftance which king of Nauar therby seemed also to be before king Edward of Ingland but yet were they both put by it and Philip de Vallois a brothers sonne of Phillip the faire was preferred to it by general decree of the states of France and by vardit of the whole parlament of Paris gathered about the same affayre Nether did it auayle that the two kings a fore said alleaged that it was agaynst reason conscience and custome of al nations to exclud vvomen from the succession of the crowne which appartayned vnto them by propinquity of blood seing both nature God hath made them capable of such succession euery where as it appereth by example of al other nations and in the old testament among the people of god it selfe wher we see women haue bin admitted vnto kingdomes by succession but al this I say preuayled not vvith the French as it doth not also at this day for the admission of Dona Isabella Eugenia Clara infanta of Spayne vnto the said crowne of France though by dissent of blood ther be no question of her next propinquity for that she is the eldest child of the last kings eldest sister The like exclusion is made agaynst the Prince of Lorayne that now liueth though he be a man and nephew to the last king for that his title is by a woman to wit his mother that vvas yonger sister vnto the last king Henry of France And albeit the law called Salica by the Frenchmen by vertue vvherof they pretend to exclude the succession of vvomen be no very ancient law as the French themselues do confesse and much lesse made by Pharamond ther first king or in thos ancient tymes as others without ground do affirme yet do vve se that it is sufficient to bynd al Princes and subiects of

good king and much commended by S. Isiodorus Arch bishop of Siuil who yet in the said councel vvas the first man that subscribed to his depriuation After the entrance of the moores also when Spayne vvas reduced agayne to the order gouerment of Spanish kings vve read that about the yeare of Christ 1282. one Don Alonso the eleuenth of that name king of Castile Leon succeded his father Fernando surnamed the sainct and himselfe obteyned the surname of Sabio and Astrologo that is to say of wise and of an Astrologer for his excellent learning peculier skil in that arte as may vvel appeare by the Astronomy tables that at this day go vnder his name which are the most prefect and exact that euer vvere set forth by iudgment of the learned This man for his euel gouerment and espetially for tyranny vsed towards two nephews of his as the spanish Chronicler Garauay writeth vvas deposed of his kingdome by a publique acte of parlament in the towne of Valliodolid after he had reigned 30. yeares and his owne sonne Don Sancho the fourth vvas crowned in his place vvho for his valiant actes was suruamed el brauo and it turned to great commodity of the common wealth The same common vvealth of Spayne some yeares after to wit abont the yeare of Christ 1368. hauing to their king one Don Pedro surnamed the cruel for his iniurious proceding with his subiects though otherwise he were lawfully seased also of the crowne as sonne and heyre to king Don Alonso the twelfth and had reygned among them 18. yeares yet for his euel gouerment they resolued to depose him and so sent for a bastard brother of his named Henry that liued in France requesting him that he would come with some force of french men to assist them in that acte and take the crowne vppon him self which he did and by the help of the Spaniards and FreÌ„ch souldiars he draue the said Peter out of Spaine and himselfe vvas crowned And albeit Edward surnamed the black Prince of Ingland by order of his father king Edward the third restored once agayne the said Peter yet vvas it not durable for that Henry hauing the fauour of the Spaniards returned agayne and depriued Peter the second tyme and slew him in fight hand to haÌ„d which made shew of more particuler fauour of God in this behalfe to Henry and so he remayned king of Spayne as doth also his progenie inioye the same vnto this day though by nature he vvas bastard as had bin said and not withstanding that king Peter left two daughters vvhich vvere led awaye into Ingland and ther maryed to great Princes And this king Henry so put vp in his place vvas called king Henry the secoÌ„d of this name and proued a most excellent king and for his great nobility in conuersation and prouesse in chiualry vvas called by excellency El cauallero the kinghtly king and for his exceding benignity and liberality vvas surnamed also el dela mercedes which is to say the king that gaue many giftes or the liberal franck and bounteful king which was a great change from the other surnamed cruel that king Peter had before so you see that alwayes I gyue you a good king in place of the bad deposed In Portugal also before I goe out of Spayne I wil alleage you one example more which is of Don Sancho the secoÌ„d surnamed Capelo fourth king of Portugal lawful sonne and heyre vnto Don Alonso surnamed el Gardo who whas third king of Portugal This Don Sancho after he had raigned 34. yeares was deptiued for his defects in gouerment by the vniuersal consent of al Portugal this his first depriuation from al kingly rule and authority leauing him only the bare name of king vvas approued by a general councel in Lions pope Innocentius the 4. being ther present who at the petition instaÌ„ce of the vvhole realme of Portugal by their Embassadors the Archbishop of Braga bishop of Comibra and diuers of the nobility sent to Lyons for that purpose did authorize the saide state of Portugal to put in supreme gouerment one Don Alonso brother to the said king Don Sancho vvho was at that tyme Earle of bullen in Picardy by right of his wife and so the Portugales did further also a lytle after they depriued their said king and did driue him out of his realme into Castilla wher he liued al the rest of his life in banishment and dyed in Toledo without euer returning and this decree of the councel and Pope at Lyons for authorizing of this fact is yet extant in our Canon law in the sixt booke of Decretals now in prynt And this king Don Alonso the third vvhich in this ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ was put vp against his brother was peaceably prosperously king of Portugal al the dayes ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ his lyfe he was a notable king amoÌ„g other great exployres he vvas the first that set Portugal free from al subiection dependence and homage to the kingdome of Castile vvhich vnto his tyme it had acknowledged and he left for his successor his sonne and heyre Don ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ Fabricador to wit the great buylder for that ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ buylded and founded aboue forty and ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ great townes in portugal and was a most ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ Prince and his ofspring ruleth in Portugal vnto this day Infinite other examples could I alleage if would examyne the lyues and discentes of ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ and other kingdomes with their Princes and namely if I would speake of the Greeke Emperors depriued fortheir euel gouerment not so much by populer mutyny which often happened among them as by consent and grane deliberation of the whole state and wealpublique as Michael Calaphates for that he had troden the Crosse of Christ vnder his feete and was otherwise also a wicked man as also the Emperor Nicephorus Botoniates for his dissolute life and preferring wicked men to authority and the like wherof I might name many but it would be to longe What should I name heere the deposition made of Princes in our dayes by other commoÌ„ wealthes as in Polonia of Henry the third that was last king of France before that had bin sworne king of Polonia of which crowne of Polonia he vvas depriued by publique acte of parlament for his departing thence vvithout licence and not returning at his day by the said state appoynted and deuounced by publique lettres of peremptory commaundedmeÌ„t which are yet extant What should I name the depriuations of Henry late king of Suetia vvho being lawful successor and lawfully in possession after his father Gustauus vvas yet put downe by that common vvealth and depriued and his brother made king in his place who if you remember was in Ingland in the beginning of this Queenes reigne whose sonne reygneth at this day is king also of Polonia and this fact was not only allowed of at home

their king Chintilla was present in Tolledo as Ambrosio Morales noteth And thus much of Spayne before the entrance of the Moores and before the deuiding therof into many kingdomes which happened about a hundreth yeares after this to wit in the yeare of our Sauiour 713. and 714. But after the Moores had gayned al Spayne and deuided it betwene them into diuers kingdomes yet God prouided that vvithin fowre or fiue yeares the christians that were left and fledd to the Mountaynes of Asturias Biscay found a certaine yong Prince named Don Pelayo of the ancient blood of the Gotish kings vvho vvas also fled thither and miraculously saued from the enemyes whom they chose straight vvaies to be their king and he began presently the recouery of Spayne and was called first king of Asturias and afterward of Leon and after his successors gatt to be kings also of Castilia and then of Toledo and then of Aragon Barcelona Valentia Murcia Cartagena Iaen Cordua Granade Siuil Portugal and Nauarra al which were different kingdomes at that tyme so made by the Moores as hath bin said And al thes kingdomes were gayned againe by litle and litle in more then 7. hundred yeares space which were lost in lesse then two yeares and they neuer came againe in deede into one Monarchie as they were vnder Don Rodrigo ther last king that lost the whole vntil the yeare of our Lord 1582. when Don Philippe now king of Spayne re-vnited againe vnto that crowne the kingdome of Portugal which was the last peece that remayned seperated and this vvas almost 900. yeares after Spaine was first lost But now to our purpose the chronicler of Spayne named Ambrosio Morales doth record in his chronicle a certaine law written in the Gotish tonge and left since the tyme of this Don Pelayo the first king after the vninersal distruction of Spaine and the title of the law is this Como se an de leuantar Rey en EspnÌ„a y como el ha de Iurar los fueros that is to saye how men must make ther king in Spaine and how he must sweare to the priuileges and liberties of that nation And then he putteth the articles of the law wherof the first saith thus Before al thinges it is established for a law liberty and priutledge of Spayne that the king is to be placed by voius and consent perpetually and this to the intent that so euel king may enter without consent of the people seing they are to giue co him that which with ther blood and laboures they haue gayned of the Moores Thus far goeth this first article which is the more to be marked for that diuers and thos most ancient spanish authors do say that from this Don Pelayo the succession of kings descended euer by propinquity of blood and yet vve see that election was ioyned ther vvithal in expresse termes The second part of the law conteyneth the manner of ceremonyes vsed in those old dayes at the admission of their kings which is expressed in thes wordes let the king be chosen admitted in the metropolitan citie of this kingdome or at least wise in some cathedral church and the night before he is exalted let him watch al night in the church and the next day let him heare masse and let him offer at masse a peece of scarlet and some of his owne money and after let him communicate and when they come to lift him vp let him step vppon a buckler or target and let the cheife and principal men ther present hold the target and so lifting him vp let them and the people cry three tymes as hard as they can Real Real Real Then let the king comaund some of his owne money to be cast among the people to the quantity of a hundreth shillings and to the end he may giue al men to vnderstand that no man now is aboue him let him self tye on his owne sword in the forme of a crosse let no knight or other man beare a sword that day but only the kinge This was the old fashion of making kings in spayne which in effect and substance remayneth stil though the manner therof be somewhat altered for that the spanish kings be not crowned but haue an other ceremony for their admission equal to coronation which is performed by the Archbishop of Toledo primat of al spayne as the other coronations before mentioned are by the Archbishop of Moguntia to the Emperor and by the Archbishop of Guesna to the king of Polonia and by the Archbishop of Praga to the king of Boemia and by the Archbishop of Braga to the king of Portugal and by the Archbishop of Canterbury to the king of Ingland and by the Archbishop of Rhemes to the king of France of which realme of France we may not omit to say somewhat in particuler seing it is so goodly a kingdome and so neere to Ingland not only in situation but also in Lawes manners customes and as the race of Inglish kings haue come froÌ„ them in diuers manners since the conquest so may it be also supposed that the principal ceremonies and circumstances of this actioÌ„ of coronation hath bine receaued in like manner from them First then touching the acte of coronation and admission of the king of France euen as be fore I haue said of Spayne so also in this kingdom do I find two manners of that action the one more ancient which the French do say hath indured in substance from ther first Christian king named Clodoueus vnto this day which is about eleueÌ„ hundred yeares for that Clodoueus vvas christened the yeare of our Lord 490. in the cytie of Rheims by S. Remigius Bishop of that citie and annointed also and crowned king by the same bishop which manner and order of anoynting and coronation endured after for about 6. hundred yeares vnto the tyme of Henry the first king Phillip the first his sonne both kings of France At vvhat tyme which is about 500. yeares a gone both the Chroniclers and Cosmographers of France do teftifie that ther was a peculier booke in the library of the church of Beuais conteyning the particuler order of this action which had endured from Clodoueus vnto that tyme. Which order for so much as toucheth the solemnitie of officers in the coronation and other like circumstances vvas far different at that tyme from that which is now for that in those dayes ther were no peeres of France appointed to assist the same coronation which now are the chiefe and the greatest part of that solemnirie Yea Girard du Hailan secretarie of France in his third booke of the affaires and state of that kingdome sayth that the ceremonies of crowning their old kinges were much after the fashion which I haue noted a litle before in this very chapter out of the law of Don Pelayo first king of Spaine after the Moores for

increase or coÌ„firmatioÌ„ of his right thes I say are vnlerned fond wicked assertions in flatery of Princes to the manifest ruine of coÌ„mon wealthes and peruerting of al law order reason which assertioÌ„s albeit they haue bin sufficiently as I suppose refuted before yet meane I to stand a little more vppoÌ„ them in this place for more euident demonstration of so important a truth as also to see examine what may duly be attributed to bare successioÌ„ alone to the end that no man may thinke we meane to improue or imbase that which we esteme in so high degree and thinke that the best and surest way of maynteyning kingly gouerment in the world is to haue it go by succesion as it doth at this day in Ingland and in most other states of Europe besides though yet with the limitations conditions due thervnto wherof I shal now beginne to treat more in particuler but after some little pause if you please for that this other narration hath wel wearied me VVHAT IS DVE TO ONLY SVCCESSION BY BIRTH AND VVHAT INTErest or right an heyre apparent hath to the crowne before he be crowned or admitted by the coÌ„mon wealth and how iustely he may be put backe yf he haue not the other partes requisit also CHAP. VI. VERY resonable it semed to al the whole assembly that some intermission or pause should be admitted as the Ciuilian had required and this aswel for the commodity of the hearers who desired to confer together more in particuler of the poyntes alredy discussed as also of the speaker who whith reason affirmed that he was somewhat weary seing he had continued his spech so long together And so whith one consent they rose al and went into an orchard adioyning to the house and after some houres space returned agayne for that euery man seemed very desirous to heare this other matter debated of the interest of Princes before ther coronation for that they said it touched the very pointe it selfe now in question in Ingland and that which is like to be in action also ere it be long Wherfore they desired the Ciuilian to beginne his discourse and first of all to set downe the very words of Belloy about this matter as also the places wher he writeth the same for that his assertions appeared to them very strainge opposite to al reason of state practise of the vvorld as also contrary to al that vvhich hitherro had bin said and treated Wher-to the CiuiliaÌ„ answered trew it is that they are so and more plaine and ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ flatteries then euer I haue read vttered by any man to any prince or tyrant vvhat soeuer albeit most of them as you know haue not fayled to find as shameles flatterers as themselues were eyther vayne or vvicked princes and for my part I am of opinion that thes propositions of Belloy vvil rather hurt and hinder then profit the prince for vvhom and in vvhos fauour he is thought to haue written them vvhich is the king of Nauarra whome hereby he would aduaunce as he semeth and haue admitted to the crowne of France vvhithout al consent or admission of the realme But I for my part as I doubt not greatly of his title by propinquity of blood according to the law Salique so on the other side am I of opinion that thes propositions of Belloy in his behalfe that he should enter by only title of birth vvhithout condition consent or approbation of the realme as also vvhithout oth annoynting or coronation yea of necessitie vvhithout restraint or obligation to fulfil any law or to obserue any priuileges to church chapel cleargie or nobilitie ot to be checked by the vvhole realme if he rule amisse thes thinges I say are rather to terifie the people and set them more agaynst his entrance then to aduance his title and therfore in my poore iudgment it vvas nether vvisely vvritten by the one nor politiquely permitted by the other And to the end you may see vvhat reason I haue to giue this censure I shal here set downe his owne propositions touching this matter as I find them in his owne words First then he auoutcheth that al families which enioye kingdomes in the world were placed therin by God only and that he alone can chaÌ„ge the same which if he refer vnto gods vniuersal prouidence quae attingit Ã fine vsque in finem fortiter as the scripture saith and vvhithout vvhich a sparrow falleth not oÌ„ the grownd as our saviour testifieth no man wil deny but al is from God ether by his ordinance or permission but if we talke as we do of the next immediate causes of empyres princes of ther chaÌ„ges cleere it is that men also do maye concure therin and that god hath left them lawful authority so to do and to dispose therof for the publique benefit as largly before hath bin declared consequently to say that god only doth thes things leaueth nothing to mans iudgemeÌ„t therin is agaynst al reason vse experience of the world The second proposition of Belloy is that where such princes be once placed in gouerment and the law of succession by birth established there the princes children or next of k ynne doÌ„ necessarily succede by only birth whithout any new choise or approbation of the people nobilitie or cleargie or of the whole common wealth together And to this assertion he ioyneth an other as straing as this which is that a king neuer dieth for that wheÌ„soeuer or how-soeuer he ceaseth by any meanes to gouerue then entreth the successor by birth not as heyre to the former but as law-ful gouernour of the realme whithout any admission at al hauing his authority only by the condition of his birth and not by adoption or choise of any Which two propositions albeit they haue bin sufficiently refuted by that which hath bin spoken in the last two chapters going before yet shal I novv agayne conuince more amply the vntruth therof Other two propositions he addeth which pattly haue bin touched and answered before and yet I meane to repeat them agayne in this place for that they appertayne to this purpose his former is that a prince once entred to gouermeÌ„t and so placed as hath bin said ys vnder no law or restraincte at al of his authority but that himselfe only is the quick and liuing law and that no limitation can be giuen vnto him by any power vnder heauen except it be by his owne wil and that no nation or common wealth can appoynt or prescribe how they wil obey or how their prince shal gouerne them but must leaue his authority free from al bandes of law and this eyther willingly or by violence is to be procured By which vvordes it semeth that he paynteth out a perfect paterne of a tyranical gouerment vvhich how it may further the king of Nauarres pretence in the case he standeth in presently in

of obedience and allegiance and not before which argueth that before they were not bounde vnto him by allegeance and as for the princes of Ingland it is expresly noted by Inglish historiographers in ther coronatioÌ„s how that no allegeance is dew vnto theÌ„ before they be crowned that only it happened to Henry the fifth among al other kinges his predecessors to haue this preuilege and this for his exceding to-wardlynes for the great affection of the people towards him that he had homage donne vnto him before his coronation and oth taken Wherof Polidor writeth in thes wordes Princeps Henricus facto patris funere concilium principum apud VVestmonasterium conuocandum curat in quo dum de rege creando more maiorum ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ esse ubi continuo aliquot Principes vltro in eius verba mirare coeperunt quod beneuolentiae officium nulli antea priusquam rex renu nciatus esset praestitum constat a ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ Henricus ab ineunte aetate spem omnibus optimae inaolis fecit Which in Inglish is this Prince Henry after he had finished his fathers funetals caused a parlament to be gathered at Westminster wher vvhiles consultation vvas had according to the ancient custome of Ingland about creating a new king behold vppon the sudden certaine of the nobility of ther owne free vvilles began to sweare obedience and leyaltie vnto him vvhich demonstration of loue and Good vvil is wel knowne that is was neuer shewed to any Prince before vntil he vvas declared king so great vvas the hope that men had of the towardlynes of this Prince Henry euen from his tender age thus far Polidor in his story of InglaÌ„d And the very same thing expresseth Iohn Stow also in his chonicle in thes vvordes To this noble Prince by assent of the parlament al the states of the realme after three dayes offred to do fealtte before he was crowned or had solemnized hu oth wel and iustly to gouerne the common wealth which offer before was neuer found to be made to any Irince of Ingland thus much Stow. in vvhose narration as also in that of Polidor it may be noted that king Henry the fift vvas not called king vntil after his coronation but onlv Prince though his fathe king Henry the fourth had bin dead now almost a month before and secondly that the parlament consulted de Rege creando more maiorum as Polidor his vvords are that is of making a new king according to the ancient custome of ther auncestors vvhich argueth that he vvas not yet king though his father were dead nor that the manner of our old Inglish ancestors vvas to accompt him so before his admission Thirdly that this demonstration of good wil of the nobility to acknowlege him for king before his coronation and oth solemnized wel and iustly to gouerne the realme was very extraordinary and of meere good wil. And last of al that this was neuer donne to any Prince before king Henry the fift al which pointes do demonstrate that it is the coronation and admission that maketh a perfect and true king whatsoeuer the title by succession be otherwise that except the admission of the common wealth be ioyned to succession it is not sufficient to make a lawful king and of the two the second is of far more importance to vvit the consent and admission of the realme then nearnes of blood by succession a-loue This I might proue by many examples in Ingland it selfe wher admission hath preuayled against right of succession as in William Rufus that suceeded the Conquerer and in king Henry the first his brother In king Stephen king Iohn and others vvho by only admission of the realme were kings against the order of succession as after more at large I shal shew you in a particuler spech vvhich of this point I shal make unto you and very specially it may be seene in the two examples before mentioned of the admission of the two kings Henry and Edward both surnamed the fourth vvhos entrances to the crowne if a man dovvel consider he shal find that both of them founded the best part and most surest of their titles vppon the election consent and good wil of the people yea both of them at their dying dayes hauing some remorse of coÌ„science as it semed for that they had caused so many men to dye for mayntenance of ther seueral rightes and titles had no better way to appease ther owne mynds but by thinking that they were placed in that rome by the voice of the realme and consequeÌ„tly might lawfully defend the same punish such as went about to depriue them Moreouer you shal finde if you looke into the doings of Princes in al ages that such kings as vvere most politique and had any lest doubt or suspicion of trobles about the title after ther deathes haue caused their sonnes to be crowned in their owne dayes trusting more to this then to their title by succession though they vvere neuer so lawfully lineally discended And of this I could alleage you many examples out of diuers countryes but especially in France since the last lyne of Capetus came vnto that crowne for this did Hugh Capetus himselfe procure to be donne to Robert his eldest sonne in his owne dayes and the like did king Robert procure for his yonger sonne Henry the first as Girard holdeth and excluded his elder only by crowning Henry in his owne daies Henty also did entreat the states of Frace as before you haue hard to admitt crowne Phillip the first his eldest sonne vvhiles himselfe reigned and this mans sonne Luys lc Cros did the same also vnto tvvo sonnes of his first to Phillip and after his death to Luys the yonger both vvhich vvhere crowned in ther fathers life time this Luys agayne the yonger vvhich is the seuenth of that name for more assuring of his sonne named Phillip the secoÌ„d entreated the realme to admit crowne him also in his owne dayes vvith that great solemnity vvhich in the former chapter hath bin declared And for this very same cause of securitie it is not to be doubted but that alvvayes the prince of Spayne is sworne and admitted by the realme during his fathers reigne as before hath bin said The same consideration also moued king Dauid to crowne his sonne Salomon in his owne dayes as aftervvard more in particuler shal be declared and finally our king Henry also the second of Ingland considering the alteration that the realme had made in admitting king Stephen before him against the order of lineal successioÌ„ by propinquity of blood and fearing that the like might happen also after him caused his eldest sonne named likewise Henry to be crowned in his life time so as ingland had two king Henries liuing at one tyme vvith equal authoritie and this was done in the 16. yeare of his reigne and in the yeare of

to wit that the French state in a publique assembly did chose two Princes to be their kings with expresse condition to deuide the realme equally as Francis Belforest citeth his wordes which two French authors I meane Girard and Belforest I shal vse principally hereafter in the rest of my citations After three yeares that these two brethereÌ„ had reigned together king Carlomon the yonger died and left many sonnes the elder wherof vvas named Adalgise but Belforest sayeth that the Lords ecclesiastical temporal of France swore fidelitie and obedience to Charles without any respect or regard at al of the children of Carlomon who yet by right of succession should haue bin preferred Paulus Emilius a latine writer saith proceres regni ad Carolum vltro venientes regem eum totius Galliae salutarunt that is the nobility of the realme comming of ther owne accord vnto charles saluted him king of al France wherby is shewed that this exclusion of the children of Carlomon was not by force or tiranny but by free deliberation of the realme After Charles the great reigned by successioÌ„ his only sonue Luys the first surnamed de bonnaire of his curtesye vvho entring to reigne in the yeare 817. vvith great applause of al men for the excedinge grateful memory of his father vvas yet afterward at the poursuite principally of his owne three sonnes by his first wife which were Lothair pepin and Luys deposed first in a councel at Lions and then agayne at Compeigne and put into a monastery though afterward he came to reigne agayne and his fourth sonne by his secoÌ„d vvife vvhich sonne vvas named Gharles le chauue for that he vvas bald succeded him in the states of France though after many battels against his eldest brother Lothaire to whom by succession the same appertayned After Charles the balde succeded Luys the second surnamed le begue for his stuttering who was not eldest but third sonne vnto his father for the second dyed before his father the eldest vvas put by his succession for his euel demeanure this Luys also vvas like to haue bin depriued by the states at his first entraÌ„ce for the hatred conceaued against his father Charles the bald but that he calling a solemne parlament at Compeigne as Girard saith he made the people cleargie and nobilitie many faire promises to haue their good vvilles This Luys the stuttering left two bastard sonnes by a coÌ„cubine vvho vvere called Luys and CarlomoÌ„ as also he left a litle infant newly borne of his lawful vvife Adeltrude daughter to king Alfred of Ingland vvhich infant vvas king of France aftervvard by the name of Charles the simple albeit not immediatly after the death of his father for that the nobles of FraÌ„ce said that they had need of a man to be king not a childe as Girard reporteth therfore the vvhole state of France chose for their kinges the tvvo foresaid bastards Luys the third and Carlomon the first of that name ioyntly and they vvere crowned most solemnly deuided the vvhole realme betwene them in the yeare of Christ 881. and Queen Adeltrude vvith her childe true heyre of France fled into Ingland to her father and ther brought him vp for diuers yeares in which tyme she saw foure or fiue kinges reigne in his place in France one after the other for breflv thus it passed Of thes tvvo bastard kings the elder named Luys reigned but foure yeares died without issue the second that is Carlomon liued but one yeare after him and left a sonne called also Luys vvhich succeded in the kingdome by the name of Luys the fift and surnamed Faineant for his idle and slouth ful life For which as also for his vitious behaueour and in particuler for taking out and marying a NoÌ„ne of the Abbey of S. Baudour at Chells by Partis he vvas depriued and made a monke in the Abbey of S. Denys vvher he died and in his place vvas chosen king of France and crowned vvith great solemnitie Gharles the 4. Emperor of Rome surnamed le gros for that he vvas fat and corpuleÌ„t he vvas nephew to Charles the bald before mentioned and therfore the French stories say that he came to the crowne of France partly by succession and partly by election but for succession vve see that it vvas nothing worth for so muche as Charles the simple the right heyre was a liue in Ingland vvhom it semeth that the french men had quite forgotten seing that now they had not only excluded him three tymes already as you haue hard but afterwards also againe when this grosse Charles was for his euel gouermeÌ„t by them deposed and depriued not only of the kingdome of France but also of his Empire vvhich he had before he was kinge was brought into such miserable penurie as diuers write that he perished for waÌ„t At this tyme I saye the states of France vvould not yet admitt Charles the simple though hither to his simplicity did not appeare but he seemed a goodly Prince but rather they chose for king one Odo Earle of Paris and Duke of Angiers and caused him to be crowned But yet after a few yeares being vveary of this mans gouerment and moued also some what with compassion towards the youth that vvas in Ingland they resolued to depose Odo and so they did vvhiles he vvas absent in Gascony and called Charles the simple out of Ingland to Paris and restored him to the kingdome of France leauing only to Odo for recompence the state of Aquitaine with title of a Duke wherwith in fine he contented himselfe seing that he could get no more But yet his posterity by vertue of this election pretended euer after a title to the crowne of France and neuer left it of vntil at length by Hugo Capetus they gat it for Hugh descended of this king and Duke Odo This king Charles then surnamed the simple an Inglish vvomans sonne as you haue hard being thus admitted to the crowne of France he toke to vvife an Inglish vvoman named Elgina or Ogin daughter of king Edward the elder by whom he had a sonne named Lewys and himselfe being a simple man as hath bin saide vvas allured to go to the castle of peronne in Picardie vvher he vvas made ptisoner and forced to resigne his kingdome vnto Rafe king of Burgundye and soone after he dyed through misery in the same castle and his Queene Ogin fled into Ingland vvith her litle sonne Luys vnto her vncle kinge Adelstan as Queene Adeltrude had done before vvith her sonne vnto king Alfred and one of the chiefe in this action for putting downe of the simple vvas Counte Hugh surnamed the great Earle of Paris father vnto Hugo Capetus vvhich after vvas king But this new king Rafe liued but three yeares after and then the states of France considering the right title of Luys the lawful child of

made king of France reyned many yeares by the name of Henry the first this he sayeth happened partly for that Robert vvas but a simple man in respect of Henry and partly also for that Henry was greatly fauored and assisted in this pretence by Duke Robert of Normandy father to our William the conqueror and in recompence hereof this king Henry afterward assisted the said WilliaÌ„ bastard sonne to Robert for the attayning of the Dukdome of Normandie after the death of the said Duke Robert his father notwithstanding that Duke Robert had two lawful brothers a liue at that tyme whose names were Manger Archbishop of Roan and William Earle of Argues in Normandie who pretended by succession to be preferred But the states of Normandie at the request of Duke Robert vvhen he went to the holy land in which iorney he died as also for auoyding of dissention and warres that other wise might insue were content to exclude the vncles and admitt the bastard sonne who vvas also assisted by the forces of the king of France as hath bin said so as no scruple it seemed ther vvas in those dayes ether to prefer king Henry to the crowne of France before his elder brother or Duke William the bastard sonne to the Duchie of Normandy before his lawful vncles vppon such dow considerations as those states may be presumed to haue had for their doings I read also that some yeares after to vvit in the yeare 1110. when Phillip the first of France sonne and heyre to this king Henry of whose solemne coronation you haue hard before in the seneÌ„th chapter was deceased the people of France were so offended vvith his euel life and gouerment as diuers vvere of opinion to disinherite his sonne Lewis the sixt surnamed le Gros for his sake and so vvas he like to haue bin indeede as may appeare by the chronicle of France if some of his partie had not caused him to be crowned in hast and out of order in Orleans for preuenting the matter The like doth Phillip Cominaeus in his story of king Luys the eleuenth declare how that the state of France had once determyned to haue disinherited his sonne Charles named after the eight and to put him back from his succession for their hatred to his father if the said father had not died vvhile the other vvas very yong as I noted before also that it happened in king Henry the third of Ingland vvho vvas once condemned by the Barons to be disinherited for the fault of king Iohn his father and Lewys the princo of France chosen in his place but that the death of king Iohn did alter that course intended by the Inglish nobilitie so as this matter is nether new not vnacustomed in al foraine countryes and now wil I passe also a little to our Inglish stories to see whether the like may be found in them or no. And first of al that the realme of InglaÌ„d hath had as great varietie changes and diuersitie in the races of their kinges as any one realme in the world it semeth euident for that first of al after the Britaines it had Romans for their gouernours for many yeares and then of them their roman blood they had kings agayne of ther owne as appereth by that valiant king Aurelius Ambrosius Who resisted so manfully and prudently the saxons for a tyme after this they had kings of the saxon Inglish blood and after them of the Danes and then of the Normanes after them agayne of the FreÌ„ch last of al it semeth to haue returned to the Britains agayne in king Henry the 7. for that his father came of that race and now you know ther be pretendors of diuers nations I meane both of Scottish Spanish and Italian blood so that InglaÌ„d is like to participate with al their neybours round about them I for my part do feele my selfe much of the French opinion before alleaged that so the ship be wel happely guyded I esteeme it not much important of what race or natioÌ„ the pilote be but now to our purpose I meane to passe ouer the first and ancient rancks of kings as vvel of the British RomaÌ„ as also of the Saxon races vntil king Egbert the first of this name king of the west Saxons and almost of al the rest of Ingland bisides vvho therfore is said to be properly the first monarch of the Saxon blood and he that first of al commaunded that realme to be called Ingland which euer since hath bin obserued This man Egbert being a yong gentleman of a noble house in the west parts of Ingland was had in ielosie by his king Britricus vvho vvas the 16. Kinge from Cerdicius first king of the vvest Saxons as he was also the last of his blood And for that he suspected that this Egbert for his great prowesse might come in tyme to be chosen king he banished him into France vvher he liued diuers yeares and vvas a captayne vnder the famous king Pepin that vvas father to Charles the great and hearing aftervvards that king Britricus vvas dead he returned into Ingland vvher Polidor sayeth omnium consensu rex creatur that he was created or chosen king by consent and voyce of al men though yet he vvere not next by propinquity of blood royal as is most euident and yet he proued the most excellent king that euer the saxons had before or perhapps after and his election happened in the yeare of Christ 8. hundreth and tvvo vvhen King Pepin the first of that race reigned as hath bin said in france so as this monarchy of Egbert and that of Pepin wherof we haue alleaged so many examples in the former chapter began as it vvere together and both of them I meane both Pepin and Egbert came to their crownes by election of the people as heere you see This king Egbert or Egbrich as others do write him left a lawful sonne behind him named Elthel wolfe or Adeluulfe or Edolph for al is one vvho succeded him in the kingdome and was as worthy a man as his father and this Adeluulfe agayne had foure lawful sonnes vvho al in their turnes succeded by iust and lawful order in the crowne to wit Ethelbald Ethelbert Ethelred and Alfred for that none of the former three had any children and al the later three were most excellent princes especially Alfred or Alured the last of al foure whose acts are wonderful and who among other his reuoumed gestes draue Rollo that famous captaine of the danes from the borders of Ingland with al his company into France wher he gat the countrey or prouince named then Neustria novv Normandie and was the first Duke of that prouince and nation and from whom our William Conqueror came afterwards in the sixth discent This man erected also the vniuersitie of Oxford being very learned himselfe buylded diuers

affliction also ensewed in France though not for succession but vppon other occasions betwene the great and royal houses of Burgundy and Orleans vvherby al three common wealthes I meane Ingland Britanie and France vvere like to haue come to distruction and vtter desolation And for that it may serue much to our purpose hereafter to vnderstand vvel this contiousie of Britanie I thinke it not amisse in few vvordes to declare the same in this place thus then it happened The foresaid Arthur the secoÌ„d of that name duke of Britanie and sonne of Lady Beatrix that was daughter as hath bin said to king Henry the third of Ingland had two vviues the first named Beatrix as his mother vvas and by this he had two sonnes Iohn that succeded him in the state by the name of duke Iohn the third and Guye that dying before his elder brother left a daughter and heyre named Ioan and surnamed the lame for that she halted who vvas marryed to the earle of Bloys that vvas nephew to Phillip of Valois king of France for that he vvas borne of his sister But besides these two children the said duke Arthur had by his second wife named Ioland countesse and heyre of the earldome of Monford an other sonne called Iohn Breno vvho in the right of his mother vvas earle of Monford And afterward vvhen duke Iohn the third came to die vvithout issue the question vvas who should succede him in his dukedome the vncle or the neece that is to saye his third brother Iohn Breno by half bloode or els his Neece Ioan the lame that vvas daughter and heyre to his second brother Guye of whole bloode that is by father and mother which lady Ioan was marryed to the earle of Bloys as hath byn said And first this matter vvas handled in the parlament of Paris the king himselfe sitting in iudgment vvith al his peeres the 30. day of Septemb. 1341. and adiuged it to the earle of Bloys both for that his wife vvas heyre to the elder brother as also for that duke Iohn by his testament and consent of the states had appointed her to be his heyre but yet king Edward the third and states of Ingland did iudge it otherwise and preferred Iohn Monford not knowing that the very like case vvas to fal out very soone after in Ingland I meane they iudged the state to Iohn Breno earle of monford yonger brother to Guye they did assist him and his sonne after him vvith al their forces for the gayning and holding of that state And albeit at the beginning it seemed that matters went against Monford for that himselfe vvas taken prisoner in Nantes and carryed captiue to Paris vvhere he dyed in prison yet his sonne Iohn by the assistance of the Inglish armies gat the dukedome afterward and slew the earle of Bloys and vvas peaceably duke of Britanie by the name of Iohn the fourth and his posterity hath indured vntil this day as briefly heere I wil declare This duke Iohn the fourth of the house of Monford had issue Iohn the fift he Francis the first vvho dying without issue left the dukedome to Peter his brother and Peter hauing no children neither he left it to his vncle Arthur the third brother to his father Iohn the fift and this Arthur vvas earle of Richmond in Ingland as some of his ancestors had bin before him by gyftes of the kings of Ingland This Arthur dying without issue left the dukdome vnto his nephew to vvit his brothers sonne Francis the second who vvas the last male child of that race and was he that had once determyned to haue deliuered Henry earle of Richmond vnto his enimye king Edward the fourth and after him to king Richard the 3. but that Henries good fortune reserued him to come to be king of Ingland This duke Francis had a daughter and heyre named Anna marryed first to Charles the eight king of France and after his death without issue to his successor Lewis the 12. by whome she had a daughter named Claudia that was heyre to Britanie though not to the crowne of France by reason of the law Salique that holdeth against vvomen in the kingdome of Frace but not in Britanie and to the end this dukdome should not be disvnited agayne from the said crowne of France this daughter Claudia vvas marryed to Francis duke of Angoleme heyre apparent to the crowne of France by vvhom she had issue Henry that was afterward king of France and vvas father to the last king of that country and to Ysabel mother of the Infanta of Spayne and of her sister the duchesse of Sauoye that now is by which also some do affirme that the said princesse or Infanta of spayne albeit she be barred from the successioÌ„ of France by their pretended law Salique yet is her title manifest to the dukdome of Britanie that came by a woman as we haue shewed and thus much of the house of Britanie and of the princesse of Spaine how she is of the blood royal of Ingland from the tyme of VVilliam Conqueror himselfe by his eldest daughter as also by other kings after him and now we shall returne to prosecute the issue of these two sonnes of king Henry the third to wit of Edward and Edmond which before we left I shewed yon before how king Henry the third had two sonnes Edward the prince that vvas king after his father by the name of Edward the first and Edmond surnamed crokback by some writers who vvhas the first earle and county Palatine of Lancaster and beginner of that house And albeit some writers of our tyme haue affirmed or at least wise much inclined to fauour a certayne old report that EdmoÌ„d should be the elder brother to Edward and put back only for his deformity of his body wherof Polidor doth speak in the begining of the reigne of king Henry the fourth and as vvel the Bishop of Rosse as also George Lylly do seeme to beleeue it yet euident it semeth that is was but a fable as before I haue noted and now againe I shall briefly proue it by these reasoÌ„s following for that it importeth very muche for deciding the coÌ„trouersie between the howses of Lancaster and yorke The first reason then is for that al ancient historiographers of Ingland and among them Matheus Westmonasteriensis that liued at the same tyme do affirme the coÌ„trary and do make Edward to be elder then Edmond by six yeares and two dayes for that they appointe the birth of Prince Edward to haue bin vppon the 16. day of Iune in the yeare of Christ 1239 the 24. of the reigne of his father king Henry and the birth of Lord Edmond to haue followed vppon the 18. day of the same moneth 6. yeares after to wit in the yeare of our lord 1245. and they do name the godfathers and godmothers of them both together with the peculier

fauourers of the house of Lancaster that the Inglish inclined stil to acknowlege and admitt his right before his nephew and so they proclaymed this kinge Iohn for king of Ingland vvhiles he vvas yet in Normandie I meane Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury Elenor the Queene this mother Geffrey Fitzpeter chiefe iudge of Ingland vvho knew also vvhat law meant therin and others the nobles and Barons of the realme vvithout making any doubt or scruple of his title to the succession And vvheras those of the house of Yorke do alleage that king Richard in his life tyme vvhen he was to goe to the holy land caused his nephew Arthur to be declared heyre apparent to the crowne and therby did shew that his title vvas the better they of Lancaster do answere first that this declaration of king Richard vvas not made by act of parlament of England for that king Richard vvas in Normandy vvhen he made this declaration as playnly appeareth both by Polidor and Hollingshead Secondly that this declaration was made the sooner by king Richard at that tyme therby to represse and kepe downe the ambitious humor of his brother Iohn vvhom he feared least in his absence if he had bin declared for heyre appareÌ„t might inuade the crowne as in dede vvithout that he was like to haue done as may appeare by that which happened in his saide brothers absence Thirdly they shew that this declaration of king Richard vvas neuer admitted in Ingland neither duke Iohn would suffer it to be admitted but rather caused the bishop of Ely that vvas left gouernour by king Richard vvith coÌ„sent of the nobility to renownce the said declaration of king Richard in fauour of Arthur and to take a contrary oth to admitt the said Iohn if king Richard his brother should dye vvithout issue and the like oth did the said Bishop of Ely together withe the Archbishop of Roan that was left in equal authority with him exact and take of the citizens of London vvhen they gaue them their priuileges and liberties of coÌ„munaltie as Hollingshed recordeth And lastly the said Hollingshed vvriteth how that king Richard being now come home againe from the warr of Hierusalem and void of that ielosy of his brother vvhich before I haue mentioned he made his last wil and testament and ordeyned in the same that his brother Iohn should be his successor caused al the nobles there present to sweare fealtie vnto him as to his next in blood for which cause Thomas Walsingham in his story vvriteth these wordes Ioannis Filius iunior Henrici 2. Anglorum regis Alienorae Ducissae Aquitaniae non modo iure propinquitatis sed etiam testamento fratris sui Richardi designatus est successo post mortem ipsius Which is Iohn yonger sonne of Henry the second king of Ingland and of Eleanor duchesse of Aquitaine vvas declared successor of the crowne not only by law and right of neernes of blood but also by the wil and testament of Richard his brother Thus much this ancient chronicler speaketh in the testifying of King Iohns title By al which examples that fell out almost vvithin one age in diuers natioÌ„s ouet the world letting passe many others which the Ciuilian touched in his discourse before for that they are of more ancient tymes these fauourers of the house of Lancaster do inferr that the right of the vncle before the nephew vvas no new or straunge matter in those dayes of king Edward the third and that if we vvil deny the same now vve must cal in question the succession and right of al the kingdomes and states before mentioned of Naples Sicilie Spayne Britanie Flanders Scotland Ingland whose kings and princes do euidently hold their crownes at this day by that very title as hath bin shewed Moreouer they saye that touching law in this pointe albeit the most famous Ciuil lavvyers of the world be some vvhat deuided in the same matter some of them fauouring the vncle and some other the nephew and that for different reasons As Baldus Oldratus Panormitanus and diuers others alleaged by Guillelmus Benedictus in his repetitions in fauour of the nephew against the vncle and on the other side for the vncle before the nephew Bartolus Alexander Decius Altiatus Cuiatius and many other their follovvers are recompted in the same place by the same man yet in the end Baldus that is held for head of the contrary side for the nephew after al reasons weighed to and fro he commeth to conclude that seing rigour of law runneth only with the vncle for that in deed he is properly neerest in blood by one degree and that only indulgence and custome serueth for the nephew permitting him to represent the place of his father vvhich is dead they resolue I say that vvhensoeuer the vncle is borne before the nephew and the said vncles elder brother dyed before his father as it happened in the case of Iohn of Gaunt and of king Richard their the vncle by right may be preferred for that the said elder brother could not giue or transmitt that thing to his sonne vvhich vvas not ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ himselfe before his father dyed and consequently his sonne could not represent that vvhich his father neuer had and this for the Ciuil law Touching our common lawes the fauourers of lancaster do say two or three things first that the right of the crowne and interest therunto is not decided expresly in our lavv not it is a plea subiect to the common rules therof but is superiour and more eminent and therfore that men may not iudge of this as of other pleas of particuler persons nor is the tryal like nor the common maximes or rules alwaies of force in this thing as in others which they proue by diuers particuler cases as for example the vvidow of a priuate man shal haue her thirdes of al his landes for her dowry but not the Queene of the crowne Againe if a priuate man haue many daughters and dye seazed of any landes in fee simple vvithout heyre male his said daughters by law shal haue the said landes as coparteners equally deuided betweene them but not the daughters of a king for that the eldest must carry away al as though she vvere heyre male The lyke also is seene if a baron matche vvith a femme that is an inheretrix and haue issue by her though she dye yet shal he enioye her landes during his lyfe as tenant by curtesie but it is not so in the crowne if a man mary with a Queene as king Phillip dyd with Queene Marye and so finally they saye also that albeit in priuate mens possessions the common course of our law is that if the father dye seazed of landes in fee simple leauing a yonger sonne and a nephew that is to say a child of his elder sonne the nephew shal succede his grandfather as also he shal do his vncle if

vvife the lady Gertrude taking from her al her goodes landes and inheritance and committed to perpetual prison their only sonne and heyre lord Edward Courtney being then but a childe of seuen yeares old vvhich remayned so there vntil many yeares after he vvas set at libertie and restored to his liuing by Queene Mary Moreouer he put to death the lady ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ Plantagenet Countesse of Salisbury daughter of George duke of Clarence that vvas brother of his grandfather king Edward the fourth vvith her he put to death also her eldest sonne and heyre Thomas Poole lord Montague and committed to perpetual prison where soone after also he ended his life a little infant named Henry Poole his sonne and heyre condemned to death by act of parlament although absent Renald Pole brother to the said lord Montague Cardinal in Rome wherby he ouerthrew also the noble house of Salisbury and vvarwick nether need I to go further in this relation though these men do note also how Edward the sixt put to death two of his owne vncles the Seymers or at least it vvas done by his authority and how that vnder her Maiestie that now is the Queene of Scotland that vvas next in ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ of any other liuing the chiefe titler of the honse of Yorke hath also bin put to death Lastly they do note and I may not omit it that their is no noble house standing at this day in Ingland in the ancient state of calling that it had and in that dignity and degree that it vvas in vvhen the house of Yorke entred to the crowne if it be aboue the state of a barony but only such as defended the right and interest of the houses of Lancaster and that al other great houses that toke parte vvith the house of Yorke and did helpe to ruine the house of Lancaster be either ceased since or extyrpated and ouer throwne by the same house of Yorke it selfe which they assisted to gett the crowne so at this present they be either vnited to the crowne by confiscatioÌ„ or transferred to other Images that are strangers to them who possessed theÌ„ before As for example the ancient houses of InglaÌ„d that remaine at this day were staÌ„ding wheÌ„ the house of Yorke begaÌ„ ther title are the houses of AroÌ„del Oxford NorthuÌ„berland Westmerland Shrewsbery for al other that are in Ingland at this day aboue the dignity of Barons haue bin aduanced since that tyme and al these fiue houses vvere these that principally did stick vnto the house of Lancaster as is euident by al Inglish chronicles For that the earle of Arondel brought in king Henry the fourth first king of the house of Lancaster and did helpe to place him in the dignity royal comming out of France vvith him The earle of Oxford and his sonne the lord Vere were so earnest in the defence of king HeÌ„ry the sixt as they were both slayne by king Edward the fourth and Iohn earle of Oxford vvas one of the principal assistaÌ„ts of HeÌ„ry the seueÌ„th to take the crowne froÌ„ Richard the third The house of Northumberland also was a principal ayder to Henry the fourth in getting the crowne and two earles of that name to wit Henry the second and third were slayne in the quarrel of king Henry the sixt one in the battel of S. Albons and the other of Saxton and a third earle named Henry the fourth fled into ScotlaÌ„d vvith the said king Henry the sixt The house of Westmerland also vvas chiefe aduaÌ„cer of HeÌ„ry the fourth to the crowne the secoÌ„d earle of that house vvas slayne in the party of Henry the sixt in the said bartaile of Saxton and Iohn earle of Shrewsbury vvas likevvise slayne in defence of the title of Lancaster in the bartaile of NorthamptoÌ„ and I omit many other great seruices and faithful endeuours vvhich many Princes of these fiue noble ancieÌ„t houses did in the defence of the Lancastrian kings vvhich these men say that God hath revvarded vvith continuance of their howses vnto this day But on the contrary side these men do note that al the old houses that principally assisted The title of Yorke are now extinguished and that chiefly by the kings themselues of that house as for example the principal peeres that assisted the family of Yorke vvere Moubray duke of Norfolke de la Poole duke of Suffolk the earle of Salisbury and the earle of Warwick of al which the euent was this Iohn Moubray duke of Norfolke the first confederat of the house of Yorke dyed soone after the exaltation of Edward the fourth vvithout ifsue and so that name of Moubray ceased and the title of the dukedome of Norfolke vvas transferred afterward by king Richard the third vnto the house of Howards Iohn de la Poole duke of Suffolke that married the sister of king Edward the fourth was his great assistant though he left three sonnes yet al were extinguished vvithout issue by helpe of the house of Yorke for that Edmond the eldest sonne duke of Suffolke vvas beheaded by king Henry the eight his brother Richard driuen out of the realme to his destruction as before hath bin shewed Iohn their brother earle of Lincolue was stayne at Stockfild in seruice of king Richard the third and so ended the line of de la Pooles Richard Neuel earle of Salisbury a chiefe enemy to the house of Lancaster and exalter of York vvas taken at the battaile of VVakefild and there beheaded leauing three sonnes Richard Iohn and George Richard vvas earle both of Salisbuty and Warwick surnamed the great earle of Warwick vvas he that placed king Edward the fourth in the royal seate by whome yet he vvas slayne afterward at Barnet and the landes of these two great earldomes of Salisbury and Warwick were vnited to the crowne by his attainder Iohn his yonger brother vvas Marques of montague and after al assistance giuen to the said king Edward the fourth of the howse of Yorke vvas slayne also by him at Barnet and his lands in like maÌ„ner confiscate to the crowne vvhich yet vvere neuer restored againe George Neuel their yonger brother vvas Archbishop of Yorke vvas taken sent prisoner by the said king Edward vnto Guynes vvho shortly after pined avvay and dyed and this vvas the ende of al the principal frendes helpers aduancers of the house of Yorke as these men do alleage Wherfore they do conclude that for al these reasons many more that might be alleaged the title of Lancaster must needes seeme the better title which they do confirme by the general consent of al the realme at king Henry the seuenth his comming in to recouer the crowne from the house of Yorke as from vsurpers for hauing had the victory against king Richard they crowned him preseÌ„tly in the field in the right of LaÌ„caster before he married with the house of Yorke

stoppe is alleaged diuersly by competitors of diuers religions for that such as are followers and fauoures of the forme of religion receaued and defended by publique authoritie of Ingland at this daye vvhom for distinction sake men are vvont to call by the name of moderate protestants these I saye do vrge this exclusion against the earle of Huntington not vppoÌ„ any certaine law or statute extant against the same but ab aeqno bono as men are vvont to say and by reason of state shewing infinite inconueniences hurts damages and dangers that must needes ensew not only to the state present of religion in InglaÌ„d but also to the whole realme and body politike if such a man should be admitted to gouerne And this consideration of state in their opinion is a more forceable argument for excluding such a man then any statute or particuler law against him could be for that this comprehendeth the very intention meaning and drift of al lawes and lawmakers of our realme vvhose inteÌ„sions must needes be presumed to haue bin in al tymes to haue excluded so great and manifest incoueniences thus say they But now those that are of the Roman religion and contrary both to puritan and protetestant do vrge a great deale further this argument against the earle and do alleage many lawes ordinances decrees and statutes both of the Canon and imperial lawes as also out of the old lawes of Ingland vvhich in their opinion do debarr al that are not of their religion and consequently they would hereby exclude both the one and the other of these pretendeÌ„ts And in fine they do conclude that seing their vvanteth not also some of their owne religion called by them the Catholique in the house of Clarence they haue so much the lesse difficultie to exclude the earle of Huntingtons person for his religion if one of that house were to be admitted of necessitie And this is so much as seemeth needful to be spoken at this tyme and in this place of this house of ClareÌ„ce and of the pretenders therof It resteth then that I treate something also of the house of Britanie and France which tvvo houses are ioyned al in one for so much as may apperteyne to any inheritance or pretence to Ingland or vnto any parcel or particuler state therof at home or abroade that may follow the succession or right of women vvhich the kingdome of FraÌ„ce in it selfdoth not as is knowne and consequently a vvoman may be heire to the one vvithout the other that is to say she maye be heyre to some particuler states of France inheritable by women though not to the crowne it selfe and so do pretende to be the tvvo daughters of FraÌ„ce that were sisters to the late king HeÌ„ry the third which daughters were married the one to the king of Spaine that now is by whom he had issue the Infanta of spayne yet vnmarried and her yonger sister married to the duke of Sauoy and the other to vvit the yonger daughter of the king of France vvas married to the duke of Loraine yet liuing by whom she had the prince of Lorayne other children that liue at this day This then being so cleere as it is first that according to the common course of succession in Ingland and other countries and according to the course of all common law the Infanta of Spaine should inherite the whole kingdome of France and al other states therunto belonging she being the daughter and heyre of the eldest daughter of king Henry the second king of France whose issue male of the direct line is vvholy now ended but yet for that the French do pretend their law Salik to exclude vvomen which we Inglish haue euer denied to be good vntil now hereby commeth it to passe that the king of Nauarr pretendeth to enter to be preferred before the said Infanta or her sisters children though male by a collateral line But yet her fauourers say I meane those of the Infanta that from the dukedomes of Britanie Aquitaine and the like that came to the crowne of France by women and are inheritable by womeÌ„ she cannot be in right debarred as neyther from any succession or pretence in Ingland if either by the blood royal of France Britanie Aquitaine or of Ingland it selfe it may be proued that she hath any interest therunto as her said fauourers do affirme that she hath by these reasons following First for that she is of the ancient blood royal of Ingland euen from the conquest by the elder daughter of William the conqueror married to Allayne Fergant duke of Britanie as hath bin shewed before in the second chapter and other places of this conference and of this pointe they inferr two or three consequences First that vvhen the sonnes of the Conqueror vvere dead without issue or made vncapable of the crowne as it vvas presumed at least wife of king Henry the first last sonne of the Conqueror that he lost his right for the violence vsed to his elder brother Robert and vnto William the said Roberts sonne heyte then say these men ought the said duchesse of Britanie to haue entred as eldest sister And secondly they saye that when duke Robert that both by right of birth and by expresse agrement with William Rufus and with the Realme of Ingland should haue succeded next after the said Rufus came to dye in prison the said lady Constance should haue succeded him for that his brother Henry being culpable of his death could not in right be his heyre And thirdly they say that at least vvise after the death of the said king Henry the first she and her sonne I meane lady Constance and Conan duke of Britanie should haue entred before king Stephen vvho was borne of Adela the yonger daughter of William Conqueror Secondly they do alleage that the Infanta of Spayne desceÌ„deth also lineally from lady Eleanor eldest daughter of king Henry the second married to king Alonso the nynthe of that name king of Castile vvhose eldest daughter leesing by this forfeit al right he had in the kingdome of Ingland it followeth that the same should haue gone to his said sister by her to this lady Blanch her heyre and eldest daughter married into france as hath bin saide which forfeit also of king Iohn these men do confirme by his depriuation by the Pope that soone after ensewed as also by an other depriuation made by the Barrons of his realme as after shal be touched Further more they saye that when Arthur duke of Britanie whom to this effect they do hold to haue bin the only true heyre at that tyme to the kingdome of Ingland vvas in prison in the castle of Roan suspecting that he should be murthred by his said vncle K. Iohn he nominated this lady Blanch his cosen germanie to be his heyre persuading himselfe that she by the helpe of her husband prince Lewis of

noble houses before meÌ„tioned in our country of the dela Pooles Staffords Plantagenets and others destroyed by king Henry the eight vvhat auayled them that the said king was not only their country man but also their neare kinsman vvhat profit or commodity vvas it vnto Thomas of woodstock duke of Glocester that he liued vnder a king that was his nephew to wit king Richard the second or to George duke of Clarence in king Edward the fourthes tyme that the said king vvas his owne brother when both of them vvere pursued disgraced and put to death by them and lost their liues landes dignities goodly possessions stately manners gorgeous houses vvith their wiues children al other felicities of this world vvhich perhaps vnder a strainge prince they might haue enioyed many a fayre day and yeare This is that then vvhich these men do first require to vvitt that al fansie and fonde opinioÌ„ of the vulgar people be aparted in this matter from truth and substance as also say they vve ought to desire and determine vvho are properly straingers or forrainers seing that some do take for straingers and forayners al those that are not of the same dominion and gouermente though otherwise they be of the same nation and language according as those other men that are enimyes to straingers saide a litle before if you remember that the princes of the house of Guyse and their kynred are taken for straingers in france by them that by that meanes would make them odious to the people for that their ancestors in tymes past came out of Lorayne vvhich is a prouince ioyning hard vppon france of the same nation laÌ„guage and manners but only vnder an other prince And so I my selfe noted in my traueling throughe Italie that the FloraÌ„tines are hated called straingers in Siena vvhere they gouerne albeit the one state be not 30. myles from the other and both of one nation language manners and education And on the contrary side vve shal se that some of different language nation do hold themselues for country men as for example the Biscayns in Spaine do not hold the Castilians for straingers but are contented to be ruled by them as by their owne countreymen albeit they be a different nation and haue different language aud manners and the same I do note in the Britaynes and Normans towards the French in the welsh also towards the Inglish vvho are a different people and of different language and yet are they gouerned peaceably by the Inglish the Inglish againe do accompt them for their country meÌ„ as may appeare by that vvhen king Henry the seuenth came to be king of Ingland I do not finde any resistance made against him by the Inglish for that respecte that he vvas of that nation as euidently he vvas by his fathers side that vvas of the Tidders of vvales so as this pointe also vvho be straingers and vvho be not seemeth to be a thing that dependeth much of the opinion and affection of each people nation the one towards the other And this being so these men come to treate more particulerly of the purpose in hand and do saye that in two or three manners a nation may come to be vnder the gouerment of straingers or forrayners first as a prouince that is to saye as a peece or member of an other dominion as Ingland vvas in tymes past vnder the Romans and as Ireland is vnder Ingland at this day and as the Brittons are vnder France and as many states of Italie be vnder the crownes of Aragon and Castile And this may come to passe either by Conquest and force of armes as the Welsh came to be vnder the Inglish and the Inglish to be vnder the Normans and Danes and as Sicilia and Naples came to be vnder the Spaniards and as Normandye and Aquitaine came to be vnder the French as almost al the world in old tyme was brought to be vnder the Romans or otherwise the same may come to passe by inheritance as Aquitaine and Normandie in tymes past came to Ingland as Flanders vvith the states therof came to the house of Austria and as Britany to the crowne of France or els thirdly it may happen by mixt meanes that is to say partly by force and partly by other meanes of composition as MillaÌ„ came to Spayne and Ireland to Ingland according as the Irish do hold and so Portugal hath in out dayes come to the king of Spaine for that besides his pretence and right of inheritance he vsed also force of armes for getting the same Of al these three vvayes then euident it is that Conquest is the hardest and most preiudicial to the subiects for that theare al standeth at the wil and clemency of the Conqueror vvhom either anger or feare or ielosie of his assurance may often driue to hold a hard hand ouer the conquered at least vvise for a tyme vntil his estate be better setled so that I maruaile not though no people or country commonly would willingly be conquered but yet pollicye also teacheth such a CoÌ„queror vvhatsoeuer he be that as on the one side it behoueth him to be watchful so to fortyfie himselfe as the vnquiet can do him no hurt so on the other side is it necessarie by the same rule of pollicie to vse al fauour and sweete meanes to content gayne those that be or may be made quiet for better establishing of his state eueÌ„ as a Phisition after a vehement purgation doth minister lenitiues and sofre medicines to calme and appease the good humors left and to strenghten the vvhole body againe that it may hold out This we see to be true not only by reason of state and pollicy as hath bin said but also by experience of al countries that haue bin conquered in Europ or other where if the continual resisting and reuolting of those that are conquered do not cause a contrary course in the Conqueror as it did in the conquest of the Danes and Normands vppon the Inglish and in the conquest of the Inglish vppon the British or Welsh vvhere the often rysing of them that were ouercome enforced the vanquishers to be much more cruel and rigorouse theÌ„ other vvise they would haue bin for al our stories do testifie that king Sweno the Dane and much more his sonne king Canutus as also William conqueror had a great desire after their victories to haue appeased and made much of the Inglish nation but that they vvere neuer quiet vnder them and so in like manner the Inglish kings oftentymes gaue their daughters in marriage to the princes of Wales and many priuileges to that people therby to gayne them but that their continual reuolting caused much seuerity and bloodshed to be vsed and the like seuerity did it cause oftentimes in the very Romans towards the said Britaynes conquered But vvhere the people vanquished vvere content to be quiet

and submit themselues their the said Romans vsed al fauour and moderatioÌ„ so as it is written of them in the first booke of Machabeis Et audiuit Iudas nomen Romanorum quia sunt potentes viribus acquiescunt ad omnia quae postulantur ab eis that is And Iudas Machabeus hard the name and fame of the Romans how they vvere potent in strenght and yet so gentle as they yeilded to al that was demaunded at their handes And finally their gouerment vvas so iust coÌ„siderat sweete and modest vppon al forrayne nations vvhich they had conquered as it alured diuers nations to desire to be vnder them and to be ridd of their owne natural kinges as of the subiectes of Antiochus and Methridates kings of Asia and of Pontus vve do reade and some other princes also therby to gratifie their subiects did nominate the Roman Empire for their successor as did king Attalus king of Pergamus and Ptolomie of AEgypt and others and it is the common opinion of lerned men that the world vvas neuer more happelie gouerned then vnder the Romans and yet vvere they strangers to most of their subiects ouer vvhich they gouerned and vnto whom they were most strangers that is to say vnto such as were furthest of from them to those dyd they vse alwayes most fauoures and gaue them most priuileges as bothe wisdome and reason of state did require for that those people had most abillity to rise against them and to rebell so as this circumstance of being strangers hurted them nothing but rather profited them much The like rule of pollicy and of state haue al great Monarchies vsed euer since that is to say to shew most fauour to such subiects as be most straingers and fardest from them and on the contrary side if any be to be pressed more then others to presse and burthen them most that be most natural and neerest home most vnder and in subiection and surest to obey and this is euidently seene felt and practised by al the great states this day of the world so as it caÌ„not be denyed For if we looke but into france vve shal finde that the states of Gascony and Guyne which are furdest of from the court were once straÌ„gers gotten by force from the Inglish do pay far lesse tributes at this daye to the French kinge then those that be of the I le of france it selfe and are properly french and in like manner the Britons which came to that crowne by marriage and vvere old enimies do pay much lesse yet then the Gascoyns and in a manner do paye nothing at al and the Normans do pay some what more then any of the two for that they do lye somwhat neerer to Parris and therby are more in snbiection to the prince though yet they pay lesse then the natural Frenchmen The Candians also which is an Iland a part and standeth vnder the Venetians do not pay the third part of the impositions as by my owne information I lerned when I trauiled Italie that do the natural subiects of the Venetian state in Italie What shal I say of the kingdomes and states of Naples Sicilie and Millan subiect to the king of Spaine and gotten by conquest as hath bin said and yet pay they no one penny of that ancient great imposition vsed in Spaine called the Alcaualla which is the tenth penny of al that is bought and sold nor are they subiect to the Inquisition of Spaine at least Naples and Millan nor to many other dutyes tributs and impositions vvhich the natural spaniard is subiect vnto nor is their any law or edict made in Spaine that holdeth in those countries except it be allowed ratified and confirmed by those states themselues nor may any of their old priuileges be infringed but by their owne consents and when the king requireth any extraordinary subsides in Spaine they beare no part therof Whervppon these men do aske vvhat it hurteth these states that they are straÌ„gers or vnder straingers or vvhat priueledge is it to the spaniard at home that he is only vnder his hom borne king if he receaue lesse benifits by that then doth the strainger And is not the like also vsed by the state of Ingland towards Ireland are not the fauours and indulgences vsed towardes the ciuil Irish that liue in peace much more then to the Inglish themselues in Inglad For first their taxes and payments be much lesse the lawes of Ingland bynd them not excepte they be allowed and receaued by their owne parlament in Ireland For matters of religion they are pressed much lesse then home-borne subiects albeit their affections to the Roman religion be knowne to be much more vniuersal then it is in Ingland In al criminal affayres punishing of delictes the manner of proceeding against the Irish is much more remisse milde geÌ„tle then with the subiects of Ingland so as their being strangers semeth rather a priuilege then a hindrance vnto them But in no other country is this thing more euidently to be considered then in the states of Flanders low countryes which by in heritaÌ„ce as hath bin said came to be vnder forayne gouermeÌ„t but so much to their good aduancement that in a very few yeares as scarse is credible except to him that vnderstaÌ„deth their former state vvheÌ„ they were vnder their hom-borne princes do coÌ„pare it vvith that which after they came vnto vnder the house of Austria vnited vnto the crowne of Spaine For before for many hundreth yeares a man shal read nothing almost in their storyes but warr sedition and blood shed among themselues and this either one state whith an other before they were vnited together al vnder one prince or els with the kingdome of France of whom in those dayes they depended or els and this most of al agaynst their owne Princes of whom some haue bin so fearce and cruel vnto them as they haue shed infinite quantity of their blood and among others I read of their Counte Luys that in one day he put to death fiue hundred of them by sentence of iustice in Bruxelles and an other day within the same yeare he caused a bout a thousand to be burned to death in a churh of the towne of Neuel besides infinite others whom in diuers battailes and skirimshes he slew so as often tymes the country lay almost desolate through their domestical afflictions But now since the tyme that the states came to be vnder Phillip the first Archduke of Austria and after king of Spayne and so remayned vnder his sonne Charles the Emperor and his nephew Phillip the second that now liueth vntil the late troubles and rebellions which was about the space of fifty yeares that they so continued in peace before their rebellioÌ„ it is almost incredible how those states increased in wealth peace and dignitie so that as Guycciardin the Italian historiographer noteth

no more preferment then that common vvealth and state can giue and if their should be many vvorthy men borne their at one tyme then were this his condition vvoorse for then must he part also vvith other men though their were not sufficient for himselfe and the most he could aspire vnto if he vvere an ecclesiastical man were the greatest benefice within that state and on the other side if he vvere a temporal man he could not hope for much for that the state hath it not to bestow but an other that is borne vnder a great monarch as is the king of France or Spayne in these our dayes that hath so many great bishoprickes for example sake and other spiritual lyuings to ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ vppon the cleargie and so many high gouerments and employments both of vvarr and peace to giue vnto temporal men that can deserue the same this man I say hath a great aduantage of the other in respect of preferment at this day but much more was it in old tyme to be borne vnder the RomaÌ„ Empire when it had the preferments of al the vvorld to bestow for that euery subiect therof vvas capable of al the said preferments so far fourth as he could make himself vvorthy and deserue the same For better explicatioÌ„ of vvhich point yet I haue thought good to cite in this place the woordes of a certaine learned kinght that in our dayes hath written the liues of al the Roman Emperors and in the life of one of them that vvas an excellent gouernour named Antoninus Pius the said kinght hath this discourse ensuinge Their vvas in this mans gouerment said he great contentment and ioye on al hands great peace and quietnes and very great iustice and truly it is a thing vvoorthy in this place to be considered what vvas the humane power and how infinite the forces of the Roman Empire at this day and how great vvas the libertie quietnes securitie welth and contentment of the subiects that liued vnder that gouerment when good Princes had the menagingetherof as vvas this Antoninus and his sonne Aurelius that followed him and as vvere Adrian Traian and diuers others What a thing was it to see their courtes frequented freely by al the noble valiant and lerned men of the vvorld to see the vnion and frendly dealing of different nations together when al serued one Prince so as a man might haue gone ouer the vvhole vvorld or most and beste partes therof vvith al security and without al feare al nations and countreyes being their frends neyghbours or subiects nether vvas their neede at that tyme of any pasports or safeconductes not ofso often change of coyne to trauaile as nowe their is nether yet were their new lawes euery foote as now be founde in different countryes neither vvas their danger of enimies or to be taken prisoners and captiues nor could any malefactor do a mischief in one country and flie into an other ther-by to be free from punishment and he that was borne in the very Orcades or furthest parte of Europe was at home thoughe he vvere in Africa or Asia as free denizen as if he had bin borne their marchants also might passe at that daye from country to country vvith their marchandize vvithout particuler licences or feare of forfeits and finally the temporal state of a subject vvas vvonderful happy at that tyme. Thus far discourseth that learned knight no doubt but that his discourse and consideration is founded in great reason and he that vvil leaue at this day the many commodities of being vnder a great and potent Prince if it lye in his owne hands to chuse for this only circumstance rhat he is not borne in the same country vvith him is a man of smale judgment and capacitye in these mens opinion and measureth matters of publique vtility vvith a false vvaight of fond affection And thus much may be sayd of the first waye of being vnder strangers and forayne gouerment which is that which vulgar men do most abhorre and inueigh against to vvit to be vnder a forraine Prince that liueth absent and ruleth by his gouernours But besides this their is an other manner of being vnder a forraine Prince as vvhen an allien Prince cometh to dwel among vs and this by either of two vvayes to vvit that either this Prince cometh without forces as did king Stephen and king Henry the second that were frenchmen as hath bin saide and came to liue and gouerne in Ingland but vvithout external forces and as king Phillip of Spayne came afterwards when by marriage of Queene Mary he became king of Ingland and as the last king Henry the third of France vvent into Polonia by the free election and inuitation of that nation and as his brother Monsieur Francis duke of Alenson should haue entred aftervvard to haue bin king of Ingland if the marriage pretended betweene her maiestie and him had gone forvvard and taken effect as many thought once that it should This I say is one way and an other is that this Prince do bring forces vvith him for his owne assurance and these either present as the Danish kings Sweno Canutus Haraldus and Hardicanutus did and as after them the Norman Princes also vsed I meane not only William Conqueror himselfe but also his two sonnes WilliaÌ„ Rufus and Henry the first who either by help of the Normans al ready in Ingland or by others brought in by them afterward vvrought their vvil or els that this Prince so entring haue foraine forces so at hand as he may call and vse them vvhen he vvil for that they haue no sea to passe vvhich is the case of the king of Scotts of both these waies these men do giue their sentence distinctly For as concerning the former vvay vvhen a forraine Prince entereth vvithout any forces atal and with intention to liue among vs they hold that their is no danger nor yet any incoÌ„uenience can iustly be feared for that in this case he subiecteth himselfe rather to the realme and nation then they to him and if he liue and marry in Ingland both himselfe and his children wil become Inglish in a little space And for his owne assurance he must be inforced to fauour and cherish and make much of the Inglish nation and be liberal gentle and frendly to al for gaining their good willes and frendship And in one very great and important pointe his condicion is different and better for the Inglish then any Inglish kings can be which is that he entreth vvith indifferent mynde towards al men hath no kynred or alliance within the land to whom he is bounde nor enimye against whom he maye be inticed to vse cruelty so as only merit or demerit of each maÌ„ must moue him to fauour or disfauour which is a great foundatioÌ„ say these men of good and equal gouerment Agayne they say that in respect of the state present of Ingland and as

now it standeth and for the publique good not only of the common subiects but also of the nobility and especially and aboue others of the Inglish competitors and pretendors that cannot al speede no vvay vvere so commodious as this to avoid bloodshed to wit that some external Prince of this tyme should be admitted vppon such compositions and agreements as both the realme should remayne whith her ancient liberties and perhapps much more then now it enioyeth for such Princes commonly vppon such occasions of preferment vvould yeeld to much more in those cases then a homborne Prince vvould and the other pretenders at home also should remayne vvhith more security then they can wel hope to do vnder any Inglish competitor if he come to the crowne who shal be continually egged on by his owne kynred and by the auerhon emulation and hatred that he hath taken alredy by contention against the other opposite houses to pul them downe and to make them away and so we haue seene it by continual examples for many yeares though no occasion say these men hath euer bin offied to suspect the same so much as now if any one of the home Inglish blood be preferred before the rest and this is so much as they say to this second kinde of being vnder forrayne Princes To the third they confesse that it standeth subiect to much danger and inconuenience to admit a forayne Prince to liue among vs with forces either present or so neere as that without resistance he may call them when he listeth and of this their needeth no more proofe say these men then the examples before alleaged of the Danes and Normans and the misery and calamity which for many yearee the Inglish passed vnder them and further more the reason heerof is euident say these men for first in this third kinde of admitting a strainger king we are depriued by his dwelling amongest vs of those vtilities before mentioned which Ireland Flanders Britanie Naples and other states enioy by liuing far of from their Princes which commodities are much more libertie and freedome lesse payments lesse punishments more imployments of the nobility and others in gouerment and the like And secondly by his comming armed vnto vs we cannot expect those commodities vvhich before I touched in the second kynd of forraine gouerment but rather al the incommodities and inconueniences that are to be found either in domestical or foraine gouerments al I saye do fall vppon this third manner of admitting a stranger as easily shal be seene For first of al the greatest incommodities that can be feared of a domestical Prince are pride crueltie partiality pursuing of factions and particuler hatred extraordinary aduansing of his own kynred pressing pynching and ouer rigorous punishing of his people without feare for that he is euer sure of his partie to stand whith him within the realme and so hath he the lesse respect to others and for that al these inconueniences and other such like do grow for the most part by the Princes continual presence among his subiects they are incident also to this other though he be a strainger for that he is also to be present and to liue among vs and so much the more easely he may fall into them then a domestical Prince for that he shal haue both external couÌ„cel of a people that hateth vs to prick him forward in it as also their external power to assist him in the same which two motiues euery domestical Prince hath not Agayne they say that the woorst greatest incommodities of a forraine gouerment that may be feared are tyranny and bringing into seruitude the people ouer whoÌ„ they gouerne and filling of the realme with straingers and deuiding to them the dignities riches and preferments of the same al which they say are incident also by al probability to this third kinde of forraine gouermeÌ„t where the Prince strainger lyueth present and hath forces at hand to woorke his vvil and this is the case say they of the king of Scotts who only of any forraine pretender semeth may iustly be feared for these and other reasons alleaged before when we talked of his pretence to the crowne To conclude then these men are of opinion that of al these three manners of being vnder straingers or admitting forraine gouerments this third kynde ã€ˆâ—Šã€‰ as it vvere to the kinge of Scottes case is to be only feared and none els for as for the second they say that it is not only not to be feared or abhorred but rather much to be desyred for that of al other sortes it hath the least inconueniences and most commodities for which causes we read and see that wher kings goe by election commonly they take straingers as the Romans and Lacedemonians did often at the beginning and after the beginning of the Roman Monarchie their forraine borne Emperors were the best and most famous of al the rest as Traian and Adrian that were Spaniards Septimius Seuerus borne in Africa Constantine the great natural of Ingland and the like and the very woorst that euer they had as Caligula Nero Heliogabolus Commodus and such other like plagues of the weale publique were Romans and in our dayes and within a few yeares we haue seene that the Polonians haue chosen three kings straingers one after an other the first Stephen Battorius Prince of Transiluania the second Henry of France and last of al the Prince of Swecia that vet liueth and the state of Venetians by way of good polliei haue made it for a perpetuall Law that when they haue warr to make and must needs choose a general Captayne and commit their forces into his handes he must be a stranger to wit some Prince of Italie that is out of their owne states heerby to auoyde partiality and to haue him the more indifferent and equal to them al which yet so many prudent men vvould neuer agree vppon if there vvere not great reason of commodities therin so as this point is concluded that such as speake against this second kinde of hauing a forrayne Prince speake of passion or inconsideration or lacke of experience in matters of state and common vvealthes As for the first manner of being vnder foraine gouerment as a member or prouince of an other bigger kingdome and to be gouerned by a deputie viceroy or strange gouernour as Ireland Flanders Naples and other states before mentioned be vvith certayne and stable conditions of liberties and immunities and by a forme of gouerment agreed vppon on both sides these men do confesse also that their may be arguments reasons and probabilities alleaged on both sides and for both parties but yet that al things considered and the inconueniences hurtes and dangers before rehearsed that subiects do suffer also oftentymes at the handes of their owne natural Princes these men are of opinion for the causes alredy declared that the profittes are more and far greater then the damages or

by al the states of that counttey but also a broad as namely of Maximilian the Emperor and approued also by the king of Denmarke and by al the Princes of Germany neere about that realme who saw the resonable causes which that common wealth had to proceed as it did And a litle before that the like was practised also in Denmarke agaynst Cisternus ther lawful king if we respect his discent in blood for he vvas sonne to king Iohn that reigned a fore him and crowned in his fathers life but yet afterwards for his intolerable cruelty he vvas depriued and driuen into banishment together with his vvife and three children al vvhich were disinherited his vncle Frederik Prince of Holsatia vvas chosen king whose progeni yet remayneth in the crowne the other though he were marryed to the sister of Charles the fifth last Emperor of that name and vvere of kyn also to king Henry the eight of Ingland yet could he neuer get to be restored but passed his tyme miserably partly in banishment and partly in prison vntil he dyed But it shal be best perhapps to ende this narration with an example or two out of Ingland it selfe for that no where els haue I read more markable accidents touching this poynt then in Ingland and for breuity sake I shal touch only two or three happened since the coÌ„quest for that I wil go no higher though I might as appeareth by the exaÌ„ple of K. Edwin others nether vvil I beginne to stand much vppon the example of king Iohn though wel also I might for that by his euel gouerment he made himselfe both so odious at home contemptible abroade hauing lost Normandy Gascony Guyenne and al the rest in effect which the crowne of Ingland had in France as first of al he vvas both excommunicated and deposed by sentence of the pope at the sute of his owne people and vvas inforced to make his peace by resigning his crowne into the handes of Pandulfe the popes legate as Polidor recounteth and afterwards faling back agayne to his old defects and naughtie gouerment albeit by his promise to the pope to go and make warr against the Turkes if he might be quiet at home and that his kyngdome should be perpetually tributary to the sea of Rome he procured him to be of his side for a tyme and against the BaroÌ„s yet that stayed not them to proceed to his depriuation which they did effectuate first at Canterbury and after at London in the eighteenth last yeare of king Iohns reigne and meant also to haue disinherited his sonne Henry which vvas afterward named king Henry the third and at that tyme a childe of eight yeares old only and al this in punishement of the father yf he had liued and for that cause they called into Ingland Lodouick the Prince of France sonne to king Philip the second and father to Saynt Lewis the nynth and chose him for their king and did sweare him fealtye with general consent in London the yeare of our Lord 1216. And but that the death of king Iohn that presently ensued altered the vvhole course of that designment and moued them to turne their purposes and accept of his sonne Henry before matters were fully established for king Lodowick it vvas most likely that France and Ingland would haue bin ioyned by thes meanes vnder one crowne But in the end as I haue said king Henry the third vvas admitted and he proued a very wor thi king after so euel as had gon before him and had bin deposed which is a circumstance that you must alwayes note in this narration and he reigned more yeares then euer king in Ingland did before or after him for he reigned ful 53. yeares left his sonne heyre Edward the first not inferior to himselfe in manhode vertue vvho reigned 34. yeares and left a sonne named Edward the second vvho falling into the same defects of gouerment or vvorse then king Iohn his great grandfather had donne was after 19. yeares reigne deposed also by act of parlament holden at London the yeare 1326. his body adiudged to perpetual prison in which he was at that present in the castle of vvallingford vvherher diuers both bishops Lordes knights of the Parlament vvere sent vnto him to denounce the sentence of the realme agaynst him to wit how they had deptiued him and chosen Edward his sonne in his place for vvhich act of choosing his sonne he thanked them hartely and vvith many teares acknowledged his owne vnwoorthines wheruppon he was digraded his name of king first taken from him and he appoynted to be called Edward of Carnaruan from that howre forward and then his crowne and ring were taken away and the steward of his house brake the stafe of his office in his presence and discharged his seruants of their seruice and al other people of ther obedience or allegeance toward him and towardes his mayntenance he had only a hundreth markes a yeare allowed for his expences and then was he delyuered also into the hands of certayne particuler keepers vvho led him prisoner from thence by diuers other places vsing him with extreme indignity in the way vntil at last they tooke his life from him in the castle of Barkley and his sonne Edward the third reigned in his place who if we respect eyther valor provvesse length of reigne acts of cheualry or the multitude of famous Princes his children left behinde him vvas one of the noblest kinges that euer InglaÌ„d had though he were chosen in the place of a very euel one as you haue sÃ©en But vvhat shal we say is this worthines vvhich God giueth commoÌ„ly to the successors at thes changes perpetual or certayne by disceÌ„t no truly nor the example of one Princes punishment maketh an other to beware for the next successor after this noble Edward vvhich vvas king Richard the second though he were not his sonne but his sonnes sonne to wit sonne and heyre to the excellent and renounced black Prince of vvales this Richard I say forgetting the miserable end of his great grand father for euel gouerment as also the felicity and vertue of his father and grand father for the contrary suffered himselfe to be abused and misled by euel councellors to the great hurte disquietnes of the realme For vvhich cause after he had raigned 22. yeares he was also deposed by act of parlamaÌ„t holden in London the yeare of our Lord 1399. and condemned to perpetual prison in the castel of Pomfret vvher he was soone after put to death also and vsed as the other before had bin and in this maÌ„nes place by free electioÌ„ was chosen for king the noble knight Henry Duke of LaÌ„caster who proued afterwards so notable a king as the world knoweth and vvas father to king Henry the fifth surnamed commonly the Alexander of Ingland for that

Selected quad for the lemma: state_n

Text snippets containing the quad