best places in the World in the sight of all Europe without resistance and not being forced thereunto that he confess'd his Majesties Power was great and that it would be difficult for him to withstand it and that finding himself between two great Princes he ought to be the more cautious of his deportment in regard if he should satisfie the King by delivering Nancy he should contract the Emperour's displeasure from whom he holdeth his Dutchy which doubtlesse he would declare to be forfeited by Proclamation of the Empire with a resolution to seiz upon it as soon as ever the affairs of Germany would permit him That indeed he might reasonably expect his Majesties protection but that then it might so fall out that his Majesty might be so far ingaged in other Wars as not to be in a condition of assisting him by which means his ruine would then be inevitable and moreover that he thought it impossible to perswade his brother to Deposit Nancy unlesse at the last extremity of his affairs Whereunto the Cardinal answered that he found it not strange that he should alledge his holding of the Empire and the power of the House of Austria but besides that the King did not consider such pretensions he thought that if the Duke of Lorrain did well weigh it he would find no great reason to build upon it because he well knew that those whose interests he alledged being the chief Authors of his evil conduct had not been very solicitous to assist him That he confess'd indeed Monsieur de Lorrain was under the Pâ—otection of two Crowns but that the Laws of the very protection obliged him to deserve it from the King by his respects and good deportment and to conclude by the desires which his Predecessors had testified that his preservation intirely depended thereupon That instead thereof he had provok'd his Majesty broken his faith by infringing of Treaties taken part with Spain run into all acts of Hostility and to compleat all the rest of his breaches of promise which might offend his Majesty had ravish'd a son of France and ingag'd Monsieur to marry his sister whereupon his Majesty had but too much reason to invade his Countries and that if he did more fear the power of the Emperour then that of France then at his Gates he might chuse what party he pleased to defend himself by force but that in case he would prudently avoid his ruine which was inevitable he could not take a better course then by depositing of Nancy which would secure his States without any loss to him As for matter of his holding of the Empire the King was far enough from admitting it seeing he himself claimeth the Soveraignty of Lorrain and that the Homage was due unto him that the Empire had heretofore usurp'd it from this Crown but that length of possession could not prejudice a Soveraigns right because great Princes who acknowledge no other Tribunal upon earth where they may claim their own are alwaies permitted to demand their rights from Usurpers and to enter them by force so that no time can cause a prescription against them that the affairs of France had not heretofore been in a condition to dispute these pretences but that now God having opened his Majesty a way to establish his Monarchy in its primitive greatnesse Posterity would have a just cause to reproach him with negligence if he should not imploy his forces in the recovery of the most ancient rights of his Crown that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to have had those fears alledged by him in his mind at such time as he was running on to provoke his Majesty against him but that now having done the injury his Majesty could not dissemble his resentment wherefore he was absolutely resolved to be reveng'd unless he receiv'd such satisfaction that all Europe might know to be reasonable that his Pâ—edecessors had ever well-esteem'd the friendship of France and that he himself might have rested secure in this protection because his Majesty well knew how to defend him against any man But in fine that the King could not admit of any other condition then the Deposite of Nancy seeing though he already had the best places of Lorrain in his hands they could not oblige the Duke to keep his promise and that his Majesty had reason to suspect he would not be much more solicitous for keeping it in future after so many changes of his resolution that his Majesty chiefly desired this assurance that he might no more hazard the receiving a new injury or be necessitated to his great expence to raise a new Army a thing peradventure which might then fall out when the State of his affairs would hardly permit him to attend it whereas the present conjuncture was such that his Majesty could not wish it more favourable there being no likelyhood of any thing to divert him that the Duke of Lorrain might be thereby the more readily induc'd to this resolution his Majesty desired to inform him of the present state of his affairs that that of France was such that it was not only at Peace but without fear of civil War all ill Subjects conspiring to be obedient the Treasure being full of money to sustain the charge and on the other side the Treaty of the Low Countries being broken without the least hopes of being brought on again and the Spaniards being in so much want of assistance from their Allies that the Duke of Lorrain could not pretend to expect any from them As to Germany that the Emperours forces had enough to do to defend themselves from the prosperous successe of the Swede who was not likely to be stopp'd As to matter of Italy that the Cardinal Infanta's forces were not yet ready to march and that admitting they were yet that they might meet with great obstructions in the Valtoline the Swedes being advanced thither to hinder their march and that thus Nancy might be besieg'd and taken without hopes of any assistance to releeve it unlesse Monsieur de Lorrain had rather Deposite it in his Majesties hands The Cardinal de Lorrain found it an hard task to answer these reasons and being retired all the course he took was to beseech his Majesty to give him time to confer with the Duke his brother and in the mean time not to make any further progresse The King not only refus'd it but assur'd that he would march before Nancy with the greatest speed that might be resolv'd never to depart until he had reduc'd it to its obedience That there ought to be other assurances taken then bare words from an incens'd Prince who hath oftentimes broke his word IT is necessary to take other kind of security then bare words from a Prince who hath often failed of his word especially who is known to be incens'd passionately desirous of revenging the punishments he hath receiv'd His apparent submissions in matters of accommodation are effects rather of his weakness then
summs of money or assist him with Ships according to the Proportion of that which was lent them That they should cause such French Regiments as should be entertained in Holland to be conducted to Calais or Diepe And thus in one and the same moneth the Cardinal made his entrance upon the Administration very remarkable by the resolution of the Match with England which ingaged the King of Great Brittain in his Majesties interests by the entertaining of the Spanish Forces in the Low Countries by which he diverted them from assisting the Valtolines so powerfully as otherwise they had done Politick Observation IF Marriages serve to augment the Power of a King certainly those Alliances which are made with neighbour States for reciprocal assistance in War do no less contribute towards it provided they be well established Two States well united are undoubtedly stronger then one alone and as an ancient Author saith if an enemy should prevail against one yet two would be able to oppose him Partnership is that which inricheth Merchants in Trading and Alliances enable Princes to make forraign invasions with their Forces and if there be such profit to be made out of it I suppose they are very necessary for the divine wisdome hath so disposed all Kindomes that they have all need one of another Aristotle saith nibil pâ—r se subsist it nothing is able to subsist by it self onely and if in the Microcosm every part is needfull for one another not excepting the most noble God hath also imparted Power to Soveraigns with such equality that they are never able to increase it without mutual assistance from one another Upon this foundation it is that all Alliances are established It is absurd to beleeve that the bare friendship of Princes can be a sufficient Bond seeing that it is interest which onely ties them effectually as is apparent to all men for that they usually break them when once they appear against their concernments If ever there be occasion to unite them together it is chiefly when there is danger of a common enemy and that they would hinder his growing strength and prevent him from making attempts upon their bordering neighbours and consequently upon themselves In fine it was upon that score that the Iâ—alian Ambassadors perswaded King Antiochus to league himself with them against the Romans representing to him that if he did not keep them in continual exercise they would render themselves Masters of his Allyes and then enter upon his own Country too And it was for the same reason that the Princes of the house of Orleans finding themselves too weak to make head against the Burguignions allied themselves with the English though otherwise they hated them and that Ferdinand King of Naples allyed himself with Lewis Sforza Tutor to John Galeazzi his Nephew and Laurence de Medicis that they might oppose the French who then threatned them Colonel Ornano is made Prisoner in the Bastile and thence sent to the Castle of Caen. VVHilest the King negotiated these two important Treaties and that the Cardinal gave a happy progress to them by his Counsails the Marquis de la Vieville who for the two last years had a great hand in the affairs inform'd the King that the Colonel d' Ornano Governour to the Duke of Orleans his Brother took such a course as would in time trouble the State The he had not forgot any artifice to render himself agreeable to the Monsieur and to gain such a power over his spirit that the Honour which he had to be his Governour gave him a great power in his Family That before he had gained the Mounsieurs affection he made his brags openly that he would get the Mastery over him to the intent he might raise his fortune to a higher pitch That he began to sow distrusts in the mind of that Prince and to extinguish the seeds of that Respect Love and Obedience which Nature had given to him in creating him That he took advantage of his good favour to make himself feared and that he vaunted to have done many things contrary to his duty of which there were many particulars and that he was observed to take great care to hold Intelligence with the Grandees of the Court This was so much the more to be feared for that the greatest misfortunes and the most part of Civil Wars have no other beginning then misunderstandings of Princes against their Kings The King thought good to impart it to the Cardinal and having demanded his advice of what was proper to be done in that occasion he did not at all dissemble the danger it would be to permit this procedure of the Colonel But the moderation of his spirit would not suffer him to carry him on to use such violent remedies as others did advise him to but on the contrary he represented to him that the Laws of Mercy obliged Kings to pardon the first faults of Grandees provided that they would confesse their errors especially if there be a meanes to prevent any consequence of danger That the wisest are sometimes subject to miscarriages and are also capable to repent them and afterwards to doe great services That the moderation which many wise Princes have shewed towards such offenders hath made them more faithful and affectionate then those who never committed any miscarriage at all That this Repentance was the more reasonably to be hoped from the Colonel d' Ornano who till then had lived within those limits which ought to be observed by those of his condition that his Father had given him a good example by those services which he had done until his death That he had indeed forgot himself but that his omission might be remedied which seemed to deserve pardon so much the more in regard it is almost impossible for the greatest part of Mankind not to forget themselves whenas fortune shall advance them into a place of Eminency Moreover there was reason to hope that the onely removing him for some time from the Monsieur would make him reassume his former countenance would make him sensible of his fault and he himself would easily be induced to judge that this embroyl wherein he had suffered himself to be surprised would undoubtedly precipitate him into utter ruin instead of raising him into a higher condition This counsel was accompanied with a much Prudence as Moderation and the King who is ever carried of himself to follow the best advice onely commanded the Collonel d' Ornano to retire himself to his Government of Pont-Sainct-Esprit untill he were permitted to return to the Court but the Collonel being confident that there were nothing but surmises and conjectures against him had the boldness to refuse obedience to this order perswading the Monsieur to keep him near him and to procure from the King by any extraordinary instances that he might not be forced from the Court The Monsieur beseeched his Majesties with all possible affection However the King gave him to understand that
affect his own Kindred deserveth not the affections of any others and will also give more assurance to his Government by defending him from any insurrections which might be made by them And this is the more considerable as Tacitus saith for that it is ordinary with the people to have a particular affection for the Kindred of a Prince when they shall see them hated without any just cause or reason exemplyfying the Love which the people of Rome did bear to Germanicus which increased in them by the hatred which was born to him by Tiberius and it cannot be doubted but that the particular affection with which the people love them may give them great advantages to embroyl the State and may serve for a strong prop to their revolts It cannot be avoyded but that Princes nearly related to a Soveraign must have some hand in the Government of Affairs and must partake with him in the Honours of the State how can it then be done in a good order unless they live in a fair correspondence with one another What way can a vessel goe when as they who guide it do some row towards the Poop and others towards the Prow despising the Pilots orders so that the vessel becomes exposed to be wracked And what may there be expected from a State where the Princes of the Blood Royal who have the Government of the Provinces fall off from his Majesties designs and interests engaging themselves in Factions and Parties Doth it not by this means absolutely expose the State to Civil Wars which being left at random by this disunion becomes a prey to strangers who will be sure to take advantage of it The sending of the Sieur de Blainville into England in the quality of Extraordinary Ambassadour THough the Allyance which had so lately been contracted with England seemed to be indissolvable by the confirming of it with the Mariage of the Princess yet it was not long before some grounds did arise to obstruct their good correspondency The great confidence which the Queen of England had in certain Ladies who had been a long while near and about her as also in certain Ecclesiastiques a little too inconsiderate in their zeal was in part the occasion of it for they giving her advices which were not alwaies accompanied with Prudence did clash with the King her Husbands humour and were upon the point of breeding some differences between them The King did not much wonder at it having of a long time known how little considerable womens counsels ordinarily are and how they commonly end in some broyl unless there be some one near them who may prevent it by the reputation and credit which he hath amongst them But however it did not hinder his Majesty from dispatching the Sieur de Blanville his Extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England that he might take some course before the inconsiderateness of those persons who were about the Queen had caused any more mischiefs which was the easilier to be done in regard the Queen wanted neither Respect nor Love for the King her Husband and was onely to be blamed for having relyed a little too much upon those who were given to her to be her Counsel But this was not all there was another cause of difference between the two Crowns which was this The Sieur de Soubize having fled into England and there saved himself had taken in times of Peace and against the approval too of those of Rochel a small vessel called the little Saint John at the Port of Blavet which he afterwards carried to Plymouth And not long after the English had detained and unladen another Ship at Dover called the Merchant Royal full laden with goods to the value of twelve hundred thousand Liuvers This kind of acting was as strange as unjust and a great noise it made The French Merchants not being able to get a satisfactory answer in it because the Sieur de Blainville's demands were sent to the Council of his Majesty of Great Britain seised upon some English Ships which exasperated them afresh and hindred the resolution of any thing untill the following year Politique Observation ALthough the common end of private Mariages tend to concluding of Peace amongst Families yet it is not alwaies the same thing with Princes They do never make up any Matches but on the score of Interests and if any cause of difference arise amongst them they do not at all value their Alliances but it is well known that those Wars which have been between such Princes have ever been the most bloody It was imagined that those many Contracts which had been made between the Princes of the House of Orleance and those of Burgogne would have extinguished the fire of their Quarrels but the sequel made it apparent they all served to no purpose Lewis the Moor Duke of Milan was near a kin to the Arragonois of Naples yet he undid them by his intreagues And who knoweth not that France never had such great Quarrels either with Spain or England as when they were allyed by some Mariage And indeed it ought not to seem strange for a Soveraign hath no Kinsman so nearly related to him as his State A private man may govern himself according to the Rules of Friendship but it is otherwise with a Soveraign who is obliged to preserve the Rights of his Crown against every one His reputation is of so great concern towards the good of his Affairs that he may not suffer any injury to be offered to it which he is not bound to repell by any wayes whatsoever The Treasuries are better regulated by the Cardinals care THey who have had particular knowledge of things ever since ten years last past could not sufficiently wonder at those vast charges which the State had been put to both by maintaining so many Armies together in Languedoc in Poictu in the Valtoline and Italy as also in the Match with England and defraying of Ambassadors expences together with Alliances with States considering that the Cardinal entring upon the Administration had found the Treasury not onely exhausted but likewise much indebted so that they lived upon the next years Revenues This was an effect of that great Ministers prudence who knowing how necessary it was for a State to have a good mass of Mony in reserve had quickly so setled the Treasuries that there was great plenty succeeded that former want The Secretaries of State were commanded not to seal any more Orders but by express command from the King or his Chief Ministers The Superintendants were also ordered not to authorize those which should be presented from the Secretaries of State but upon good and just consideration There were divers persons removed from Court who attended there to no intent or purpose but only had sometimes the honour to see the King Rewards were kept for those who deserved them by their services There were also new orders taken at the same time concerning the Treasuries which were so
qualifications as would only render his power feared and redoubted An Assembly at Paris to redress disorders of State THe setlement of Trade was sufficient to bring great profit to the Kingdom but it was likewise necessary to use divers other means for the raising of it to it's height and greatness The King had long before concluded on it but finding himself unfurnished of a Minister to put it in execution the affairs had still continued in some lameness until at last seeing himself assisted by the Cardinal he resolved to assemble the Chief Officers of his Kingdom especially those who had acquired most experience and shewed best conduct in affairs And for the better resolving upon the means he appointed them to attend him a Paris where being met together his Majesty himself opened the reasons of their Assembling upon the second of Deceâ—ber in the Thuillâ—ries He was pleased to tell them That he had called them together to provide some remedies against the disorders of the State and that the Lord Chancellor should farther acquaint them with the rest of his desires and the Lord Chancellor beginning his speech represented to them the great disorders that had crept into the Kingdom whilst the King was imployed abroad to repel his enemies and the great expences he was at for the keeping up of his Armies and then told them that his Majesty was resolved for the establishing of the Kingdom in its ancient splendour to employ powerful redresses and so to regulate his Treasuries that there might alwayes be a sufficient foundation to supply the occasions of the State without being forced to overcharge the people as of late He gave them to understand that the King was contriving to lessen the expences of his house and even those which he was at for the paying of several Garrisons in places of no importance which he was resolved to dismantle To settle Trade with â—ll possible advantages for the enriching of his subjects So to govern his Souldiers both in garrison and the field that his subjects might be no more oppressed upon which it chiefly was that his Majesty had desired their advices When he had concluded the Cadinal made a most excellent speech in which his eloquence was no lesse to be admired at then his prudence He laid before that Illustrious Assembly how visibly God had made use of his Majesty to atchieve that in a little time for the publique good which many thought impossible to have been effected in an age He gave them to understand that as there had been great charges and expences so the King and Queen had received very great advantages by it in relation to that Honour and Glory which is due to them and that if any good successe had at any time happened it was only the dawning of those resolutions which his Majesty had taken for the easing of his people and restating the Kingdom in its former Splendor That as only God can make something out of nothing so it was necessary to lay a good foundation in the Treasury and to that end to cut off from the extravagant expenses and add to the receipts or indeed to do both at once He shewed them how that every one regarding the advancement of his own private Interest it might possibly provoke some to anger if their expences were moderated but he added withal that no one could justly complain at it since nothing was to be preferred before the Publique good and that the King and Queen Mother were both resolved to give a good example by contracting the expences of their families He told them that if in great tempests there was sometimes a necessary to part with the goods to ease the vessel and defend her from shipwrack prudence did direct the like thing in a State Which ought not to be cast away for the preservation of any ones particular good and that they themselves were bound in reason to conform themselves to the resolution thereof for that it is impossible private and particular mens plenty and Riches should long last when the State is poor and needy in fine he told them that setling a good government in the Affairs and Treasuries they would in a very few years find both the King and Kingdom raised to a greater pitch of glory then ever it had formerly been but he added it would not be so necessary to order such things unlesse they were really put in execution That the glory of setling the Nation being reserved for his Majesty they who were deputies ought to esteem it a great Honour done them in that he gave them part of it and that for his own particular he should esteem himself most happy to dye in the prosecution of so glorious a design After this first overture the King sent divers proposals to the Assembly by his Solicitor General upon all which such courses were resolved as were thought most necessary for the setlement of the State But it was first of all concluded what order should be observed in the levying of men as also for the maintaining of them in such order that the Country man might not be injured by them It was thought fit to keep two Armies in readiness of between eighteen and twenty thousand foot and two thousand Horse as well to secure the Publique Peace as to support the Kings Authority and also to keep Forreigners in a due respect It is true there were sufficient means found out to prevent the peoples damage but it was to be doubted that the Souldiers would not so readily observe those commands which his Majesty had been so careful to order Next of all it was considered what unnecessary expences of the State should be cut off as well to pay off two and fifty Millions of Livers which the Exchequer was indebt as also to acquit the charges of the Nation without increasing the taxes In order to which it was thought fit to contract the expences of the King and Queens Families according to the resolution taken before the late Kings death Not to exceed the sum of two Millions in Pensions which was the sum appointed by the late King Henry the Great for that business and lastly the Assembly proposed to his Majesty the dismantelling of a great number of strong places which being in the heart of the Kingdom or at least remote from the Frontiers did only serve to countenance Rebellions and consume a vast sum of mony for payment of the Garrison Souldiers and building unnecessary Fortifications There was also care taken with reference to his Majesties good pleasure for the relief of divers poor Gentlemen Captains and Souldiers wounded in his Majesties service And at last the Assembly made earnest request to his Majesty that he would for the future prevent those revolts of the Grandees which were commonly made every year to the great trouble of the State and that he would punish some for example sake who had the Boldnesse to take up Arms against his Authority or to divide
the State into Factions They also proposed to his Majesty to admit into his Council a certain number of Gentlemen to bring them up to do him the more service by the knowledge which they might get in State affairs and in conclusion they gave his Majesty most Prudent Counsel concerning the ordering and decreasing of the taxes for the suppressing of divers useless Officers for the redemption of his Lands which were in Mortgage by paying them in whose hands they were the monies lent upon them or full Interest out of the account of the Revenue to settle an order in the Treasury to prevent all future relapses for the settlement of Commerce both by Sea and Land for the distribution of charges as well millitary as others which have dependance on the Chief Officers of the Crown it being improper that they should be bestowed by any but the King himself And these were the Chief things then brought into debate before them and resolved on So their was a Paper drawn up of those things which they proposed to his Majesty the most part of which appeared so reasonable and judicious that they have ever since served for Maximes and a Rule for the Goverment of the State The Cardinal having put them in practise one after another as fast as ever the Civil warres the Factions at Court and the attempts of the house of Austria upon France and it's Allyes would give way for it Politique Observation HE who would settle a discomposed Kingdom must resolve upon the course whereby to do it with the advice of the States or at least of them who have gotten a great reputation of by experience in Affairs by their qualities and conditions or the great understanding they are Masters of On such an occasion divers have had recourse to an Assembly of States which because they are ordinarily accompanied with confusion by reason of the multitude besides the great expence which they draw on I should think it much more proper to make use of a selected Assembly who are the only persons whose opinions serve for guides to the rest now no one can doubt but that their advices will be very necessary for a State on such an occasion for that those great persons are like so many twinkling starres whose counsels are replenished with so much light that they soon make their Judgments of with is fit to be done to shine forth Not to need Counsel is to be more then man and not to make use of Counsel in affairs of concern is to be lesse then man God is not contented only with overuling the Elementary World and to make it fruitful in all kind of Science by the influences and light of the Sun but he hath imparted some share of his Luster to the other starres and hath asigned so considerable a proportion of work to them that every one reputeth them in part to be the universal causes of all sublunary things so it may safely be said too that God creating a Minister in a Kingdom whose Souls he replenisheth with any extraordinary part of understanding doth not however forbear to bestow some light upon others too though peradventure inferiour both for sufficiency and quality that they may contribute with him to the General good by the particular knowledge which he may infuse into them and by the Counsels wherewith he may inspire them And if their advices may be of use in a Kingdom they cannot be lesse advantageous unto a Minister on such an occasion in which the angring of divers persons cannot possibly be avoided There never yet was any reformation for the publique good but many particular private persons were angred at it They who Judg of all things by their own private Interest are ever discontented and conceive no little ill will against that Minister who is guided only by his own will and direction Whereas if it were done by those whose wisdom is esteemed and whose Prudence is respected it would silence all men and make that sweet and easie which else would be bitter and insupportable It is very dangerous it for a Minister to undertake great enterprises upon his own head only For good successe is not inherent in any man seeing all are subject to Deficiencies in Actions and inconstancy withall it is not to be doubted but that the greatest part judging of things by the event would charge him home with blame if any misfortune should happen How many great men who promised themselves high matters have seen the successe fall contrary to their expectations and have been exposed to the disgraces of their King and People for their ill successe which might have been secured too had they but proposed their designs and taken good advice upon them in a Counsel of the most considerable Grandees in the State Hee who attempts nothing without good advice secures himself from any ill accident whatever Tiberius thought in no derogation from his honour to acquaint the Senate with every affair though never so little considerable Anthony the Debonair never took any thing in hand either in Peace or War which he did not first communicate to several wise men protesting that it was more reasonable to accommodate his opinion to their advices then to oblige them to follow his Will The Sieur de Baradas removed from Court ABout this time was Baradas removed from the Court a person who had been much in favour with the King He had been the first Gentleman of his Chamber and chief Querry of his Majesties little Stable And as great favours puff up the mind and destroy the judgement of many if not qualified with a great underâ—â—anding he did so much forget himself that he would oftentimes make himself Master of the Kings Will and interpose in matters of concernment in which he had neither ability or authority His Majesty was much grieved at it being a Prince who did not delight to see that they whom he favoured should abuse themselves and be defective in that respect which is due unto him but it one day fell out that he being too importunate to perswade his Majesty to bestow a very great place upon a certain Kinsman of his who must of necessity be dayly attending upon his Majesty being a person too whom his Majesty did mislike his Majesty resolved to deprive him not onely of his Offices or Charge which he held neer his person but of that extraordinary familiarity wherewith he had formerly honoured him and accordingly commanded him to retire to his employment in little Bourbon of chief Querry an Office of no small advantage But as nothing is so displeasing to Favourites as to find themselves cast off he was so transported by it that he suffered himself to be deprived by despair of that little judgement which he had There need no other indiscretion be alledged but that one thing which he did in his Majesties Chamber when the Governour of Souvre came in thither whom he supposed one of the causers of his
and sent him full power as Livetenant General of the Camp at Rochel of his Forces in â—oicion Xâ—in onge Angoumois and Aulnis Monsieur shewed in several encounters that he had no lesse Vallour or conduct than those who had spent all their time in Arms Insomuch that he once engaged his Person in a skirmish with the Rochelois where they had much a do to bring him off He was extream carefull for the bringing up of the Forces to the Camp and oftentimes attempted the relief of the Isle of Ree and to keep the Army in discipline The King arrived at Rochel and testified a great satisfaction at his extraordinary conduct by Caresses sufficient to have obliged him to have expected the issue of such glorious designs in his Majesties company had not his confidence diverted him from it and perswaded him after the defeat of the English to return to Paris They made him believe that the Cardinal had all the authority and that himself had onely the name although this Grand Minister was never deficient in paying him all respects These seditious Spirits were so pricked with envy to see him act such glorious things It is true they likewise found that the Cardinals design was by thus employing Monsieur in an affair whereby he was obliged to be every hour with the King to make a good understanding between them a thing no whit desired by them who rather endeavoured continually to sow distrusts between them which would render themselves the more considerable by their seeming to be loyall and usefull This procedure is ordinary with them who serve great Princes for their private Interests they still fear lest their Master should confide more in others then themselves and there is no device which they make not use of to prevent it This was the true reason which carried Monsieur back to Paris his Highness having given more credit to their councels which he thought were accompanied with faithfulness than to his own passion which carried him on to the wars when he might testify his courage to be no way inferiour to his birth Politique Observation IT is necessary for the good of a State so to employ the Princes of the blood especially him who is Heir apparent to the crown that they live contented but withal that they affirm not too great authority in affairs Alexanders procedure was very barbarous when passing into Asia he killed all his kindred excepting one of his Bastard brothers of whom he had no suspition A Barbarousness onely received among Turks where it passeth for a piece of Policy I cannot lesse blame the Kings of Orinus who before they were beaten by the Portugals took away the lives of most of their kindred The Kings of China too are no lesse to be blamed who shut them up in a place from whence they never are permitted to come out excepting onely him who is to succeed in the Empire Christianity hath Laws more moderate and approveth not of this rigorous tyranny but it well liketh those prudent counsels which Kings take so to treat them that they may not have any grounds of discontent which might carry them to broyles and that they become not too powerfull in the State It is wisedome to be kind unto them to deal favourably with them as occasion shall serve to employ them in the Court with honour and in such Offices which have more credit than power not to give them the Authority of a great province of any strong places or the command of an Army at least for no long time without a faithful Livetenant who by his credit with the Souldiers may hinder them from abusing their power If but a little be added to the greatness of their birth they become too potent and assume too great authority The desire of Command which their birth hath given them doth blind their minds when they find themselves with their Swords in their hands Command saith Titus Livy takes off from the Loyalty of the nearest relations and makes their Counsels prejudicial to the publique good Artaxerxes had no sooner caused his son to be chosen King but he was in danger of being killed by him So Selimus being made partner of the Government by his father Bajazet slew him that he alone might have the sole command And Don Charles would have had done as much to his Father Philip King of Spain not being able to stay until his natural death should make way for his commâ—â—g to the Crown Hardly an Age passeth but some examples of this kind have appeared which have made it evident that great power in the Princes Royal is incompatible with the Publique Quiet or the safety of a Soveraign The King after his Recovery comes to Rochel to beat the English out of Ree THE first succours which had been sent to Ree had been to little purpose if the â—ing had not come in person and sent over an Army to drive out the English It was an enterprise ful of hazard to expose all the Forces which his Majesty had on foot at Poictou to the mercy of the Sea to dis-garrison all the Ports of the Main Land to relieve a Fort half lost and to land in an Island in sight of a potent Army seeing especially that in so doing Rochel would be in some sort left as a prey to strangers However necessity perswaded to wink at all hazards it was impossible to overcome them but in the Kings presence at whose sight there is not any difficulty which the courage of the French would not surmount His Majesty having recovered his health forthwith resolved to depart from Paris He forgot not before his departure to provide for the safety of those Provinces from whence he departed to which end he sent the Duke d' Elboeuf to the coasts of Picardy and the Duke de Longueville to those of Normandy with Forces and power to oppose the English if they should make any incursion there about He sent other Commissions to diverse Lords to raise new Troops and to hasten them away with the first toward Poictou He dispatched the Duke de Guise to command the Fleet part of which was already drawn together He accepted of the offer made by Don Diego de Mâ—xie from the King of Spain of a Fleet to serve him against the English but the truth was with design rather to hinder the Spaniards from assisting his Enemies under hand than for any great help he expected from it In fine he gave power to the Queen Mother to govern during his absence the Provinces in and about Paris and then he set forwards toward Rochel that he might be there with the first The news of his departure did much encourage the besieged as also the Army which lay in expectation of him before Rochel They were all on fire to be at it with their Enemies His Majesty knew with what earnest desire they expected him so he would not make any stay in his journey onely at Saumer where is the Church
very unsafe for the Publique affairs to advance persons of this temper into high employments Ambition is commendable and deserveth to be cherished when it excites generous Courages to great Actions for the getting of Glory but that which leadeth men to obtain the highest dignities by all nay by any means whatever is as much to be discommended in it self as it is pernitious to the publique good They who are once over-powered by this passion think on nothing but how to advance their Fortunes they are not concerned at any mishaps in the publique provided they obtain what they aime at in their particular affairs what care they to put the State into disorder and trouble if they encrease their own power by it There is not any one person in the whole Kingdome how advantageous or useful soever he be to the General and Publique good whose ruine they will not procure if they apprehend his downful may serve for a Foot-stool to their own advancement The more power they have the more dangerous they are for an accesse of Authority addeth fuel to their fire They care not though to whole world perish so they may but arrive to that pitch which they propose to themselves If any obstacle encounter them Oh! they are all in fury against him whom they suspect to have occasioned it and if they see their fall inevitable it is their proud pleasure to see all fall with them Princes not necessitated by other considerations take a good Course when they bestow honours on them whom they know to be more faithfol to the State then Passionate for their own particulars and on such who study not so much to grow great as to obtain that glory which doth inseperably attend on vertue The King after the taking of Privas prosecuteth his Victory into Languedoc and gains great advantages by it THE siege of Privas being ended his Majesty designed to advance into Languedoc and to visit some other of the Hugonot Towns Those whom he could not reclaim by fair means he resolved to do by force He had already commanded the Chiefest of them to be forraged which had been done accordingly as Montauban Castres Nismes and Millaut and the Marshal d'Estreè being gone to make the Forrage about Nismes had cut off a good party of their Forces who sallied out to hinder him The King no sooner advanced but the Towns of Gorce Vallon Vaguas Sainct Ambroyse and many other of the Sevennes returned to their obedience So without loosing more time he wenâ— before Alâ—ts which he besieged The Duke of Rohan had used his utmost art to perswade the Towns-men to be courageous and had sent them Souldiers there being only two hundred in the Town which was very strong by scituation and Art but as ill luck would have it for those whom he sent it was their mis-fortune to be most of them cut off before they got to the Town which was thus They attempted in the obscurity of a very dark night to break through the Kings Army they had wounded the first Sentinel but the second discharging at them gave the Aâ—larum and the Cardinal who never sleeps but when all is safe came thither in a moment at the head of two hundred Horse and charged them so resolutely that the darkness of the night and the lightness of their own heels was their best security some were however taken and put to death This defeat of their succours and the sad example of Privas wrought upon them in the Town so that they resolved to yeild and accordingly they sent to begg his Majesties pardon which was granted with liberty for the Garrison to withdraw where they pleased This happy successe was of great advantage unto the Kings Forces and did so perplex the Duke of Rohan that he could not tell how to steer his course Some who were well affected unto his Majesties Interests gave notice of the trouble in what Monsieur de Rohan then was and the Cardinal who is sure never to loose any the least occasion of serving his Majesty found means so to work on him that he got him to submit unto his Majesties mercy he represented to him how rash he was in supporting this revolt That nothing but mis-fortune could arrive to him in particular by it for that his Majesty was fully resolved to cut the wings of heresie and Rebellion That he ought in reason to be satisfied with the excercise of his Religion as also those of his party and that returning to his duty he might in time hope to receive those honours which were due to his Birth The Duke hereupon went privately unto his Majesty promised in future to continue Loyal and protested to live in an exact obedience The King freely pardoned him on condition that he should spend some years out of the Kingdome Now he being the head of the party his repentance could not be so closely carried but that many began to perceive it and follow his steps Divers Deputies of the principal Hugonot Towns came in and did the like The rest being allarumed by the happy successe of his Majesties forces fearing to become Subjects of their fury and rage disposed themselves to accept of peace and made divers Proposals for a general accommodation which were brought unto the Cardinal but thought unworthy for the King to grant But the Duke of Rohan having made his accommodation though as yet not publickly known perswaded his Majesty to give him leave to call a general Assembly of the Deputies then at Nisms to be kept at Anduze which was approved and being there met the Duke so dealt with them that they were a little more reasonable in their demands then formerly The Cardinal observing his time so wrought with them though of a fiery harsh and stubborn nature that what by his presence and discourse he at last overcame them insomuch that they relied on his onely word which was that they should have the free exercise of their Religion and enjoyment of their goods Whereupon they resolved to beg his Majesties pardon and to submit themselves to his will and pleasure withall they were contented that their Fortification should be demolished according as his Majesty â—hould command to take off all occasions of any future revolts and to give Hostages for the performance of their promises The King pardoned them and Proclamation was made of the favour his Majesty had granted them which was to the great joy of his Subjects in general and particularly to the satisfaction of the Hugonots themselves Politique Observation THere is no better way to prevent Civil Wars then by disabling those who are discontented from fomenting a party or at least to make sure of their Loyalties And when once a Revolt is on foot no surer way to dissipate it then by winning those who are the Leading men amongst them There ought to be great care had that such men grow not great in the State or if they be already then ought they to be tied
Queen Mother too her self presented a Request unto the Parliament against him But when they perceived all their attempts were vain either as to the ruining of him in his Majesties good opinion or for the advancing of the Army which they had already contrived in their conceptions then their Anger turned into Fury and they resolved not to leave any thing unsaid which might bring his Reputation into dis-esteem They verily perswaded themselves that at last some Neighbour Prince would assist them with an Army to maintain their Quarrel or that they might raâ—e so great a hatred against him in the peoples minds as they would rise and take up Arms so to force his Majesty to sacrifice him unto their Fury Indeed I should have concluded him very unfortunate had his glory depended upon their testimonies and if the honour which he hath merited by laying out so much of his health by drying up his blood by watching day and night over the Affairs of State by giving up his Freedom his very soul his words his writings and all his time unto his Kings service and for the good of France by doing things even above admiration it self should need their approbation But as the reward of Vertue is extracted from Vertue it self and as there are no Theaters where great mens actions appear with more pomp then in the testimony of their own proper Conscience whereby Noble deeds glance out rayes of honour like the beams of the Sun so it was happy for him that they chose this time to calumniate him when he had newly accomplished such glorious actions for his Majesties service as cannot easily be described in History He needed not have desired as that Ancient did to have a house so built that all the world might behold him seeing the glory of his actions was of so great advantage unto all Europe that every one was taken up in contemplation of him with admiration I may safely add that the malice wherewith they bely'd his most just and sincere proceedings did render all their accusations suspected And who knows not without more ado that the usual course with them who would embroyl a State is to fall foul upon the Ministers of Government Politique Observation IT is commonly seen that good services are rewarded with calumny Envie is one cause of this injustice her eyes being offended with the splendour of any noble actions just as the Sun dazleth and decayeth eyes already sore and weak It is a passion which in some sort runs counter with Gods goodness which draws good out of evil whereas this takes occasion to injure and would great persons even from those very actions which makes them most conspicuous the same relation which the shadow hath to the Body such hath envie with vertue And as the highest mountains cast the greatest shadows so the greatest persons are most exposed unto envie and calumny Private Interest is another cause and to say the Truth is the first and chief for that it begets envie All they who by their ambition pretend to have some part in the Government do fancie unto themselves that Fortune hath cast them so much the further from it as it hath raised up them who now possess it Now as for those who do not pretend unto so much but do yet aspire unto some higher quality then that in which they are at present they suppose they have reason enough to complain of the Governours of State when that which they expect is not cast upon them the discontent which hereupon they conceive is not unlike those false Prospectives which represent things and objects unto the view which neither are nor ever were and thus indeed their judgment being overswayed by Passion becomes so depraved that they apprehend things in their conduct far different from what they really are I might add Ignorance amongst the causes which produce ill reports against Ministers there is nothing but the out-side of their actions to be seen their intents and designs are secret and unknown at least of such as have any conduct neither do they ever disclose their drift and main end whereby they may not give the enemies of the State opportunity to prevent their being effected Which being so it cannot be denied but that the small knowledge of their actions giveth their enemy a great advantage to exclaim upon them They seldom have any thing to object against them but what seems to be defective and they disguise things so artificially that they make white pass for black lies for currant truth being very wary that it fal not into their consideration how they have extraordinary intelligences which ought not nay which cannot be dived into by vulgar judgements But above all the rest they are assaulted by slanders when-ever the Grandees of a State are bent upon mischief they dare not openly to complain of their King lest they should too much discover themselves and lest their rayling might pull down some vengeance upon them which might prevent them from effecting their intentions but they addresse themselves to throw dirt in the face of the chief Ministers although in effect they strike at their Kings Withall they are commonly troubled at the ill-government of the State they distaste the power and honour which the King confers upon them and complain of the charge which is imposed on the people These are the subjects of all the Manifests which were ever made to provoke the people to rebellion If we but look back on the Passages our own times or those before us we shall alwayes find that Factious persons have been alwaies discontented with the Ministers of State and against them have they ever made use of reviling slanders as a most certain torch to set the whole Kingdom in a Flame Examples hereof are so frequent that we need not stay to recite them Besides it may be found in all History that when by the Prudent Conduct of any Ministers they have been reduced to a disability of being further troublesome to the State by War and open Force yet have they still persisted to disgorge the fury and rage which possessed them upon their papers fraught with poison and lies Aspersions charged on the King refuted IT was indeed somewhat strange that these Libellers should attempt to defame a man whom the ablest wits have recommended to be of as great a Soul as any these many Ages But it is incredible that their malice should strike at the Kings own person endeavouring to represent him as uncapable of Government I could willingly complain of all French men who seeing such indignities done unto their Soveraign whom after so many years they had reason to know for the most Just most Valiant most Generous most Prudent and most Mercifull Prince that ever swayed the Scepter of France did not take up their Arms to punish those Libellers in other Countries but that they may not undertake any War without his Majesties permission What reason could be alledged that he should passe
served to set off with advantage the wonders of his Conduct and he hath ever dispelled from us all those Tempests of Mis-fortunes which have threatned France He hath the Honour to be Son to a Father to whom a thousand ill strious acts have acquired the quality of Great And I think it may be said with truth if Fortune dâ—id set limits to Philips Conquests that there might be some subjects for his Son Alexander to shew his courage on Heaven did also set bounds to the glory of that grand Prince in suppressing civil wars that our Lews the Just might have occasion to triumph over Heresie and curb in the Ambition of the house of Austria In prosecution of these two designs he began to overcome as soon as ever he knew how to mount on Horse-back That he replanted the Standard of the Cross in Bearn that he disarmed Heresie over all the Kingdom that he hath so often made the Spaniard and King of Hungary to let go their Holds and that he forced them to relinquish the design which they had so long projected of universal Monarchy Heaven seems to have made a Bargain with him that he should overthrow whatever resisted him that his actions should be as so many miracles and that his reign should be full as happy in the obedience and love of his Subjects as illustrious by his victories and triumphs Which being so how can we pass by so many glorious Actions without publishing his Wisdome and Generosity were not that not onely to deny to his Valour the praise it justly vindicates but even to deprive Posterity of an example whereby it might learn what no books of Policy can teach It is not fit to publish the secrets of a Prince but it is just to declare his vertues And if the first be forbid by the Laws of Secrecy the acknowledgement which is due to their merit and the zeal of the Publick good obligeth us to the secoâ—d This is the principal reason which hath invited me to publish the glory of his reign and I would condemn my Pen to perpetual silence if it had been mute on this occasion so necessary will it be to those who shall govern France in future Ages to follow those footsteps which he hath left behind him I confess I am not able to find words equal to the greatness of his Actions but I had rather want words then acknowledgements for my King and affection for my Country but I shall nevertheless hope to acquit my self so much the more fortunately as the heroick Actions of great Princes have often rendred those eloquent who have undertook to write them A Prince who would signalize himself by an extraordinary conduct ought to chuse Ministers who are sufficiently able to assist him with their counsels and to put them in execution For the better choosing of whom I think it convenient to observe with T. Livy that there are three sorts of them The first Eminent who are able to govern all by their own discretions and who have a Prudence vigorous enough to advise of themselves whatsoever is necessary for Government without being beholding to others who see all penetrate into all judge of all and whose Genius is strong enough to bear up the weight of the greatest affairs The second may be called Indifferent who have not sufficiency enough to judge of all things or to execute them but have a good capacity to apprehend the judgements of others in their Counsel and so to govern affairs by their directions that they are often times successefull in the greatest enterprizes The third and last have so little Judgement that they are neither able to manage affairs by their own or the advices of others whence it happens that they are apt to commit very deplorable faults and to put all things into Confusion Of the first rank ought a Prince to choose his ministers if he would design any great attempts or carry them on to a good success If he himself too be of this number they will bring wonders to passe if he be not he hath so much the more need to have persons of this temper neer him For God who hath naturally subjected little things to great seems to have given Letters Pattents to eminent spirits to govern if not by their Authority at least by their Counsels the rest of Mankind It is a dangerous fault to choose Ministers at a venture and for that reason Aristotle blamed the Athenians who chused their Magistrates by Lot it being absolutely necessary to elect them by Prudence and still to prefer the most capable The Proverb saith Ex quolibet ligno non fit Mercurius a Sowes Ear wil not make a Silk-Purse and true it is that not all are proper for all affairs Men must be fitted to their Commissions least they not having abilities proportionable do not onely ruine the most glorious designs but withall make them end in great mis-fortunes If men have never atchieved any thing greater then States and Empires surely they cannot do any thing more glorious then to govern them well and since Causes ought to be proportioned to effects it is necessary to imploy great Persons in great places That sight which should pierce into the remotest Objects should be the sharpest That Arm which should throw furthest ought to be strongest that light which should shine in many places ought to be liveliest and generally all causes which should have most force in their operation should have most vigour in then power Which being so ought not the understanding of a Minister to be quicker then that of others seeing be is to dive into truths His Memory ought it not to be stronger seeing it ought to preserve more Species ought not his Soul to be more capable seeing it ought to be more Universal ought not his Wisdome to be greater since he must comprehend more reason and ought not his Prudence to be more perspicacious seeing he is obliged to provide for the greatest and most important affairs An ordinary capacity of mind is sufficient for the guiding of a private life but he who hath the charge of governing a State ought to surpass all others in the strength of his Genius God who is the first reason and mover of Nature may be his example in this kind and of necessity who so doth serve next under him in the Administration of a Kingdome ought to be indued with a more vigorous wisdome then others that he may be as the understanding Soul in a civil Society and a guider of all others motions by his own Councels Not to follow this rule were to put all into confusion and disorder and one of the greatest vanities which is under the Sun saith the Spirit of God in the Scriptures is To place Fools upon the Tribunal and to leave Wise men standing upon the ground It were to set a Sailor to the Helm and the Pilot to the Oar it were to commit the guidance of the Primum mobile to the
That History records above twenty Alliances between France England and Scotland That it would be easie to assure her Ladyship the exercise of her Religion considering what had been granted to the Spaniard That great Princesses are in this particular in a worse condition than Ladies of a meaner Quality by reason half an Age hardly produceth a Match correspondent to their Birth so that having once lost their opportunities they live to see the Harvest of their Beauties reaped by years without ever marrying whereupon it was resolved to see what particular Proposals would be made this result was signified to the Earl of Holland who assured them that the King his Master would receive it with much joy yet deferring to enter into any further Treaty untill he had received particular instructions from his Majesty Who upon the receiving of that news dispatched with all diligence the Earl of Carlisle with full power to conclude the Match The Earl of Holland went to Amiers to meet him that they might confer together what they had to do and afterwards being come near to Campeign the King hearing of it commanded the Duke of Cheuruse to go receive them with twelve Coaches full of Nobility and withall to entertain them magnificently and defray their charges during their abode at Court The day after their arrival they had Audience given them and the Proposals which they made appeared so reasonable that the King presently judging that they might easily be resolved appointed Commissioners to treat with them The Cardinal was at that time newly advanced to the Administration but he made it apparent that he was not a Novice in the management of it for the King desiring his opinion of this Treaty he not onely added many other reasons to those alledged in the first consultation but moreover suggested to his Majesty such judicious means to carry on the business that he could not enough admire his Prudence Amongst other reasons of the commodiousness of this Match hee represented to him that England once leagued with France by this Alliance there was hopes that they would joyn their Forces to assist the German Princes since it was yet more for the Interest of England then France to re-establish them which being so their powers would not onely ballance those of the house of Austria but overpoize them too with never so little assistance from those Princes That the happy successe which would follow would adde as much Glory to his Crown and State as discredit and confusion to his enemies Moreover that it being very expedient to curb the Insolencies of the Hugonots this marriage would be of great use as well because it would with-hold the King of Great Brittain from assisting them as also because it might be a means to procure shipping from him for the reducing of Rochel in short That there was great hopes to beleeve the Princess might much advance the Catholick Religion in England if as there was no doubt she were beloved by the King and the Prince her Husband So that of all sides there was nothing Prognosticated but great happinesse judging it requisite to use addresse and prudence for the speedy effecting of it The King did very wel relish the Consideration and thereupon commanding him to have a particular eye upon the Treaty his judgement which presently penetrates into affairs and quickneth expeditions did negotiate it with so ready a Conduct that he shortly brought it to such a passe that it might receive a Conclusion and that which I finde in it most to be admired is That the success hath shewed he was not mistaken in his conjecture England also did forthwith joyn with France to give means to Mansfield to enter with a puissant Army into Germany that he might attempt the re-establishment of the Palatine and the year following the King of Great Brittain sent ships to the King which helped him to gain a glorious Naval victory against those of Rochel The same effects had assuredly continued without the Intregues of Madam de Cheuruse without the ill conduct of some who accompanied the Princess and without the death of King James For his Majesty from that time shewed himself so affectionate to France that one day he openly said before divers Lords of the Court that the King had gained more upon him then any of his Predecessors and that he would not onely imploy his Subjects lives but his own too in defence of his interests and to oppose the Rebels who should attempt any Insurrections in France and lesse could not be expected from the Princess in the behalf of Religion if death had not prevented that Monarch from seeing the marriage consummated for the Passion which he had already in her behalf though he had never seen her was so sensible that he was heard say with a great deal of tenderness which was taken notice of amongst other discourse of the same nature That he would quarrel with her because she would not read his Letter nor that of the Prince his son without leave from the Queen her Mother but withall that he was much bound to her because after she had read them she laid his under her Pillow but his sons in her Bosome to shew that she did rely upon him and lodge his son in her heart Politick Observation ALliances with strangers by Marriages have passed amongst others for the Principal means which are thought proper to augment the Peace and Power of a Kingdome By them it is that we oâ—ten see those great fires of War which consumed them extinguished and the sweetness of a happy Peace restored to the people Thus Hugh the Earl of Câ—aâ—lins son by his Marriage with Alice Inheritrix of the Earldome of Bourgogn restored peace to both who had along time groaned under the miseries of War Thus those great enemies which exasperated the houses of Bourgogn and Orlâ—ance were allayed for some time by the Marriage of Philip Count de Vertus second son to the Duke of Orleance who had been slain by the Duke of Burgogn with Katharine of Burgogn And to re-inforce this truth with ancient examples Thus Argas King of Cyrene promised to bestow his onely daughter Beonice upon the son of his Brother Ptolomei whereby to obliterate the memory and resentment of the hatred which had been between them But Peace is not the onely benefit recorded to attend Marriages For how often have Princes inlarged theiâ— bounds by that means Who knows not that the House of Austria had not been thus Potent but by Alliances and that the marriage of Hetiâ—gis Inheritrix of Vltrich Burg Longravat and Alsace with Albertus sirnamed the Sage of Elizabeth Inheritrix of Austria Carintia Tyrol and Goricie with the Emperour Albertus the first of Jane Inheritrix of Castile Arragon Sâ—ciliâ— and Naples with Philip Arch-Duke of Austria of Anne Inheritrix of Hungaria and Bohemia with the Emperour Ferdinand the first brother to Charles the Fifth have been the true Rise of its Grandure which was inconsiderable
at that time they had no other honour but that of being issued from the County of Abspurg in Switzerland Besides Princes allyed by marriage commonly joyning their Forces together do not a little help to defend one another upon an occasion and even to favour those enterprizes which either of them shal make to increase their power Lewis the second well knew how to break off the Match between Charles Duke of Burgogn with Margaret daughter to Richard Duke of York and Sister to Edward King of Enâ—lâ—nd which would have joyned the English Forces with those of Bâ—rgogn by demanding that Princess for Charles his brother though he had no intention to marry him to her he being too too prudent to match a Brother so inclinable to Rebellion with an enemy so Potent as she was It is true if the Aliance of France with England was then thought to be disadvantagious to the good of France yet now that which may be concluded on with them is of so much the greater concernment because having nothing more to do then to ballance the house of Austria it could not gain a greater advantage in relation to that design then by this means for this being one of the powerfullest Kingdomes in Europe will turn the scales to that of the two Crowns with which it shall bee joyned in Alliance France cannot hope that England would upon any consideration of marriage whatsoever relinquish their own particular interests seeing Soveraigns have nothing which is dearer to them but it will have good reason to beleeve that it will never invade us unless provoked by honour or some great Consideration and on the contrary that they would assist us with a good will in such enterprizes where they could receive nothing but Glory After all Fâ—ance will have this benefit to hinder their being leagued with our enemies who joyned with them might much damage us and it is advantage enough to avoid those mischiefs which would follow if it were left undone and by that means to prevent the uniting of our enemies with them The Cardinal knew That that Minister who hath a care of the Church interest draws down a thousand blessings from Heaven upon the State Accordingly he did particularly imploy himself to get as much liberty as possibly he could in England The Earles of Carlisle and Holland came with confidence that there could not be any great strictness used in that particular but imagined as their Master did that the diversity of Religion which was in France would induce them not to be too earnest only of an Assurance that the Princess and those of her retinue should have free liberty to exercise that Religion whereof they made profession but the Cardinal quickly told them That the King his Master being more obliged by divers Considerations to procure greater advantages to the Church then the Spaniard they ought not to hope that he would be satisfied with less then they He represented to them that his Majesty being the eldest son of the Church and bearing the Title of the most Christian King would be much blamed if he proceeded upon other terms besides that this Alliance could not be concluded without the consent of the head of the Church That it would be ill received at Rome if it should be proposed there with conditions less favourabâ—e to the Catholicks then those which were granted to the Spaniards To which for the present the Embassadors replied That the King their Master had not procured the Parliaments consent for this Alliance with France and breaking off that with Spain but in consideration that they would not have been so strict in requiring so many favours in behalf of the Catholicks and withal that it was held there as a fundamental Law not to grant them any freedomes by reason of many great inconveniences which would in time happen to their State The Cardinal was not wanting to reply that he was well informed neither the King or Parliament were induced to break with the Spaniards untill they were convinced that their Treaty was onely feigned and that they had other designs then of giving the Infanta to the Prince of Wales and as for what related to the Peace of the State he answered that the liberty which was granted to the Catholicks could not trouble it seeing experience hath evidenced it on a thousand occasions that there is not any thing which doth more stir up People to Commotions then the restraint which is imposed upon the exercise of religion That that is it which incites people to shake off the yoke of their obedience and that never any thing but mis-fortunes have followed that Prince who would force men in that beleef which they had a long time imbraced That in truth Religion might by fire and sword be destroyed and rooted out before it be fully setled in the soul but after that it will be so far from being changeable by force that rather on the contrary violence will but ferment and fix it so much the more because those things are more difficult then the care which ought to be had for their conservation That in effect this Maxime was verified in France where the liberty which was granted to the Hugonots by the Edict of Peace had converted a far greater number then all the rigours of punishment and war These reasons were so strong that the English Embassadours found themselves unable to answer any thing against it But it was not sufficient to perswade them the King of Great Brittains consent was needfull It cannot be denied but there were great hopes of obtaining it considering his particular inclination he himself being well disposed to be converted and that he was also satisfied in Conscience concerning the principal difficulties in the Catholick Beleef and had permitted the Arch-Bishop of Ambrun sent at his intreaty by the King to sound him upon some other points to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation to above twenty thousand Catholicks in London indeed it was apprehended a little hazardous lest the Parliament should not consent to it they having a great power in the resolution of affairs This difficulty induced the King after the Cardinal had informed him of it to send the Marquess de Effiat into England in the quality of an extraordinary Embassadour to negotiate all the affairs which related to the marriage In his instructions were particular orders to indeavour to perswade his Majesty of Great Brittain to like well of those reasons which the Cardinal had imparted to his Embassadour and moreover to tell him in particular that considering the Parliament was composed of Protestants and Puritans he ought to suspect them on this occasion that himself being party against them there was no apparence of any reason to delay that which concerned the Catholicks Interest Moreover that it was dangerous for a Soveraign to use violence towards his subjects in matter of Religion seeing that it teacheth to despise life and who so despiseth his own life is master of
have the reputation of an extraordinary Honesty especially to the transacting of such things which notwithstanding their innate Justice may provoke any evil spirits For though the most upright regulate their Judgements by some Principles which serve them as a Law in the Government of a State yet the most part ghuessing onely by their own senses and apprehensions judge of the Affairs by the Persons who conduct them Opinion guides the whole world and sets a price upon virtue it self and the reputation alone of him who negotiates may cause his designs to passe under the notion of good and lawful If the Foxes good counsel be once suspected by a man he will be hardly perswaded that a Person replenished with all the ornaments of a singular integrity will engage himself in unjust designs The repute of such a person sets a value and a price upon his words and actions and the opinion which is conceived of him is so absolute an Empire that there is no Appeal from his Judgement It is an ancient saying Truth is the strongest thing in the world But however if once Opinion hath fixed her Throne in the mindes of the people Truth will have somewhat to doe to disappoint her The prescriptions of a Physitian who is in esteem doe even passe for good And the Acts of a person who hath the credit of a sublime Virtue cannot be found fault withall The wiseft of the Pagans were not ignorant hereof but made great advantages by it as occasion offered it self Scipio the African would sometimes be a long while together all alone in the Capitol pretending he did conferr with Jupiter concerning the affairs of the Commonwealth and all this he did that he might be thought to be endued with a more than humane Piety Minos the Law-giver of Candia went down to make Laws into a subterranean Cave which he called Jupiters Grot and thence brought them all written perswading the people to believe that they were inspired into him by that Divinity And this was an easie way to perswade the people to whatsoever they had a mind to God himself hath thought it very proper too when he would bring any great thing to passe for he hath chosen usually such men who by their eminent virtue are able to make all people believe that whatsoever they declare could not be but truth He hath commanded the Prophets and Apostles to publish such sayings as would jarr and clash with the senses of most men and yet he hath replenished them in respect of his choice with the many graces that it were almost impossible for the most part not to believe them The deputation of the Sieur de la Ville-aux-clercs to the King of England in the qualitie of an Extraordinary Ambassador AFter the King had payed this respect to the Pope and that the Articles of Mariage had been coucluded upon the twentieth of November His Majestie cast his eys upon the Sieur de la Ville-aux-clerâ—s one of his Councellors and Secretary of State to dispatch him into England as an Extraordinary Ambassador He gave him particular order to testifie unto the King of Great Britain and the Prince of Wales the great affection which he had to live with them in a strait and near intelligence and to assure them that one of the chiefest reasons which drew him to agree to the Mariage was the consideration that as one link of their Friendship was tyed by Blood this would render it indissolvable After these Complements were once past he commanded him to procure the Articles of Mariage to be ratified and to obtain their Oaths and Promises by Writing according to what the Ambassadors had engaged their words He discharged himself with honour both to the one and t'other Commission and having several times entertained them with the Content that his Master would conceive by their Alliance he at last concluded with such dexteritie that he had instilled into them all sorts of good will and affection for France and in particular for his Majesties Interests and so invited them to a quick consummation of the Treatie that the sudden chances which usually happen to affairs of this consequence might not breed any alteration or change This was the ground-work upon which he founded his demands for their Instruments and Oaths which had been promised and which both of them were readily disposed to effect and accordingly they promised upon the Holy Evangelist not to attempt by any wayes or means to induce the Princesse to change the Roman Catholique Apostolique Religion or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it They likewise promised upon their Faith and words of Princes to grant to the Catholiques more Liberties and Franchises in every thing which concern'd their Religion than had been given in favour of the Match with Spain not to force them to take Oaths contrary to the Rules of the Roman Church and to take effectual care that they were no more troubled in their Persons or Estates for their Religion provided they exercised it in private and lived in obedience as good Subjects ought to doe and finally both of them signed and delivered two Deeds for the better assurance of their Oaths and Promises After all this his Instructions did not oblige him to be contented with words onely as to that which concern'd the Libertie of the Catholiques so that he proceeded with great earnestness to obtain the effects of it and he was assured that upon the conclusion of the Mariage there should be a Patent of Enlargement granted to all such as were Prisoners for their Religion-sake without being any more troubled for the future and for what related to all in general there was a Deed made under his Majesties own Hand and Seal directed to the Lord Conway Secretary of State commanding him to signifie to all whom it concern'd that it was his Majesties pleasure no farther prosecution should be made against them and accordingly the Lord Conway gave notice hereof to the Chancellor Treasurer to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York and to all other chief Officers principally requiring the Grand Treasurer to restore unto them all the monies which had been forced from them and payd into the Exchequer with order not to do the like hereafter and thus by obtaining their Promises Words and Assurances they had as much security as they could wish for could they but be contented to exercise their Religion in private and without noyse Politique Observation THe word of a King hath alwayes pass'd for so sacred that ours have sometimes scrupel'd at the confirmation by Oath of what they once gave upon their words It was for that reason Saint Lewis would not swear in his own person to the League then made with Henry the third King of England at the Camp neer St. Aubin Anno 1231. but desired it might suffice if he caused it to be sworn in his name and presence by the Prior of St. Martin the fields Indeed there being nothing
more inviolable than the word of a Prince it were an offence to doubt of his fidelity or to desire his ratification by Oath The Genius of a Prince was heretofore held in such veneration that another swore for him now to desire that he himself should swear were to decline that respect which is due unto him However the Infidelity of some hath made it a custom that all should confirm their Treaties by Oath when they are of any great importance which Oath is the strictest tye which they can be bound in The Laws look upon it for so venerable that they never permit it to be broken what ever advantage happen by it Perjury is condemned as a double sin because it not onely violateth that Religion which is due to God who is invoked as a witness but also Faith which is the most sacred Bond of humane society Which Laws too do oblige Princes much more then other men to keep their Oaths because if they once forfeit their reputation of being faithfull they have not any thing left them which is considerable Christians ought to be most precise in this point if they would not be put to the blush at the many examples of Pagans and Infidels It is much to be lamented that most men make no difference between deceit and dissimulation that they make no bones of infringing their Oaths if they may but get any thing by it they do much rather incline to follow the opinion of Marius though discommended by all the Sages of Antiquity who thought the Art of well-lying a great piece of vertue and that it was an Index of a good Wit then that of the Common-wealth of Rome which was so religiously faithfull for their words that Ptolomey King of Egypt left his young son their tuition and protection without the least apprehension of suspition Neither was he deceived in his confidence for after they had administred his government with integrity as soon as he came of age they delivered up the Kingdome into his own hands The Renewing of the Alliance between his Majesty and the States of Holland AT the same time that the English Embassadours arrived at Compeign the Sieurs de Nortwijck de Paw d' Esten extraordinary Embassadours from the States of Hollaâ—d came likewise thither to desire his Majesties Assistance and the renewing of the ancient Alliance The League being ended and the enemies of their Liberties beginning to execute the designs which they had hatch'd for their ruine The King who hath never lesse inclination to assist his Allies then to keep his own People in obedience received them with all kind of favour and forthwith gave them great hopes of obtaining their desires His Majesty knew that their Protection was Honourable that there is nothing more glorious for a Soveraign then to shelter under his Power those who are oppressed that what Assistances he gives them are most assured signs of his greatnesse and generosity and withall that it was full of Justice The History of Holland had taught him that the Princes of Austria by their altering the Fundamental Laws and oppressing the publick Liberty of those Countries had thrown themselves out of that Power which they once had over them that the Hollander had reason sufficient for their Authority to shake off the yoke of their obedience by those Laws which are as ancient as the quality of the Earl of Holland An ancient saith that Power is full of equity which is imployed in defence of the weak and feeble and there is not any thing more just then to conserve to ones Allies those Liberties which belong to them time out of mind and by the Fundamental Laws of their Country This in particular was so much the more assuredly just for Princes who possesse a Country by Treaty with the People and upon Conditions cannot infringe them and not lose their Authority and especially if they break Covenants which doth absolutely discharge such Subjects from their obedience The Hollanders were acknowledged for Free and Soveraign People in the Treaty of the League made Anno 1609. by the Kings of Spain and Arch-Dukes of Flanders And in the same quality have the Kings of England Deâ—mark and Sweden the most part of the Hans Towns the Common-wealth of Venice and many Princes of Germany ever treated with them whence it appears a work of Justice to aid them in main taining their Franchises A work of Justice so much the more certain for that liberty hath been ever esteemed a just cause for a War every one concluding it more glorious to die then to live in servitude from which his Birth and the Priviledges of his country have exempted him Besides these important reasons the King was no lesse informed of the especial advantages which France might make by defending of them that it is above threeseore years together that they have obliged not onely this State but the most part of Europe to assist them to ballance the Power of Spain and so to find his Armies imployment in that Country that his designs elsewhere might be frustrated besides that it was now much more necessary in regard the Garisons were to be established in the Valtoline and it would concern the State to make him some diversions that might entertain his Armies elsewhere withall he found that if he did assist Holland with these succours it would ingage them to do as much for him when occasion should require it which was no inconsiderable thing as Henry the Great found by experience when he was by them assisted against those unjust oppositions which were formed by the League to thwart and cross him He himself too might fall into the same necessities seeing the prosperity of Kingdomes is like a Calm at Sea which as it is often over-blown with storms so that too is no less subject to interruption by civil or forraign Wars These reasons were indeed too too weighty to reject that people demands And his Majesty whose greatest pleasure consists in doing such things as might testifie both his Justice and Courage gave all sorts of Assurances to their Embassadours of a strong succour and thought good to make a Treaty for the renuing of the ancient Alliance His Majesty gave the Cardinal power to conclude on the Conditions with them and this great Minister who had not a little fortified his Majesty in that resolution having determined them concluded it in the moneth of June at Compeign by which he bound himself to deliver them by way of Loan three Millions and two hundred thousand Livers in three years On condition that they should re-imburse them three years after the War was ended That they should neither make Peace or League with any one what ever without his advice and interposition That if he had any occasion of Ships of War they should furnish him either for sale or hire at a reasonable Price That in case he himself were ingaged in any Wars they should repay him one half of the said
Cardinal could hardly have imagined how much it was to be wished that the Sieur de Marillac would have rebated some part of that unquiet and rebellious spirit of his which he manifested during those troubles in relation to that reservedness and moderation of which he was known to be master when he had no other Office but that of the Requests and Councellour of State which moderation of his gave good cause to hope that his riper Age had totally extinguished that sedicious fire which had almost consumed him in his younger days Politique Observation SEeing there must of necessity be limits and Bounds in that distrust which is had of persons chosen to serve in publique affairs as also that it is a great fault to trust every one and a greater to trust none or to remove a person from the Goverment whose reputation and conduct seems to ingage a Trust in him so on the contrary the confidence which a Minister hath of a person who hath the repute of a great vertue though peradventure there might have been some miscarriage in her former conduct is no slight testimonie of her owne integritie A depraved Nature can beleeve no one hardly himselfe whereas a vertuous oble disposition honoureth such as have the reputation of being fincere and Loyal with so much respect that there need no great labour to make them be credited I cannot more properly compare distrust to any thing then to those Poysons which Phisitians sometimes use in their Medicines which administred with discretion and by weight do cure the most dangerous sicknesses whereas given in a little excess they presently kilso doth distrust it is one of the best supports in a Ministers conduct if he useth it moderately and on the other side if too much made use of it causeth a thousand disasters both to the State and the Minister himself Hee who is too distrustful hath never any quiet hee never looketh on any thing but it disturbs him no one cometh neere him but hee suspecteth it is with some ill design if any one salute him with a little more then usual respect he presently fancieth such a one will cheat him and vertue it selfe passeth for Hippocrasie in his opinion And if by this means hee createth a Hell to himself his suspitions too are offensive to all who have any manner of conversation with him I passe by those inferiour persons who do oftentimes render great services to the State and yet being denied the liberty of presenting themselves do at last hate the chief Minister when they think themselves dis-respected On the contrary confidence puts the mind in great repose gaines affection from all the world induceth to imploy all such as are able to do service with Freedome and many times maketh enemies themselves to change their designs and to prosecute instead of persecuting his interests The Romans were not sullied with this diffidence for they never made any difficulty to re-place those again into their Offices whom they had formerly removed They recalled Camillus whom they had banished made him Dictator honoured him with the Consul-ship and General of the Army under Marcus Lâ—vius command whom they disgraced And the Emperour Augustus instead of punishing Lucius Cinna who whould have attempted upon his person had such confidence in him that he not onely did not distrust him but advanced him to the Consul-ship and by that manner of proceeding so won upon him that he was ever after very faithfull and very affectionate to all which concerned him Mens inclinations are not irrecoverable and they who have heretofore been incendiaries may turn to be faithfull servants Whence it comes that the Rule which ought to be followed in distrusting of men is that it be not with excesse not totally and absolutely to lay by and reject all who have been culpable of evil management but to examine the true cause of their disorder whether their fault were committed by inclination or accident if the occasion which induced them be removed or not and whether there be good ground to beleeve that their vertue hath been set right and amended after their bad disposition judging so much the more favourably of those who are reputed vertuous because the integrity of a Prince and his principal Minister of State is judged by the Qualities and Conditions of those Officers whom they imploy but withall still retaining a power to curb their evil conduct if they abuse that confidence which it had of them The Garde de Seaux d' Haligre is advanced to the charge of Chancellor of France by the death of Monsieur de Sillery FOrtune having made way by the disgrace of the Marquess de la Vieville for the advancement of these two Councellors of State death would also take its turn to shew its power giving occasion by the decease of Monsieur de Sillery to advance Monsieur Le garde de Seaux de Haligre to the charge of Chancellour of Franch This great man was laid a sleep in his Tomb after he had been known for one of the prime spirits of his time both in matters of his Counsel the Seal and his own particular importment whence it happened that the disgrace which befell him not long before by those bad Offices which the Marquess de la Vieville did him who was not able to indure that any mans discretion should over shadow him was but a Triumph to his vertue He was removed by the Artifices of that Minister to go spend the rest of his days at his house of Sillery that he might be eased of the trouble of the world He made known both to his confident friends who visited him and to such with whom he held an inter-course by Letters that this change wrought not upon his Constancy and that his disgrace did not at all alter the temper of his mind He told them that he had alwaies held it for a maxime to consider Accidents by their true cause which is the divine Providence and seeing that no man ought to repine at that which he is forced to suffer it were but reasonable to conform our wills to those orders which are established here upon earth that he was not ignorant how that huge multitude which follows those men who are in great places doth not follow so much their persons as their fortunes and that the solitude wherein he now was made him find it so by experience that he did not think he had the fewer friends in having so few Visitants that in fine he in-joyed a great liberty such a one as he had never tasted in his most honourable imployments that the sweetnesse which he found in it invited him to lament their condition who were still bound to such Slaveries And that lastly the preferred his disgrace before the highest dignty It was a middest such prudent meditations that he entertained himself near a whole year in great content from the Court untill at last death came to put a period to his days but
left his Glory and Reputation fresh and alive in the memories of all who knew him After his death his Majesty gave the Chancellorship to Monsieur de Halligre which was done by the Cardinals advice who would by no means divert his Majesty from raising of him unto this utmost pitch of Honour which was usually accorded unto such as were Treasurers at that time and upon such an occasion not that he was ignorant that his Age rendered his Mind somewhat too weak for the weight of such a charge for the well performance of which it was not enough barely to have acquired the Ornaments of a singular Honesty which was however very commendable But he could not resolve to dis-countenance him it being his first entrance upon the Administration and early dayes with him so that he rather aimed to supply the others defects by his own proper ingeny which was able enough to defend the State from suffering as to hinder him from his advancement withall he hoped that giving him often the honour of admitting him to be neer him he might form him by his Counsels and render him more capable and vigorous in the trans-acting of great Affairs He though too that his redoubled cares for some small time might be requited in future which invited him to take that trouble upon himself as also because he would not cast off a person whom he found Keeper of the Seal and in reputation of a Sublime virtue Politick Observation TO judge with certainty of the ability or insufficiency of a man for management of great affairs is a thing very difficult If it often happens that the most active souls do not well away with affairs of little concernment it is not lesse common to see some who make themselves be admired as in indifferent imployments who being raised to those of a little higher degree acquit themselves very badly To verifie which Vespasian being over-seer of the Scavangers before he came to the Empire committed so many mis-carriages that the Emperour commanded his cloaths to be daubed all over with filth and dirt but when Fortune had once raised him up to be Soveraign he soon made it evident that the evil conduct for which he was once blamed proceeded from nothing but to shew that he was not born for love and mean actions Men of great merit behave themselves so negligently in small low imployments that they give but a slender character of their abilities On the other side some have attained to a great reputation in the discharging of small affairs and in prosecution of time being advanced to those of greater weight have found their ruine and confusion in them Galba may serve for an example of it seeing before he was Emperour he shewed so much Prudence in the dispatching those affairs which were committed to him that every one conceived a very great esteem of him but being come to the Empire he soon lost it If any one demand a reason of it I suppose there is none but this that as there ought to be a proportion between Causes and Effects that they may operate within the Sphere of their power so men ought to be adopted to charges in imployments conformable to their capacities and sufficiencies for that mens minds have certain bounds prescribed to them within the limits of which they are able to acquit themselves with credit and applause but if you advance them above or depresse them below those Spheres they shew nothing but debilities and mis-carriages It was in this respect that Tacitus speaks of Poppeus Sabinus when he said that he was sufficiently capable of those imployments which were intrusted with him but not of any higher Titus Livy was not much out of the way too when speaking of the Dictatorship of Lucius Quintius Cicinnatus he said that he had a courage equal to his charge but not great enough to be General of the Army Now in this incertainty it should seem to relish somewhat of injustice peradventure too of imprudence in a Chiefe Minister to oppose the advancement of a man whom hee finds in imployment and in the reputation of an honest integrity It would relish as I said of Injustice because his integrity and conduct reduct represent him for deserving and of imprudence too because vertue having the property of pulling down a hatred upon those who oppresse it it will certainly gain him the dis-esteem and dis-affection of the people should he have hindred the t'others good fortune besides the noblest glory of a powerfull man consists in being able to hurt but at that same times to do most good to all men especially to those who are vertuous A man may easily be perswaded that a Minister is vertuous if he favours persons of merit and on the contrary that he hath none but wicked designs if he bring them into disgrace and of this he ought to take the greater consideration upon his first entrance into the Government because he hath then the fittest opportunity of gaining upon the Peoples affections Alexander knew of what concernment this particular was when as a certain Lord of his Retinue complained that he gave no estate to any but persons of great vertue he was answered by him that he courted vertue that she her self might pay him Homage over all the world Enquiries into the Misdemeanours of the Finances THE Sieur de Marillac being honoured with the Super-intendency of the Finances his unquiet spirit could not rest long time without giving some object to his violence the Finances he levelled at and soon set them into such confusion that they who behaved themselves in their charges with the greatest innocency knew not where to hide their heads It is true that it was so much the more important to the good of the State to represse those mis-demeanours of many who did openly squander away the Kings monies which are the Sinnews both of the State and War in that their ill management did necessitate the imposing of new Taxes upon the People in that they deprived particular men of such summs as the King had granted them not onely by way of gratification but sometimes of justice and in that these unjust dealings gave means to many amongst them to make vast expences a dangerous example to the publique Yet should hee have had for-born driving those enquiries to that height which he did and from infusing into the Kings Soul such a sharpnesse against them that they all past for criminals indifferently together in his Majesties opinion The order which was followed was this There was out of each Parliament one Councellour elected by them who was reputed of extraordinary integrity to be formed into a Court of Justice to them were joyned certain Masters of Requests and two Presidents of the Chamber of Accompts of Paris Leave was given to all Informers who would appear to give in their complaints against any Officer or his Deputy to the Procurator General and there was so exact an Inquisition made of all
their deportments that there was hardly one of them which did not run away to save themselves from the storm which was falling down upon them This Court continued from the end of October of this year untill May in the year following however it was with more threats then punishments there being onely one put to death and some few in Effigie Monsieur the Cardinal did for some time behold this Tempest not giving way to his Prudence to imploy that Benignity which is natural to him towards the moderating his Majesties just anger against them as well to testifie upon his first entrance into the Administration that it was not his intention to protect such Malefactors as also in regard it was necessary to terrifie and affright those who were culpable to the end they might for the future live with more Integrity and Justice But in the end seeing that the Principal Actors began to be touched to the quick with an apprehension either of loosing their Honours or their lives and to compare themselves in good earnest as much as could possibly be desired and withall to propose to his Majesty in behalf of their persons to establish such orders in the Treasuries that it should be impossible to divert any of the monies or to defraud any persons of such sums as his Majesty should order to be payed unto them he then became the Mediator of their Peace It is true it was not without making their Purses pay for what was past and setting up a better order for the future for he brought them to condiscend to give hit Majesty seven Millions of Livers and for the better keeping them in aw it was ordained that every ten years a Court of Justice should be set up to inquire into their Actions and he procured such order to be established in the Finances that it was impossible for them to relapse into their former errours The King was so exasperated against them that it was no little difficulty to perswade him to grant them that favour and grace which they begged for But hee knowing that the ways of reason are those by which his Majesty is to be regained he so followed them that he soon re-placed him in his usual moderateness of temper and representing to him that it was Clemency was that virtue which made Princes like unto the Divinity that it could not but be glorious to pardon those Officers how culpable soever that their offence was not more criminal then that of Rebellion in which the major part of the French had in several Wars heretofore been imbroyled that he would have so much the lesse reason ever to repent of the favour he should do them for that the late King his Father was highly praised for what he once said to Monsieur du Mayne after he had reduced him to his obedience viz. That the greatest pleasure he had in making a Peace was the pardoning of Rebels That the Laws of the Romans seemed to invite him to pardon seeing they had no other punishment then Banishment for Robbing of Publique Treasury That the end of a great Prince is rather to make his Officers good then to chastize them That it was enough thus to punish their Purses so that they might both remember it and suffer for it that Vespasian had given him a very commendable example when as he thought it more proper to preserve then destroy Treasuries in saying he esteemed them one of the strongest props of an Empire and that he looked upon them as a Meadow which is mowed at some time or other or as upon Spunges which are squeezed when a man would get any thing out of them These reasons were so unanswerable and made such an impression upon the Kings mind that following the instincts of his natural Bounty he resolved to pardon them Accordingly he Repealed the Chamber of Justice and accorded to them the favour which they desired and they established such Orders and Rules which have tied up those who were most wedded to their own interests to live very stayedly Politick Observation IT is no new thing to see the Publick Exchequer ill governed The Treasury was common amongst the Greeks as Polybius and Chirisophus in Zenophon witnesse the latter of which reproacheth them with it that there was hardly a man amongst them of any mark who might not be reproved for it Aristides general Treasurer of Athons manifested publickly that all those who had managed the Treasury of that Republick not onely in his time but before had robbed them of a good quantity not so much as excepting Themistocles Gylippus did divert a great part of those Riches which Lysander had hid by a Slaves means of his under the Tyles of his house When he sayd if one should look in such a place he might find good store of Owls meaning Gold and Silver upon which the Grecians stamped an Owl by reason of the Athenians which was accordingly sifted out and delivered into the hands of the Ephores who punished him very severely for it For the same fault amongst the Romans was Sylla accused by Consorinus who grounded his indictment upon this That he having but little wealth left by his Father insomuch that he was forced to lodge in a hired house and was now become excessively rich It would be easie to produce many of the like examples not but there have been in all ages honest upright men in whose hands the Publick Treasuries have been regulated with much fidelitie and who have not deserved lesse praise then Pericles of whom Thucydides reports that he had not increased by one onely dragm of Silver the Estate which his father left him notwithstanding the great imployments he had in the Treasuries But I can tell you there have been some Persons in the Ages last past who have made so little difficulty of diverting the Treasury that they have gloried in being made rich by it If this Crime then be so ancient the use of punishing them being once convict is as old the Grecian and Roman Laws assure us of it in the examples of Gylippus Lisander and many others but must he not needs be very imprudent who would not punish them at all seeing the defrauding of a Treaty is a Poyson which depriveth the State of the use of her Sinews and Muscles And lastly which decays its vigour that it is rendred uncapable of attempting any thing either great or glorious Vespasian as Suetonius saith inforced the Receivers of his Treasury to render an accompt of what they received from their fathers and to restore him the surplusage as if they had robbed him of it The Laws of France are more severe and they have been often executed against the greatest of the Kingdome amongst others Father de la Berche Engneraud de Marigny le Sieur de Giac Camus de Beaulieu were convicted of this Crime under King Philip Lewis his son and Charls the 8th and accordingly condemned to die for it Philip de Valois made an
Assembly very remarkable of the three States in which it was resolved to make the Treasurers render an accompt and to intrust the disposal of the Publick Money into the hands of the Ecclesiasticks and Noble Men who it was hoped would manage them with more Fidelity In fine a Commission was granted to the Abbots of Marmostier and Corby and they had joyned to them for Counsel four Bishops and four Knights Pierre des Essars Treasurer of France was then clapt up in Prison and severall Financiers condemned to pay great Fines The Affairs of the Valtoline AFter the declaring what Empires Death and Fortune exercised during this year in the State the prosecution of Affairs ingageth me to inform you of what passed in the businesse of the Valtoline but that I may write it with more perspicuity I think it necessary to take the rise of this Affair and to observe to you that the Valtoline is a Country scituated at the foot of the Alps not unlike a great Ditch separated by the high Mountains from the Grisons and those which are on the Coast of Italy It is not of very large extent not being above twenty leagues in length and one in breadth but is very fertile and of great importance serving as a Gate to the Spaniards and Venetians to bring Forces out of Germany into Italy as well to defend as to increase their States The Venetians were not ignorant of it when they were imbroyled with Pope Paul the fifth Anno 1603. they made a League with the Grisons who are natural Lords of it to have free passage through it as their occasions should require though France had the onely Power to dispose of it according to the Treaty made with them by Lewis the 12th and renewed by Henry the Great Anno 1602. during the time of his own life the life of the present King and eight years after his decease Which Alliance with them gives great offence to the Spaniards which caused them to make another League with the Grisons to whom the same Passages were assured for the safeguard of Milan However after a long Treaty made in the year 1631. these two new Alliances were turned topsie turvey and that of France re-setled it is true it was not for any long time because the Venetians having been at variance with the Arch-Duke Ferdinand and the house of Austria sent Secretary Patavin to the Grisons who contracted another league with them which made the Spaniards re-assume those former intelligences of theirs insomuch that there were two parties formed amongst them that of Plauta for the Spaniards and that of Deslia for the Venetians which kindled such a fire as could not be extinguished to this present day The difference was such that from the year 1617 to the year 1621. there were nine insurrections among them in which sometimes one party sometimes another had the better of it At last the Valtolines annoyed by the Injustices and Extorsions which the Protestant Grisons used over them and otherwhiles pretending that they would abolish the Catholick Religion from amongst them they made a general revolt and at the perswasion of the Governour of Milan massacred all the Protestants they met with In July 1620 the Grisons could easily have chastised them for this cruell act whereas they to secure themselves from the revenge which they expected had recourse to the Governour of Milan who glad at heart to make an advantage in this occasion was not backward in sending them souldiers and building them Forts in their Valley The King being then ingaged in re-taking those Towns which the Hugonots had gotten into their possession could not succour the Grisons with his Armies but however he sent the Marshal de Bassompiere extraordinary Ambassadour into Spain to require and in his name to demand that the Valtoline might be restored and all things re-placed into their former state and condition The Marshal took extraordinary paines to procure it and at last obtained it and accordingly it was signed at a Treaty in Madrid in May 1621. on condition that certain great Liberties might be accorded to the Catholiques there and with a Proviso that the Cantons of the Swisses and the Valtolines should incline the Grisons to consent to what had been agreed upon But the Spaniards proceeding with little Faith to execute the Treaty procured the Catholique Cantons by their mony to deny their consents which one thing being deficient they would put off the whole execution of the Treaty and moreover made one at Milan with the Deputies of the Grisons and two others with the same Grisons and the Archduke Leopold by which they got great advantages in those Countries and so kept to themselves the power of passing any Forces thorough that Country This Procedure made the Duke of Savoy very jealous as also the Princes of Italy and Germany which were not interessed in the designs of the House of Austria and having made their complaints to his Majesty his Majesty who is as much concern'd for them as the Grisons concluded a Treaty of Alliance with the Duke of Savoy and Republique of Venice in February 1623 for the executing the Treaty at Madrid and the re-establishing the Grisons in their Soveraignty of the Valtoline This League made the King of Spain suspect that they began to smel the Usurpation which he had made so that ghuessing he should find a hard task to preserve it â—he offered the King to put all those Forts which the Governour of Milan had built in deposit in Pope Gregory the fifteenth's hands and those of the Holy Seat to be by them kept until the conclusion of the Treaty which should be made to end all those differences The King could hardly be drawn to agree to to the deposit both because there was no need of any other Treaty then that of Madrid as also by reason of the liberty of passages which the Spaniard would keep However his Majesty being pressed unto it by the Pope consented to it upon condition that all those Forts should be demolished within three months during which time the Articles of Accommodation should be agreed on at Rome The Commander of Sylleri was then Ambassador at Rome for France and the Duke de Pastrane had the same charge from Spain and both having received power from their Masters to treat and negotiate this Affair there were divers Proposals made France never made any difficulty of according to any thing which might contribute to the exercise of the Catholique Religion in the Valtoline or for security of all such as made profession thereof But they would never agree to those demands which the Spaniards made concerning the having of Passages with so much peremptoriness During which time Pope Gregory the fifteenth dyed and Vrban the eighth being set in his place after his first entrance upon the Popedom proposed new Articles of Accommodation which comprised as much as could be of advantage for the Church and Catholiques which were readily accepted
to by France but as stoutly rejected by the Spaniards for that it did not grant to them the enjoyment of the Passages Their Refusal surprised the Pope but he being made by some of their Ministers who had represented to him that those Passages were the least recompence which they could pretend to in lieu of many Millions which they had expended for the defence of the Catholique Religion in the Valtoline His Holyness proposed to them to grant them passage for their Souldiers into Germany and Flanders in behalf of the War which they should make against the Heretiques but upon no other occasion whatsoever To this the King would in no wise agree because to have granted them free passage there upon what occasion soever were to give them the whole end of their design which was to unite the Estates which the House of Austria hath in Germany to those in Italy as we shall â—lswhere declare and by that means to expose the Princes of Italy as a Prey to the Spanish Ambition more especially the Venetians who should that thing be assented to have good cause to complain of France Besides that Article was quite contrary to the Treaty at Madrid for the execution of which this Treaty was onely intended That withall the King was in a League with those of Venice and Savoy and had engaged his Word his Honour and his Faith to resettle things in their former state It is true the Commander of Sylleris had been surprised by the Spaniards and had consented to those Articles wherein the demand of those Passages was included but however had not signed them and the King disowned them and declared that he having done it contrary to his order he was not bound to ratifie it and principally seeing he himself too had not assented to them but after he had understood of the disgraces which had befallen the Chancellor his Brother and the Sieur de Pisieux his Nephew Politique Observation IT is very dangerous for a Prince to sit still and see another invade his neighbours for certain Passages or Countries which may lay his States as it were hedge by hedge and especially if those places may serve for a In-let or Door to give succours to his own Allies such a thing were to give him leave to turn his weakness into strength for that united States are stronger then when disunited Great Rivers whilst they are in small Brooks are fordable by every one and are not feared at all until all their waters run in the same channel and divided Estates may easily be surprised whereas if united they are capable of giving jealousie to their neighbours as also to make attempts upon them It is a common saying in Philosophy Vis unita fortior united Power is much stronger than when divided into several particulars Sertorius evinced this to his Army for a Truth by a witty Invention he commanded two Souldiers to pull off a Horses tayl both which he chose for the purpose of a different humour and strength the one of them weak but ingenious the other strong but rash the latter in obedience to Sertorius command took a whole handful of the Horses tayle and tugging with all his force could not pull it off the second took a quite contrary way he pull'd them off hair by hair until he quite made an end whence Sertorius took an occasion to exhort his Souldiers never to separate themselves either in a Fight or upon a March he told them they had seen that united Forces are hard to be vanquished but easily overcome if disunited If this reason be sufficient to warrant a man from permitting an Invasion in any Country it is the more necessary to be prosecuted when it serves for a mutual passage for France to assist its Allies and to receive succour from them for that these Passages are of as great concernment as the Allies themselves for once being lost Allies can neither give or receive any succours at all That Prince who suffers them to be usurped exposeth his ancient Allies to be made a prey and cuts off one of his own armes wherewith he might have defended himself For this very reason it is that our Kings having often discoved the Spaniards designs of invading Savoy have presently been on foot to defend it as the usual Gate of Communication between France and Italy which once lost they knew that all the Princes of Italy would quickly be reduced to the mercy of the Spaniards seeing they could not be assisted by France which hath ever been their Protectrix as also that France if occasion were could not receive any succours from them The Deputation of the Sieur de Bethune to Rome as Ordinary Embassador and the Revocation of the Commander of Syllery THe Commander de Syllery being thus surprised the King was obliged to call him home and to send in his place Monsieur de Bethune a man of great judgement and reputation to whom he gave expresse order to declare very resolutely to the Pope that he would never consent that the Spaniards should have passage in the Valtoline and to beseech him in his Majesties name that he would use his authority to inforce the execution of the Treaty of Madrid that according to the rules of Justice the Grisons might be restored to that which had been usurped from them both in the Valtoline as also in the rights of the League at Caddee A little after his departure his Majesty received advice that the resolution of denying those passages was approved of at Rome so he dispatched one to him upon the way that he might every day be more resolute and that hee publish it aloud to all the world to stop the Spaniards mouths who made people beleeve that at last wee should give ground and accord it to them The Sieur de Bethune being arrived at Rome acquitted himself so worthily of that which was give him in charge that the Pope no more doubting of his Majesties resolution told him he would forthwith discharge himself of the Forts in the Valtoline The Sieur de Bethune was for the present satisfied with it and gave notice of it to the King But upon receiving his Majesties further pleasure upon that particular he very briskly told his Holiness it would be a thing of very ill consequence to deliver them into the Spaniards power seeing if it were once done a breach between the two Crowns were not to be avoided That it were no lesse against the Interest of Religion to surrender them to the Grisons who were Hereticks and that the best expedient which could be taken was but by the By he proposed it onely as from himself either to raze them as by the Treaty of Madrid was agreed on or to leave them to the Valtolines themselves seeing there might be an easier agreement made with them then with any others The Pope found himself so intangled that he knew not what to resolve so that the businesse had been Wyer-drawn into a great
he resolved to send the Marquess de Coevures into Swizzerland at the same time that the Sieur de Bethune was dispatched towards Rome There were two Instructions delivered to him by the first he was ordered to re-unite all the Swisse Cantons with his Majesty to dispose the Catholicks to give their assent to the Treaty of Madrid and to espy if in this re-union there might not some way be found out for to re-place the Grisons into the Soveraignty of the Valtonine The second was to be kept private if the first took effect else he was commanded to incourage the Grisons to rise who should receive assistance from his Majesty of such Troops as should be necessary according to such orders as should be received there went with the Marquess all the Grisons Captains who were at that time in the Swiss Regiment who were thought most able to be made use of in the Valtoline to fish out any thing which might be thought proper to be known and to give intelligence to the Marquess of those Countries But that which was the best guide of all was to see six hundred and sixty thousand Livres pass in a Convoy to be distributed some part amongst the Swisses upon whose natures nothing hath so great an influence as mony and the other part upon the first expences of the war if there should be any occasion to begin it Upon his comming into Swisserland he found the Spaniards had made strong Parties there so that it was impossible for him on the sudden to open the peoples eyes that they might see how they precipitated themselves into their own ruine He imployed the Sieurs de Mesnim du Mesnil to negotiate with them in smal Assemblies and presently after his arrival he went to Baden but it was with little success untill the General meeting in August at Souleur In the ixterim he laboured very diligently to gain the Principal Captains either by distributing the Kings money amongst them or by instilling such other reasons as might be able to move them To the Catholicks he gave assurances that his Majesty did not interess himself for the re-stating the Grisons in the government of the Valtoline but withall necessary conditions for the exercise of the Catholick Religion which made those suspicions which had been infused by the Spaniards to vanish As for the Interest of the Church and the good of their State it was evidently demonstrated to them that the losse of the Valtoline would presently be followed by that of the three Grisons which were inleagued together and of which the Arch-Duke Leopold had already gotten a good part That after the dis-uniting of those confederates the Spaniard being master of the Passages would not much trouble himself about those little Cantons which brought into them a great profit and made them upon that score very considerable In brief that it would quickly be easie for to invade their Country and that he would the sooner attempt it for that he did not want any pretensions to intitle himself to the Mastery of it These important reasons strenthened with the payment of their Pensions did so shake some of the Cantons that those of Berne and Zurich did first consent that there should be souldiers levied for the King and such Provisions of Ammunition as every place should require But the Martquess chief endeavour was at the Assembly at Souleur where he shewed a Master-peece of Prudence speaking very highly of his Masters name and succours and making use of the mony which he had brought with him both together served him to good purpose for obtaining of them if not all yet the most part of his desires The Catholicks accorded to ratifie the Treaty of Madrid declaring however that they did not intend to become bound to recover the Valtoline by force Then he got such assurances as himself liked from those of Berue and Zurich for the Levies of those Souldiers which they had promised and withall got it to be approved by all the Cantons onely that of Souleur excepted which by the means of Ladnoyer Rool's Faction refused to declare it self It is true the Catholicks consented to it but upon condition onely it were for France but there was a little more then so intended in it for the Marquess demanded them for the service of his Master and of his Allies without openly declaring that it was for the Grisons In Prosecution of time and not hoping to procure any greater assistance he began to prepare all things to enter with an Army upon the Valtoline but however it was after he had informed his Majesty of the condition of affairs amongst the Grisons where the Sieur de Landâ—e de Vaux imployed by his Majesty had put things into a very good posture and untill he had received his Majesties expresse orders and commands Politick Observation COmmonwealthâ— especially Popular are hardly perswaded to any great undertakingâ— they are naturally so in love with Peace That there is not any Warre how glorious or profitable soever which they would prefer before it Princes are capable of being ingaged upon divers considerations either for the love which they bear to their Allies or out of a sense of honour which they are commonly touched with or out of an apprehension of what may follow or out of such jealousie as a puissant Neighbour may oblige them to have or by neernesse of blood or by the compassion which they have of others miseries and the Ambition to become Protectors of their States But Republicks are not touched with any of these considerations All such as are called to a Common Councel think of nothing but their own particular Interest and they imagine that whatsoever hinders the injoyment of their Revenue or stops their Commerce or their Labors as War is a greater and more considerable evil then any others which you can make them sensible of and they can be drawn to nothing but in case of absolute desperate extremity Not but that there may be amongst the people some Souls and Courages more daring then others but as most voices carries it not their merit who advise it so they are no more regarded then Reason is when as a multitude of different Passions entertain the Will upon some pernicions object It is to no purpose for a man to attempt to shew them any consequences which may happen in future for their spirits have not a thing so noble as to look further then the time present they are sensible of nothing but what is beaten into them and they will much sooner be perswaded to beleeve that Fortune who they thinks disposeth of all humane affairs because themselves want wit to govern them will defend them from those evils which they are threatned with then be induced to take their own defences by Force of Amrs. Moreover their closer covetous homou abhominates any thoughts of expences without which War cannot be maintained and the noise of Guns and Drums onely do so beat their
whom assistance may be had and who if they should slip their necks out of the Collar might not do us any displeasure in it They are very necessary with the neighbouring Princes upon a place which is designed to be assaulted either in relation to Passages or in respect of having from them Ammunitions both of War and necessary victuals as there shall be occasion Hannibal knew this full well when as he was upon his expedition into Italy and made a League with the French and Spaniard he took Hostages of them and for better assurance left Garisons in many of their strong Holds The Romans did the same when they made war upon the Lacedemonians by making a League with Ptolomy King of Egypt without whose assistance that would have had somewhat to do to have passed on Besides when there is cause of suspicion of their fidelity it is necessary either to take some Persons or Places of them by way of Hostage to the end that their interest to perserve them may compel them to continue firm in their first resolutions If many of our Kings who have made expedition into Italy had taken such a course as this were it onely in point of Passages we had not seen them exposed to so many dangers nor indeed to so many disgraces yet in case by their receding they cannot cause any great incoveniences there will not then be so absolute a necessity of such security and assurances However as it ought to be taken for granted that they will start aside in case the enemy give them satisfaction to their interests so there ought still to bee Forces ready which may clap in upon them and supply their deficiencies It is a trouble to see them break their words yet a Prince shall reap this profit from a League to make it serve to give a happy beginning to an enterprise by means of such assisting forces as may be drawn from it and by dividing expence between them which else must be undergone by one alone It will not be presently fit to defie them for that would be a means to make them take to the other part but it will be needfull to have an eye upon it and to be prepared for the worst Moreover it is profitable to make Leagues not onely with States but with Princes and their Successors and to contract them with greater certainty then Edward the fourth King of England did who having recourse to one of our Kings after he had been despoyled of his Kingdome had not other answer but that the League was made with the King of England and his State and that he being no longer King of England France could not without breaking the Laws of Alliances imploy their Arms against him who was present Master of the Crown To be short it is good to be carefull that the divers constructions which may be made may not serve for a pretext for them who would fall off There must not be so much as the least starting hole left for them to creep out or to break their words especially if they make any accompt of their reputation which is inseparable from their fidelity for without that they will perchance hardly resolve to run Counter The Marquess de Coevures takes the Field to make himself Master of the Forts in the Valtoline AT the same time that the Kings orders were delivered to the Marquess de Coevures he received a dispatch from the Sieur de Bethune which told him that he despaired of getting any reason from the enemy by those ways which he had till then tried so that now he must have recourse to Nostre Dame de Frappe Fort who as soon as he had received this piece of Rallary he resolved forthwith to take the field concluding there was no reason any longer to defer it and that if he could surprize the places unexpectedly without giving them leave to provide themselves he should strike a great stroke in the businesse without any great trouble He had long before given order to 3 Swiss and 3 Grisons Collonels to raise each of them a Regiment of a 1000 men so that he had nothing else to do but to send them word to be ready on the other side the Residents of Venice and Savoy being come to him they had agreed upon all things together The Sieur de Mesnil had order to make a Magazine of Ammunition at Zurich for the Swisses and Grisons forces and the Resident of Venice undertook that the Common-wealth should make another at Bergamo for such forces as should march into the Republick that which was most troublesome was there being a necessity of discovering the design to several persons it would be impossible to keep it from being known and to hide their intentions of the time when they would enter upon the Valtoline The Popes Nuntio called Scapy and the Marquesse d' Ogliani the Spanish Embassadour had notice of it who made strong indeavours to pervent any Levies amongst the Swisses or the marching of any Troops which the King should send but all would not serve the Levy could not be obstructed for the Cantons of Berne and Zurich where they were to be made had given too particular an assurance of it by means of the money and the promises which were made them that they should be seconded with a puissant succour against any who should attempt any thing against them upon that accompt But their Contrivances and Cabals were so powerfull that the Catholick Cantons resolved to stop their Passages upon them so the Marquesse was forced to his shifts that his Majesties Commands might not be ineffectual His remedy was to cause his Horse to march four by four that is all such as were sent him from Bresse and to secure the Canton of Bern for the conduct of Vaubecourt's Regiment seeming after he was once entred as if he would force his way either by Fair or Foul means to the Grisons It was enough that these Cantons were by several Treaties bound to open their Passages to his Majesties Forces upon so just an occasion as this was and it made no great matter whether they refused it or not seeing if they should they might be forced to it without breaking the Laws of Equity Thus he being well informed of the resolution which the Nuntio and the Marquess de Ogliani had induced them to take resolved not to demand it untill he were upon the very point of passing because they should be better advised then to deny him when they find him in a condition not to be hindred they not having the least time to prepare themselves against it All things being thus in a readinesse for the beginning of the design he sent the Sieur de Lande to Zurich to discourse with the chief of the banished Grisons and to perswade them to rise and then he commanded the Sieur de Harcourt Marshal of the Field and the Sieur du Lande to joyn with Collonel Salis to enter into the Grisons to seize
which from the beginning gave the greatest admiration of all to his conduct was that imitating that manner of operating used by the Divinity which is invisible as his Essence There were every day wondrous effects of his Prudence brought to light before any resolutions were heard of or before any Orders taken were perceived whereas before there was not any thing concluded on which did not make more noise then the effects We shall proceed to consider the particular in the Processe of this History and I shall satisfie my self with laying down this positive ground That the King having given him the Honour of all his Trust after he had known the eminency of his Genius the wisedom of his Counsels his fidelity not to be shaken the dexteriousness of his Conduct which hath nothing parallel with it he likewise totally gave himself up to his Majesty Politique Observation A Minister is obliged in the same manner to make his Masters greatnesse and that of the State his principal aim and end he ought to remember that Kings are the lively Image of the Divinity That then Ministers are the Suns which their Kings glory doth form for the good of their People As God hath created that Star which over-rules the day to shew us here beneath one Ray of his infinite Splendour and to be the Authour of all those blessings which are communicated to us here below but ought he not to know before he attain the honour of the imployment whereunto he is arrived that private Interest which doth serve to inrich Families is the greatest enemy of State in the Soul of a Minister and that the Administration of a Kingdom ought to be done as the Tutillage of Orphans which is granted not for the profit of the Guardian but of those persons who are intrusted under his Tuition Glory is the onely thing which is permitted him to aspire to and how can he hope to atchieve that without transacting many things which may give a Reputation to his Master and his own Ministration The Cardinal d' Amboyse lost a great part of his glory in Italy by preferring his own before his Masters Interests The Reputation of a Minister cannot be eminent unlesse he be intire to the Prince whom he hath the honour to serve He who is truly generous expects no other recompence for his Actions then the honour and satisfaction to have done them Also he cannot be ignorant that Virtue doth scatter such rays as make her venerable in the sight of all men and in this consists in the height of glory Particular between the King and Cardinal for the good of the STATE MOnsieur le Cardinal knowing there was nothing more pernicious to Kingdomes then the want of Generosity in Ministers who content themselves by living in a lazy Peace in which time they give leave to strangers to increase their powers and instead of cutting off the Causes do onely skin over disorders in the State did not imagine it sufficient to keep things in their former indifferency but brought the King to apprehend great designs towards the procuring that ancient lustre once again to France which it had in the beginning of its Empire It is natural to a man to be more apprehensive of those dangers which are nearest and as it were at hand upon him then those which are further off though they be of a worse consequence and at this passe had things been a long while together Whereas the livelinesse of the Cardinals Soul which penetrates into the Ages to come presently discovered to his Majesty the dangers of this nature and made him apprehend the other the more easily in regard his Majesty was not ingaged in them but onely by the weaknesse of those who had the management of affairs He made it quickly apparent to him that they who shew themselves so over-affectionate of Peace do by little and little weaken and decay the State without being aware of it that they do mollifie the Courages of the people by a sloathfull repose who by such waies are exposed to the violences of strangers who have in the mean while exercised themselves in Arms and acquired force enough to make an attempt upon their neighbours His Prudence imitated that of a discreet Physitian who that he may perswade his Patient to take such things as may be convenient for his sicknesse discourseth to him the causes of his indisposition and then leaveth in to himself to judge if they be not proper for him Sir said he one day to his Majesty in a particular Counsel though a King who looks after nothing more then quiet hath reason to bestir himself when he finds his Ministers have brought his State into disorder because there do every day arise to him new causes of discontent yet he who seeks Glory ought not to be much troubled at it for that such disorders are the Ground-works upon which he may raise Trophies as marks of his Prudence and Generosity so your Majesty need not be at all troubled for those defects which have happened to your Estate by the faults of those whom your Majesty hath imployed who though they have been very affectionate to your service have not however had Souls high enough to second the Generosity of your intentions You may easily remedy all this according as you have designed there need only wel to know the Causes and to apply such remedies as may be agreeable and the State will soon be in safety Your Majesty may command me any thing for that I dedicate all my cares and all my indeavours to you and I cannot have any greater pleasure then to sacrifice my life to your glory And seeing you do me the honour to hear me discourse what I think to be most considerable in the State of Affairs I shall not imagine my self deceived if I shall tell you that I have observed four things which are the principal Causes of the weaknesse and disability of this State The first is Forraign and is nothing but the unbridled Ambition of the Spaniard which makes him aspire to the Monarchy of Europe and carries him on to attempts upon your neighbouring States which are as the out-skirts of the Kingdom of which too he hopes to be one day Master when he shall once have fortified himself upon the Frontiers and made it destitute of succours from its Allies The other three are Domestick and at home which serve for supports to all Rebellions and Revolts which are like a Lyon bred up in the Kingdom from whence nothing but mis-fortunes can arise The second is the excessive licenciousnesse of the Grandees who do so much detract from your greatnesse by so much as they assume to themselves more then they ought The third is the want of disciplin'd Troops who should ever be on foot to oppose any enterprizes which may be made against your Majesty or your Allies The fourth is the want of considerable Foundations in the Treasury to commence War upon occasions and to
supply them as long as need shall require I suppose that these are the original Sources from whence do flow those most dangerous mis-fortunes which threaten France and I imagine if your Majesty can but drayn them up there is nothing more to fear But on the contrary all sort of Prosperity and Glory to your Majesties Crown much to be hoped for The Attempt which the Sieur de Soubize made upon Blavet whilest you were succouring the Grisons testified sufficiently to your Majesty that those of their Party would take all advantages whensoever your Forces should be entertained in Forrrign parts Those Civil Wars which the Princes do yearly renew are those which reduce your Majesty to that weaknesse that you cannot enterprise any thing abroad nourishing the people in disobedience and giving means to the Grandees to partake of that honour with your Majesty which is onely due to your Majesties Scepter In the same manner the Usurpations which the House of Austria makes upon all the neighbours of France will in fine give them means to usurp that too at least strenuously to attempt it if your Majesty maketh not timely opposition In fine the small number of exercised Companies which are ordinarily on foot and the small Revenues in the Treasury do reduce your Majesty to that impotency of resisting strangers abroad or revolts at home Therefore my chief advice is that your Majesty would give orders accordingly and doe perswade my self you will soon see France change its countenance and become as terrible to strangers as they have boldly offended it This Counsel was a rare and strange effect of his Prudence which had discovered the true causes of France mis-fortune The King whose Soul is truly Royal understood the sageness of it and having discoursed with him more at large he resolved to do accordingly as we shall in the prosecution of this year Politick Observation THere is no one sign more certain of a decaying State then to see a Minister take no other care then to make it subsist in a lazy Peace for as States ruine themselves by Wars rashly undertaken so they weaken themselves by idleness The greatest Monarchs which are governed without some high designs of inlarging themselves have never continued any long time without mis-fortune and that fair weather in which one strives to keep them is a Presage of a dangerous turn They who think on nothing but Peace do by little and little unawares weaken them and reduce them to impotencie then soften and alter the temper of the couragious youth by idlenesse and want of Imployment and by this means leave them for a Prey to Forrainers who make themselves strong in Arms. Have not heretofore the Romans entertained Wars with their Enemies knowing it to be needfull to keep their Souldiers in breath and to prevent growing sloth which commonly breeds greater inconveniences with it as also to vent the violent heats of the youth who wanting imployments fly out into Rebellions and Civil Wars It is said to bee for this reason that Edward the third concluding the Treaty at Bresigni would by no means comprehend the Treaty of Britain And that Philip the Fair made his Son John passe the Sea that he might exercise his Arms. And who knoweth not that if Henry the 2d after the Peace Anno 1509. had imployed the French Arms abroad with strangers and opposed the Ambition of the House of Austria by carrying his Armies out of France the State had not been so afflicted with Civil Wars which were upon the point of destroying it It is not the Property of humane Affairs to subsist long in the same degree and who attempts so to conserve it designs an impossibility States like those who float upon the Waters are in continual motion and that Minister who hath not courage enough to raise a State to a higher Pitch of Glory shall soon see it unravelled to nothing when he would stop there he will find it sliding back How can a Kingdom be kept in the same Condition when all its neighbours have their Arms in their hands to go still onwards and seeing whoever is content to see Forrainers increase their Power shal soon see himself exposed as a Prey to their Ambition That Minister commits a great fault who doth not consider what is within the compasse of a State seeing the Grandure of a Soveraign doth not onely consist in his own Forces but in the ruine of his enemies and that his greatest Power is in their greatest weaknesse He ought not to be lesse circumspect in opposing any Forraign Usurpation then in eying his Masters own subjects and to keep them in obedience who neglects one or t'other shall soon see his master exposed to dangerous storms his authority despised his power weakned by the strength of strangers and his Kingdom assaulted by his enemies New Orders sent to the Marquess de Coevures to prosecute his Conquests in the Valtoline WE have seen about the end of the last year the resolution which his Majesty took to assist the Grisons oppressed by the House of Austria and to send the Marquis of Coeuvres to them with an Army to recover the Valtoline I shall now proceed to add that looking upon those just considerations which I shall now tell you proposed by the Cardinal to his Majesty necessitated the dispatching several commands to the Marquiss de Coeuvres to advance and prosecute the conquest so happily begun The Marquis not to lose any oportunity took time by the forelocâ— and making advantages as the conjuncture of affaires did offer and according to his Majesties orders and instructions he reduced in the three first moneths of this yeare all the places were they never so little considerable which had been seized upon in the Valtoline as also in the Avenues the Fort of Rive only excepted bearing a great respect to the Popes Ensignes which were never so much as touch'd He began this conquest about December in the last yeare by the taking in of Planta Mala and Tyran and in the beginning of this he prosecuted it with so good success that every place was under his Majesties obedience After the reducing of Tiran the Army drew towards Fondrio which Town surrendred at first summons but the Castle was fain to be battered with the Cannon and a breach being made they were obliged to force it and carry it by assault which they did with such advantage that there were only six of the Kings souldiers killed in it This strook such a terror into the Towns of Morbeigne Travona and Orbino that they sent their Deputies to render themselves But he following his course towards Bormio a Frontier of Tyrol he assaulted it and found more resistance then in any other place whether it were because the place was well fortified or because they within had resolved to defend it he took the paines to plant some Cannons upon a Battery and to make a breach for an assault but they seeing themselves a small
come to the very end he had proposed to himself or at least so neer as possibly he may withal remembring that he may perchance have formerly heard it said every one who fights doeth not conquer and the Conquerors do not alwayes were the Garland The King of Spain to breake the League between his Majesty the Duke of Savoy and Common-wealth of Venice negotiates another between himself and the Princes of Italy THe King of Spain was not a little surprised to see himself destitute of that Passage which is the surety of his States in Italy and concluded that in case that in-let should be stopped up it would be a great inconveniency to him so that without making himself sure of the Popes Protection he gave Orders to his Agents to treat a League between himself and the Princes of Italy to oppose that which had been concluded between the King Duke of Savoy and State of Venice and at the same time he summoned all his Estates and the principal Signeors depending upon his Crown to contribute their utmost towards the charges of the War Thus they gave an Allarum to Italy and made them all beleeve that the King Duke of Savoy and Venetians would divide it between them so every one of those little Princes being touched in his own Interests was very glad to enter into the League for his own defence The Partisans of Spain say that this Alliance between their King the Duke of Parma and Modena the Common-wealths of Genoa and Lucqua had concluded to raise an Army by Land of 24000 Foot and 6000 Horse which should be commanded in the Emperours name by the Duke de Teria Governour of Milan and a Navy by Sea of 90 Galleys who should come to Genova and be there commanded by the Marquess de Saincte Croix who was to be Admiral they reported too that all the Kingdomes of Spain and the Grandees of the whole Nation were taxed with great sums for the keeping of an Army of above 100000 men But all these black stormy Clouds vanished without any noise at the splendour of his Majesties Arms and he had more victories then Rodomontadoes as shal be made appear in the Prosecution of this year Politique Observation THE Affairs of Christendome were brought to that passe that the two Crowns of France and Spain did partake with the Interests of all other Princes The one is bound to assist those who are assaulted by t'other and never did either of them attempt any thing which ought not by reason of State bee opposed by the t'other If any one ask a reason hereof it may be ascribed to that emulation which for above a hundred years hath been nourished between them so that neither can indure to see t'other increase his strength or power but to speak more rightly the reason is not one and the same between France and Spain for that either of them have their particular motives The Spaniards like the Lacedemonians have fixed the highest part of their Monarchy not in that which is so much just as profitable for the inlarging of it and consequentially they do easily violate all Rights and Justice not reflecting that the Common-wealth of the Lacedemonians stood but a little while it being setled upon so ruinous a Foundation which was the destruction of their Power Now with France it is quite otherwise whose State being grounded upon Justice doth not hurry them on to snatch up their Arms but onely when their own defence or that of their Allies calls them to it France hath no design but to preserve it self Spain to increase it self France knoweth that safety consists in an equal ballancing of the Powers and strengths of one another and therefore it is that France thinks her self concern'd to obstruct Spains growing too Potent that he might not pretend to have any advantage over her or her Allies Spain on the other side which hath long since formed and contrived a design of making it self master of all Europe conceiveth that there is wrong done him if at any time France doth uphold her Allies in their just Possessions of their Estates or take up Arms for their defence Now to cement them in this dispute either of the two Crowns have their Allies which are tied to them by several Bonds that is by different considerations France hath such for her Allies who suspect the Power of Spain and fear they shall be set upon by it Spain hath others who take part with the Interests of the House of Austria as issued from thence by some relation or other and who are so far from France that being not easily releeved they are forced to keep all fair with them and serve them in their designs under the hopes that by this means they may at least procure that favour which the Cyclop promised Vlysses In this last from I range the Italians who having experimentally found how little favourable the Protection of France hath been hath been to them by reason of their distance from one another and the difficulties of passing Forces into their Country do tie themselves so much the stricter to the Spaniard it being easie for him to seize upon their States Milan and Naples lying so neer upon them Experience hath made it evident that they were never faithfull to the French They have sometimes ingaged our Kings in enterprizes by allying themselves with them but after they had occasioned great expences and all to no purpose they fell off from their words as Lewis the Moor Duke of Milan and then he of Milan who presently turned tayl to the Interests of Henry the 2d though he had secured him from the violences of the Emperour The onely means to unite them really with France and to draw them off from the Interests of Spain whom they have no great inclination to were to have a free open Passage for the Souldiers which might be quickly dispatched from Languedoc and Province which happiness France now hath by the Prudence of the Cardinal in the possession of Pignerol The Spaniard spreads abroad defaming Libels against the League of France Venice and Savoy AS Defamatory Libels are the most subtle Artifices which are used to surprize the minds of People and the Fire-brand which have been alwaies thought most proper to inflame their Courages to War So the Spaniards were not backward to countenance their designs by dispersing several of them abroad against the League between France Savoy and Venice and with all that Justice might appear to be with them to make use of Religion and Piety as a Cloak to their knavery They cannot but well remember that the same pretext served their King to invade the Indiaes That it was very advantagious to Philip the 2d to make himself Master of France and that very lately it gave them an In-let to the Palatinate and that they now hope by the same means to recover the Valtoline It gave their Libellers opportunity to say that the King of Great Britain and the Swiss
Protestants were ingaged in the same League though in truth there was onely the King Duke of Savoy and State of Venice comprised in it They called it by the name of the Protestant League but with so little truth that there was no appearance of it and lesse reason had they to call theirs the Catholick League seeing they had on their party the Elector the Princes of Upper Saxony the Dukes of Luneburg the Landgrave Lewis de Hesse de Armstadt and the most part of the Lutherans of Germany so that all that did not favour their Party must needs passe for Hereticks By which one might beleeve they would place even God himself amongst this number because he appears sometimes contrary to their designs They declared every where that their onely intention for their parts was to settle the Catholick Religion in the Valtoline and to root out Heresie though that Combination and Cabal which they kept up fomented and which gave them most advantage was headed by Rodolph Planta and several other principal Hereticks of that Country Neither did they stick to say that the Catholicks were oppressed in the Valtoline by the Grisons But they went not away without a reply made to them which was this that the Catholicks both Spiritual and Temporal were never ill intreated but when they contrived Combinations against the State and when at any time there were any Protestants discovered to have a hand in any such Cabals they were equally punished with the rest without any respect had to their Religion To be short they indeavoured to beget in the souls of all People Compassion and Pitty in behalf of the Valtolines though for the most part those Officers which they entertained of the Crisons were Hereticks desiring to make People beleeve that in truth they were troubled at the exercise of the Catholick Religion But besides that this Proposition was quite contrary to the truth any one might easily know that all Magistrates were indifferently chosen either Catholicks or Hereticks and that the exercise of Religion was absolutely free so that it was easie to answer them that look upon those Magistrates who were established by Soveraigns before any consideration could be had of what Religion they were as Gods Lievtenants and as the Apostles have taught us in their Holy Writ and by their deeds no one had any cause to complain of them at all and thus all their Reasons tended onely to surprize peoples understandings who were weak but were discovered by all who had never so little understanding to be contrivances forged in the fire of their Ambition and indeed they themselves discovered the Fraud when as his Majesty had proposed to them a most certain way for the assurance of Religion and the Liberty of Catholicks which they refused to accept of as to the Valtolines or to lay down their Arms. And thus did they use their utmost indeavours to impede the late King Henry the Great from obtaining his Absolution from Rome after his Conversion though they every where Proclaimed that the design of their Army in France was onely to oblige him to become a Catholick Politique Observation IT hath been a usual trick amongst Ambitious men to cover their designs with a cloak of Religion So in the Heathens time the Governours of the City of Rome after they had to no purpose used their utmost indeavours to hinder the People from being elected into Offices had at last their recourse to Religion and made them beleeve that they having consulted the Gods on that affair were assured by them that to communicate the Honours of the Republick to the Commonalty were to prophane them which being so saith T. Livy they forthwith desired them to recede from their pretentions they feigning that they did it more in order to the Wil of the Gods then of their own particular Interest They well knew that the people were much addicted to Religion and that it were so much the more easie to surprise them upon that accompt they having but a little knowledge of the Interest of Princes the genuine reasons of State or of Religion it self Thus Ottho desiring to get the Empire was not contented by his pretending a great Treason to speak aloud his Affection to the Emperour Galba but moreover told the Souldiers the more to inflame them that the Gods had declared to him by a remarkable Tempest that his Adoption of Piso was agreeable to them After all these fetches can onely surprize silly people they who are raised never so little above the ordinary sort are not ignorant that in point of State-dissimulation they ought more to regard their actions then their words They learn by experience that such kind of People cannot be better compared then to Coyners of salfe money who daub over their base allay with Leaf Gold to hide the falsenesse of it But Princes are now so accustomed to see through their disguises that they are no more to be over-reached by them and that without being stopped by the murmures of the people they surcease not to take up Arms for the defence of their Allies Intreagues of the Spaniards with the Hugenots THere need no more to proove that Religion served only as a mask to the Spaniards to hide the injustice of their designes then the bare intelligence which they had with the Heretiques of this Kingdom of France which when undivided hath been alwayes so potent that it hath impeded the cours of their proceedings and therfore it was that they endeavoured to make parties amongst them as soon as ever they were drawn off towards the Valtoline Those great losses which the Heretiques continually had had for some preceding years in Bearn and Languedoc alwayes kept them waking especially after the Peace of Montpellier they well perceiving that those small Routs which they had suffered did threaten their party with an utter destruction The Spaniards finding this disposition amongst them were not backward to foment it and laboured very much to get the Sieurs de Soubize and Rohan who were the only eminent persons to command their arms Their designe took effect These two Brothers being met at Castres to consider on such Propositions which were made to them on their behalf about Autumn in the foregoing year resolved to rayse those of their Party the one by Sea at Guienne and the other in Languedoc The attempt upon the Fort of Blavet otherwise Port St. Lewis of which wee have already spoken about the end of the last year was an effect of that resolution as also the endeavours of the Duke and Dutchesse of Rohan began about the same time in Languedoc to draw in more Towns into their party This Dutchesse that she might use her utmost dilligence went most commenly by torch-light in the night time in her Coach which being in mourning and withall furnished with eight black Horses served rather to strike a terror into the Country people who were not used to see such spectacles then to gain any
the chief men of their towns But the Cardinals vigilance was the principal obstacle which rendered all their Combinations void He induced the King to send with all hast about the beginning of the yeer the Marquis de Ragny into Languedoc with certain Regiments to oppose the first commotions and to employ many persons of discretion to assure himself of the Counsels of the Chief towns and by this meanes most of them kept within their duties The Sieur de Soubize published a Manifest which founded an Allarm to all the Hugonots party and made them believe that their utter ruine was concluded on in the Kings Counsel That the losse of their Religion was inevitable if they did not defend themselves by Armes and that the raising of Fort St. Lewis built by Rochel was an assured signe of it as also those other advantages which he had taken against them He prevented them in believing his Majesties Edicts and Proclamations by that supposition which he instilled into them that the Catholiques were of opinion in most of their books That they were not obliged to keep Faith with Heretiques It 's true these reasons were deduced with such palliations that most were taken with them particularly because the Duke of Rohan clapt into some Towns certaine Gentlemen and Captains of his own Religion to encourage them and to stir up the Popular Ministers who after this looked for nothing but when to rise not considering that the insurrections which they were carried to were contrived by the Spaniards who make open profession of being their ennemies and who pretended not to make use of them but only to divert and draw off the Kings Arms from Italy Politique Observations NO one but a King ought to take up Arms As formerly among the Romans it only belonged to the Consuls who had the superintendency of State to open the two gates barred with Iron and fastned with a hundred hinges which were opened in token of war so when Caesar began the war against the Gaules it was Cato's advice to recal the Army into Italy and to leave that great Captaine to his enemies because he had attempted it without the command of the People and Senate Seeing Kings are constituted by the hand of God no one may rise against them upon any cause whatever without rendring themselves guilty of Rebellion True Religion it self is not a sufficient reason to raise a War how much lesse then may Heresie make use of it as a Pretext And those Hereticks who make profession of following the Doctrines of the Holy Writ have ill studied it if they have not observed this truth in it that one is no lesse obliged to obey Princes though Infidels then others God saith in Esay speaking of Cyrus Monarch of the Medes and Persians who had no knowledge of his holy name I have called thee though thou hast not known me I have named thee by thy name and have raised thee up to honour and power though thou hast had no knowledge of me and I will that both they of the East and West shall know that it is I who have established thee and that there is not any Governour upon the Earth that hath not received his Power from me and my hand and afterwards he addeth that he hath anointed him and placed him on his right hand that he might bring the Nations into Subjection whose presence abateth the hearts of other Kings who breaketh the Gate of Brass and bursteth the Bars of Iron to whom all things are manifest and nothing is concealed from him Thus though Nebuchadonozer was a most detestable Tyrant and the greatest Infidel of all Princes that ever were Though he had destroyed the Land which God had chosen besieged taken and pillaged the City of Jerusalem razed the Walls demolished the Houses burned the Temple prophaned the Sanctuary took and carried away the Vessels which were consecrated to Gods service killed the Kings Children with the greatest part of the Priests of the Temple and carried the reâ—t Captive into Babylon Though hee had likewise caused his own Image to be set up and worshipped by all people as a God yet here behold the words of the Prophet Jeremy and Baruch saying to the intent to make known the honour which he had by being chosen by God to command his People God who hath created men and the beasts of the Field by his great power and stretched out Arm hath given it to whom he pleased and hath placed it in the hands of his servant Nebuchadonozer He would that all Nations should honour him and his Son submit your necks therefore to the King of Babylon's yoke and serve him and whosoever shall not submit himself to his Yoke God wil visit him with the Famine the Sword and the Pestilence Pray to God for the life of Nebuchadonozer and Balthasar his son to the end they may live as long upon the Earth as the Heavens shall indure Which being so can it be lawfull or in the power of men for any reason whatever to rise against their Kings Shall Subjects assume upon themselves Authority to give them a Law contrary to Gods command In St. Pauls time and the rest of the Apostles there was not any one King who had imbraced the true Faith yet they commanded that they should be prayed for and that they should give them all manner of Honour Subjection and Obedience and to bear themselves humbly before them for the love of God and a good Conscience Whence it is That the wisest Politicians have accompted it intollerable that Subjects should attempt to shake off the yoak of a Prince under whom God hath subjected them or to assume to themselves any power over him to whom they ought to give an accompt of their Actions Subjects have not by the Law of God any other defence then flight That is it which the Apostles have permitted to Christians and if this flight be shamefull in the Wars between Prince and Prince or Commonwealth and Commonwealth yet it is not so in regard of subjects to their Soveraign The King for many considerable Reasons causeth the City of Genoa to be assaulted THat fomentation which the Spaniards gave to the Hugonots whereby to force the King to draw off his Army from the Valtoline obliged his Majesty to do the like by him in assaulting the Common-wealth of Genoa It is true that was not the onely consideration which induced the King to commence the War but the weaknesse of those Forts in the Valtoline was the first a weaknesse worth the observation in regard there was not one Fort there excepting that of Rive which could indure any long Siege So that it is to small purpose to seize upon them unlesse their Arms who would re-take them be so strongly diverted that they may be hindred from comming to them Besides the Spaniards usurping of those Forts before they were deposited in the Popes hands was a sufficient token of his design long since concluded on in
being arrived and presented to his Holiness by the Sieur de Bethune he supplicated his Holiness on his Master behalf that he would bee pleased to grant him the dispensation for it The Pope receiv'd him with such honour as is due to those who are sent from the first of Christian Princes and as to that which concern'd the dispense his Holiness told him that he having already accorded one of the like to the Spaniards when as the Match with the same Prince was upon the point of conclusion with the Infant of Spaine he had done it with the advice of the Cardinals then and could not now conclude it without acquainting them with it but however promised him that they who were suspected to be against the French interest should not be called to the consultation but that others which favoured it should be put in their places but withal to testifie his good will to the King he would do one thing which he had not accorded to the Spaniards that is he would convocate the Consistory of Cardinals in his own presence that he might give the quicker dispatch to it Within in a few dayes after he named the Cardinals but he was not so good as his word in convocating them before himself whether it were that so extraordinary a grace might have exasperated the Spaniards with whom he had no great mind to embroyl himself or because he imagined the Cardinals would not meet with any so great difficulties as might require his presence for the granting of the dispense and this was as much as passed upon the first motion though afterwards many disputes did arise either because it is ordinary with those who judge of affaires in the Court of Room to seek all advantages for Religion and to raise questions where there are none that their final results may be the more vallid or else because Father Berule treating with the Cardinals in private had perswaded them to ad some other things in the dispense then had been concluded in the Articles These difficulties thus risen ingaged the Sieur de Bethune who understood not whence they came to joyn himself to the Father Berule and that he might overcome them he often represented to his Holiness that the great zeal his Master had for the Church had induced him to take a great deal of paines for the obtaining the most advantageous conditions in the Articles that could be hoped for by the English Catholiques That the Spaniards having consented that such children as should be born of this Marriage should be brought up by the Queen only until their age of twelve yeers but the King not contented with that had obtained it until the thirteenth yeer which was no inconsiderable businesse because in that age it is that children take such impressions of Religion as will not easily be rooted out in future He was not deficient in representing to him both the hapiness and glory that it would for ever be to his Popedom if the eldst son who should be born should religiously preserve those instructions in his riper age which the Queen should give him and at last establish the Church of England in it's liberty and splendour That the fruits of this Alliance were to be considered by the advantage which might happen by it hereafter especially seeing in the last Article the King of Great Brittany promised to treat with more sweetness and allow more liberty and freedom to the Catholiques in behalf of the alliance with France then otherwise he would have done for that of Spain that he was bound by oath to perform it that it was true the Spaniards had demanded more that is a publique Church in England but withal they could not procure it to be granted and that indeed there was not any thing more to be expected then what had been alreaded concluded that all which is to be wished is not alwayes possible and after all that the three principal things which ought to be considered had been agree to which was the assurance of the Princess her conscience the education of such children as God should blesse her with and the liberty of Catholique he also went and related the same to the Deputies At last after three several meetings upon the business they thought so much had Father Berule possessed them with hopes when he discoursed with them in private that neither they nor the Pope himself could safely grant the dispeâ—se according to those Articles which had been concluded between the two Crowns but they would needs have this added that those servants who were to wayt upon such children as God should give to the Princess should be Catholiques and chosen by her during the age that they were to be under her goverment That the English should not by any means endeavour to draw off the Princesses servants from the Catholique Religion nor those of the Messieurs her Children whilst they should remain with her Lastly that the King of England should swear not to fail in either of those two things and that the King of France should promise his Holiness to cause those Articles to be observed to which the King of England should oblige himself The Sieur de Bethune did much wonder that they should so earnestly ad those Conditions to the Articles which were not only capable of retarding but also of quite breaking of the match and consequently bring the English Catholiques into a greater persecution then ever But all was an effect of Father Berules zeal which was a little too hot and which prepossessed both the Pope and Cardinals with such strong impressions that they were irresistably bent upon it this good man making it appear by his transaction that the most spiritual men are not alwaies the most proper persons to be imployed in negotiation of State by reason of the subtlety of the spirits which do refine things a little too much and their perverseness in opinion which is common to them with all others and which doth often keep them off from complying with the Lawes even of a necessity it self Politique Observation IT is a great Imprudence in an Embassadour to move contrary to his Instruction and to raise difficulties in a business which is committed to him by following his own sense Orders are to Embassadours as Compasses to Pylots and as a Pylot exposeth himself to the danger of Shipwrack when as he will take no other guide in his voyage but his own Caprichio so an Embassadour endangereth the success of his negotiation if he doth neglect to follow those Orders which are given to him he ought to consider that the person who imploys him hath more knowledge of the Affair then himself That he not having given him a full Liberty to do whatsoever he should think fit those are the onely means which he is commanded to follow that must guide him to the end of his Affair and that if he doth not adhere to them he doth not onely run the hazard of losing himself but also
The King granted him his demands and the Queen of Great Brittain departed about the beginning of June She was accompanied on the way by the Queen Mother the Queen Regent Monsieur the Kings Brother and almost all who were considerable in the Court going thorough Amiens she was received there with the same honour as is do to the King himself he having so commanded it In this place shee took her Leave of the Queen Mother but the Queen Regent accompanied her two leagues farther on and Monsieur the Kings Brother attended by most part of the Court conducted her to Boulongne where she was imbarked in the greatst Ship of the Ocean which was richly prepared for her The Windes were so favourable that the whole Fleet came safe to Dover without any let where the Cannons Drums and Trumpets endeavoured in emulation of one another to testifie their noyse which should most welcome her with there greatest mirth at her first entrance The King had caused a house to be built of Timber work upon the Rivers side where the Perfums and pleasant smels might make her an exchange of those ill sents of the Sea into an ayr of Amber Orange and Jessamy Flowers The King of Great Brittain whom she had sent to entreat he would be pleased to stay until the morrow before he saw her by reason of the disorder she had been in upon the Sea came accordingly the day after to meet her with all that was Illustrious in his Court and shewed That Love and Gallantry did equally possess his Soul by those respects and extraordinary inventions to render her first entrance pleasing to her They dined together and that night lay at Canturbury where the Mariage was consummated to the equal contentment of the two Crowns of France and England Politique Observation MAgnificence is one of the greatest virtues which gives most luster to Kings who are no otherwise esteemed great but by their abilities to do greater things then others That is it which makes their names glorious amongst Strangers and likewise procures them more respect from their own subjects Philosophers say actions ought to be proportionate to the quality of the subject which produceth them whence it comes to passe that that of Kings being the most eminent of al others they should not do any but magnificent things and thus the Emperor Dioclesian said publiquely If this virtue be wel beseeming them they are not at any time more obliged to exercise it then at their own or those of their Families mariage for at such times most especially it is that strangers and their own subjects too do resort in greatest abundance to their Courts which at other times they themselves are but seldome seen so that it cannot but be a thing of great concern then to give them impressions of an extraordinary respect to the doing of which no doubt but the lustre of noble and magnificent Actions doth very much contribute Withall if expences ought to be regulated by the occasions upon which they are made what more honourable and worthy subject can they be bestowed on then either their own or the marriages of those of their Blood Besides seeing Wealth is not given them by Heaven but onely to be honourably imployed how much would any niggardliness be exploded and found fault with on such occasions as those are would it not passe for an extream meanness of spirit The goods of private men are their own and for their own uses insomuch that they have full power to dispose of them as they please but it is not so with Kings they are obliged to imploy that which is lent them towards the acquiring a respect necessary for the impressing of that Reverence and Honour into the Minds of the People which is due unto them Those great Costs and Charges which are layed out on frivolous matters are as soon forgotten as the whistling of the Wind neither do they carry with them the reputation of being magnificent but it is not so when well used and when they are expended upon urgent occasions and great affairs It is to imitate God if done in order who hath not onely the power of working outward Miracles but also of doing them with weight number and measure It is most certain Kings cannot in any thing more imitate the Divine Majesty then in rendring themselves admired amongst men by their magnificent Actions to which purpose a noble expence doth extraordinarily much conduce Intreagues of the English Embassadour with some Ladies of the Court discovered by the Cardinal THe great Delays which were used in the Court of Rome in the procuring of the dispense for the Marriage forced the English Embassadour to a long stay in France Now whether it were for diversion or to make any advantage by their stay they strook into acquaintance with certain Ladies under pretence of Gallantry but indeed that they might dive into the particular Affairs of France and to get into the Power of such who were able to make Intreagues that they might do something as occasion should serve for their Masters advantage Their meetings were so frequent that it gave a cause of suspicion especially to those who were not ignorant that Women do neither want Craft or Malice in their Souls to raise Factions and foment them There were many entertainments made at the Court to serve for a pretext to their interviews It was well known that there had been divers Essays made to gain such persons as were near to those Ladies and had some share in their beleef and withall some small beginnings of discontent insomuch that the King was acquainted with it and concern'd to redress it by removing some of those Ladies further of amongst others the Dame de Vervet was one and to fore-see that the excesse of their conservation might not produce other effects then those of Gallantries But as they verily beleeved the Cardinal to have been the Promoter of his Majesties resolution in that thing so they conceived so great a hatred against him that they had much ado to be induced to pardon him though hee did not for his part much trouble himself at it for that he onely acted for the service of his King and the good of the State Politique Observation THough Women are evidently known by Wise men to be incapable of conducting any great Affairs yet they are sufficiently able to breed divisions and broyls as also to disclose any secrets Their Souls are naturally replenished all over with deceit to insnare and that Love in which they are dexteriously skilfull to ingage men gives them so absolute an Empire over them that there is hardly any thing which they cannot discover or perswade them to do if once they make it their business That weakness of theirs which layes them open to be Preyed upon is the thing which gives them most Power over mens Souls were they but a little stronger to defend themselves from the contrivances of those who have designs upon them they
be concealed from him which once comming to his knowledge he ought in a trice to dispatch forces to that very place where the Insurrection is designed to be The onely sight of them may perhaps break the neck of the whole design and if not so yet they will at least prevent the enemies Troops to joyn together and wiâ—l cut them in pieces one by one before they will be in a capacity of attempting any thing whatever Without thâ—s diligence he will soon find the State and his own reputation exposed as a Prey An Eye watching over a Scepter and the Lyon King of Beasts who sleepeth not but with oyen eyes were the Hieroglyphicks which the Egyptians made use of to expresse fore-sight and to teach Grandees that it oughâ— to be inseparable from their Authority if they would not have their people exposed to great mis-fortunes both by Domestick and Forraign Wars The Sun which governs the Elementary World in the highest Heavens goes every day from one end of them to another that hee may make all here below sensible of the Effects of his Influences and that Minister who hath a State in charge ought to imploy all his cares all his mind upon every City upon every Province and indeed upon the singular houses of every great man that he may know what is done there and apply a remedy to their contrivances Me thinks they of Syracuse gave a notable example of this kind of Conduct when they had received intelligence that the Athenians would war upon them and that they already were upon the Sea with a Puissant Fleet making towards the Coast of Sicily Hermocratâ—s a great States-man was not backward in exhorting them to give necessary Orders for their defence and to presse the Senate accordingly Whereas Athenagoras on the other side descried it as much and shewed them sundry reasons why the Athenians could not arrive to the end of their design and demonstrated to them that it was impossible indeavouring to disswade them from making any preparation of War But the Senators somewhat wiser then himself followed Hermocrates his advice and resolved to give necessary Orders for defence that they might not afterwards be forced to do it in a huddle or to continue in the danger They began to discusse the business that in case the news of the Athenians Fleet were true it would then be needfull to make some preparations if it were false those preprrations would no whit dis-advantage the City And that last of all it is better to suspect then to slight dangers but not to shew the least Fear by doing any Action unbecomming a Generous Courage The Duke of Rohans Attempts in Languedoc with the Process in the Parliament of Tholouse against him and all his Adherents ABout the same time in the end of April the Duke of Rohan having contrived several Cabals in the Hugonot Towns of Languedoc began the Warre and got together about two thousand men near Castres the chief place of his Retreat and where he had a full Power by means of those Consuls whom he had procured to be elected He gave out that the Rocheloiis had taken Arms and sworn a League with the Churches of his party that he might by this pretence get a like Interest in some other Towns which he had an eye upon and accordingly he went to Puilaurens Ruel Soreze St. Pauls Leviate Briteste and made the Consuls swear to the Confederacy afterwards came before the Gates of Lavaur to surprise it but his design took no effect The Cardinal having sent out Orders from the King to the Governours of the Provinces to fall upon him as soon as ever he should appear in the Field The Count of Carmain Governour of Foix was presently upon his skirts and impeded not onely the Progress of his Rebellion but also getting into Ruelle and Soreze after the other had forsaken them he so dealt with the Consuls that they confessed their fault and protested not to take part with him any more And as the Authority of Parliaments on such occasions ought to uphold the Courages and Fidelities of those who Conduct the Kings Armies so that of Tholouse was not wanting to command the Souldiers who were assembled with the Duke of Rohan to separate themselves and to give Orders to the Nobility and Commonalty to fall upon them to forbear all sort of Commerce with those of Castres and to translate the Royal and Ecclesiastique jurisdictions and the Receipt of the Kings Monies unto the Town of Lautrec with command to all the Judges and Officers to come thither as well to prevent the Kings monies from falling into their hands as also to preserve Justice in its Integrity and to diminish the Force and Power of that Rebellious City The same Parliament too granted an Arrest for the seizure of all the Goods any waies belonging to those who were revolted both to punish them and deter others who were ready to follow them The Half divided Chamber of Beziers half Hugonots and half Papists did as much and declared according to the Kings Edict of the 25th of January the same year the said Duke to bee guilty of Laesa Majestatis to be a troubler of the Publick Peace as also all his Abbettors and Adherents and Prohibited both Cities and particular persons to hold any communication with him and injoyning all his Majesties Subjects to fall upon any Troops that should injure them to cut them in peeces and to pull down the Houses and Castles of such Noble men as were of that Faction But the Order which the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to send was more powerfull then all those others for the preventing the further progress of this Rebellion seeing it was accompanied with an extraordinary diligence The King sent a Commission to the Marshal de Themines whom his Majesty sent to those places to observe what passed to raise such Troops as were already in the Province and to advance such others as might form the Body of an Army which might cut off the growth of this Rebellion in its Cradle The Marshal had the Marquess de Ragny and the Count de Carmain for Marshals of the Field and that no longer time might be lost he soon after came to the place where he had designed the Rendezvouz for the whole Army and upon his way forced the Castles of Blauc and Dovac which served for Retreits to those who were revolted After the Companies were assembled together and a review taken of the whole Army he made his Forces before Castres to Plunder the Country The Sieur de Ferrieres who commanded the Rebels horse made a Salley upon the Marshal as soon as he came within view of the Town but they were forced to turn back again with more hast then he came out and not onely so but himself and three or four more of his own party were lest wounded upon the place The Pioneers and Plunderers played their parts under the Protection of the Army which
those effects to the sending of those Companies into Languedoc upon the first beginning of the year who might be in a readiness to fall on them in case they should appear insomuch that they had not the least opportunity to doe any thing and this is really the most certain preventive remedy for all Revolts But however you may behold another Reason of State which is the more considerable for that it did by little and little and without being perceived undermine the greatest prop and force of them The little Authority which the Ministers who preceded the Cardinal had caused his Majesty to take upon him and the Licentiousness which the Grandees were left at either of running into the Hugonots party or of abetting them whensoever any thing went contrary to their humours was the true cause of their greatest strength The Princes would openly levy Troops to ayd and assist the revolted and either themselves would go in to them or at least lend them monyes to make more Levyes But now the case was altered and things did not run in their former channels This Grand Minister perswaded his Majesty to make himself Master of Affairs His Majesty wanted not dayly oportunities to effect it and at last brought it to such a pass that the Princes and Grandees lived very quietly and every one of them was so well satisfied with those Favâ—urs which were bestowed on them that not a man of them would nourish a thought tending to dis-union or combinations Formerly the major part of them carried such a sway in matters of concern that unless every thing which they desired were granted to them they would forthwith retire in discontent to their own houses as not thinking themselves obliged to serve the King any longer But things began now to be carried in another way and they began to live after another sort and to be sensible of the obligations which lay upon them to keep themselves within the limits of Respect and Obedience They now began to perceive it was to no purpose to think to have that by a high hand which could only be granted to them by way of Gratification All the Parties and Factions which formerly were so rife began presently to fall back there having been certain people removed from the Court who made it their onely business to embroyl things and like Wasps sucked up the best of the Treasures which they employed only in the sowing of discontents amongst the Grandees who lived at the Kings costs and charges and yet did altogether rayl and quarrel with the Government The taking away of these abuses was the true cause of the Hugonots weakning who were never strong but when assisted elswhere Thus it was apparently seen that the King having overtopped them by the sage advice of the Cardinal they were afterwards compelled to live as true Subjects in the obedience which is due from that qualification Politique Obseruation AUthority is the soul of a Kingdom A State cannot but be happy when he who governeth it knows how to rule as he ought be it either in not ordaining those things which are improper or by bringing his Subjects to be obedient so that as a Physitian endeavoureth most of all to comfort his Patients heart a Ministers ought to study no one thing more then how to encrease and strengthen his Masters power and authority But if he hath once suffered himself to be dispossed of it he hath lost the Rudder by which he steered his vessel the yoke wherewith he kept the people in obedience the splendour which made him be honoured with respect How will he be afterwards able to retain his subjects in their duties seeing they will slight his Authority And how shall he be able to receive respects from them when as he is no longer Master of that which should preserve it in their souls Authority is to a Soveraign the same thing that Light is to the Sun And as that fair Star would not be respected by man without that splendid lustre which dazeleth our eyes so having once lost his light he is no longer admired or respected The Princes of the Blood divide it amongst them and make it evident that the dis-esteem and weakness whereunto he is fallen serveth for a footstool to them to advance their own power The Governours of Provinces too they take some share and thus every one acteth as best pleaseth himself every thing is attempted without controul and they do not fear to endeavour the getting of that by force which they cannot by justice The Publique Monies are turned aside the people oppressed and at last all things brought into confusion Theopompus King of the Lacedemonians answered a certain man who told him Spaâ—ta was governed with a good Discipline because the Kings knew how to command That it was rather because the people knew how to obey But for my part I imagine that the happiness of a Kingdom proceedeth from one and t'other and that both of them are dependent on the Authority which giveth Soveraigns the Liberty of well commanding and the necessary disposition of Subjects to obey them Which if it be true of Kingdomes in general it is most assuredly so of France in particular seeing the Government of it hath been so absolutely established upon a King seeing there is not any thing more proper for the setling of any State whatsoever in its due order then to restore him the self same qualities with which he took his Birth The Cardinal is extraordinary careful to make a good understanding between the King Queen Mother Monsieur and the Princes of the Blood and others AS the Tyes of Birth are but of small force if not cherished with Affection so the Cardinal could not be satisfied with setling the King in his Authority over the Princes but took extraordinary pains to continue them in a good understanding with his Majesty The Queen Mother was the chief of all those who had the honour to be of the Royal House so he used his utmost power to tye her fast to the Kings will He did the more readily undertake this trouble because he had for several years received sundry testimonies of her favour and he would gladly have acknowledged them by his services and it sorted so happily that it may safely be said he did in it repay all her obligations a hundred times over but it was no smal matter to be brought to pass for he was to combat with the Queen Mothers inclinations the jealousies which the King had with some reason entertained against her From the time that the Queen Mother had govern'd France in the quality of Regent she had not as yet renounced the Conduct of Affairs though the care which one is bound to take for the Government of a people be accompanied with a thousand pricking vexations yet so it is that the splendour wherewith it is attended hath such powerful charms that the discreetest souls and least ambitious have much ado to defend themselves
to present to his Majesty the Ratification of the Articles of Peace which it had pleased his Majesty to accord to them the year last past were accompanied with those of Rochel who came in their behalf to offer their submissions and to beseech him that they might obtain the same grace and favour which had been granted to the rest of that party It is true they did not so much repent for their Rebellion as they were sorry for those inconveniences which the Kings Army had put upon them then commanded by the Marshal de Themines who succeeded the Marshal de Plessis and who pressed so close upon them that they could not peep out but in danger of being taken For that they no longer had the liberty of injoying their Goods and that all their Traffique was spoiled Affliction doth at last open the eyes of those Rebels whom insolency and ambition had but lately closed up of which they gave assured proof by those earnest intreaties which they made to his Majesty to forget the Rebellion of which they had been guilty The same reasons which invited his Majesty to shew his Clemency to the rest of that party did also perswade him to do the like to them of Rochel as also the Cardinal hinted one more to him somewhat powerfuller then the rest There had then been newly discovered a Combinatiyn between divers Princes and Lord of the Court as shall be anon declared and amongst others one of their designs was to ingage Mensieur with the Hugonots Party so that if Peace had not been granted to Rochel as well as to the other Towns and Cities it were the ready way to let open a door for War and to give those Rebels the more means to execute their designs by a high hand for it were an easie matter by the means of this one City to raise all the party And last of all this great Minister laid down before his Majesty That the English being as they were picking a quarrel with us to which they were inclined would upon a word speaking find Rochel ready to let them into France These reasons of State were of great weight and fit to be considered of which his Majesty being sensible he did at last grant the City of Rochel the favour which was desired and the Cardinal was not a little diligent to watch that this Peace were not concluded upon such shamefull Articles and full of basenesse as formerly they had been The King consented that the Town should be delivered into the hands of the Corporation on condition they kept no Ships of War that they observed those Orders for Traffique which were established in the rest of the Kingdome That they should restore to the Ecclesiastiques all the Goods which had been taken from them That they should suffer the Catholicks to live freely and quietly in the exercise of the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion and in the injoyment of those Goods which appertained unto them That his Majesty should leave what Garison he thought fit in Fort Lewis and the Islands of Ree and Oleron onely promising that out of his bounty and goodnesse he would settle such a course in it as those of Rochel might receive no trouble by it either in their Commerce or the injoyment of their goods These Articles were agreed on about the beginning of February and the next day the general and particular Deputies ratified and confirmed them thinking themselves happy for having obtained this end from his Majesties Bounty By this years injoyment of Peace among the Hugonots his Majesty did with the more ease detect and break the designs of those who were factiously bent as also he assisted his Allies in Germany he eased the people and went on labouring in the means for restoring of that happinesse and glory which had been so long wished for in the Kingdome I shall onely adde that his Majesty for the surer execution of the Treaty sent Commissaries to Rochel who were received there with great honour Those of Rochel having sent their Deputies to Surgeres for the establishing the exercise of Religion and setling things into such order that there were very great hopes of a true Obedience and long Peace had not that people been extreamly much inured to Rebellion Politique Observation ALthough the Rebellions of subjects force a Prince to punish some for an example yet prudence doth oblige him sometimes to dissemble it and to give them peace when as there is any fear of a greater mischief to follow by any new revolt which joyning their flames with the former might endanger the putting of the whole into combustion It could not be any weakness of heart or necessity to which as an Antient saith the Gods themselves are obedient will force him to it It is no fault to fear when as there is a just ground for it but it is rather a great piece of prudence and a vertue without which there is no enjoyment of happy success in war any long time together of this Marcellus heretofore gave us a good example when as Badius that he might acknowledge the favour which Hanibal had done him in saving his life and giving him back his Ransom made the most part of the inhabitants of Nole revolt against the Romans in the Battle of Cannes This Captain seeing the conjuncture of Affairs did oblige him rather to allay then exasperate used his utmost power to regain Badius by assuring him that if he would but return to Rome those wounds which he had that day received would bring him great rewards Badius was much taken with the generousnesse of the Message and Marcellus the more to accomplish his design sent him a very goodly Horse and five hundred drachma's of Silver which did so oblige him that he was ever after very loyal and faithfull to him so that from that time forward he would never inflict any punishment upon those who were revolted It was more by Prudence then by Force that the Romans became Masters of the Universe A discreet Minister ought much rather to induce his Master to accommodation on such occasions then to hazard the State in any eminent danger by too much stiffenesse in resolution for the punishing of those who are revolted when they are upon the point of having a strong assistance by which means they may hazard the successe of the War An Edict against Duels JT was no small happinesse for France to be thus at Peace abroad and with the Hugonots at home but the Cardinal could not imagine it sufficient if not setled amongst the Nobility who were every day cutting one anothers Throats in Duels It was impossible to perswade them by any reasons that it was one of the greatest parts of glory for a wise man and a Christian to overcome his own emotions of anger and to forgive his enemies So this great Minister insinuated into his Majesty who was already zealously desirous of Justice That nothing was so contrary to the Law of God and
the welfare of his own State as Duels in which there every day perished many of the Nobility and which hath been alwaies known for one of the greatest Incendiaries of France It was no hard matter to perswade him to stop the further course of it by the terrours of those punishments included â—n an Edict against all such as should bee found guilty of the breach of it The Edict contained that all such as should for the future fall into that crime either challenging or challenged should be ever after deprived of all their Charges Pension or other gifts notwithstanding any letter of favour or grace which they might procure or obtain either by surmise or otherwaies and that in case they should afterwards attempt any thing against those who should be placed in their Offices they should presently be degraded out of the Nobility declared not to be Gentlemen but Yeomen and punished with death And besides that a third part of their Goods should be confiscated That the person who carrieth a Challenge should under the Penalties abovesaid be banished three whole years That all such as should assault or fight with one another upon any occasion should be proceâ—ded against and punished as if the design to fight had been premeditated That all such as should fight out of the Kingdome should be punished in their Goods during their absence and in their persons after their returns in the same manner as if it had been committed in France And lastly that such as should take with them either a Second or Third should be punished with out more a do with death As also all such who should the second time carry any one a challenge for Duel These were the chief punishments included in the Edict and upon the publication of it his Majesty took a solemn oath not to she any favour to those who should break it and commanded his officers that if it should happen that his Majesty might by importunity be drawn to grant any pardons for it they should take no notice of it and enjoyned the Marschals of France to have a great care in ending any difference which might arise between the nobility giving them authority that in case any should refuse to give that satisfaction which should by them be injoyned they should presently besides those punishments of imprisonment and such others as might be inflicted on them be forth with degraded of their nobility It was however much to be doubted lest those who should be challenged and did nâ—t fight would be esteemed as cowards but to prevent that disorder his Majesty did also by the same Edict declare that such refusal to accept of any Challenge should be esteemed as a mark of courage generous and prudent conduct and deserving to be imployed in Military commands and hee did likewise promise by oath before God that he would reward such as should forbear to accept of any such challenges Politique Observation PRinces may not permit Duels without partaking in the Crimes of them for who so hath the Authority in his hands and maketh not use of it to punish those offences which are committed against the Laws is no lesse guilty then they who are the absolute Authors of such misdemeanors The people do not only violate the Law in the persons of their Kings but the Kings themselves in not punishing the offenders are guilty of the same crime How unjust is it to leave Duels unpunished seeing they are condemned by the Judgment of God when he said his Blood shall be spilt that spilleth the Blood of his Neighbour And under the new Law who so shall take the Sword in hand shall perish by the Sword I may safely say there is not any Crime so enormous as this for the man who commiteth it taketh that Authority which God hath reserved to himself according to that saying of Saint Paul to the Romans Vengeance is mine and I will repay it And it is not only an attempt upon Gods prerogative but also one of the greatest miseries that a Common-wealth can be afflicted with For as a great losse of Blood extinguisheth the vigor of our bodies maketh our faces become pale and rendreth nature weak and languishing So likewise is it with Duels which draw out the most couragious Blood of the nobility in which consisteth the Chief strength of the State which mightily impair the force of it exstinguishing the lively colours of its beauty and bringing it into a languishing condition And if the State be injured in it those particular persons who perish in such combats are much more exposed to many unhappinesses for with the life of their bodies they likewise lose that of their Souls by the losse of which the utmost they can hope for is to become objects of Gods Just vengeance who is seldome wanting to punish even those who escape with the victorie with some notable chastisement unlesse they pacifie him by a true repentance For can it be otherwise then very displeasing to him to behold his workmanship so destroyed which cost him so much and to see such Souls ruined by the enemy which have heretofore invited him to shew such effects of his power and such miracles of his love and all for their sakes The cause of this misfortune is no other then a false and damnable tenent which finds wayes to perswade men that it is glorious to be revenged and that to suffer an injurie unpunished by their Swords is a great losse to their Honour But can there be any reason to think an Action honourable which is so contrary to God's Laws It cannot be denied but that the nobility do draw there Chief glory from their courages but there is a great difference between this vertue of generosity and the Passion of Revenge This same vertue is no fury and transportation of the mind to things against both humane and divine Laws But it is a vigorous resolution commendable in a generous Soul which maketh him despise dangers especially when his Prince commandeth him to fight against the enemies of the State Valour hath it's limitation as all other vertues and who so goeth beyond those bounds falleth into the extremity of vice whence it hapened that Agesilaus said according as Plutarch reporteth it That valour ought not to be regarded if not accompanied with Justice Now that which is shewed upon private authority is it not quite contrarie to it Reason obligeth a man to overcome himself at private and particular quarrels just as he would his enemies In Common-wealths well governed Revenge is an Act savouring of a Brute Socrates once answered a certain man who beat him If I were an Asse I should run upon thee too but being a man I must endure it with patience Is there any reason or sense to fix honour upon an Action prohibited by God and forbidden by nature Honour would be but ill grounded if it had any dependance upon an unruly passion it cannot be linked to any thing but vertue and none
but they who are overswayed by passion do pretend to attain it but by vertuous wayes The Condemnation of a Book composed by Sanctarellus the Jesuit WHilst his Majesty was using these just and prudent means for the establishing of Peace in the State There did arise very great disputes in the University of Paris especially between the Doctors of Divinity and all about a certain book composed by a Iesuit one Sanctarellus by name which treated of the power Popes had over Kings which book had been approved by their Chief President by his Holinefs Vicegerent and by the Master of the Holy Palace His Doctrine was very strange teaching that Popes had a Power of direction or rather correction over Princes that they might not onely excommunicate them but deprive them of their Kingdomes too and absolve their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance whether it were for Heresie Apostacy or any other great publick Crime whether it were for the insufficiency of their persons or for their not defending the Church and that his Holinesse might at last give their States to such as he should think fit They who were clear sighted attributed this work to the Spaniards Ambition which useth all devices to stir up commotion amongst their neighbours and fish their own ends out of the troubled Waters and who did at that time chiefly aim to draw the hatred of all Christendome upon the King by reason of the succours which he had given to the Grisons and Hollanders and of some assistance which the Princes of Germany who were oppressed by them did hope for from his Majesty These tricks of theirs are so ordinary that it might easily be concluded this in particular was shot out of their Bow and that it was onely a piece forged in the Fire of their Ambition But that we may not be longer stayed upon the consideration of the promoters of so strange an opinion I shall only add that for the present it made a great noyse amongst the Doctors and was opposed by several books which were then set out and that the whole Body of divinity did condemn it some indeed of the old league seemed to favour it But the Parliament which is the depositarie of the Kings power that they might not let his Majesties Authority rest Idle called the chief of the Society of Iesus before them and obliged them to sign a Declaration by which they should condemn the said Book and to cause another of the like to be subscribed by all the Provincials and Rectors and by six of the most ancient of every one of their Colledges in France and so ordered the said Book to be burn'd by the Hangman with prohibition to the Stationers to sell any of them That the Kings of France may not be deposed by the Pope IT is very often no lesse important to prevent the offending of the Regal Authority by the publishing of any pernicious Doctrine then to oppose any violences which are offered to it by Arms. In my opinion he spoke very learnedly who likened this authority to the apple of the eye which may not be touched though never so little but the whole man is suddenly troubled and hurt by it for to say truth it can hardly be expressed unto how many inconveniences a State is exposed when once the authority is entrenched upon or shaken though it be but a very little But would not that Magistrate be very much to blame who should suffer that the authority of our Kings should be brought under any other power which might despoil them of it Were it not the only ready way to open a gate to the revolts of Grandees who would find means enough to embroyle the State as often as they pleased if the people might but once be perswaded that the King were guilty of any great sin uncapable of ruling suspected of heresy or a favourer of heretiques were it not the ready way to furnish the ambition of strangers with a pretext for entring upon and invading the Nation when and as often as they would or had power so to do Besides what appearance of any reason were there to tollerate so dangerous at enent and which all the Fathers of antiquity have condemned as erroneous which too was but now late risen up again in these last ages and in the time of Gregory the seventh who first attempted to make it vallid The King never ceaseth to be King until he be deposed by him who first constituted him to be King or unlesse he falls under those conditions which his first Constitutor hath declared should be the means he would use to throw him down from his authority Our Kings are only appointed by the hand of God He hath made use of their courages to set the Crown upon their heads and God hath not appointed that either Apostasie Heresie or any other Crime should be the condition which should shake them out of their Authority for that both good and bad do equally raign as we have heretofore said and by consequence they cannot be deposed but by God himself nor can they be deprived of their Authority for any crime whatever Besides if they could be deposed by Popes it would necessarily follow that the Pope must be superior to them in Temporal Power for that such deposing must needs be the Act of a superior Iurisdiction now the Popes are so far from being above them in this particular that rather on the contrarie the most ingenious and able writers of antiquity have confessed that they are inferior to them Pope Gelasius writ to the Emperor Anastasius Polagius the first to Childebert one of our Kings and St. Gregory to the Emperor Mauritius and that in such express terms that their meaning cannot be questioned The most moderate of them who uphold this error cannot maintain against these reasons the power of dispossing Kings which they ascribe to the Pope they say indeed it is not an absolute and direct power that they have and that they do not so much excercise it in despoyling them from commanding as in dispensing their subjects from their oathes of allegiance which they had made to them But how frivolous is this evasion For the Popes cannot dispense with divine right and the obedience from subjects to their Princes is commanded by divine right in an hundred express places of Holy writ But I shall passe farther on and say that it is not in the power of a King to bring himself under such a condition as that their subjects can be discharged from their duties and oathes by any means or way whatsoever for they may not do any Act which is prejudicial to the Regal Authority entrusted in their hands but they are bound to leave it entire not maymed to their successors Whence it hapned that Philip the Long intending to make a Treaty with his subjects of Flanders granted to them for their security of his observing the league that they might rise against him and withdraw themselves from
perfection the design of uniting the Auseatique Towns and the Princes of Germany and accordingly his Majesty sent them Troops and Forces and such monies as he had ingaged to them as also to keep an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men upon the Frontiers of Campaign to ingage some part of the Emperours forces to stay in Alsatia by which means he might give the more advantage to those of the League who did in the revolution of the year make a great progresse by this means against the Emperours Armies It is the highest peece of Prudence to assault ones enemy by a third Person IF it is advantagious for the King to settle a Peace at home in his own Kingdome it will be no lesse needfull for him to drive on some War among his neighbouring Princes to the intent that they being forced to defend themselves might be so prevented from attempting any thing against France It is one of the best peeces of Policy for which Lewis the eleventh is commended in History for he knowing the designs which the English and the Duke of Bourgogne had contrived against him did raise them so many new broyls that he hrought them to an impossibility of executing their wicked intensions against him Above all this one means ought to be made use of when as a Soveraign doth once begin to grow so Potent by his Arms that he becomes terrible by reason of his Victories The safety of States doth consist in the equality of the neighbouring Princes and there is great reason of fear if any one of them shall grow to be too Potent for that Ambition which is natural to all Princes cannot well contain it self within bounds when it is once accompanied with Power It is the highest point of Wisedome to assault ones enemy by a third hand to raise a League against him in which one is not any thing concerned but onely to contribute some monies or send some Troops thither which may be as occasion serves disowned for is not this the way to obtain the end which a man doth propose without any great expence and without putting any thing in hazard or danger An Enemy is sometimes overcome by this way with more advantage then if the whole force of a State had been imployed against him at least he will by this means be so busied that he will not have any time to think of attempting any thing on his neighbours but rather how he may best defend himself and yet one is not all this while forced to break with him but preserveth Peace in his own Country one is at little or no charge and the Souldiers will be spent who under go many great inconveniences in strange Countries The Embassadour who is to negotiate such a Treaty after he hath resolved upon and set down this truth for the foundation of his good successe That Princes have no other motives in their designs then their own particular Interest is obliged to induce them to whom he is sent to have a good opinion in his Audiences and to represent all those things and reasons which may further and countenance the design which he would insinnuate and perswade them to He ought to let them know that the Peace in which a great Prince is left doth raise great suspicions and serves to no other end but onely to augment his Force and establish his Power that not long after he may attempt new designs That many Princes have in fine been ruined by being two great Lovers of the Sweets of Peace That it is much better to prevent an Enemy then to stay in expectation of him by which means he may be taken unprovided and consequently be the easilier ruined whereas staying for him will give the lesse abilities to our selves for our defences by letting him take what advantages he pleaseth against us That those who love quiet in an over great measure do never subsist long for it is to their enemies a most evident sign of little courage and lesse resolution to repulse any attempts which may be made upon them That nothing is more shamefull then a Peace which giveth way to our enemies to fortifie themselves for the commencing a War and that he who neglecteth first to fall on them when he hath reason on his side both but adde to their Insolences and Courages That a false glosse of Peace will at last deprave into a base and true servitude That after all it will be easie for them to vanquish and overcome their enemies if they will joyn and unite their Forces for by every ones contributing the to War they will have a greater power and with lesse charge then their enemies That it will be very honourable and glorious for them to have curbed his Ambition whose Arms begin to strike a terrour into all the World and by thus insinuating to them the glory utility and facility of the design they cannot but let themselves be perswaded to ingage in it with a great deal of readinesse and affection Combinations of divers Grandees of the Court against the King and State IT is as impossible long to keep France in quiet as to prevent the agitation of the Sea by Winds The humour of the French is full of Action and they are no sooner clear of one broyl or War but they are desirous of beginning another The Cardinal had used his utmost indeavour to settle the Kingdome in quiet but divers young Princes and Lords of the Court not able to relish the sweetnesse of such a Calm did still ingage it in some new Commotions Peace indeed did not so much grate upon their humours as the cause which gave it which was nothing else but the Authority with which his Majesty dispatched the Affairs of the Realm and the necessities which he layed upon them to live within the limits of their duties Now as they had much adoe to submit after they had many years lived in an intire licentiousnesse they resolved to employ all their indeavours to shake off the yoke The most expert amongst them acquainted the rest how the Cardinal was the man who had perswaded his Majesty to take this power into his own hands whence if followed that they layed their heads together and contrived how they might bring him into some disgrace or remove him by what means soever it were from the Stern As their design was extravagant so the wayes which they proposed to accomplish it were extreamly difficult They despaired of doing any good upon the Kings mind towards it for that he was too clear sighted not to be mindfull of those signal advantages which he had received from the sage advices of this great Minister and too too indulgent of his States good to deprive it of so prudent a supporter so that they concluded there remained onely 2 ways proper to attain their end The first was to put all things into confusion then to force the Scepter out of the Kings hand by which means they might bring
things to that passe that they might have none above them but God to Pray too The other was to form so powerful a Party amongst the Princes that they might be able to give the Law to his Majesty to constrain him to banish the Cardinal and to compel him to be ruled by their directions This Cabal consisted of a great many persons which as it could not be done but with a multitude so there wanted not some who spake very rashly of it There were divers reports spreadabroad of what they intended which were published though whisperingly with a great deal of insolency and at the same time it was known that a Favourite of Buckingham's said openly in England That there was so great a Faction contriving against the King and carried on by Monsieurs Councellours that all the Catholicks of the Queens house might be driven out without any danger and Heretiques placed in their room though contrary to the Articles of marriage There were some two of the Bourbonnois ingaged in this Combination who talked so openly and confidently that notice being given of it to the King and his Ministers it was adjudged that they intended to carry things to extremity and that it would not be much amiss to give Commission of Enquiry to the Vice-Seneschal of the Bourbonnois to make enquiry of the truth who gave a great light of the whole matter by his informations It was likewise discovered that Madam de Cheâ—â—reuse being discontented that her private intelligences with the English Embassadour were so publickly taken notice of did not a little promote the undertakings by her animating of Monsieur the Grand Prior and Chalais to execute it both which were ingaged by love to her as also that the Colonel de Ornano abusing Monsieurs goodnesse and the credit which his place gave him did absolutely divert him from the marriage which his Majesty had so earnestly desired should be celebrated The Cardinal on the other side having been acquainted that Louvgry who was one of the cabal being deeply in love with a Lady of quality had discovered to her the summe of their design and amongst other things had assured her that Chalais was one of the chief instruments in the enterprise he resolved to go passe away some time at Chailliot in Chalais father in Laws house that he might the better make use of his prudence to discover more particulars of the business His design took effect and as there are few things in his wish which the greatness of his prudence cannot accomplish it is said that he found a device to learn several things from Chalais own mouth and that he assured him both of his own assistance and his Majesties favour in case he should do that which was desired of him in this business of discovery He likewise found out how the Colonel d' Ornano was the Ringleader of the Plot hurried into it by like for fear lest if Mounsieur should marry his Princesse would assume to her self those advantages which he then had over his Spirit That their chief end was to unite all the Princes so close together that they might enforce his Majesty not to remove any of them from the Court and with all to permit them to live in the same licentiousness that they had a long while formerly enjoyed That to this effect they endeavoured the breaking of the match between Monsieur and Madamoiselle de Mâ—ntpensier and to bring on that of Madamoiselle de Bourbon which would more neerly ingage Monsieur to their Interests or else to perswade him to marry some other stranger Princesse which might be a means to shelter and defend their designs by the Forces and assistances which they might reasonably expect from such a family That this once effected they intended the Count de Soissons should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier that the Houses of Guise and Bourbon might be united together and in this manner they would in a moment huddle up together almost all the leading potent persons of Court It was no small advantage for the Affairs of the State to know that end this Cabal did drive at The Cardinal was not defective in acknowledging the services which Chalais had done in that particular and he might certainly have made very great advantages by it had he not relapsed into former contrivances and designs Politique Observation IT is a very great Imprudence to ingage in any Faction against the Prince of State under hope of not being discovered It cannot be denied but most ill-doers do believe their disorders will lye concealed For who would commit them if he thought he should be detected But who knoweth not that there is a certain blindness which attendeth on sin like a thick curtain spread over the eyes of the Soul which obstructeth the seeing such things as are most in themselves perspicuous and hurrieth the mind into excesse of Rashness Whosoever will suffer himself to be reduced by the Error must of necessity be ignorant of what the Son of God hath said in the Gospel That there is nothing hid which shall not be found out nor nothing how secret soever but time shall discover God who over-ruleth Kingdoms and watcheth for their conservation will not permit that those Plots and conspiraces which are contrived against them by some particular persons should remain concealed and it oftentimes so fals out That Justice being guided by his Providence causeth the very Authour himself to become the discoverer before he be aware of it All great secret is a great Burthen to the Bearer and experience hath often shewed that it is almost impossible for a man to keep it any long time without disburthening his Breast of it If perchance a man hath the power to bridle his tongue from discovering it yet can he never forbear the discovery of it by some Actions which will speak it to those of understanding And truly it seem God permitteth it so to be for the glory of innocence under whose Laws few would enforce themselves to live if Treachery had discretion enough to conceale it self Aristole did judiciously answer him who demanded what was the most difficult thing in the World when he said that it was to conceal that which was not fit to be made known since no man could be thought capable of keeping a secret but he who could indure a burning Coal upon his Tongue Indeed whatever is once known to three persons is quickly after made common to all for that each of them having an itching desire to speak of relateth it to his friend and so from one to another it comes to be published According to which History too hath recoreded many wicked designs closely contrived yet at length brought unto light Plutarch saith that in the Cyprian War one Aristocrates chief of the Messenians was the cause of their being cut in peeces by a notable peece of Treasons into which the desire of rule had ingaged him and that twenty years after it pleased God to permit
punished according to their deserts and to take off any pretext for their making of Factions in the State should they but arrive to the end which they proposed to themselves he resolved to beseech the King to give him leave to retire himself from the Court He could not be reproached for this Act without injustice seeing the discontent of all those Factious persons was onely grounded upon the Power Authority and Glory which he had acquired for his Master and the good Order and Government which he had established in the State Great and Noble Souls cannot endure that Envy her self should have the least occasion to detract from their Glory and accordingly he testified to the whole Nation that he did not at all consider his own Interests Now that hee might the easilier obtain his request of with-drawing himself and that he might the better dispose his Majesty to grant it he entreated the King being then at Fountainbleau that he would give him leave to passe away some few days at Limours by reason of some indisposition which he found growing upon him which the King gave way to and being there he was visited by Monsieur what resentments soever he had for the Marshal de Ornano's imprisonment as also by Monsieur the Prince of Condy whom he had perswaded the Queen Mother to Caresse notwithstanding all her aversions from it that he might ingage him in his Majesties interests and divert him from taking part with those of the Cabal From thence it was that Monsieur the Cardinal writ to his Majesty beseeching him that he would be pleased to let him withdraw himself He presented to him that for his own part he never had any other designs in his service then his glory and the good of his State but was now extreamly much discontented to find the Court divided upon his occasion and the fire of dissention ready to flame out and all with design for his ruine That he would little esteem his life if imployed in his Majesties service and for the good of his Crown but that it could not but trouble him to see himself basely Butchered in the midst of the Court as it was almost impossible for him to avoid it he being every day attended by a multitude of men whom he knew not and not having any one near him who could defend him from any violence which might be offered to him that in case his Majesties pleasure were such that he would command him to continue neer him and in this danger he would most gladly obey him without the least repugnancy because there was not any thing which he would prefer before his Majesties Will. But the confidence he had that his Majesty could not take any delight to behold him ending his dayes by such a death to which he could not be exposed but his Majesty must remain injured and offended did oblige him to think good to retire himself from the Court He added that his want of health too which was much impaired by that great concourse of people with which he was dayly over-pressed did make him beleeve he could not long hold out in the management of Affairs and that his Majesty had so much the more reason to grant him his request in regard his weaknesse would in a little while make him uselesse in his service He writ to the same effect unto the Queen Mother and begged her to imploy her Power with his Majesty to obtain his requests But their Majesties were so far from having the least inclination to admit of his retirement that on the contrary the King openly declared he would never give his consent to it he being sensible enough of those great happinesses which he had procured to the Kingdom already of that credit and esteem which he had raised his Arms unto amongst strangers of the submission to which he had reduced the Heretiques of the good Order which he had established in the Treasuries and of the great height whereunto he had advanced the Authority of his Scepter The Queen Mother too considering over and above these reasons which were not unknown to her what a losse it is to a State to be deprived of a grand Minister how usefull the Cardinal was to her Counsels and Interests at the same instant resolved to oppose his removal so that it was by their common advices concluded to command him no longer to think of absenting himself and to let him know that his services were too well known to procure an assent for his departure and lastly that he need not be afflicted at the sense of those wicked designs which were contrived against him nor at the inconveniences which he suffered in point of health for that it were easie to remedy both one and t'other Monsieur the Cardinal who prefers nothing in respect of their Majesties will and pleasure submitted all his resolutions accordingly The King too that he might provide for the safety both of his life and health assigned Guards to him who were to wait on him every where and defend him from any attempts of his enemies he commanded the Sieur de Folain to have an especial care that his health were not prejudiced by the multitude of people who made addresses to him but that entrance were onely permitted unto such as had occasion to speak with him about some urgent Affairs These Provisions of the King were so many certain testimonies of the good Will which his Majesty did bear towards him and I think that the honour he got in this Action was more considerable then all the rest for by it he evinced to the whole Nation that hee was not tied to the Court but onely for his Majesties service and that his own particular intrests and concerns were not valued at all by him Politique Observation IT is impossible to prevent that the splendour of an extraordinary vertue honoured by a Prince with a great power should not raise up the Envy of those who have never so little Ambition in them The Sun doth not more naturally attract divers vapours from the earth which afterwards become Clouds and darken his light then a grand Minister doth ordinarily see his own merit and the greatnesse of his Genius draw upon him the hatred of the Grandees that they make use of factions and divisions against him We have elsewhere said that Fortune was never yet seen to defend them from this infelicity and I shal now adde that the cheef and ready way for great men to exempt themselves from the blame and the troubles which envy may stir up against them is to manifest that their medling in affairs of Publique concern is free from all manner of self-interest which may easily be done by their desiring to withdraw themselves from the trouble of Government to lead a private life This moderation will stop the mouths of the most imbittered men who after this cannot find any thing to object against the power wherewith they are honoured and are forced to convert their
giving Laws to his Country Thales one of the Sages of Greece made no difficulty to imploy part of his time therein and Plato himself did the same thing to get the charges of his voyage into Egypt by carrying Oyls thither to sell that he might purchase knowledge Withall we live not now so much by the Commerce of Elements as by that of Gold and Silver those are the great Springs which more all the rest and without them Kingdomes can neither be Potent in War or flourish in Peace Politicians acknowledge them for the Sinews of War and as for Peace never any poor State was yet considerable or ever came to any great height and what brings greater riches then Commerce France aboundeth in many sorts of Grain but wanteth Gold and Silver Now the onely means which it hath to come by it is to send abroad to its neighbours who want many of those commodities what it can well spare by way of Commerce a means so powerfull that sending onely what is superfluous it may bring in the greatest part of their wealth Monsieur the Cardinal is made by the King grand Master and Super-intendent of the Traffique and Commerce of France IT was necessary upon setling the Company of Trade to appoint them a head who might have a full power amongst them and whose reputation and knowledge might countenance their undertakings it being most certain that such designs as are out of the common road fall to nothing if not upheld by some particular favour or an extraordinary understanding To the Admirals care it could not be committed unlesse their speedy ruine had been intended for that he assumed of late so great a power over all Traders that instead of assisting he undid them The onely difficulty was that it being fit the head of this Company should be absolute there would every day arise some disputes between the Admiral and him but the King to avoid this inconvenience was of opinion rather to cease the Admiralty then to break off the setling of Trade for that the Admirals were no lesse chargeable to the State then to the Merchants they drawing at least one hundred thousand Livres out of the Treasury every year without any advantage by it Hereupon the King resolved about the beginning of the year to take the Admiralty out of Montmorency's hands who seemed willing enough to part with it by his readinesse to treat thereupon and in conclusion he had a good round sum paid him for it This resolution was of such concernment that without it not onely the Trading of France had been quite broke but the Kings Subjects had been lyable to dayly Inroads and Pillagings for that of late years above four thousand Christians had been been made Slaves by the Turks above one hundred Vessels taken sunk and burned by which means a great many families were brought to Beggery The King too good just and generous to suffer such injuries which by diminishing his Peoples goods did no lesse take off from his reputation and glory resolved to contrive some remedy for it It was ordered that the Admiralty should be suppressed and that a chief grand Master and super-intendent of Commerce of France should be set up instead of it endowing him with full power to execute the Office of Admiral in such cases as might advantage the benefit of Trade or the Kingdom and cutting off all other power which might prejudice either of them There was now onely wanting a person of quality to execute this charge who ought to be resolute and clear from all private Interest in regard of honour or the publick good The Cardinal had made it apparent that these qualifications are eminent in himself so his Majesty made choice of him who accepted of it but in receiving the Office he would not take those Allowances and Pays which had formerly been due to the Admiralty for that his Majesty had suppressed that Office partly to save the expence of it so that instead of contracting any charge in this new Office his Majesty saved above one hundred thousand Livres per annum heretofore assigned to the Admiralty besides he had now the power of commanding his Fleets wheresoever he pleased but before the command of them was annexed to the Admirals though they were not indued with qualifications necessary for such a charge and which is most to be observed that though the Cardinal might as easily have obtained the Office of Admiral and executed it with the same advantage for the King the benefit of France and Trade as that of super-intendent of the Sea yet he waved that honour and contended himself with the means to serve him in a condition lesse honourable and lesse subject to emulation Politique Observation IT is great discretion in a Minister to wave those Titles which onely serve by reason of their noise to expose him unto Envy They are but low Souls which affect ayry Titles neither do they consider how that by ambition they do provoke Fortune and instead of making their authority respected they do most commonly render themselves ridiculous in the eyes of all wise men Modesty is the thing which makes greatness honoured whereas ostentation offending every one atracts the hatred of all the World and becomes insupportable Who so is advanced to any eminent pitch of Honour ought to imitate great Rivers which glide a long with little murmuring though great profit to the people whereas torrents being lesse profitable do perpetually vex the head with their noise Great men ought more especially to shun such titles of Honour as may render them odious Scipio Affricanus a man who wanted neither courage nor discretion gave us a notable example of this particular as Titus Livy hath observed when as the Spaniards called him King and he refused that little which he knew would be dis-rellished by the Commonwealth and told them that that of General of the Army was the greatest Honour he did aspire to That having indeed a royall soul he should not much take it amisse if they thought him worthy of that Honour but he beseeched them to forbear the other least that might breed a jealousie upon his Person Did not Augustus in the same manner testifie a great deal of Prudence when in taking upon him the Emperial Crown he refused to be called Emperours and contented himself with the name of Prince which could not exasperate the Roman people it being a name in use amongst them and a fashion to create a Prince of the Senate his discretion told him That the Romans would easilier undergo slavery it self then the name of it and therefore he would prudently sweeten the displeasure which they might apprehend at their being brought under his command by a Title full of modesty He also aimed at the names of Consul Father of his Country Tribune and High Priests only because the people did not mislike them designing rather to add a new power to an old Title then to assume upon himself such odious
discredit he began to quarrel with him and told him that he should be very glad to meet him with his Sword in his hand Which so insolent discourse being before his Majesty he told him that he did not remember the pâ—ace where he was and that he deserved to be sent to the Bastile there to be punished according to the Act for Duels but he only commanded him to get him gone from which time forward hee was no more seen at Court Politique Observation THere are but few Favourites who know how to moderate themselves and so to manage their Affairs that they may preserve their Masters good affection A man ought to be of an excellent temper well to digest any very great favour It is most certainly true that as excesse of meat stuffeth up the stomack and choaketh the natural heat so an extraordinary favour depriveth most men of their judgement intoxicateth them and makes them loose the exercise of their reason And for this cause it is that they injoy those favours of fortune to their Graves as it hath in all ages been seen that the most part having been led in Triumph as it â—ere unto the highest point of Glory have precipitated themselves into the greatest gulfs of misery and have so bruised themselves against the favour which they possessed as if it had been purposely turned into a Rock for their ruine The wise man considereth that an indifferent favour is much more certain then those great ones and contenteth himself with what his Master bestoweth Fortune doth no sooner raise him up but his discretion presently tells him that her smiles are inconstant and that nothing can so much contribute to his preservation as to use them with moderation He oftentimes reflecteth on that memorable passage of Sosistratus who being drawn in his Triumphant Chariot by four Kings entertained himself with observing the motion of the Wheels how that which was now uppermost presently became lowest and being asked the reason of his contemplation answered that he delighted to remark the turning of his Wheels and was by it put in mind of the inconstancy of humane Affairs and that the same Fortune which had raised him to that height of prosperity above those four Kings then sub-jugaged to him might shortly bring him to the same condition The wise Favourite fixing his mind upon the inconstancy of Fortune as upon a sure maxime never permitteth her to blind his mind with vanity but keeps himself upon his Guard not putting himself on in matters of State but as his Master calls him and payeth him the greater respects as his obligations increase He is industriously carefull not to abuse his Masters favour by assuming too great a power on himself remembring how Calisthenes lost Alexanders good will by reason of his too great presumption and the vanities which he did commit in the Emperors presence nothing doth so much destroy Favourites as their affecting too great an Authority and taking upon them too much power over their Masters He likewise knoweth that it is with them as with the Moon who hideth her self when ever she approacheth near the Sun it being from him that she receiveth her light and that so Favourites ought not to exercise any kind of authority when they are near Kings but are rather bound to shew them in their requests all imaginable respects whatsoever it is his care not to intermeddle in the administration nor doth he ever attempt to adde the power of governing the State to that of his Masters good affection But on the contrary he takes so much the lesse upon him when the Testimonies which he receiveth of his Masters Favour seem to give him most power and it is his dayly fear to be raised to too eminent a degree least he should by it be exposed to too great a fall which might totally destroy him Differences between the Bishop of Verdun and the Officers of the City ABout the end of this year great differences did arise between the Bishop and the Officers of Verdun This being a Frontier Town was then looked upon as somewhat considerable in regard Monsieur de Lorrain seemed to be active and able to attempt something upon France which obliged the King to go on with the design which he had long before resolved of building a Cittadel there The Abbey of St. Vannes was ever reputed the most proper place of all the City for that purpose whence it happened that in the Charter of the said Abbey as was to be seen there had been divers Articles concluded between the Bishop of Verdun to whom that place hath ever belonged in which they bound themselves to build their Church in some other place if it should be found necessary to make use of some part of it for the raising of a Cittadel However the Lines were so contrived that the Church was saved but that of the Capucines was forced to be taken down which was afterwards done and rebuilt in another place Now the Bishop of Verdun being a Kinsman of Monsieur de Lorrain had no other motion but what came from him so that not considering what dependance he had upon the King suffered himself to be ingaged by the Duke to prevent with his utmost power the building of the Cittadel His Temporal power was but weak to manage his design so he had recourse to his spiritual and accordingly on the lâ—st of December he published a Monitorium fixed upon all publick places against all such as should labour about it But as the spiritual power hath no authority over the Temporal to deprive it of its rights so this procedure was looked on as a strange thing by the Kings Officers who wanted neither courage nor loyalty in this affair The Sieur Guillet Lievtenant at the Royal Siege in the Town presently called a Councel of his Majesties Officers of the Town to consider of what was to be done where it was concluded to tear down such Papers as had been any where Posted up and to set others in their places of a contrary tenour in the Kings behalf which was presently put in execution The Bishop was much offended at it and to be revenged for it he thundred out an Excommunication the next day against Gillet which he fastned in divers places and having given Orders to his great Vicars not to act any thing in prejudice of his pretended Authority he departed from Verdun and rid Post to Cologne In the mean while the Sieur Charpâ—ntiâ—r his Majesties President in Mets Thoul and Vâ—rdun being acquainted with the whose proceeding and considering how Derogatory it was from the Power who was Soveraign of the Town and consequentially had absolute authority to fortifie it as himself should think fit as also to give such assurances to his Officers who should execute his royal commands as might secure them from any Bishop Excommunication onely for doing their duties he declared the said Monitorium to be abusive and scandalous and commanded it to be torn and
to lose these hopes sent amongst the Deputies the Sieur de Blancard a person of quality to procure a quick dispatch they had many fair promises made them and a confirmation of whatever had formerly been resolved on so that the Revolt was now concluded on It was so much the easier to obtain those succours for that of late England had conceived some ill designs against France It much troubled them to see the Hugonot Party and those of Rochel reduced to greater weaknesses then ever and they took so great a share in their Interest that one of the Chief Ministers of State there said in full Counsel that it was less considerable to his Majesty to lose Ireland then to suffer Rochel to be taken by the King of France Withal Buckinghams particular Spleen which carried himself and swayed most of the great ones there did not a little encrease it who were all mad to be dealing with France so much do Courtiers follow the inclinations of Favorites We have in the former year laid down the causes of his particular hatred I shall now only add the resentment which he took at his Majesties denial to let him come into France was that and only that which incensed him to that height But the Cardinal foreseeing what effects that refusal would in reason produce advised his Majesty to permit him to come to the Court assuring him that it would be easie to raise some advantages out of that earnest passion which he had to come thither and that at last he could only end as Icarus did who perished for aspiring too high Yet however the Queen Mother seconding the Kings resolution for his non-admittance she became Mistres of the Counsel which so exasperated Buckingham that he vowed shortly to come into France so well attended that they should not be able to deny him entrance Madam de Cheureuse who was discontented too and then in Lorrain did not a little blow the Coales of his passion and serve to nourish his anger but as it would have been more to his discredit then Honour to have openly declared it so he wanted some pretences to cloak it He pretended that the King of England his Master had been surety for the performance of those promises which the King and his Ministers had made to the Hugonots upon the conclusion of the Peace Now the Chancellor having told their Deputies in presence of the English Ambassadours that though the King could not be induced to assent unto the demolition of Fort Lewis yet that they might hope for it from his Bounty in Time in case they lived within the bounds of a due obedience These hopes would he needs have passe for absolute promises and for Articles agreed on with Ambassadours and in prosecution of them he would fain have it be believed that the King his Master was bound by way of caution to see the demollishing of it put in execution He had likewise the boldness to let the King know from his Master of Great Britain by his Ambassador that he was likewise ingaged to see the performance of a certain Declaration made to the Hugonots by the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charlton Extraordinary Ambassadours then at that Treaty in which they had construed the Chancellour Haligres words in that sence as was most agreeable to the Hugonots and all that they might ingage them the more unto their Interests and not want a pretence to imbroyle things when ever they had a mind to it But it was absolutely denied that the King of England did ever become engaged to see those promises made to them of Rochel performed or that he had been treated with or his Ambassadours in any sort whatever But on the contrary it was represented to them how it was not forgotten what message his Majesty then sent to the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charleton by the Duke of Cheureuse and the Bishop of Mande which was that in case they should pretend to intermeddle in the Treaty the King would not give his consent to any thing but if upon condition that the King of England would engage to assist him with a strong Fleet to compel the Rochelois if they should fall back from their duties This had been told them once and again and that plainly enough as also confirmed by Monsieur the Cardinal so that their pretences of the King of Great Britains being Pledge for Performance of those Articles granted to the Rochelois were groundless as also that frivolous pretext of making use of the Earle of Hollands and the Lord Charleâ—ous Declaration which being a thing of their own drawing and done as best pleased themselves was of no value However it was one of the chiefest Arguments they made use of in their Declaration to justifie their Arms when they entred upon Ree And the Duke of Buckingham manifested to all people that his only design was to protect the Rochelois and reformed Churches of France though it was not unknown that his private Spleen was the true cause of his design yet he was cunning enough to dissemble it to the King of England and pretend assisting of the Rochelois and withal to assure him that the whole party of the Hugonots would revolt and upon the arrival of his Fleet put such and such Towns into his hands that he might set on foot his old pretences upon France and enter upon it with security and advantage Upon these scores the King of England laboured very industriously for the rigging out of his Fleet all April May and June not at all discovering his design though both his Majesty and the Cardinal were not so ill informed but that they perfectly knew it was prepared for France Politique Observation KIngs when they have a mind to make a war never want pretences to disguise the injustice of it however it is an absurd rashness to ingage in any without urgent necessity I like well of T. Livius Judgment who saith war is then Just when it is necessary and that Arms are never attended with Justice but when there are no other hopes but from them And who can think otherwise of it seeing war is followed by all sorts of miseries War it is which ushers in disorders and evil customes which taketh away the lives of the Innocent which bringeth the Rich into want and which generally banisheth all the pleasures of life to set up troubles and afflictions So that a man can hardly fancy any thing more to be deplored then war from whence it followeth that who so begins it without absolute necessity may be well compared to those Chymists who administer such potions to their patients that they thence suffer more griefs and pains then from their sicknesses and diseases A wise man will abstain from war saith Xenophon though he have some reason for it Craesus did ever prefer peace before war if onely for this reason because in war Fathers did burie their Children against the Laws of Nature The He Wolf is so
with reason declared by giving him his eldest Daughter to wife that she should be the true Inheretrix of his States and that he should only enjoy them in her right He also made his entry into Nancy with Balls and publique rejoycings in his Court and all that he might celebrate with the more Honour his arrival to the Crown of Lorrain hereupon he pretended to do Homage to the King in his own name for the Dutche of Bar as appertaining to him in Fee and not in right of his wife but he therein met with greater obstacles then in that of the Bishop of Verdun It was presently given him to understand that he had not a little offended his Majesty in that he had upon his own head assumed upon himself the Investiture of Bar and not expected his Majesties introduction to whom the Soverainty did belong That he had expedited all letters Patents in his own name without mentioning that of the Dutchess his wife for that no vassal hath any thing by descent in his Fee until he be invested by his Soverain to whom he doth Homage That he gave a just ground to be disseised of it if he should possesse himself thereof before he were lawfully introduced That he had also committed no small fault when as he attempted to alter the quality of Tenure of Bar and so create it Masculine whereas the Chief Soveraign could only alter the nature of Fees and dispence with Customes The inconsiderate and lofty humour of this Prince was such that he could have wished he had not been dependant on any other and gave him not leave to consider the Justice of these reasons he answered those Ministers with whom he treated that it being indifferent to his Majesty whether the Homage of Bar were Masculine or Feminine he imagined that Râ—ynard King of Sicily his great Grandfather had lawfully constituted it upon the Males in exclusion of the Females and that in consequence it was become his own right that he was ready to pay unto his Majesty that homage which is due unto him and lastly he added that in his judgement he had no power to annul the right which he had acquired He made use of the Duke de Châ—ureuse who made many journies too and fro to make his argument passe amongst the Ministers for good and some others too which being inconsiderable I shall passe by But he was ever told that his Majesty had reason enough and interest withall to oppose that an Homage dependant upon his Crown might be altered in quality that the Customes of Countries and succession of States were not at all altered seeing such changes are reserved in his onely power and in no other whatever That he ought to know the Customes of Bar were never changeable but by his Majesties permission and moreover on condition that they were confirmed by the Parliament of Paris That he could not be ignorant how the custom of both Bar and all those lands bordering upon the Rhine did grant the succession to daughters in exclusion of any Males descended from a second Brother they beâ—ng daughters of the eldest and that he had so much the lesse reason to change this custom without the Kings Authority in regard this one Article was of greater concern then all the rest that such a change was contrary to the fundamental Laws of Lorrain and that he debarred the Dutchesse his wife of the right which indubitâ—bly belonged to her Now as he could not possibly make any satisfactory answer to these objections so he was forced to return without doing any thing at all in it onely he procured some time to make out his pretensions and to furnish himself with Titles and Reasons to second and uphold them Politique Observation THE wisest Politicians have thought it dangerous to the good of the State to alter any Laws without urgent occasion or unlesse the change carry some great advantage with it Aristotle saith it makes subjects slight rules and powers and doth much diminish their Authority Thucydidâ—s hath gone a little further thinking it safer and more proper inviolably to continue the Laws of a Country though ill ordered rather then set up new ones and better in their place St. Austin saith that as in sicknesse it is good to continue the use of those medicines which till then the sick person had used so likewise it is the effect of a great discretion to preserve the observation of those Laws which had formerly enough in them to remedy any inconveniences in the State Which if true of Laws in general is then much more necessary in Fundamentals which have been the establishers of a State seeing they are no lesse conducing to its preservation then the Foundation of a house for the subsistence of it To speak ingeniously such Laws are the Pillars which uphold Authority and as a building if the Foundation be undermined and shaken soon falls to the earth so a State too quickly comes to ruine if those Laws upon which it is established once come to destruction or alteration For this reason Adrian ordained that no one should intraduce any new Customes into Rome Plato in his Common-wealth prohibiteth the changing of any thing in it even Childrens-play for novelties alter manners and bring antiquity into dis-esteem a thing of great consequence I should like well of the alteration of some rules of Justice because the manners of men are variable and the punishing of Crimes too may admit of change according to the disposition of men and times But it is not the same thing in fundamentals which rule the government and which settle the election which God hath made of a Soveraign which do authorize the order established by former Princes for the ordering of the people and which are the known rules for the preservation of the common good indeed such ought no more to be changed then the Laws of nature for both are equally founded upon Gods Law He it is who divideth the earth amongst Nations who establisheth Kings families and inheritances so that without his will no alteration may be intraduced to change those Customes which have been anciently in use The Dutchess of Orleans death upon her lying in of a Daughter THE King was much troubled soon after the Duke of Lorrain's departure for the Dutchess of Orleans his Sister in Law We have in the former yeart related how many broils the marrying of this Princess did raise at Court and how most of the Princes of Christendome indeavoured to hinder it now we are come to wonder at the blindnesse of Grandees who turmoil themselves in extremity who move heaven and earth by their broils and all for those things which death and the inconstancy of humane affairs cause to vanish in a moment The marriage was concluded but more for discretion than love in his part yet God so blessed it that Love had quickly united both their affections very strongly notwithstanding all the indeavours or devices of Monsieurs Favourites
contained the depth of his employment and it was the happier for France that he was so improvident to carry such papers about him which could only serve to cause him be taken and put to great trouble It was about the end of September that he was arrested and at first carried into Coffie The Duke of Orleans hearing of it took his part made a great noise about it and fancying to himself that the English were landed in the I le of Ree that they and the Marshal de Thoyras were close ingaged together he dispatched the Sieurs de Ville and de Leven-Court one in the neck of t'other to the Queen Mother then at Paris in his Majesty absence to demand Mountagu of her and in case she did refuse it to let him know it within foure and twenty howers time protesting withal that he well knew how to carve his own satisfaction for this injurie which he pretended had been done him because he said Mountagu had been taken in his territories He had at that time his Arms in his hand to second the English and Duke of Savoy and at the same time that he send to the Queen Mother he resolved to besiedg Coffie where Mountagu was then Prisoner as also to assault divers other Frontier Towns whilst his Majesty was busied in resisting the English But the dilligence used in removing of Mountagu from Coiffie to Paris together with the defeat given the English at Ree as shall anon be declared made him and the Duke of Savoy too change their resolutions for that they found the King in a condition able to deal with both of them at once They were likewise told that in case they would oblige his Majesty to come out of Poictou they might both of them pay the charges of his Journey So the Duke of Savoy turned his design upon Genoua which he thought to surprise by a Stratugem which had been contrived and the Duke of Lorrain was contented to be quiet upon assurance given him that Mountagu should be set at liberty soon after his Majesties return to Paris His anger was like storms which after much noise are quelled in a moment she resolved without any great intreaty to expect the Kings return to Paris whither he soon after arrived Mountaigu's Person not being so considerable as his Papers from which there had been discovered as much as was desired his Majesty brought him out of the Bastile and delivered him up unto him reserving that punishment for another time which he had resolved for the Duke of Lorrain and which he had deserved by his engaging in such intreagues In the mean time the King was very glad to see in these Papers that the Duke of Savoy knew of the English design to land in Ree that he had promised to assist them That he had perswade the Duke of Rohan to revolt that he had assisted him with succours That he had ingaged to fall upon the Dauphine with six thousand foot and twelve hundred Horse There was by them likewise discovered the design which the English had projected against Toulon for the sending certain Ships pretending to trade in the Levant and how the Duke of Savoy engaged to assist them with men and Gallies That the same Duke had a hand too in that attempt which was afterwards made against Montpelier That he had intended to have surprised Brecon and Valence and besides all this there were amongst them divers bloudy Manifests against the King his Ministers of State and the Government of his affairs Politique Observation TO be imployed without good cause for the troubling of a Forrain Princes State is a Commission as little happy as honourable If it tend to the Arming of his subjects against him It hath ever had such ill successe that one may say of him who arms them that in shaking the Pillars of the State Justice and obedience he only burries them in their own ruines If it be for the making of confederacies with neighbouring Princes to make a war upon another they last so little that there is not any hopes of more expectation from them Either of the Chiefs would have more power in the Army then his companion Then comes distruct between them no one obtains any glory which t'other doth not envy nay and hinder too if he can Great designs raised upon such weak grounds fall to ruine like structures built upon a foundation of sand War is of it self so uncertain that he who begins it is not sure to gain any thing by it A Command mis-apprehended an Order ill executed an enterprise not well timed an inconsiderate rashness and in short one poor single word may sometimes put a whole Army to the rout Besides negotiations being often considered by their Events all the blame will be assuredly laid in his dish who first perswaded to the design On the other side God favoureth Just Arms and vallour signifies nothing saith Bâ—llisarius without Justice so that he who ingageth any without a lawful cause may expect nothing but mis-fortune and confusion But to waht dangers doth he expose himself whilst he passeth thorough his States against whom he attempteth to make a war Not to stop him were a madness in any Prince and a greater not to punish him for his rashness But admit he escape that mis-fortune his very Commission is contemptible seeing it usually brings trouble and charge to his Country I have ever much esteemed of Phocions words in Plutarch to Leosthenes who in an Oration endeavoured to engage the Ethenians in the Lamian war after Alexanders death Thy speech quoth he is like a Cypres large and full but beareth no fruit for just thus thou makest the people conceive victories and thy words puff them up with signal advantages but indeed there is not any just ground to hope for any certain fruit from such a war tending to the States good so inconstant misfortunate and expensive are all wars whatever What did all those turbulent Souls carry away but blame and misfortune who employed their whole time provoked to it only by their particular passions any unjust reasons to raise wars amongst Princes The Count de St. Paul may serve for a notable example in this kinde After he had spent all his dayes in Broyles and turmoyles his glory vanished like smoak and at last he payd for those Treacheries by death which he had put upon Lewis the Eleventh In the same manner Savanorolla had passed for a Saint amongst the Florentines but for that seditious Spirit which animated him against the house of Medicis and excited him to make a war even against his own Cittizens but the blame he reaped by it sullyed all his glory and in my opinion whoever engageth himself in such a Commission may not expect any greater honour by it Turbulent Spirits clapt up in the Bastille THese Forrain designs were not a lone to be feared there were divers other Grandees of the Kingdom sediously disposed who had some notice of
the intended siege of Rochel The Major part of them foresaw that in case Rochelle were taken they must then of necessity live in an exact obedience That it would carry with it an absolute ruine to all the Hugonot party and that there would be no more means left them to rise up against the Kings authority in future when they had a mind to procure any thing by force neither were they a little startled at the assurance of the design his Majesty had resolutely taken of carrying the place The Grandees have alwayes thought the encrease of the Royal Power a diminution to their own private authorities and they of France were not ignorant that in case the Hugonot party were destroyed they had then no game left to play but that of submission This induced some of the most factious to cast out such discourses as could only be deemed the Symptoms of a Revolt though as yet there had not been any apparence of a formal contrived design The King had learn't from some of the old Court that that which hindred the taking od Rochel when as Charles the ninth besieged it was only the little inclination which many of the Grandees then at the siege had that it should be taken as the Marshal de Montlue testified on the place by divers letters So that he resolved to prevent this inconveniency neither was it lesse needful to prevent the growing of this cabal least they should by joyning themselves with the Hugonots and strangers force his Majesty to draw off his Armies and to attend their motions The wise and discreet resolution which his Majestie took to give an assured remedie hereunto was to clap up in the Bastille several sedicious turbulent persons who began to speak aloud such things as neither the Laws of obedience or respect could allow of but with order that they should be well treated and want nothing it being his Majesties desire only to prevent them from doing any hurt The Marquis de Rouillat de Bounivet de Montpinson d' Oy were first of all secured and shortly after Fancan and La Milletiere with other inferiours to keep them Company which made them perceive who had the good Fortune not to be interressed in any of these Broyles that the King was no more to be dallyed with and that it would become them to live within their limits and that they could not avoyd lodging in the same place if they gave any cause of suspition by their behaviour Thus every one for love or fear was quiet and the King had the freedome to continue his preparations for the siege of Rochelle Politique Observation A King is no lesse obliged to search after those who are able to trouble the repose of his State then those who are able to serve him It is needful for him to have certain marks both for one and t'other that he may judg of either Now amongst them who are able to ingage in a Faction he ought to make little account of such who have great stirring Spirits but little Prudence for they of his Temper are usually wicked ambitious Lovers of Novelties insurrections and all sorts of intreagues Grobus would needs have us esteem Alcibiades for a person of this condition when he represented him to be as exquisite in his vices as his virtues and T. Livy puts Hannibal amongst the same number when after a recital of his vertues he addeth that his vices were full as eminent On the other side he ought to be vigilant over those who are ready to undergo any meannesses upon hopes of getting any advantage or greatnesse as Caesar did according to Dions report who condescended to bestow imbraces beneath the quality of his person on mean and base men if he found them any ways conducing to the advancing of his Power In this last age Mâ—nsâ—eur ae Guise hath done the same thing in the eyes of all men but was slain at Blois in his attempt of making himself Master of the French Crown Withall he ought no lesse distrust those persons of quality who are grown poor or who have been laid by from imployments and affairs For Tacitus on the life of Ottho saith there is not any one thing which persons of Courage and Quality do suffer with more regret then that of poverty do we not read that poverty was it which gave so much boldnesse to Sylla in his attempts That Cneus Piso was ingaged in all his undertakings by his being reduced to extream necessity and of doing those things which were unworthy of his Birth Then hee ought to be no lesse watchfull of those who comporting themselves to the present times change their Fashions when they please who of Lyons turn to be Lambs and from Lambs become Lyons again and this with much facility all to make advantage of whatsoever comes uppermost to swim with the stream and to join their Interests with those onely from whom they have expectations of gain and advantage He had need be jealous of those who under pretence of their own private Affairs passe from one Country to another without any apparent reasons for it of such as onely converse with turbulent minds of such as seem to be discontented at affairs of such as are in debt or have received some distasts in their private interests I could produce examples to fortifie the reasonablenesse of all these several propositions and how that all these sorts of persons ought to be suspected if the brevity of these Maxims would give way to it But making profession of being short I shall onely for conclusion say that both Prudence and Justice oblige to make sure of such persons especially on the least occasion given to suspect that they are disposed to ingage themselves in any Intreague The least delay which shall be given them will onely fix them so much the more whereas the dispatch in securing of them rather sooner then later is a kind of Pitty for that it warranteth them from a more severe chastisement by preventing them from falling into greater Crimes Ambition Covetousnesse Revenge and Poverty meeting in a turbulent Factious Soul never let him be at rest or free from some embroyl or other if he be not curb'd in either by force or necessity And when it shall so happen that he may be of himself perswaded to keep within his duties yet it will be lesse inconvenient to make sure of him by a just rigour then to leave him in a licentiousnesse of ill-doing by too imprudent a compassion Differences between the Duke of Espernon and the Parliament of Bourdeaux reconciled by the discreet fore-sight of the Cardinal THere was about the same time ground enough to suspect lest the bitternesse which had about a year since disunited the Duke of Espernon Governour of Guyenne and the Parliament of Bourdeaux might prejudice his Majesties service in this juncture where it was needfull that all his Arms and Justice might concenter to stifle rebellion in its birth and to keep
protect the execution of Justice Besides they have by so doing a great and notable advantage to themselves in abating the insolent and ambitious pretensions of those who would usurp their Subjects rights and become terrible to their neighbours by their too great power If this rule be worth consideration in general it is much more to be observed in respect of the rights which may befall his Majesties Subjects in Italy where it is absolutely necessary to prevent the increasing greatnesse of the house of Austria They have already become Masters of the greatest part of Germany and there is not any more certain way to ballance their growing power then by Alliances with the Princes of Italy by finding out some means to set foot in their Country be it either by gaining some of their States as divers of our late Kings have attempted or by establishing such French in them as want not pretences to them and which might be able to let in the Arms of France when the Princes of Italy should have occasion to make use of them and there is no doubt but the Princes of Italy would be very glad to see the Arms of our Kings in their Country opposing those of the Spaniard whom they hate because they fear To speak the truth it is an action which doth beget both glory and affection in those who shall succeed the honour which is to be atchieved in so doing will shine thorough all parts and render them venerable amongst all strangers The Marriage of the Prince de Rethelois with the Princess Maria the Inheritrix of Mantua UPon the news which his Majesty recived by the Marquesse de St. Chaumont that there was little hopes of Duke Vincents long life he concluded it to be very necessary that he should use his utmost indeavours to make up the Match between the Prince de Rethelois and the Princesse Maria as also to procure that he might be declared the Successor to the States of Mantua and Montferrat after the decease of his Father the Duke de Nevers The Cardinal by his Councels seconded his Majesties judgement and that with the more eagernesse in regard the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan did both begin to declare their pretences This made his Majesty resolve upon sending away the Marquesse de Saint Chaumont into Italy The Instruction which he received was onely of two particulars in which he was to bestir himself The first was in his Majesties name to make an end of those differences between the Duke of Savoy and Mantua to which end he was to passe by Turin to dispose Duke Ferdinand to the making of some other overtures for their accommodation and then to propose them to the Duke of Mantua to see if any conclusion could be had withal to let them both know that a good correspondence were not amisse for the good of their States in regard their enemies by their divisions would be furnished with opportunities to make attempts upon them The second was to labour very earnestly with the Duke of Mantua for the concluding of the Match between his Neece and the Prince de Rethelois and that he might be declared successor to his States after the decease of his Father the Duke of Nevers At that present it was the easier to be effected in regard the Pope had solemnly protested he would never grant a dispensation of his first marriage He was also commanded to shew unto him that as this marriage was of great advantage and benefit to the Duke of Nevers and Rethelois whom he loved by assuring them of the succession so it was not lesse necessary to defend and secure himself from the attempts which the Spaniard and Duke of Savoy might make upon his life and State for that they did already begin to discover their intentions against him He was farther Commanded That if Duke Vincent should chance to die whilst he was near him then to animate in his Majesty name the Chief leading men of the States of Montua and Montferrat by all arguments of reason and perswasion to preserve the liberties of their Country to keep the faith obedience which they did owe unto Monsieur de Nevers as their Lawful Prince and to declare him for successour to Duke Vincent according to the usual Forms of those Countries and lastly to assure them that his Majesty would protect them against any Forces that should molest or trouble them that himself would invite the Pope and all other Princes of Italy to joyne with them in defence of their liberties These were the Chief Instructions in the Marquis his Commission In order to them he went to the Duke of Savoy to perswade him to some agreement with Mounsieur de Mantua He told him how the report went of his being in league with the Spaniards for the deviding of Montferrat But the Duke seemed to be angry at it and wondred that after the having done such good Offices to his Majesty be should imagine such a thing of them Yet he did not disown his apprehensions of the advantage which he might now take during Duke Vincents sickness to regain that which did belong to him in Montferrat adding withal that it would be much more for his Majesties Interest if it were is his hands rather then the Spaniards and that at last in case he were joyned with the Spaniards yet it was no more then his Majesty himself had done seeing they sent him a Fleet to Rochel But the Marquis that he might lay the foundation of an agreement proposed to him to renew the Treaty which had been between the late Duke Ferdinand and himself as to that which was in dispute between them in Montferrat all the answer he could get was this he demanded fifteen thousand Crowns rent for his pretentions there and twenty thousand for the Damages he had sustained for want of execution of his promises made of marrying his little Daughter with the Cardinal his Son By these his unreasonable demands he evidenced that he only sought an occasion to justifie his breach with him and the Marquis finding after divers other conferences had with him that there was no good to be done made no longer stay there but went to Mantua he came thither so opportunely as if Fortune had lead him by the hand for within five dayes after his arrival there the Duke dyed He found that the Marquis de Strigio had disposed the Duke with a great deal of addresse to all that could be desired That he had stirred him up on the designs which his Enemies might set on foot both against his life and State to declare by his Letters Patents the Duke de Nevers his only and Lawful successour in all his States and the Duke de Rethelois his Livetenant General ordering him to marry his Niece the Princesse Marie before his decease and to cause the Governours of all strong places faithfully to keep them for the Duke de Nevers There wanted indeed a dispense for the marriage
but the Duke sent in all hast to demand it of his Holyness When the Marquis de Chaumont came thither It was not as yet arrived but hourly expected and though it was not brought but only a very few minuts before his death yet the Marquis of Strigio who knew how necessary it was for the State of affairs told the Prince de Rethelois and the Princess Maria that they must forthwith marry or else be assured never to enjoy the States of Mantua It was a business of so great importance that it would admit of no longer consultation so that it was concluded and married they were about nine in the night on Christmasse Eve the marriage was consummated and not long after the news of Duke Vincents death was brought unto them This accident was of very great concern to the Duke de Nevers Who without it might perchance never have enjoyned the Dukedom of Mantua At that present he was in France but hearing of it he took post and about the end of January came to Mantua where finding all things according to his own desire he took proffession of the State and the Marquis de Chaumont return'd back to France He passed by Thurin and used new endeavours to perswade the Duke of Savoy to an accommodation but it would not be yet he served the King in this occasion by withdrawing divers of the Nobility of Dauphine from the Duke of Savoy's Army who had ingaged themselves with him not knowing his design was upon Montferrat which the Duke hearing of was much offended and told him it would not be safe for him to stay any longer in Turin Politique Observation THat Prudence which obligeth all Soveraigns to provide against such accidents as may trouble the present State of their affairs doth equaly direct them to make sure of such remedies as may prevent the future disturbance of their Peace and quiety which cannot safely be effected without the assurance of an Hair to succeed Augustus affordeth us a memorable example in this particular who governing an Empire not Hereditary would however joyn with himself some one of his nearest kindred in the conduct of affairs to the end that ingratiating himself with the Senators Souldiers and people he might by that means seem to deserve the Soveraignity For this reason it was according as Tacitus hath well observed that he finding himself destitute of Sons and that Fortune had taken from him first Marcus Agrippa and afterwards Cajus and Lucius his Nephews advanced Tiberus who though he had a Son then grown up he caused to adopt Germanicus to the succession of the Empie and this he did as the Historian observes that the Crown might be assured upon divers supports By this means he cut off the Senators hopes of reforming the State into a Republique and from his Enemies the means of aspiring to the Crowns Adrian in the like manner seeing he had not any Sons which exposed him to the fury of some ambitious mind or other who for the Empires sake might be perswaded to attempt upon his Person adopted Antoninus and also required that Antoninus should in the like manner he having no Sons neither nominate two more successours as Dion hath observed in his life and all this was with intent that they who were to succeed in the Empire might be alwayes ready to receive it and to prevent his Enemies from attempting against his person in hopes to obtain it for themselves To how many misfortunes have they who have been defective in this Care exposed their Countries Jane the second Queen of Napels dying without nominating her successour d' Anâ—ou whom she had once named being deceased before her left her Kingdome cruelly torn in pieces by War and him whom she least of all desired to inherit after her It is very rarely seen that a Kingdome changeth its Family without great wars and that Prince whom God hath not blessed with Children will find many attempts made upon his person whence it follows that he who would secure his Life and State from misfortunes ought betimes to appoint his successour to keep him near to him with Honour to instruct him in all affairs but not to admit him unto the partaking of the Soveraignity for that were to cure one evil by a greater seeing the ambition which usually attendeth young Princes might perchance ingage him in some ill design to be master of it before his time Cabals of the Duke de Rohan in Languedoc and the Succours wrought by means of the Duke de Soubize his brother in England for the Rochelois THE Duke de Rohan was by his brother assured of the English assistance and long before their landing in Ree he did nothing but contrive Cabals in Languedoc that he might place Consuls for his own turn in the Hugonot Towns and engage considerable persons in his private interests Presently after their landing he openly declared himself strengthned his party with Men perswaded some places to rise and sollicited others to do the like He gave them great hopes of high and mighty advantages by the inundation of strangers and he provoked them the more by insinuating into them the ruin of their Religion and divers other imaginary evils That he mâ—â—ht the better strik these Panick fears into them he sent them a Manifest filled with all those specious apparencies mentioned in the beginning of this year But may it not be said that he imitated those Pirates who seeming to instruct the course which Ships ought to keep in the Sea set up Lanthorns upon the tops of Rocks to draw Pirates thither and so to wrack them For thus did he lay before the sight of them who were sufficiently enclined to â—action diverse seemingly fair reasons of the preservation of their party and Religion by which means he drew them into that revolt and engaged them in those misfortunes which have since been the cause of the ruining of their Towns and of levelling their Wals and fortifications with the ground Now that he might the more strictly bind the Hugonot towns to his designs he â—ound means to make an assembly in the Viâ—e d'Vsez where diverse of their Deputies met together and as he had no lesse eloquence then courage he perswaded them to whatever he had a mind to They approved of those succours which he had negotiated in England as just and necessary they commended his prudence and zeal and gave him a thousand thanks for it But this was not all They assured him not to enter into any Treaty of Peace with his Majesty without the King of Englands consent and his own in particular Hereupon they deputed some of the most seditious of their faction to go to the Towns of Languedoc and Guyennâ— withal they writ to those of Dauphine and Vivarez to encourage them to unite with them for the good of the cause They drew up a form of oath to be sworn by the Consuls the Governours of Towns Lords and Gentlemen who would engage with
fell off from their obedience he represented to them the disasters which would infalliby fall upon them if they should suffer themselves to be led away by some who endeavoured it he informed them of the small reason or hopes they had to believe the Duke of Rohan's promises or the assistance of the English Fleet which could not hinder the relieving of the I le of Ree his words thus animated what with his address and the confidence which they bad in him so wrought on them that they subscribed a Declaration which they delivered to him in which they protested to live and dye in that Loyalty which they owed unto his Majesty This was as much as could be wished for all the other Towns great and small uningaged in the Rebellion did the like and his Prudence was so succesful that the Towns of Briateste Castres Pamiers Puylâ—urens Mazares Sainct Amand Cabarede Mazâ—res Masdazil â—alat and many others made the like Declarations under their hands and seals But the misfortune was that having left divers mutinous and factious Spirit of â—onsieur de Rohans Party in Castres Pamiers and some others of those Towns before named they did not remain firm to the Resolutions he had insinuated to them by which means the Duke of Rohan soon after became Master of them Politique Observation IN Publique exhortations Prudence is many times as effectual as Force But for the safty of Towns the Inhabitants ought to be prevented their Arms taken away and the most Factious amongst them turned out from them To prevent them is of great consequence they being like the Camileon which taketh any colour that is laid before it Sometimes a very little matter will settle them if applied in time and before Faction hath got any great power in their minds One man well prepared and esteemed by them may easily stop their violent proceedings by laying the miseries which follow war before them by acquainting them with their own weaknesses and by assuring them of enjoying their goods in Liberty and Peace A mutinous people may at first be wrought upon by their own Interests the Rule by which they Judg of all things For they naturally think well of nothing but what pleaseth them and reject that for evil which putteth them to any pains or trouble To believe their promises and not disarm them were a madness seeing they never hold long in the same humour the least shew of liberty charmeth them They are alwayes Enemies of the present State of Affairs Lovers of Novelties moved with any winds nay those of their own raising They do more affectionately embrance those things which are prohibited then those which are permitted them Great friends they are to innovations Infidellity is a Quality which they eat and drink not to be seperated from them insomuch that to leave them armed when a revolt is mistrusted were to permit a Sword in a mad mans hand The apprehending and securing of seditious persons is the next thing considerable which ought especially to be done A discreet Phisician doth make it his first work to draw out all the ill humours from his Patients body which serve to nourish his Fever and the first thing which a Minister is bound to observe in a place where Rebellion is like to break out is to withdraw all such discontented mutinous and Factious persons as are any way likely to carry the people to revolt That rigor which is used to such persons ought to be esteemed as a Commendable Pitty If they should complain of their condition it is much better to suffer the Insolencies of their words in a place where they cannot do any hurt then to run the hazard of their mutinous Actions in a City which they may probably cause to revolt The King unable to stop the Duke of Rohan's proceedings by fair means maketh use of force THe way which his Majesty used to hinder the proceedings of Monsieur de Rohan was very advantagious but it did not totally to the businesse The King finding it commanded an Army to be raised and committed the Conduct of it to the Prince of Conde sending him a Commission of Lieutenant General of his Forces in Languedoc Dauphine Guienne and Lyonnois He had upon the first rumour of those revolts there expedited certain Regiments thither but finding there would be need of a greater power to stifle the Rebellion in its Cradle he dispatched this Commission to the Prince of Conde with order to raise new Levies and to take the Field with the first He presently hereupon came to Lyon but upon better consideration it was found proper to divide the Army into two parts because there were several places to be looked after and far distant from one another so the Prince of Conde had the better half the t'other being committed to the Duke de Montmorency's care then Governour of Languedoc Monsieur the Prince marched out of Lyon about the beginning of December â—â—â—nded by the Marquesse de Bourg and de Ragny Marshals of the Camp the Mâ—â—quesse de Nangis Comte de Tournon Comte de Charlus Vicomte de l' Estrange Montreal and divers other Gentlemen Voluntiers He had two Troops of Carabins and near about two thousand foot with these he lay before Soyon a strong place upon the Rhone which did very much trouble the passage of the River he assaulted it and in two dayes forced them to deliver There was likewise another little Town not far off Saint Aubin which did much infest those parts the Prince surrounded it took it by storm and put all the Souldiers in it to the Sword From thence he went to Aiguemortes to confer with the Duke de Montmorancy who was then there and having sent for ten Companies of the Regiment of Normandy he commanded them to march against some certain places which the Duke of Rohan by reason of their importance had resolved to defend but the very fear which the Inhabitants and Souldiers apprehended on sight of the Army made them open their gates so they entred without resistance At the same time he commanded the Marquesse de Fossez Governour of Montpellier to go and besiege Corconne and the Sieur de Ornano to secure Aubenas both of them behaved themselves with courage in it and performed his commands the former taking Corconne a place strong of scituation being the Key to Seveunes and the second making himself Master of Aubenas by perswading the Nobility of those parts to fall into it In the mean while the Duke de Rohan was in the Comte de Foix whether the Duke de Montmorency pursued him as well to fight him as to oppose his designs They followed him some dayes without doing any thing worth notice But the Duke de Montmorency who had too much courage came up so near him near Castel Naudau that he could not avoid the fight Orders were accordingly and the Duke de Rohan being charged on the left by the Sieur de Arpageon seconded by the Company of the
of revenging the affront which they had so lately received perswaded them to a general consent They wanted onely the third Vote upon which the Levy depended where upon they refused to contribute any money colouring their denial by diverse complaints which they made against the Duke of Buckingham and most part of the Chief Ministers in England which made a great noise in the Parliament and so incensed the King that being constrained to give way to the insolence of their requests he told them that he would examine their demands and complaints and give them answer accordingly However be gave order for the rigging out of a strong Fleet in behalf of the Rochelois and gave the command of it to the Earle of Denbigh the Duke of Buckingham's brother in Law This was all the Rochelois could hope for yet it blinded them to all respect and obedience They shaked off the yoak of Loyalty which they owed to the King they carried themselves to the utmost extremities that possibly could be imagined they trod under foot the Kings Authority and chose him for their Protector who was Declared Emeny of his Crown Politique Observation ALthough a People never hath any lawful reason to become disloyal to their Prince or to cast themselves into the Arms of the Enemy of his Country yet it is a thing easily resolved on when there are no other means to secure them from the fears which they apprehend and which have engaged them in their revolts In Philosophy it is held for a Maxim That granting one absurdity a thousand others will follow by consequence It is no lesse certain among Polititians that a people carried into one fault which is the taking up Arms against their Prince will be exposed to great extremities and every day augment the number of their Crimes Their Custome is to promise to themselves great matters in desperate affairs from strangers and such means as are without all apparence of reason probable wayes or ordinary instruments They are great lovers of Novelties and with a little wind carried to extremities and new thoughts if they find their former resolutions and designs not come to the accompt they expected They easily follow those who put them in hopes of liberty If any seditious person in credit with them do but tickle them in the eare with telling them that they do not enjoy their full and perfect liberties under their lawful Prince nothing is then more easily perswaded then to revolt nay to throw themselves into the Armes of their very worst enemy never considering whether the remedie be not worse then the disease Being once revolted they never return to their duties but by force of Armes and the fear they have of paying the punishments they have justly deserved inviteth them rather to run and hazard then that of confessing their errour and repenting An Ancient Authour said very wisely when he likened them to day-labourers who are at every ones service that will make use of them ready they are to subvert all things not for the publique good but in order to their own design and under pretence of liberty The greatest part of such Revolts are commonly accompanied with some Intelligences and encouragements from strangers who offer their assistance not for any love to them but themselves that they may make advantuge out of their divisions discord is their Musique The History of Italy furnisheth us with a notable example of this particular in that of the Pisan's who having been perswaded by one of our Kings and Lewis Forza to withdraw themselves from the obedience of the Florentines presently banish their Officers gain'd many rich Merchants and began to live as free people but finding themselves too weak to hold out at that rate they emplored the ayd of their neighbour Princes which was not denied to them by reason of the jealousie which all those States are in of one another Geâ—â—oua sent them men and Munitions Lucqua mony and Sienna which was in hopes of great advantages from them sent both one and t'other Neither is this the last degree of a mutinous people for if they cannot attain unto their desiers by a Forraign protection they will rather totally deliver up and sell themselves the return to their Princes power especially if they be but a little perswaded of being hardly dealt with and that they shall be reduced to a slavish subjection such difficulty will they find to stoop under their former yoak after a tast of licentiousness and impunity The King of Spain sendeth Don Frederick de Toledo High Admiral with a Fleet to his Majesty THe King finding what need he should have of Ships had as hath been related accepted of the proffer which was made to him at Villeroy by Don Diego de Maxia in behalf of the King of Spain But their design in that proposal being only to engage France in an open war with England that they might the better carry on their designs in Germany and Italy they were careful not to be at Ree to assist his Majesty to expel them At last Don Frederick de Toledo High Admiral of Spain after many delayes came about the end of December with his pretended Fleet to the Haven of Morbian in Brettaign The King commanded the Duke of Guyse to receive him with all possible Honour and indeed such it was that Don Frederick could not enough admire at the manner of his entertainment Shortly after he departed towards the I le of Ree where at that time was no great need of him But however he proffered his service unto the King who received him with great kindness His Majesty sending to visit him but his vessels were found so unprovided of victuals men and necessaries that those things together with his long delay considered It was easie to Judg they had no great mind to fight for France and that the King his Master would be very sorry to contribute to the taking of Rochel a place which might be made use of to raise a war in the Kingdome and that with a little charge if he had a mind to send any Forces to them At last he gave an assured sign of the truth of this suspition when not long after he went to his Majesty and took his leave of him to return towards Spain telling him that he could not now be any more serviceable to him The King would have much wondered to see him so hasty to be gon considering he came so far but that he knew they had more mind to ingage France in a war with a third party then adventure on it themselves His Majesty on the other side knowing That strangers and Forraign Forces ought not be employed but in urgent occasions and at last cast did so much the easilier consent to his departure and in regard too that the Cardinal had assured him That great store of vessels would very shortly come before Rochel So he finding the wind fair hoysed sail about the end of January to return to
Fortune but to follow Plato's advise who in his Book de Republicâ saith That to be a King and to Rule to serve and be beloved to fight and overcome are three such things as a man need not trouble himself to look after they being the Guifts of Fortune and only subjected to her power who granteth them to whom the pleaseth I am not of his opinion but do suppose that a Minister is bound having once obtained any great credit in his Masters soul to uphold it by all the cares and diligences which may render him beloved Philosophy teacheth very well That to obtain ones desire there ought to be causes applied to the subject by which a man designs to work whence it followeth that those qualities which make a man perfect and accomplished are the true causes of love so that he is obliged to let his Master see he is endued with those and the like recommendations and vertues amongst which I place that of a faithful servant in the Front For as an ancient hath observed services have a particular attractive power in them which insinuate affection and charm the mind Those subjects which are most useful are most beloved and as nothing is beloved but for Interest so those persons who are most conducing to the good of the State and the preservation of their Masters Authoritie are ever best affected And to speak the truth I believe that necessity maketh them more considerable then any other quality whatever For as the Bough of a Tree is in considerable in respect of the whole Body yet it is of great use to him who without it were in hazard of being drowned Just so is it with him he is beloved embraced and esteemed above all things when there is a need or want of him But a Minister what necessity so ever a Prince hath of him ought not if he would be dear to his Master become importunate or craving either by being alwayes in his sight on by begging any favour or boon of him Too great a Familiarity will bring his qualities into contempt how eminent so ever they be and the consideration of his services would be much diminished by his importunities Lâ—cullus one day asking Sâ—neca his intimate friend what course he should take to render himself acceptable unto the Emperour Nero in the Goverment of Sicily was thus answered by him That he is most in Princes favour who doth him most services The surest Rules which in this case is to be observed is this To see him but seldome to speak but little to him unlesse when occasions of State require it and then too with great respect and submission and in such terms as may never clash with his Masters thoughts and mind If there be any ill news to be discoursed let others first acquaint him with them The Souls of great men hate ill tidings as of Broyles and Insurrections things which diminish the respects which are due to their Authority He will not a little Fix and settle himself in his Masters favour by testifying a good courage in his occasions and affairs The Reason of this is Princes do naturally love those who are men of resolution they look on such as the supporters of their State Authority and lives and they who are themselves the greatest cowards do yet love such as are courageous stout and hardy Phalaris the Tyrant hath given us an example of this particular when he writ to a certain emulator of his I confesse thou art a good man and thou canst not deny but all in thy house are bad whereas if thou doest observe any vice in my person yet thou wilt find me still attended by wise learned and courageous followers and attendants These are the Chief Buttresses which support a Ministers favour to these I will only add That seeing there are not any qualities how eminent soever which the envy of some or other will not attempt to disguise unto his Prince he therefore ought with great care to remove such persons from him and that with the more Authority in regard Justice alloweth of the punishing such who requite services done for the Common good with Ingratitude Cardinal Richelieu Commandeth the Army in his Majesty absence THE Prudence of a King is no lesse demonstrable in his choise of Officers than in his Commands and in particular the King acquired no lesse Glory in commiting the care of the siedge of Rochel unto the Cardinal then if he had been there in person The whole management of affairs did evidence how judicious a choise his Majesty had made For Monsieur the Cardinal every day animated the Souldiers by his presence payed them weekly gave them cloths to preserve them from the cold every day oversaw all his Officers and Commanders to give them necessary instructions and to redouble their courages by his words and Actions by these means he so hastned on the works both by Sea and Land that his Majesty at his return found the first finished and the second in such forwardness that it deserved to be esteemed the eighth wonder of the World The Souldiers who are naturally addicted to mutinies and plunderings lived in such decorum that they had lost their very inclinations to one or t'other the Country men brought their provisions into the Camp without fear and received ready mony for them The Marchants kept open their shops as if it had been in a well governed City drunkenness and swearing were criminal faults And the Religious Persons whom his Majesty had sent thither of all sorts and orders were respected and held in such esteem as if they had been in a Church The most experienced in Military affairs could not sufficiently admire the Cardinals conduct in so much that they who knew him not would have imagined he had been bred all dayes of his life in the wars Some certain Persons there were who flattered the Ambition of those Grandees then under his Command by telling them it was unfit for them to obey a man of his Profession seeing their Offices gave them power to Command in his Majesties absence But the wonders of his conduct and courage were such that they were forced to confess nothing could out do him and that considering how many hapinesses he did atchieve unto France by one and t'other it were unreasonable not to obey his Majesties choise of him every one in particular acknowledging that no one but himself could under go those daily laborious knotty difficulties which he so easily did Politick Observation MIlitary discipline ought the more carefully to be observed in order to good successe because without it nothing followeth but confusion Vegetius a man well versed in such affairs saith The Romans had never been so potent but by their continual order and exercise in Arms. The strength of a Fort consisteth more in the Form then the matter the Power of an Army is undoubtedly as great by the good order amongst them as by their numbers Discipline is one of the Chief
lost and the King taken prisoner Now for the staying of Souldiers in an Army one of the best ways according to Alexander Severus is this pay them well clothe them well shoe them well arm them well feed them well and so order the businesse that they may alwayes have some mony in their purses and when they be thus well used such as run from their Collours must then be severy punished Corbulo beheaded all such without mercy and it was observed that this severity of his was of great advantage to him for by it he kept all his toopes neer at a stay in point of Number Neither is it lesse needful to prevent Captaines and Commissaries scroles who can by a dangerous miracle revive dead Souldiers in their companies and make more to appear then really they have This is an inconveniency of which the losse of the Kings mony is the least consequent evil for if it happen that a Prince assure himself according to the Roles is thereupon become confident in attempting any enterprises he may perchance when it comes to a trial find himself much weaker then he expected and by that means run into the same premunire that Francis the first did at Pavie The best preventive Course in such disorders is that which Darius used who notwithstanding the vastnesse of his Armie and the Extent of his States was however so careful of his Forces that he would often review them in his own presence pay the Souldiers with his own hands and be perpetually in company with them not onely that he might be particularly acquainted with them but that he might take care to provide necessaries for them encourage some and reward others who had wel deserved of him If after all their cares the Captains shall still presume to make false musters both they and the Commissaries who admit of them ought to be punished with so much the more rigor in regard their faults are of so dangerous a consequence The English Fleet cometh before Rochell THE perpetual instance which they of Rochel made to the King of Great Brittain at last wrought on him to send out his Fleet to Sea upon their first being ready for it and about the eleventh of May they were discried two leagues off the point of Coreille The light Vessels which the Cardinal in his Majesties absence being then at Surgeres had sent out to discover the Coast brought intelligence that their Fleet consisted in four Pinnaces seven men of War of about one hundred and fifty Tun a peece twenty smaller of neer one hundred Tuns twenty Barques of about thirty and forty and divers Fire-ships There was such order taken to repel them in case they should attempt to passe the Bank that it would be almost an impossibility for them to effect it For besides there engines which were at the mouth of the Bark there was also the Kings Fleet composed of good store Men of war and divers other Vessels which lay in the Channels The Chevalier de Velencay was in the formost Ship of the vant-guard and commanded as Vice-Admiral who had order to grapple with the first Ship of the Enemies and to fight those who were in it The others were to follow his example and every one had order to beat the Enemies as neer to the Shore as possible they could where they would find it a hard taske to get off in regard of the great shot from the Forts and Batteries thereabouts If the Enemie should break through all those obstacles of the greater Vessels shot from the Batteries yet they would find themselves entangled amongst fourscore other Vessels Gallies Galliots and Barques from whence it would be difficult to get off and at the worst they would be stopped by those vessels which had been sunk or the first Pallisade of three and forty ships which were next to them The Cardinal who knew that his Majesties courage would lead him to every thing presently gave him advice of the arrival of the English and his Majesty presently took horse and came the same night to the Camp The strength of his Army the Batteries which were built on the shores and the good order which he observed both in his Land and Sea forces banish'd all causes of fear from him neither were his resolutions lesse fortified by the confidence which he had in God for whose glory he did fight more then for the Interests of his own Kingdome to whom he caused publick Prayers to be made for his blessing on this occasion In short as he was not ignorant that the presence of an enemy obligeth him who commands to be the more vigilant he sent to discover the enemies Fleet at a nearer distance within Musket shot then lying in the road of the Chef de Bay he likewise called a Councel of War where he resolved upon the following order for his own Fleet He commanded that upon the first motion of the enemy no Vessel should weigh Anchor untill they were neer at hand and that then they should board them before they came neer the Bank That no Vessel should releeve his Companion being ingaged with the enemy that in case any Vessel were in pursuit of an enemy and should fall foul upon one of his own party not yet provided then the first vessel should cast Anchor to the end to stay the enemy that both might fall upon him that if any vessel were fired the Shallops should presently come to assist and that in case she were grappled with a Fire-ship they should remove the Wedges from the Cannons that they might shoot over That in such case too they should knock out the ends of their Barrels of Power and pour in some Buckets of Water That they should not make ready any greater number of vessels then the enemy should bring in between the two points That the ships should every day send their Boats to watch before the Fleet and that their chief care should be to prevent the enemies Fire-ships by surprising their Shallops in case they had any or by casting an harping Iron whereby to draw them off from the vessels That for the more readinesse every vessel should have a grappling hook in the stern and that when-ever the enemy should hoise sail they should have their long boats armed and ready to advance with assistance against any fire where it should happen This order was resolved on by the King assisted with his Generals and Sea Captains and so delivered to the Commander of Valencay Vice-Admiral who distributed it amongst the Officers Lastly his Majesty took a review of all his Quarters and Batteries to see if all were in condition to fight and repel the enemy when-ever they should appear Politique Observation OF all the Arts none more becommeth a Prince than the Military which not onely preserves his own State to him but gives him means to increase it and raise his power to a higher degree It cannot be doubted but that it is one of the
Prudent States-man ought to make his resolutions and to regulate his Conduct according to circumstances and the advantage of the time present the former would be much found fault with if he should lose the Wind when it is fair and the latter would commit a deplorable over-sight if he should neglect those advantages and opportunities which should present themselves unto him Opportunity is oftentimes of greater advantage then several Troops and Experience hath dayly evidenced to the World that the advantages of time is the onely thing which if laid hold on carrieth great actions to a prosperous issue Nature observeth her time to put forth her works we never see her bedight with Flowers but when the Sun smiles gently upon her just thus is it with a Prudent man he must strike when the Iron is hot and not strike untill it be hot For this reason it was that the Pythagoreans held opportunity to be the first cause of all things and it is but truth that opportunity is that which giveth them all their perfections and causeth them to terminate in a happy successe Antiquity did much esteem of Pittacus his advice which was comprehended in two words onely know thy time that is lose not thy opportunity but make sure of it it being certainly true that the least smile which she bestoweth is the ground-work of great successes above all an enemy ought to be assaulted at his weakest before he be fortified and that his other Troops come to joyn with him The valiant Scipio would no longer defer his fighting with the Carthaginians when he foresaw that if he gave them time Asdrubal would come up and joyn with them which would augment the difficulties to overcome them Marius in the 25 Book of T. Livy resolved to prosecute the enemy because his Prudence fore-told him that in case he deferred it their whole force would in a small time joyn themselves together and then instead of one Captain and one Army he must incounter with three Generals and three Armies Caesar as himself observeth in his first Book of the War with the Gauls having learnt that there were certain forces comming from the Swedes which were to passe the Rhine presently advanced to fight with Anovistus as doubting least if those forces should come up to him he might be too weak to encounter them The King having resolved upon his Italian Expedition commits the Government of the State to the Queen his Mother THe King before he departed from Paris would as reason was settle the affairs of his Kingdome and State in the hand of a person of whom he was well assured He knew that Kings being out of the way gives opportunity to seditious minds to act and stir who in their presence durst not think a thought that way tending Whereupon he concluded it necessary to intrust the management of all things with some one person upon whose Credit Fidelity and Ability he might rely The Cardinal who was never deficient in procuring all kind of honour to the Queen Mother advised his Majesty to fix upon her as he had done at the siege of Rochel though indeed he was but ill requited for his pains it being at that time that she conceived the first seeds of her hatred against him and suffered her self to be deceived by the false Impostures of her and his enemies That which did most of all clash with the Cardinals thoughts in perswading the King to devolve his power upon her was that she still was guided by those very persons who laboured nothing more then the increasing her Majesties hatred against him and who would act to that purpose with so much the more insolency when they found themselves supported by her authority But as he ever preferred his Majesties before his own Interests he did not long stick at it but finding it most fit for the Government of the State he advised his Majesty to resolve upon it For first the Government of the State could not have been left with any other but it would have raised great broils in the State and secondly he had much rather have been thought improvident in fore-seeing that might hurt him then ingratefull in not procuring to her all possible honour lying in his power and lastly he had some reason to hope that the absolute power which his Majesty left with her during his absence might open her eyes to discern with what zeal and fidelity he had served her In fine his Majesty give the Queen his Mother full and absolute power and caused the Commission which he had made for that purpose to bee read in the Parliament Politique Observation NOthing doth so much allay the hatred of a woman as to procure some honour to her for as they are naturally passionate of ruling so there is not any thing doth more please them then power It should seem that nature having created them to obey they become so much the more ambitious of governing both in private families and in States too for either of which they are very improper Hence it is that they arm themselves with fire and anger against all who oppose them unlesse they are mollified and appeased by love next to which nothing doth so much please and satisfie them as the procurement of some extraordinary power and honour unto them It is a long while since a Philosopher said no water doth so readily extinguish the fire of anger as good deeds which as they make a greater impression on the mind by how much they come nearer to their inclination so there is nothing which doth more please or delight them and hence it is that they are the fittest and most dexterous ways to recall and reclaim their unjust and groundlesse anger and displeasure The King chargeth the Lord Keeper Marillac to chuse out the best rules which had been esteemed proper for the good of the Kingdom by the States met at Paris Anno 1614. and to propose them to the Councel to be drawn up into Ordinances AT the same time the King who cherished Justice as the best Flower in his Crown resolved to publish divers Ordinances relating to his peoples good such as he had chosen out of the best rules which had been thought most proper by the States General at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred and fourteen and by the Assembly at Rouen in the year 1617. and at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred twenty six His Majesty knew that God who had put the Scepter into his hands had not more commanded him any one thing than to administer Justice indifferently to all whereupon he gave order to the Lord Keeper to pick out from those rules such choice ones as might be thought most advantagious for his peoples good to propose them to the Counsel that they might be made Ordinances after mature deliberation had upon them all which was done accordingly and thence sent to the Parliament of Paris whether his Majesty went to hear them read in
to forsake their false and turn unto the true Religion and in case they become obstinate to punish them by the Ax. Heresie is a Crime laesae Majestatis Diviâ—ae and as Heaven hath endued them with no lesse Authority to punish those offences committed against God then those against their own persons so it cannot be doubted that they have an absolute and Just power to punish Heresie with all the severity that it deserveth But however discreet Princes have alwayes used much moderation in this particular because they ever conceived violent means were proper in the first growth and when it might quickly destroy Heresie without any likelihood of its springing up again but that being once spread abroad and increased Rigors and Severities would more fix and confirm it besides the confusions and disorders which would follow in the State by such cruelties and punishments It should seem that for the confirmation of this their judgment the Son of God prohibited his Disciples from picking out the Tares from the wheat which grew together in the field and were hard to be divided it being most certain that it is full as difficult nay no lesse impossible to exterminate Heresie when multiplyed without great confusion even to the State where it is and some trouble to the true Church it self But granting all this to be so yet the Laws of Prudence do not allow of at least whilst a Prince may avoid it that he should grant them any Towns or Places for the excercise of their Heresie for that were to divide his Kingdome to nourish an Enemy in his bosome to foment a Rebellion against himself and to furnish them with arms and means to cut his own throat It is also to give advantage unto strangers who are still fishing in troubled States and hindreth a Prince from assisting his Allyes when their necessities and his own Interests invite him to it and in fine it were to expose himself the true Church and Professors of true Religion unto a thousand affronts and tyrannies That Prince who allows them but weapons submits himself to greater troubles the he is aware of but he who employeth his power to destroy them doth an Act not onely of Religion and Generosity but also of great Prudence and discretion The Kings departure on the fifteenth of January in the year one thousand six hundred twenty and nine towards Piedmont THe same day that his Majesty went to the Pallace to publish his Declaration Ordinances and to cause the Power which he had comitted to the Queen his Mother to be read he likewise departed out of Paris towards Cazal But I may not passe by the observation of a singular act of Prudence in his Majesty who had already advanced the most part of his Forces to Auvergne under the command of Monsieur de Thoyras immediately after the taking of Rochel that be might every day draw them neerer and neerer to the place where he intended to make use of them insomuch that he lost not one hours time upon which he knew the successe of affairs did often depend His Majesty desired to go by the way of Bourgogne and Champagne as well to avoid the sickness which was very hot upon the Road of Lion as also because he had not as yet passed by the Towns of Troyes Dion or Chaal us Where he made his entrance with great Splendour and Magnificence shewing the people by this what respect they were obliged to shew unto him Politick Observation WIse Polititians have not thought it proper for a King to let himself be often seen by the subjects yet they have all concluded it fit that he should visit at least once the principal Cities of his Kingdome This gives them an acquaintance of the people whom they are to governe and the magnificence with which they are accompanied makes impressions of obedience in the thoughts of their subjects Which magnificence doth so much the more contribute to beget respect because the people are often guided by their own sences and Kings ought not to neglect occasions of making themselves reverenced and esteemed The Sun is venerable in our eyes by reason of his lustre and Splendor and with the vulgar nothing doth breed so great a reverence towards the persons of their Princes as the pomp where with they are accompanied whence it comes to passe that many have been of opinion that a King ought not to make himself be feared yet none ever thought but he was obliged to use all means to beget a respect and obedience toward him Humility is a virtue which in this particular is to be dispenced with because the meanuess of his train or reception could diminish the respects of his people and for this reason it is that God hath obliged them to enforce that honour which is due unto them and to maintain themselves in a State correspondent to their Majesty in reference whereunto the wisest Kings would not permit any to approach near their persons but with great respects and seldome would appear in publick but when with great attendance The ancient Kings of the Persians Medes and Judians required their subjects to salute them prostrate on the ground Amongst those of China they are adored like Gods others are served upon the knee and suffer themselves to be seen but seldome and then with great Ceremony too and men do the more readily reverence them in regard God Almighty hath stamped his image upon them for their greater honour and that there is still something in their face that speaks them more than humane The Duke of Lorrain comes to visit the King before his departure and promiseth after his return to come and do him homage for the Dutchy of Bar. WHiles the King was at Chaalous the Duke of Lorrain came thither to wait upon him hoping that by his bare complements civilities he might satisfy his Majesty without doing homage for the Dutchy of Bar which was in his possession by the death of his predecessour The King had often called upon him to do his homage knowing that as God had put the crown upon his head so he was by it obliged no lesse to preserve the Authority which he had given him over stranger Princes then over his own subjects The Duke refused it not but pretended that the Dutchy of Bar belonged to him in chief as also that of Lorrain by virtue of a certain Salique Law which had been likewise confirmed by those of his Family and was yet to be seen amongst his old Record and thereupon would do homage in his own name and not in his wifs to whom really it belonged The King who could not endure injustice would not permit that the Dutchess his wife who had put the Ducal Coronet upon his head should be so dealt with but resolved that either shee should do the homage or he in her name Upon this account it was that he came to assure his Majesty he would suddenly after his return acquit himself of the
employed his in procuring the Kings glory and the happiness of France Had he been then present they never durst have been so bold but his frequent absence was that which gave them opportunities to embitter the Queen Mother against him who formerly had a great respect for him They raised her anger to such an height before she was aware of it that upon the Cardinals return from Montauban to Fountainbleau she could no longer conceale her discontent her eyes darting anger which formerly were pleasant toward him her eyes darâ—ed out flames indeed and such as would have burned him had not the King interposed his absolute Authority to defend him Politique Observation ABsence hath alwayes been known to be very prejudicial to Court favourites It is difficult for them to be long away and that some one or other raise not a faction against them especially the Women whose affection being more guided by sence than reason verifies that Proverb Out of sight and out of mind Their memory is treacherous and they who are not in their sight are easily removed out of their favours Importunity worketh more upon them then merit and he who desires to be Master of their affections must necessarily be continually in their sight The Spaniard hath a Proverb much to this purpose and a good one it is Women do easily blot out of the roul of their friends those who are either dead or absent But admitting this were not so yet the envy of those who appertain to great men never permits them to lose the opportunity of any absence without attempting their ruine The eminence of a Favourites genius or the virtues which shine in him are not able to secure him for envy is a passion so maligne that those persons who have most reputation true worth and glory are the usual objects of it Whence one of the most famous Captains among the Ancients said He for his part thought that he had not yet done any thing praise worthy because that envy that companion of virtue had not found him out It is true the services and generous actions which they atchieve for the glory of a State do sometimes raise them to so high a degree of honour and repute that the despair of bettering them secures them from the emulation of others but it never exempteth them from hatred There is an inevitable necessity that they who bear a great sway in a Government should be hated not onely because men borne free are carried by a certain natural inclination to hate those who command them but also because there are divers persons of the Court who flatter themselves that they deserve more Honour than they have and that they who Govern the affairs depriving them of that which is their due do attempt to hurt them Such people are they who blame the Sun because they cannot confidently look upon him but consider not that the fault is in their eyes not his lustre They can no more endure the sight of an extraordinary virtue than that of a bright Star were it not for the night they would hardly know what the day is and it is the glimmering of the Moon and Stars which doth onely teach them what esteem they ought to have of the greatness and power of the Sun such maligne Spirits there are who are excellent at nothing but finding faults that they are excellent at who never cease to contrive the downfal of others and onely because they want merit to advance themselves But happy is that Minister whose favour is chiefly grounded upon his Princes knowledge of his services upon his Princes sence of the encrease of his glory upon his Princes affections which are no lesse assured to him in his absence then when he is present Happy is the Minister then when his Master looks upon him as the Sun which hath no lesse virtue or light when it is furthest from us then when it is nearest to us The Comte de Merodes Chamberlain to the Emperor seizeth upon the Grisons without declaring a War THE Hugonot party being thus reduced the History requireth my looking back into Italy and I must tell you that notwithstanding the Ratification of the Treaty of Suze made in Spain upon condition however that the French should depart out of Italy yet the Comte de Merodes his Imperial Majesties Chamberlain whom we may look upon as a Spaniard both by reason of the strict Union between Spain and the Empire as also because in this affair the Empire was totally guided by the Spaniard invaded the Grisons seized upon the passages between Germany and Italy took Meyenfeld and Coire their capital Cities and built forts in such places as were most convenient for the marching of his Troups This breach was occasioned by Monsieur de Savoy a person naturally turbulent and whose courage besides the affront which he had so lately received at Suze transported him presently after the Treaty of Peace and as soon as ever he saw the King engaged at the siege of Privas to negotiate with the Emperour and King of Spain a new War but upon the old design He had acquainted the Emperour that the violence which had been offered him at Suze did not so much concern his eminency in particular as it reflected on his Imperial Majesty seeing he for his part had never attempted the stopping of the passages but onely in defence of the rights of the Empire that the reliving of Cazal was a contempt of his Authority seeing the Duke of Mantua was his vassal and had not at that time rendred the obedience which he ought to his Majesty He likewise gave the Spaniard to understand that the affront which he received before Cazal brought a disrepute upon him through all Italy and that it was to be feared lest in prosecution thereof they might attempt something upon his Dominions there that the Cardinal had already projected his ruine in Italy that the Common wealth of Genoa was just ready for a revolt that an expedition was already prepared against Milan and that they had already proposed to engage him in it by assuring Bresse unto him and offering ready mony for the Marquisat of Saluces which would much facilitate the entrance of the French into Italy and that in case they should thus deprive him of those two inlets the one by Sea the other by Land there would then nothing be more easie then to despoil him of the Kingdom of Naplâ—s These considerations were of no little power to stir up both those two Potent Princes seeing it concerned their honour but there was as little honour and truth in these his discourses as there was Justice in the Câ—mte de Merodes seizing the Grisons without declaring a War against them or without any cause given of hostility It is true beiâ—g come near the Grisons he sent indeed one of his Company with the Emperours Letters to Coir in which he demanded to passe through their Countrey but instead of expecting an answer he presently
a Deity They knew Heaven would be very severe in punishing those who violated it and they would not only be overwhelmed with Infamie but that it would be of ill consequence to the State considering how true it is that Justice and Fidelity are the two chief things which support the Thrones of all Kings Prosecution of the Subject I Cannot omit the great assistance which the Venetians did this year send unto the Duke of Mantua it being impossible for his Majesties whole Army to have been with him soon enough although some few Troops had already come to him The King had by his Ambassador negotiated those Succours with the Venetians upon the first discovery of the House of Austria's design Now the Venetians were the easier enclined to send these Succours it being their very great Interest to hinder the Spaniards growing power in Italy especially so neer them they having so often and so long had designs upon them Besides they well knew that they had at that present several good Towns and places which formerly belonged to the Dutchy of Milan but had been taken from it by their Common-wealth which peradventure the Spaniard might have a mind to recover from them In conclusion they send divers times Mony Victuals and some Troops unto the Duke of Mantua which did not a little help to preserve him Politique Observation THere is not any thing more dangerous then to suffer a potent Ambitious King to seize on a Neighbour Princes Country by violence seeing his conquest will only serve for a Bridge to the next Kingdome An Ambitious King is like a great River ever eating into it's Banks without regard had either to the Justice or Injustice of his designs When he hath once proposed his end he careth not by what means it is atchieved His chief care is how to make a party in his Neighbours Country how to raise a division which may open an entrance for his Ambitious designs He spareth no cost to corrupt their Officers and Ministers He is like some people in Affrick who sleep with their eyes alwayes open and as he believeth the greatest glory to consist in possessing the greatest empire so he imagineth the design of Command to be a just cause of War If his Forces be not strong enough he bloweth division amongst his Neighbours to make them revolt and maketh use of those who are credulous that he may subject their fellows to his Dominion He winks at Justice not that he may Judg with Equity but that he may not behold if possible the injustice of his own intentions In short there is not any thing which he will not do if it lead him to new conquests Which being thus who can be ignorant of the obligation which lyeth upon all Allyes to assist one another when any attempt is made upon any single Country amongst them The assistance which they lend is a security to their own States and in fighting for him they confirm their own quiet But above all they who are nearest bordering upon one another ought to be careful in this particular because they run a greater hazard When an Army is at our Gates it is little worth then to call upon a relief far from us for great Armies do not flye no they march but slowly and before they can arrive to assist us we are lost and taken He who being unable with his own strength to defend himself calleth in a friend far distant from him is like a sick person who being taken with a sodaine dangerous fit sendeth for an able Physitian to another place twenty miles distant and in the mean time before his Doctor arrives becomes incurable Antiquity hath furnished us with an admirable example of the thing in that of Sâ—gâ—nte which being besieged by the Carthaginians was taken before the relief from Rome could come up to it And of later times the City of Sienna being besieged by the Imperialists was in expectation of the French assistance but to little purpose they being at too great a distance to come up to them In such occasions those Countries neerest at hand are to be employed they being in reason bound to rise in their behalf and hereupon it is that Alliances and Leagues made with them are much more advantageous then any others whatever Prosecution of the History NOtwithstanding that the Treaty of Peace and the Renewing of Alliance between France and England had been concluded in April whilst his Majesty was at Suze yet the final confirmation of it was used to be done by oath and by extraordinary Ambassadors interchangeably sent which Ceremony had been put off until his Majesties return back to Paris from his Italian-Expedition and was now performed in September at Fontain-bleau whither the Lord Esmond came from the King of Britain for that purpose The King caused him to be entertained with very great honour as had been accustomed on such occasions particularly invited him to dine with him at his own Table that day when the Ceremony was celebrated The appointed hour being come he was conducted into the Church of Bourg magnificently prepared for that purpose where the King and all the Princes of the Court wayting on him hear'd Vespers At his entrance he saluted with great respect the King and Queens after which he took his place in a Scaffold made ready for him The King made the oath in his presence and swore upon the Holy Evangelists to observe and perform all the Conditions of the Treaty which he had signed The same oath was made at London the same day with no lesse Ceremony by the King of England in the presence of the Marquis de Chasteauneuf Extraordinary Ambassador there forth at purpose Politique Observation AS Sacraments render Actions the more venerable so have all people thought it fit to confirm their Treaties therewith that Princes might be obliged the more Religiously to observe them But in all times they have been as various as Nations That which was most universally observed was to drink in the same Glasse It is true those of Thracia and Aegypt did not use the same Cup but the same Ox-horn The Jewes used to kill certain Beasts and divide their entrailes The Caldeans passed through certain Flames holding a Sword in their hand to confirm their oaths But the Ceremonies of the Arabians seem to me more extraordinary then all the rest Some eminent Person of the Treaters placed himself in the midd'st and beating his hand with a sharp stone drew bloud which was gather'd up with some part of their Cloths wherewith they besmeared seven other stones about which they stood invocating the names of Denis Vrania The Scythians mingled blond with Wine dipp'd their Arrows their Hatchet and Javelins in it with several Protestations of Fidelity and then drank it up causing the witnesses of their oath to do the same The Romans were accustomed to call their Great Priest who raised an Altar of Turf placed a Hog on it which he smit with a
Provinces were like so many petty Kings The Kings family was maintained by two or three years advance of the Treasury before hand exhausted to inrich those who were factiously inclined and without any honour to the King The Allies of the Crown were left to the mercie of their enemies of whom the Kingdome stood in fear The case was now altered the Heretick faction was brought upon their knees the Princes of the blond were forced to live in obedience the Governours of Provinces durst do nothing but what was just the Treasuries were well regulated and employed for the Kings Honour and State In short the whole body of France heretofore sick and languishing began to recover strength with assurance of perfect health when as its Forraign and Domestick enemies did not at all divert the Cardinals designs All these things were so apparent that the Cimmerian darknesse could not hinder the sight of them but who knows not that the strongest reasons cannot touch them who are over-mastered with Passion as we have reason to beleeve they could not those about Monsieur seeing they were so blind in perswading him to a course so directly contrary to that which the Cardinal had projected for the establishment of the Kingdom They should have learned that as the Planets do not immit their influences here beneath without causing of great alterations in the world so neither do the Princes of the Blood ever separate themselves from their King and Country but they cause great troubles and disorders and in case there were any others in the State this were to remedy it by a worse a thing contrary to the Laws of Prudence but a thing not much by them regarded so they could but overcome their Masters spirit that they might afterwards lead him to whatever they desired Politique Observation IF Divine Providence doth not appear with more splendour in any one thing then the Government of the Universe then true it is that humane wisedom is never more admirable then in the Conduct of Kingdomes especially when they are fallen from their first height and that there is a necessity to re-establish them This re-establishment doth undeniably depend upon that particular Minister who governeth affairs next under the Authority of his Prince for he is in the State as the Sun in the World as the eye to the Body and as the Primum mobile among the Heavens Yet however two truths cannot be gain-said the first is that a State being a society of free men who not exactly following the motions which their chief minister gives them it cannot be avoided but that some disorder must follow unlesse divers others besides himself be assistant The principal causes share indeed the chief glory in producing their effects but not of being the onely producers of them and the Sun himself could not enamel the earth with the Flowers of the Spring unlesse other causes did co-operate and as no Labourer how vigilant soever can hinder the fields from producing Weeds so it is likewise impossible that a chief Minister how prudent soever should so settle a State that no disorder should appear in it seeing it is no lesse natural for people to he unruly then for the earth to bring forth weeds The second that it is a work of time to re-establish a State once fallen into confusion Nature works slowly produceth the seed out of the grain the sien from the seed the tree from the sien the flower from the tree and at last the fruit Thus likewise a Minister of State how excellent soever he be cannot reduce confusion into order but by little and little and by setting his Engines on work one after another There must needs be some time spent in inquiring into the true causes of these evils it being impossible to apply convenient remedies without discovering the original defect He had need be instructed with Prudence and experience to consider those things which have heretofore conduced to make that State flourish which he would now restore and also that which hath been glorious for other States He ought to imitate good Physitians who having observed those ill humours which cause the sicknesse use their art first to purge them out and then to bring their Patient to a good temper The principal causes of the ruine of a State are civil Wars disrespect of authority the too great Power of Princes of the Blood Strangers and Governours Factions negligence in Judges to punish publick disorders want of good Discipline among Souldiers and the oppressures of the people now what a deal of time must there be to redresse all these and establish one quite contrary It cannot be done but by time and labour nay impossible if the Kingdom be either in civil or forraign War Lastly the Minister hath need of some time to reduce the neighbour Countries into such a condition that they may not indanger his Physitians are carefull for the restoring of their Patient to perfect health that neither the ayr nor any thing about him may be offensive to him and a Prudent Minister is no lesse obliged to be carefull not onely that his neighbours may not injure him but that they may be serviceable to him He must keep a strict intelligence with his Allies not injuring them but assisting them in all occasions as the Romans did who sent their Embassadours from Town to Town to make a friendship with them and to divert them from the Carthaginians He ought to indeavour the breaking off all Leagues between forraign Princes whose strength by their uniting might become suspected whence it follows that he ought not to be over-hasty in extinguishing any Wars between them nay some he is bound to foment as Lewis the Eleventh did to divert those storms which else would have fallen upon France These are the chief means which can contribute to the establishment of a State but who seeth not that amongst a thousand different causes it is impossible totally to effect it unlesse after a long time and with extream care and diligence The Marshal de Marillac is send by the King to Monsieur THey of the Queen Mothers faction would by no means let slip Monsieur's retreat without making advantage of it They despaired of ever overcoming his Majesty considering how great an esteem be professed to have of the Cardinals services They very well knew that the Queen Mother could not countenance any one against him so powerfully as Monsieur whereupon they did their utmost to breed a good understanding between them and when his Majesty had sent divers to Monsieur they did at last work the Queen Mother to procure Marillac to be sent to him a person whom they knew to be fit for their design The Cardinal gave him his instructions as to what he should say from his Majesty which tended to remember him how really his Majesty did affect him heretofore to assure him he was not at all altered at that present That his Majesty did not complain of him for his departure
cuts and rends the air on every side So likewise a great Minister cannot be moved at any shocks of Fortune his courage never permitting her to Triumph in the least over his resolution or to Byas him from the Laws of Prudence the rule of all his conduct and this it is you will find our Cardinal to practise in all and every the transactions of this year The Promotion of the Arch-bishop of Lions and Monsieur Bagny to the Cardinalship I Will begin with the Honours which the King procured his holiness to bestow with the Cardinals Hats on the Arch-bishop of Lions and Monsieur Bagny the Popes Nuntio The great Worth of the former at the least equalized that honour of the Cardinalship and his sublime vertue made it apparent to all the World that to have left him in the solitudes of a Cloyster had been a great injury and wrong to the whole Church I shall not need say more of him then that he was the Cardinals Brother seeing that qualification were sufficient to render him capable of so eminent a dignity The King who slips not any occasion of acknowledging the services which he had done both to his Person and Estate could not endure to see him have a Brother in the Church and not advanced to the utmost degree of Honour which the French are capable of and the Pope had but too much assurance and knowledge of the great advantages he had procured to the Church so that he could not do lesse then honour his Brother with a hat seeing it was not in his power to raise himself to any higher Eminency It s true by the Laws of the Roman Court it is not permitted that two Brothers be Cardinals at the same time But as these Laws are not so considerable as those of gratitude and acknowledgment so his Holiness did not so much as once scruple at it And for that which concerns Monsieur de Bagny besides the custome of ordinarily conferring the Cardinalship on such as have for some time resided neer his Majesty in the quality of his Holiness Nuntio which seems to give him some right or claim to the Hat His own Worth which rendered him deserving in the judgments of all the Grandees in the Kingdom not only of the Cardinalship but even of the Papal Miter every one predicting that he would one day wear is invied nay enforced the King to contribute his utmost to obtain it for him and not only that but the quality of his Genius caused every one to conclude that he would one day be very considerable in the Court of Rome when before he had arrived to that pitch of Honour he could not but be very advantageously useful to the Interests of France which upon frequent occasions depend upon their well management in the Consistory Politique Observation ALthough the Cardinals are not regarded in France but as Princes who are strangers Yet this their promotion doth not render them lesse useful or important to the State they being more considerable then other Princes of the same condition by reason of the affairs which are daily negotiated with his Holiness the Pope and indeed ought to be respected as the principal conservators under the King of the Liberties and Franchises of the French Church and State they being his Majesties Chief Ministers in Ordinary neer the Pope and it hath been alwayes held necessary that there were some one of this quality either a French man by Nation or at least very affectionate by Nature to the Interests of France who might cordially advance the designs and concerns of the French King and Church with his Holiness the Pope And from hence it came to passe that if they were naughty French little affectionate either to the State or his Majesties Person or infected with the Maximes of Spain that great Inconveniences befell as hath been heretofore seen and for my particular I believe it to be safer for his Majesty to permit France to be with out any rather then such Cardinals But we live not in an age which hath any reason to complain of such an unhappiness seeing France oweth the restauration of its greatness and glory to the Cardinal as to the Prime and first of second Causes which Act under the King for to him chiefly belongs the Honour in that he had so great an influence upon the Popes disposition that he gave the Italians themselves a just occasion to say that his Holiness was turned Cardinal The dispatch of the Marshal d' Etree to the Commonwealth of Venice concerning the Affairs of the Duke of Mantua I Shall passe from the consideration of those reasons of State which might be made upon the aforesaid Lords Promotion to the Cardinalship that I may tell you how about the end of the foregoing year Fortune being become seldome favourable to the house of Austria or their Arms the Imperialists found themselves so oppressed with diseases and incumbred with sicknesses and necessities that they were enforced to raise the siege of Mantua But it was as if they had only withdrawn themselves into their Winter quarters The Duke of Mantua was vigilant for the preservation of his State and well knew the ambitious humor of Spain which had sought all occasions for fifty years past to render themselves Masters of Italy and would not now bee wanting to reassume their former design in causing new Troops to come from Germany and in giving better Orders and Instructions then heretofore that they might give new life to their intentions and designs This moved him to make addresses to the King that he would be pleased to interpose his Authority with the Venetians to induce them to raise an Army and make themselves Masters of the field which would discourage the Imperialists to return or make any more approaches towards Mantua This request of his was granted and the Marshal d' Estree dispatched towards Venice about the beginning of January to treat there concerning those succours with order to retirs himself into Mantua after the conclusion of his Embassie according as the Cardinal had perswaded the King to be most proper before he had began his Journy thither And thus it being business of no small importance for the Venetians to hinder the Spaniard from seating himself so neer them as Mantua His Dominion being like the Eagles Feathers which frets and eateth away those which are next and neerest unto it they readily imbraced the protection of the said Duke of Mantua and chose the Duke of Candal for their General and gave him after many importunities continually suggested by the Marshal d' Estree about twelve thousand foot and three thousand Horse to which were joyned the Regiments of Candale and Valette which were about three thousand men a piece sent by the King Politique Observation IT is very necessary to know the designs of an Enemy before he be in a condition to put them in Execution and this foresight is so much the more commendable by how much it
him lies the friendship of the Princes of the blood it being most certain that a good intelligence and correspondence with them is as advantagious to the State as a breach with them is unfortunate and ominous And as their greatest inclination is to command so one cannot more oblige them then by giving them imployment But one ought to be well assured and carefull of their truth and fidelity and that the stedfastnesse of their minds be not to be shaken by the dangerous suggestions of such as are about them who are alwaies sure of endeavouring to render themselves agreeable that they may instil into them more Ambition then they ought to have and induce them to revolt with the Army and those powers which are intrusted under their command Isocrates did well advise Nicocles never to prefer those of his blood to imployments untill he was extreamly well assured of them for that the desire of rule doth so much the more charm the kindred of a Prince by how much they are neerer related unto him as T. Livy very well observeth Blood hath no tie so strong â—hich ambition doth not oftentimes break when it finds it self with Arms in its hand They ought to be so much the lesse intrusted by how much they have lesse true affection or friendship as Plutarch hath verified by many examples in the life of Demetrius If a King be obliged for any just reason to confide his Armies into the hands of any Prince of the Blond I imagine he must follow the Prudence of Tiberius who when he sent Germanicus to command his Army into Syria he recalled Creticus Syllanus from the Government of that Province who was an intimate friend to Germanicus fearing lest their intelligence and correspondence might lend a helping hand to advance him into the power of Soveraignty and placed in his room Cneus Piso whose violent humour would make him oppose any designs of his if they should be contrary to the duty of his Office In a word a King ought to such a person to associate some one whose valour and fidelity may be able to counterpoise or ballance any enterprizes which hee may attempt The King came to Lion then to Grenoble where the Cardinal came to meet him THe King passed by Dijon that he might there give such orders as we have already said and thence came to Lyon but rested there a very little while for the great desire he had to be at Grenoble where he had directed the Cardinal to meet him as soon as the Passages of Italy were open The Cardinal was passionately desirous to be neer his Majesty to pay him his usual services and to ease him of the care and trouble of his estate and his Majesty was no lesse impatient to see the Cardinal as he testified by his extraordinary care and caresses with which he honoured him at his arrival and which were proofs not onely of the affection but of the extream tenderness which he had for him Politique Observation THe Passion of Love produceth the same effects in the Souls of great Kings as it doth in those of private persons It is that which carrieth their minds so naturally towards those whom they honour with their favours that they take a singular delight to see them alwaies neer them Alexander could not be without the sight of Hephestion And it is most sure that the greatest successes which Princes have be it in War be it in Peace are but lame and do nothing neer so much affect their minds with joy if they have not neer them some persons with whom they use to discourse with freedom and familiarity And what greater satisfaction or content can there be to a Prince then the Prudence of a couragious and faithfull Minister who he assuredly knows to have no Passion so great as that which tends to his honour and glory What an honour is it to have neer him a person to whom his Majesty may lay open his bosome and intrust with his grandest secrets without the least suspicion or doubt of his fidelity What a great satisfaction and content is it to have by one so noble a Genius whose discourses disburthen his cares whose councels facilitate his greatest State-difficulties whose vigilance secures him from dangers and whose courage conducts him to a happy successe in all his enterprises The happy succeess of the Treaty of Peace by the Cardinal Mazarini between the King and Duke of Savoy THe King no sooner arrived at Grenoble but Mazarini was ready to make propositions of Peace to his Majesty The Duke who till then had been deaf to all overtures how reasonable soever as well as the Marquesse Spinola caused word to be sent to his Majesty that if his Majesty would be pleased to restore him Pignerol he would accord to any Articles which should seem just The King who desired nothing more then Peace provided it were honourable and advantagious to his Allies received the message with much joy and thought fit that the Marshal of Crequy the Sieur of Chasteauneus de Bullion and Bauttillier should assemble with the Cardinals Bagni and Mazarini to prepare such Articles as might be for the contentment of all parties however he would not be obliged to quit his design of prosecuting the War untill the Treaty was intirely concluded and resolved on for his Majesty knew of what importance the restitution of Pignerol was without which they did not so much as name or speak of any accomodation Politique Observation SEeing Peace when it is certain is to be preferred before a doubtful victory that being in the hand of a Prince but this subject to the Laws of Fortune it is not prudence to refuse it in Treaties said Hannibal to Scipio in T. Livy But Thucydides teacheth us in his History that a Prince who would treat with his Enemy should not cease to prosecute the War in such manner as if there were no hope of an agreement otherwayes great Inconveniences might follow adding Thus did the Lacedemonians when they treated a Peace with the Atbâ—nians and Peace is then soonest made when both sides appear in the field with their Swords in their hands and an equal power following them for if either hath the least advantage he will be the more peremptory and demand the harder conditions in his Treaties as Caesar hath observed in his History of civil Wars The taking of Chambery from the Duke of Savoy HOwever the King assembled his Counsel to take advice whether it were not propper to prosecute the Victories of his Army and to make himself Master of all Savoy and so secure himself more and more of the Passes Many offered to his Majesties consideration that the Duke of Savoy and Marques Spinola would never hearken to any Peace but by necessity and to regain Pignerol having until that time refused to do it but upon dishonorable terms for his Majesty That there was little reason to trust him as to that of the Duke of Mantua for whose
him in the conduct of the most important affairs of the Kingdome them the Reformation and re-establishment of the State did not fail at the end of the foregoing year to represent to his Majesty that it was not only important but almost necessary to take away that power of Sale and consequently to suppresse the Troict Annuel upon which it hath it's principal dependance And his Majesty did so much the more approve of his resolution because he found nothing in the Cardinals Counsels which was not as admirable as profitable to France Politique Observation THE Sale of Offices is one of the greatest mischiefs in a State Ambition never faâ—ls to raise them to an excessive price which causeth that al the Honours of the Kingdome serve rather for a recompense of riches then of vertue It takes away from Kings the power of chusing Officers which are the Organs whereby Justice is distributed to their subjects it casts the greatest Courages into despair when they find themselves reduced to Poverty see others occupy the place of vertue and that the most glorious Actions to which they could aspire shall not be able to raise them out of the dust Is not that it which gives subsistance to such a number of Officers who-instead of serving do but oppresse the people Is not that it which hinders the suppression of a great number and reducing of them to a smaller which might be the hundreth part of what now are and yet sufficient for the Kings service and the good of the people With how many pensions doth it overcharge the Kings exchequer and the sum which is imployed in their pay is it not immense But this Sale of Offices is not only a charge to the Publique since particular persons suffer extreamly much by it The hopes they conceive of the continuation of the Droict Annuel incourageth them to buy their Offices at so high a rate that the very richest are beggard by it If they continue any long time in their Offices the expences to which they are tyed to live with some Splendour undoes them and their Children are so far from drawing any advantage from it that they are commonly left if not in absolute poverty yet in much want Many are constrained to sell them off during their lives for the accomodation of their families and to divide the money among their Children and it is as much as any if he be none of the richest can do to maintain one of his Children in the succession of his Offices leaving all the rest in a necessity of living below their qualities The suppression of the Droict Annuel in regard of the Officers of Iustice re-established by the King THese just considerations being represented to the King by the Prudence of the Cardinal induced his Majesty ever since the beginning of the year to suppresse the Droict Annuel in relation to the judicature which are more considerable then the rest that so by little and little death might extinguish a great part of the Offices and take away the venality without any great prejudice to the Officers themselves For he had resolved to allow the Survivances to those who had long lived in their charges with Honour Or if they were taken away by death to grant their Offices to such of their Children as should be found capable or in case they left none able to manage them to cause that such as should succeed should allow some recompense unto them thus restoring to the State by little and little the accomplishment of its perfection But these Officers made so great instance to his Majesty for the Continuation of the Droict Annuel being therein like the sick who flatter themselves in their diseases and will not apprehend the danger to which they expose themselves that he was obliged to continue it for 9 years longer but burthened with such extraordinary charges that they would find difficulty to pay them whereby they might enjoy the favour granted to them by the Declaration made in June and be staggered another time to desire the continuation of it The King would not absolutely discontent the Body of Officers who do at this day constitute the greatest part of his Kingdome But his Prudence sound it fit so to burden this condition that the greatest part should renounce the benefit which he accorded them to free themselves from the charges Besides the immense expence of the War did incline him to this resolution for his supply Necessity obliging to do that which otherwise he would not do Politique Observation IT is with men as with the sick We must not administer neither to one or t'other the remedies proper to their disease without regard to the disposition of their humour because they may sometimes be so stirred in the discontentments which they receive that their sickness would rather encrease then receive any abatement The most commendable Counsels which are given upon the General consideration of affairs become oftentimes hurtful by reason of some circumstance which may happen The most that can be done in such occasions is to put the business into such a state that that which is needful to be done suffer but a simple delay conserving still the liberty of executing counsels in a more favourable time It hath been often seen that States have been cast into extremity and sedition by attempting any unreasonable reformation It is not of smal importance to content the Officers when they are so numerous as they are in France They are they who keep people in obedience who have power to enforce obedience to the Laws They are the Directers of the civil Government in all Towns and by Consequence the commotions which might be stirred up in their breasts by any extraordinary discontent though taken up upon a false ground would be as dangerous as a violent heat which doth seize upon the Heart the Liver or any other vital parts The Kings return from St. John de Morienne into France A Little while after his Majesties arrival at St John de Morienne he was seized on by 2 or 3 fits of a Fever which gave occasion to the Cardinal to doubt lest his Majesty might fall into some more dangerous sicknesse And as one never ought to hazard the Person of a King who is the Soul of his State the heart which distributeth the Spirits of life by the Arteries unto all parts the Liver which giveth nourishment to all and the principal of all others good fortune so the Cardinal entreated his Majesty with so many instances to retire himself from that abode which was neer hand infected all over with the pestilence and return to Lyon where he would find a good ayr and ease from those great Cares which the War had ingaged him to take upon himself that at last he did accordingly resolve to return and arrived there about the beginning of August The Cardinal in the mean time could not think of quitting the Army so soon foreseeing that should he have gone with his
his industry Prudence without doubt acquires great glory when it surmounts force Thucydides in his History prefers its victories before all others Prudence it self which ought to be so much more honoured as it cuts the evill in the roote and preserves an Army oft times from running the hazard of a combate weaken in such sort the Forces of an Enemy that he has not the boldnesse to dare an encounter as the Cardinal hath made appear in several occasions The Kings gives the command of his Army to the Duke de Montmorancy Marquis d' Effiat and the Marshal de la Force IT was requisite besides that to send new Troups to the Kings Army the Marshall de Marillac having show'd himself obstinate till then not to follow his Majesties commands in leading the Army of Champaigne into Italy the Cardinal thought to go himself to make them passe the Mountains and take the reins into his own hand But the great Cabals he found at Court which were capable not only to hinder the relief of Cazal but to overthrow the whole State if not dissipated constrained him to stay at Lyons with his Majesty who thought fit to send in his place the Duke of Montmorancy the Marquis of Effiat and the Marshal of la Force Those great Captains commanded the Army every one his week by turns with such Order that notwithstanding the Marquis of Effiat was above the two others one commanded the Van-Guard one week the other the Battalia the third the Rear-Guard and he who commanded the Battalia gave during his week all the general Orders necessary for the conduct of the Army The principal consideration which induced the Cardinal to propose this expedient to the King of committing the command of his Army to many Generals was the necessity of Councel and the great need which he saw there was of the advice of many persons of great understanding and experience in those affairs which should happen Now it was impossible to send them thither without command by reason that being persons of great quality they would hardly be under command in the Kings absence if they might not have Governed in their turn Not that he was ignorant that the multitude of Generals often stirs up envy among them and consequently is cause of great confusion in an Army but his incomparable Prudence who could find remedies for the most desperate maladies of the State wanted not inventions to hinder those inconveniences and this same to make them command the Army in their turn in the Van-Guard Battalia and Rear-Guard was an excellent one by reason that making them all participate of the same glory they had no occasion to envy one another Politique Observation AS there is no person goes under the notion of being excellent in any profession whatsoever if he doth not shew some effects which are not common so a Minister of State shall never passe with the reputation of being endued with an extraordinary Prudence if there be nothing singular in his conduct And he doth not set up a new Order both in Peace and in War which is evidently advantagious to the Publick The ordinary rules of War admit but of one General to command an Army because the Commonalty know not the wayes of conserving a good intelligence amongst divers to whom the charge of them is committed But this here was found to be so much the more profitable as the Counsel of several persons whose judgment and experience being as eminent as there qualities is advantagious upon all occasions Who knoweth not that a happy successe doth as often depend upon good Counsel as upon the quantities and indeed the courages of Souldiers But who is more capable of giving and resting stedfastly upon good resolutions then several great Captains the least of which is able to command an Army One only person of this temper is worth six Regiments and that expedient which happens not in the thoughts of one falls into those of another and if one misse to discover any Stratagem of the Enemy another doth not if one foreseeth any danger the other finds out a necessary remedy to prevent it It is difficult to find in any one man all the qualities necessary for the General of an Army but whoever joynes three together supplies that defect provided he keep them from dissention one perchance excels in stoutnesse and being blinded with it is by consequence fitter for execution then Counsel another is more dexterous in the Prudence of his Counsels and to invent necessary expedients but being of a colder constitution is lesse proper to be made use of when there is occasion of a sudden execution and another haply may have an admirable addresse and a winning carriage to retain the Souldiers in their Discipline and to make them live in good order so that joyning these great persons in commission together and giving them the same commands in the Army not leaving any ground of jealousie or cause of confusion there cannot follow any other then a glorious successe The Prosecution of the History EXperience hath made it appear a truth amongst these three great Captains who advanced the Kings Arms to so high a pitch of glory in Italy that the Spaniards and Germans will not easily resolve to give them a new occasion of encounter The first encounter that they had with the Enemy was upon passing the Bridge of Villane where the Duke of Savoy and the Prince of Piedmont came with 6000 foot and 200 Horse and made a most furious assault upon some Troops which remained to passe over But the successe was so disadvantageous notwithstanding the great inequality of the Forces that all the Enemies Army was either put to flight or cut in pieces The two Princes that led them sweating as was afterwards heard that they never saw any fight so well In Prosecution of this victory they maâ—ched directly to Saluces with design to take it and to make use of it in the room of Pignerol whence the plague did hinder the drawing out of any necessary commodities The Marshal de la Force whose week it was commanded his Son with 500 Horse to go summon the Town with all sorts of civility to surrender thinking it proper so to deal with them that he might get the good will of the people of whom he intended to make use in the design which he had to raise a Magazine there Those of the Town could not imagine the Kings Army to be so neer so that they desired leave to send their Deputies to treat with the Generals which was granted to them and accordingly they were conducted where they then were But upon their return 500 choise men were clap't into it discharging both at them and ours too with such insolence that the Generals being informed of it advanced with the Army Many who made the first approches were slain and wounded But the courages of others who saw them in his condition could not endure to suffer the Kings Army to receive
they were procured and bestowed upon him as so many just recompences of his services or to ingage him to do others of more importance as the effects of a pure liberallity But after all either these indeavours these cares these services these respects or these submissions could mitigate that sharpnesse which had taken possession of her spirit They wrought for some time so much upon her reason that she kept all fair and seemed not to be displeased but assoon as she was arrived at Paris her Passion revived and to that height that she removed out of her family Madam de Combalâ—t and Monsieur de la Meâ—lleray and in prosecution her passion carried her to commit and act unheard of violences upon the Kings disposition to induce him to destroy this incomparable Minister without whose Prudence France it self had been destroyed Politique Observation AS Women do not ordinarily love men though the most amiable with or by reason the only instinct of their passion making a deeper impression in their souls then the merit or worth of those whom they address themselves to love so there is no reason which is able to root out any hatred which they shall once conceive They easily passe from one extremity to another upon those Wings of Inconstancy which nature hath given them with their births and the changeableness of their humour is easily known by the pride which they take to hate such persons against whom they have once taken any impression and of which there is not any hopes to cure them by any lawfull waies The strongest reasons of truth passe in their opinions for Artifices and the most humble submissions do not at all touch their high minds and the greatest in stances make them the greater Rebels They being of the same humour with fortune who doth ordinarily bestow her favours upon those who least seek after them The constancy of the Cardinal against those who would remove him out of the Kings Favour JT cannot be denied but that the Cardinal was affected with such apparent grief on this occasion as cannot be imagined and as it is not generosity but a poorness of spirit to a shew an insensibleness on such occasions so in the Cardinals face one might see all the lively marks of displeasure It was not the apprehension of losing his fortune that did touch him for he had learnt by a long experience that the greatest happinesse of this life is not confined to the greatest honours and that those who govern an Estate are like the Celestial Bodies which receive much honour from the earth but have no rest at all so that he had most readily renounced all according as he supplicated his Majesty if his Majesty would have thought it fit who too too well knew of what concernment he was to his State It could not be that he did suspect his Majesties goodnesse or constancy to whom hee knew his fidelity was better known then to all the rest of France and of whose affection he had so many daily testimonies that he could not but without great blame have him in any doubt at all But as Innocence cannot without trouble passe for guilty so the vice of ingratitude with which the Queen Mother did strive to sully his glory made it so much the more insupportable by how much lesse he had deserved it He was not to learn that the power of Grandees was potent enough to insinuate into the peoples minds their particular thoughts for infallible truths and that she might in France and to posterity make him passe for an ungratefull servant of those favours which she had conferred upon him It was for this that he could not imagine no more then he Kings loyal servants that after he had given canse to the whole World to admire him the Artifices of some seditious spirits would be able to counterpoise his glory Ingratitude is a deficiency of that acknowledgement which one ought to have for good Offices so that who so confesseth himself to be indebted cannot be accused But surely he cannot be called ingratefull who hath no greater desires then of paying eternal service to those from whom he hath received obligations and who hath no more apparent grief then to see the malice of his enemies able to remove him from the opportunities of so doing But what appearence can there be of casting this infamous quality in his teeth who hath paid all imaginable services to his very enemies onely that he might make ' them Mediators of his Reconciliation which would inable him to imploy the rest of his life to serve her who had obliged him Can he be called ingratefull who would lose the first place of Honour in a State to preserve that which he had formerly possessed in the good opinion of his Benefactâ—ix seeing he could not make a more perfect demonstration of his acknowledgement And now cannot the whole Court bear witnesse that all this was but one part of the care which the Cardinal took to recover some part of the honour of the Queen-Mothers good opinion He whom she made his principle accuser never durst disavow it in his writings But not welâ— knowing how to describe his ingratitude he would fain make him passe for ingratefull because he did not adhere to and follow all the Queen Mothers sentiments in State affairs as if a Minister could with Justice prefer the opinion of such a person as she was before the Kings service And as if the condiscendence which he should make to the Queen Mothers will would not be one of the greatest defects in a person of his Trust It is true that her birth might oblige him to extraordinary services but they never ought to run counter to the fidelity due to his Master which commands him to passe by no occasion of preserving or augmenting his glory He is obliged to know what is due by way of recognition to those who favour him and what is due by Justice to the King his Master and never to prefer the acknowledgement of of particular kindnesses before the Interest of the State which is entrusted to his conduct He would perchance have him pass for ingrateful because he did not discover some important secrets to the Queen-Mother which was only in matters contrary to her opinion as if secrecie were not the soul of counsel as if to reveal a thing were not evidently to obstruct the execution of a Designe The sagest Polititians have said He is the wisest King who after he hath caused divers expedients to be proposed communicates his resolution of what shall be done but only to a few persons Politique Observation HAtred which hath no just foundation is so inconsiderate that it proposeth Chimeras for very plausible nay strong reasons without regarding that they will not be credited but by such spirits as she hath got the possession of when Truth doth not furnish it with solid reasons it attempteth to make pretenses pass for currant lawful causes There are no
sorts of wickednesses which are not powerful enough to entertain the minds of women especially when they believe that the subject they work upon would set bounds to their Authority and hinder them in their Governing according to their own Fancies The greediness of absolute command hurries them with a greater impetuosity to revenge then any other cause whatsoever without this consideration that God hath not created their Sex for Government and experience hath evidenced it upon many occasions that they are very unfit for that purpose But as Ambition is a blind Passion we do many times see great obstacles opposed to their Powers when they think to increase their Authorities and the greatest props of their Grandeur ruined whilest they use their greatest endeavours to render themselves more absolute The great Qualities of the Cardinal ALL the Artifices of the Queen mother made no other Impression upon his Majesty then to carry him to recollect and reiterate in his mind the Fidelity of the Cardinals services the great affection wherewith he had behaved himself in all occasions where his Majesties glory was concern'd the good success which accompanied his Conduct of his Armies the Incomparable Prudence wherewith he was endued with which he did penetrate into what was to come and foresaw effects in their Causes and accordingly prepared Remedies before they hapned the indefatigable vigilance which made him so intent both day and on the affairs of State that though he gave Orders in the greatest yet he never forgot the least and that prodigious promptitude which produc'd effects from resolution in Counsel before one knew whether it were resolv'd on or no These were those just considerations which the King recalled into his mind to oppugne the divers Artifices of the Cardinals enemies and one may say they did so fix his Majesty against those violences with which they would as it were shake him that to the end he might evade those perpetual instances which the Queen-mother hourly made to him he resolved to go to pass away some days at Verfilles In effect that was the cause of the King 's going from Paris and the Queen-mother could get no other satisfaction from his Majesty then that of Respect and hearty affection by his taking leave of her Politique Observation THe King well knew that the disgraces of a grand Minister are as dis-advantagious to a State as his services have been profitable and that in it a Prince receives as much blame as he had once gotten glory in drawing him neer to Person An excellent Workman never uses to throw away his Instruments wherewith he is accustomed to make rare pieces of his Art and a King doth much recede from a great Conduct if he doth drive from the Government of his State-affairs such a Minister whose admirable Genius is the principal instrument of his glory Undoubtedly the Counter-blow of such a stroke might rebound against his Authority He ought to know that it is easie to blame those who govern and to lament their Conduct and that many more find it very perfect and compleat seeing it doth not give them leave to do whatever they would in their own particular and that the Estate of Publick Affairs ought not to be judged by those of their own houses There need no more but to consult with experience to evince that it is very difficult to find a great Genius on whose Prudence they may confidently rely for that two or three whole ages do hardly bring forth one only such How many Kings have been constrained to leave both their Courages and States as unusefull for that their Country produc'd none such in their times He who is so happy as to meet with one ought to preserve him with as much care as the most assured foundation of his Kingdomes happinesse How frequent are the misfortunes which happen in Battels for the only losse of an expert great Captain And how many confusions arrive to States by the loss of one grand Minister his only conservation is of greater importance then that I will not say of Towns but of whole Provinces for he is not only capable of regaining them but conquering new ones whereas the losse of him is irrepairable for that hardly many ages produce one that doth resemble him Why the King went from Paris and caused the Lord Keeper of the Broad-Seal and his Brother the Marshal de Marillac to be Arrested THe King went from Paris only to give himself more liberty to negotiate in his important affairs and to withdraw himself from those importunities not to say violences of the Queen-Mother In whose presence the respect which he had for her hindred him from doing any thing which might displease her His Majesty knew that it was necessary for the good of his Estate to chastise those contrivers of Intreagues and on the other side he cemented himself in an unalterable resolution which being an effect of his own onely Prudence acquired him so much the more Glory never to part from the Cardinal Now it was often seen that these Cabals had no other beginning then from the Lord Keeper and the Marshal de Marillac therefore his Majesty took away the Seal from the former as the Arms of a mad man which he had imployed to do evil causing him to be carried to Lysieux and sent Orders to the Marshal de la Force and Schomberg to arrest the t'other and send him Prisoner to the Castle of St. Menehoud What reason was there to suffer any longer the insolence of these two ambitious humours who had been so audacious to commit such offences between the King and Queen-Mother and to breed a division between their Majesties which keeps them at a dislaâ—â—e to this very day Was it possible to suffer their unbridled Ambition which made them aspire to the Government of the State by the destruction of him who had established it in so sublime a pitch of Glory that it is not only more honoured but more feared too by strangers Again could it be that the Ingratitude of these two Brothers should not pull down as it were by force the Kings Justice to dash them as with a Thunder-Bolt and to punish their devices which they used with the Queen-Mother to carry her on to the ruining of him by whose Counsel his Majesty had raised them to the highest degrees of their profession winking at their unworthy actions which had heretofore rendred them culpable and by which they made their first attempts His Majesty knew in how many occasions the Cardinal had favoured them the great gifts which he had obtained of him for them and how that in som affairs he had become their Protector when in their conduct there was just reason to complain of them And on the other side when he reflected on the extremity of their ingratitude he could no longer permit that one of them should be any more imployed in affairs or that the other should remain unpunished for those many Crimes of
which he had often been accused So that it was but reasonable to destroy these ungratefull wretches who would have ruined the Genius of France by accusing him of Ingratitude It is an ordinary effect of the Divine Justice to cause those evills to fall upon them which they would pull down upon him and to permit that they become really culpable of those crimes which they would falsely lay to his charge Politique Observation THere is no injury so unpardonable as ingratitude which renders men so much the more blame-worthy for that they are impeached by good Offices An infamous life hath three steps first to forget kindnesse secondly not to recompence them the third to render evil for good The first is the effect of a great neglect The second may sometimes proceed from a want of ability But the third can proceed from no other cause but a black deformed malice So though the first cannot be excused yet it may be born with The second was in so great detestation by the Egyptians that they caused such as they found culpable to be proclaimed by the City-Crier to the end that no one might afterwards do them any kindness thinking it very reasonable that he should lose all his friends who had not been carefull to retaliate like for like to him who had obliged him But the third hath alwaies been had in so great an abhomination by all men that they thought only death was fit to expiate it that the earth might quickly rot such an execrable creature as it had brought An ingratefull man is worse then a Traitor a Traitor being only to blame for having fallen back from those promises which he was tied to by his Parole But an ingrateful person is not onely deficient to what he was obliged to perform by promise but by the obligations and favours which he had received At least the most moderate of men could never indure it seeing they are like those vapours which the Sun having exhaled from the earth do indeavor to obscure his splendour They deserve to be punished especially when their treacheries are prejudicial to the good of a State as here they were when they attempted this destruction who next to the King was the greatest prop and support of the Kingdomes Felicity Is not the attempting to destroy such a Minister who is the first instrumental cause by which he hath arrived to so high an accrument of glory as striking at the very person of the King himself I should much blame that Minister who would indeavour and make use of his power to obtain a Remission for such a Crime There are some injuries which it is noble to pardon and there are others amongst which I rank this for which the Publick Interest requires vengeance Mercy is not contrary to Justice but Justice is governed by Mercy which serves forâ—ts guide Too great Lenity breeds too great Licentiousnesse and makes both the Prince and Laws to be little esteemed of It is more noble in a King to pardon then to execute the rigour of Justice but it must be to such persons whose Imprudence may not augment their licentiousnesse of doing evil and whose Crimes arise rather from their weaknesse then from black detestable Villany A Treatise of Peace between the Emperour and Duke of Mantua DUring his Majesties sicknesse and their beginning of these Intreagues the affairs of Cazal were finished upon the Treaty aforesaid The Duke of Savoy Mazarini and Colalte received news from Germany that the Sieur de Leon who was employed by his Majesty for a Peace to the Emperour had concluded a Treaty and shourtly after the Sieur of St. Estienne brought it to Generals with Letters from the Sieur de Leons and an expresse promise from the Emperour that he would install the Duke of Mantua in his Dutchy and Marquisate of Montferrat with consent that the Town Castle and Cittadel of Cazal should be delivered into his hands This was as much as could be desired for the foundation but the circumstances how to do it were difficult it being agreed by the Treaty that the Emperour would invest the said Duke only within six weeks and that fifteen daies after he would withdraw his Arms out of Mantua and the King of Spain his from Cazal and other places of Montferrat This did much trouble the Generals because this Article did much oblige them to remain in Italy two moneths longer with the Army before the Spaniards would leave Cazal which stay they could hardly make because the Plague was very rife in the Army and they had victuals but for certain days these two reasons would infallibly force them to break up before half the time were elapsed which should they have done the Spaniards might with ease become Masters of Cazal who had not subscribed to it with their usual designs because they had liberty to hold the advantage they had got whenever the Treaty should be brought These just considerations were debated by the Generals who believed his Majesty would never ratifie it so they resolved not to regard it but to march with the Army with all speed before Cazal The Spaniards being inform'd of this resolution were so much surprized by their apprehensions of the first stock of the French who at the first onset fight like Lyons They presently sent back Mazarini who had brought them the news to assure them that they would observe the Treaty of Peace and that to put it in execution they were content to permit the importation of a whole years prouisions into the Cittadel of Cazal But the Generals having once heard that they began to be in fear concluded especially the Marshal of Schomberg that they should presently advance to Cazal thinking that their appearance only would force the Spaniards to quit the Siege forthwith without staying till the end of the two moneths which was accorded by the Treaty Politique Observation IT is very difficult to Treat a Peace which may have an assured end in a place far distant from Armies whilest they are enemies Great distance maketh many things be unknown in point of particular Circumstances and of the present State of the Armies which do many times hinder the execution of what is resolved on It is with those who transact affairs at a great distance as with Astrologers who do contemplate here below the Stars of Heaven perceiving only that which is most apparent in them without being able to observe many particular Qualities So those see nothing but the Lump of businesse and are most commonly to seek in the particular and present disposition of affairs without the exact knowledge of all which nothing can be certainly resolved on which shall surely be put in execution It is good to sound at a distance the inclination of him with whom a man doth treat but when it once comes to resolve on particular Proposals a man ought to know every particular passage if that be omitted there doth most commonly happen some one thing or another
Observation THere are four principal causes which make Kings to march out of their own Country Ambition which hath no limits makes them impatient of being confined within those of their own States and desirous to inlarge them at their neighbours expences The natural inconveniences too of their own Country may draw them out to seek a better where they might live with more ease as our first French the Vandals and Goths did Some flatter themselves in the belief that there is not at this day any lawfull Prince at all whose Estate had any other beginning and that Kings have no juster Titles then by Conquests with their Swords Lastly they go forth to revenge those injuries which are done them it being allowable to repel Force with Force and to decide their differences in the field by that power which God hath given to them They quit their Countries to assist their Allies it being not only necessary for a Prince who aims at an extraordinary pitch of Glory not to injure any person but also to defend and protect those who are joyned with him by interest alliance or kindred The Assembly at Ratisbonne ABout the same time there was held an assembly at Ratisbonne and the King of Swede understood that it was then and there resolved to make a strong resistance against the Justice of his Arms and that the Emperour had contrived a design wherein though he was much mistaken to force him out of Germany and to make him perish in the Baltique Sea not vouchsafing to treat a Peace upon those Proposals which had been sent to him only for restoring the States and Liberties to those Princes and Republiques from whom he had ravished them Resistance heightens and augments Courage and this made the Swedish King march up into the Country and resolve upon great designs which we have seen him bring to passe But first he had recourse to such Kings and States with whom he was in League About September he writ to the King desiring him by that ancient Alliance which had been between the Kings of France and Swede with mutual promises not only to preserve friendship between one another but also when occasion should serve reciprocally to assist one another to imploy the power of his Arms and Authority to defend that cause which he had then undertaken in prosecution of which he had passed the Sea and all in the behalf of those who were tied to him by kindred and allied to the Crown of France The King whose courage could not indure that any wrong should be offered to his Allies received this request so much the more favourable in respect it were as glorious a thing in him to contribute to their establishment and accordingly he gave the most advantagious answer to his Embassadours that could be expected However the Cardinal offered one thing to his Majesties consideration that it would be needfull to take care for the maintaining of Religion in preserving of States and to ingage the King of Sweden not to commit outrages against it where he found it setled His Majesty took time to deliberate and resolve on the Articles of their Treaty which being concluded and assigned about the beginning of the yeer following I shal then re-assume my discourse of it in its due order Politique Observation HAsty rashnesse in resolving upon grant affairs is as dangerous as a nimble executing of them is advantagious Prudence ought to guide both one and t'other And whatever Justice appear above-board in designs yet they are subject to have but ill successes if not commenced with mature deliberation Though the wise man resolve to do such a thing which he knows to be just yet he will take time to deliberate on the means And as the interest of Religion is very considerable so the Cardinal would not act any thing untill that were secured Whereas on the contrary rash hasty persons do greedily run unto the end which they have once concluded but never examine the ways which conduce to attain to it thus they do many times find themselves so at a losse and intangled in the executing their designs that they at last find no dore to walk out at with honour and so leave off with shame and confusion Hence it is that Demosthenes in his first Oration against Philip saith They who counsel with great hast are not the greatest Counsellours those Stomacks which make a quick digestion do not concoct so good a Chilâ—â—s as those whose heat is moderate as Physitians tell us and true it is those spirits which make their resolution with most heat and promptness do commonly came lamely of at last cast The King honoureth the Sieur de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staff of Marshal of France SHortly after his Majesty came to Paris well knowing that rewards of honor are not only due to those who have deserved them but withall usefull to incourage others to follow their example He resolved to honour the Sieurs de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staffs of Marshal of France as a mark of Valour which the former had shewed in the War of Piedmont and which the second had shewed to all Italy during the Siege of Cazal They being persons of great esteem every one commended his Majesties choice which he had made in raising them to that eminent degree of honour But the Rebellion of the one and the evil Government of the other did shortly after sully part of that glory which they had merited they shewing by their Procedures that valour and prudence do not alwaies meet in the same subject Politique Observation THe rewarding of services is so necessary for the good of a State that when it is once laid by the practice of vertue is neglected especially if it be not distinguished by marks of honour There are but a few of the same mind with the Phylosopher who said he never expected other fruit from his good deeds then the contentment to have done them and that he thought himself very happy to receive that testimony from his Conscience which she gave to him It is true a truly noble man doth not so much regard the Recompence as the Action of Vertue which render him deserving but it cannot be denied that those marks of honour do make lively and excite resolutions to noble actions The wisest Phylosophers have said that the two supporters upon which all the motions of a State depend are reward and punishment without which there were no doubt but that great disorders would soon follow and vertue become totally neglected The King Honours the Sieur de Servient with the Office of Secretary THe King who was not to seek in any thing which concerned the good of his State would now make another proof of the knowledge he had of that Prudent maxime One of the places of Secretary of State being vacant by the death of the Sieur de Beauclere his Majesty recollected in his mind the services of the Sieur de Servient the Prudence wherewith
great men when they are once perswaded it is necessary for the preservation of their Authority There is not any thing but only power which advanceth them above other men and they are easily led by it to ruine every one whom them conceive to hurt them But above all women are most subject to this fault in regard they are weaker and more wedded to their Passions then men are The natural levity of that Sex makes them passe with little adoe from the extremity of love to that of hatred not being able to keep a medium It is enough to ingage them not to do a thing if you do but earnestly entreat them to do it especially if they be but a little provoked to anger Such entreaties as are made to them when so affected cause them to passe from that of Anger to Fury and when they cannot dis-allow of the thing which is entreated of them yet it is enough to deny it if they love not the person who desires it Rigour hath a greater Empire in their Wills then Submission And they whose Souls seem to be more heightned then others are so much the more to be feared they having more mettle then conduct it is impossible ever to root out of them any jealousies which they have once conceived and their humours are so fixed in suspicions that it is almost impossible to defend ones self from them by lawfull means If the beauty of their countenances give them an almost absolute dominion over the minds of men yet the weakness of their Sex doth subject them under the commands of all and every Passion especially that of hatred from which it is impossible for them to dis engage themselves after they have once given it admittance into their breasts Although I look upon all Queens as exempted from the major part of their qualities by reason of the particular assistance which they receive from God who considereth them as his own Images here beneath yet it is very rare to find any who are not liable to that violence which is inseparable from their Government And this is one of the reasons upon which Aristotle groundeth that saying in hâ—â— Politiques that they are not proper to govern States In regard Clemency is known to be one of their chiefest Pillars It is also most assured that such as are born with a more generous temper then others are the more to be scared for being unable to direct with Prudence they fortifie themselves with rigour and become inflexible towards those of whom they have conceived the least suspicion Monsieur the Kings Brother disapproveth of the Queen-Mothers Intreagues MOnsieur Brother to the King was not ignorant that the Queen-Mother was in the quality of a subject as wel as in that of Mother to his Majesty and that therefore she was bound to obey him in every thing which absolutely concern'd the good of his Kingdom so that he could not approve of her opposing his will and pleasure neither was he backward of testifying his dislike of it to the King The discourse which he made of it did give no little satisfaction to his Majesty who was resolved not to let pass any opportunity which might conduce to the firm establishing of him in his due respects especially seeing Monsieur himself had confirmed him in it by his protesting to the Cardinal that he loved him as a person whom he thought necessary for the good of the State Yet we know that the favourites of great Personages do sometimes pervert their best inclinations and are the common instruments made use of to divert them from their duries therefore the King concluded it very fit to make sure of Coigneux le Sieur de Puy-laurence Monsigot whom Mansieur principally confided in he knew there was no chain which could tie the major part of such people stronglier then good Offices and accordingly he resolved not to wave or let slip any time to advance them and to hold them off from being gained by such as were already ingaged in any Faction His Majesty caused three hundred thousand Livres to be given to Monsieur de Puy-laurence that he might buy the Dutchy of Anville He granted to Coigneux an Office of President au Mortier of the Parliament of Paris with hopes of a Cardinals Cap which his Majesty had also writ for to the Pope Monsignot had fifty thousand Livres for his share and each of them received these gifts with such handsom actions and expressions of thanks that they made a thousand protestations of preserving and continuing their Master in a strict intelligence and obedience to his Majesties will and pleasure Politique Observation IT is very important for a Kings service to make sure of those in whom the Princes of the blood do most confide It is the only means to keep them within compass and they are only able so to dispose them for that they do make such impressions upon their spirits as shall carry them when and where they please to incline them Princes commonly are notwithstanding the greatnesse of their Souls which they receive with their birth more addicted to their pleasures then their affairs whence it happens that they do not give themselves time enough to examine of what qualities any things are or whether fit to be ingaged in or not but remit the particular care of that to those whom they confide in and are contented when things come to be acted if they do but hear them tell them they are good and they had rather suffer some disorders in their houses then lose a quarter of an hours passe-time These are they who share the government with Princes whiles they impose on them the burthen and so divide the honour of commanding thinking on nothing but delights and supposing that as their births hath created them the chief in the State so Fortune cannot but be propitious to them for the obtaining of whatsoever is necessary to give them a continual subsistance It is for this reason it cannot be doubted that it were necessary to keep their Favourites obliged very strongly to the Kings service and to be dependent upon his Majesties will and pleasure that they may be made use of as occasion shall present themselves for the good of the State In Spain none are allowed to the Kings Brothers but such as are belonging to the Kings themselves which are changed too very often lest a long continuance in their service might in time beget too strong a confidence and draw them off from the first ties of their obedience For this reason it is that there ought no great deliberation to be had for the removal of such from them who are experimentally known to ingage them in affairs prejudicial to the good of the State for the great compliance in permitting them a longer continuance neer them will soon produce very dangerous effects Their removal peradventure may seem harsh to Princes but it is better they should be displeased then the whole State be indangered
worth made him very undeserving Politique Observation I Have formerly said It were requisite that the Favourites of Princes should be nearly tyed to the Kings Interests that they might be carried to whatever his Majestie should desire of them and now I shall add that it is not less then necessary to prevent their troubling of the State for that the most part of such Civil wars have hapned by their means But there are great obstructions and difficulties in the encompassing it seeing that it is not somtimes in the power of the greatest Ministers to retain them in their duties what-ever advantages are prepared for them And as eating doth but excite the hungers of starved stomacks so those Riches which are given to them do but make them more ambitious of other and greater It is the humour which doth possess most Princes Favourites and is the cause which doth often engage their Masters in great Broyls The most violent storms which turn all things up-side-down are formed only out of Clouds drawn up by the Planets into the highest Region of the Ayr and the greatest Revolts which have troubled the quiet of the people and ruined whole Kingdoms have proceeded from those suggestions which Princes Favourites the Stars of the State have raised in their minds from whence they often get nothing but mud and dirt Hath not the last age made it evident here in France in the time of Henry the third when as the Duke d' Alençon had not gone out of the Court but by the perswasions of Bâ—ssi and Semier and some others his Favourites who were troubled to see the government of Affairs in the hands of some who would not give them leave to do what they pleased And if we look back a little more shall we not find that Lewis the eleventh whilest he was Daulphine had not withdrawn himself the first time from Charles the seventh his Brother but by the advices of Chaumont and Boucicaut and their Partisans who could not enoure to see that his Neece the fair Agnes and Villiquier should have so absolute a Power Our own times have furnished us with examples enough to prove this truth which are so well known to all men that I need not trouble them or my self to relate them I shall only add this that as Goldsmiths have a certain strong water to separate Gold from Silver though incorporated by the Fire that they seem to be the same Body So the Favourites of Princes have certain Arts which the malice of the Court teacheth them the power of which is so great that when they please they will divide a Mother from her children a Brother from a Brother and generally all whom Nature or Friendship had joyned together in so strict a league that one would have reasonably imagined nothing could have been able to have made a separation Monsieur 's resolution to leave the Court. VVHen Coignenx had once perswaded Monsieur by his subtle devices to leave the Court he gave him no respite until he had put it in execution That his departure might be with the more noise which might serve for a Beacon to put the whole Kingdom in an uprore he found a trick to perswade him that it would be an act of courage in him to go quarrel with the Cardinal in his own house before he went off and to declare to him that he would be no more his friend but that he would take the Queen-Mothers part against him Accordingly Monsieur went to him and told him so But the Cardinal who knew such things could not proceed from his goodness which rendred him not only the least evil-doer but indeed the most obliging Prince of the world answered him with nothing but respects and civilities Assoon as Monsieur went from him he got into his â—oach and went directly to Orleans without taking leave of the King The Queen-Mother seeming to be surpriz'd at it presently sent notice of it to the King then at hunting who was much troubled at it though he could expect little good from the base dispositions of Monsieur's servants of all whom his Majesty had been fully informed though he could not imagine they would have carried things to such extremities considering the great gratifications he had bestowed on them and those several protestations of inviolable fidelity which they had but so lately made unto him When his Majesty return'd from hunting he alighted at the Cardinal 's and gave him such singular testimonies of his favour that they were able to obliterate any apprehensions of Monsieur's proceedings His Majesty promised he would protect him with and against all and commanded him to be the more confident of it in regard he was bound in honour to preserve him from whom he had received such signal services That if any did him an injury it was his Majesty whom they did offend and he would so take it as done to himself From thence the King went to find out the Queen-Mother to whom he could not dissemble how much Monsieur 's departure did displease him and the just ground he had to suspect that she had a hand in the counselling him to it of which for the present she endeavoured to clear her self though shortly after it was found to be but too true by that strict intelligence which was between them and by those letters which they writ to the King having one and the same sense and expression As also by Monsieur's own discourses to the Ladies at Orleans when they asked of him the reasons of his so sudden return not that the Queen-Mother was ever satisfied with Monsieur or he with her but that there was a means found out to perswade them that if they would but closely unite themselves they would be the better able to drive on their own Designs and induce the King to ruine the Cardinal the only thing which they desired Politique Observation THough the Ring-leaders in a State be of different humors and inclinations and though they be much divided by the emulation which they bear to one another yet they do easily re-unite that they may if possible increase their own Powers by destroying that of their King Experience sheweth us that fire can naturally incorporate most different mettals as Gold and Iron The fire of Ambition is no less able to unite the minds of Grandees when it is once proposed to trouble the Kingdom One hath not obtained the Pension or Boon which he desired another could not get his kinsman into a Benefice as he attempted and another thinks he deserveth to have a greater hand then he hath in the government of affairs or could not procure the Office which he aspired to and these are those several discontents which they have received in the diversity of their designes and which run them up to that pass that they become unsatisfied with the King or his principal Minister not at all considering that there are several other concerns besides theirs in particular which oblige by necessity that
shall not be able to surmount and though at the very instant a storm be over our heads yet it assureth us that it will not last long but that a calm will soon follow If we are to begin a war it makes us see an Army already in the Field which nothing can resist If any enterprise threaten us with miscarriage it perswadeth us that we shall soon see some alteration in affairs setting before our eyes the examples of many who have been raised out of great misfortunes to greater glories and honours Thus it is this same Hope which fortifieth the most dejected Courages animates the most astonished men with new souls and recruits the resolutions of them who were even languishing Have we not seen it serve for an Anchor to the most miserable to keep them firm in all Tempests when they have been upon the point of being overwhelmed and for a North Pole to guide them to their desired Haven Hope is that which preserveth necessary vigour for the executing of hazardous designs our own Wishes never last so long as Hope doth for we soon disclaim our Designs if we once believe they will not take effect It hath alwaies been known for the Mother of Valour and for a vital Spirit which animateth the heart to great attempts The charms of Hope are very powerful but they are also dangerous and much like the Egg of an Aspick which is very pleasant to look on by reason of that diversity of colours wherewith Nature hath been pleased to paint it but within it is full of deadly poyson of which time brings forth a most venemous serpent For if in Enterprises there be nothing so dangerous as a mis grounded Hope yet the pleasure wherewith it entertains our minds in matters of Revenge is very dear to us and makes us pay high Interest for it It is the miserable man's Treasure and somtimes too it is an addition to his miseries It is not enough that a hope be conformable to our desires but it ought to be laid by when it is grounded upon the assistances of some persons who are easily to be ruined or upon an Insurrection of a people who every day change their resolutions whom a little fear disarms and who this day love him whom but a little before they could not endure at all The King entreats the Queen-Mother to desist from her Intreagues THough the inflexible stubbornness of the Queen-Mother was able to provoke the most patient Courages yet the goodness of the King could not be overcome by it Whilest she was at Compeigne whither she followed his Majesty he still made new attempts to surmount her resistance He was not backward to let her daylie see by his frequent conjuring her and that with a great tenderness of heart which did evidently convince to her that he neither wanted Respect or Affection for her that she would much oblige him if she would but recede from the evil advices of those who lived about her and who only desired a separation between them for their own Hatreds or private Interests He proffered to her to set the Marillacs at liberty if her content depended upon it though otherwise they had deserved to be punished and indeed he valued nothing in respect of her affections He often beseeched her to love the Cardinal for his sake and made her see that she was obliged to it seeing she knew better then any one how beneficial he was to the State and that he had alwaies faithfully served him He was not deficient to let her perceive That the grief which this great Minister had to find himself in her disfavour was a most pregnant testimony of the affection which he had for her service and that he did sufficiently oblige himself to an eternal fidelity by those publike acknowledgements of the Favours which he confessed to have received from her goodness and that all her eagerness against him could not obliterate the remembrance of them and at last that he might pretermit nothing which might move her he caused new perswasions to be made to her by the Sieur de Chasteauneu'f Lord Keeper of the Seal and by the Mareschal de Schombergh that she would be assistant at Counsels and recede from those underhand Intelligences which she might have with Monsieur But they could procure no other answer then that she was weary of medling with affairs and that she would not have any more to do in the Counsels testifying apparently by this answer that positive resolution which she had taken of following the wicked Designs of those who had engaged her so that after all these endeavours the King was only touch'd with uncomfortable grief that he could work no more upon her but his sorrow was accompanyed with this satisfaction that he had omitted nothing which might properly conduce to the obtaining of his Designe Politique Observation AS there is nothing which causeth greater misfortunes in a Kingdom then Divisions of Princes of the Blood so there is no greater care ought to be had then for prevention of such differences Physitians have alwaies hopes of life whilest the noble vital parts are uncorrupted but they once tainted they look for nothing but death and the greatest Politicians have been of opinion that no very great misfortune could happen to a State whilest the Princes of the Blood who are like the vital parts live in that decorum and obedience which is due to the King But on the contrary they begin to fear and distrust if once they see them falling back and dividing Parties into Factions against their King's Authority But more especially because their disorder is attended with confusion at home and gives great advantages to strangers abroad Other heads of Revolts are easily wrought upon by satisfying their own private interests But it is a hard matter to unite those of the same Blood after a defiance shall have once seized on their minds From hence it is that Micipsa in Salust saith the greatest force of a Kingdom doth not so much consist in Arms or in the richnesse of Treasuries as in the good intelligence of the chief Nobles which can neither be subdued by Arms nor corrupted by Monies but especially in the friendship of Brothers whose Blood ought to render their union indissolvable The Kingdom of Cyprus had not been ruined as Justin relateth it but onely by the dissentions of two brothers The whole East had not been subjected to the Roman yoke but by the mis-understandings of those Princes who ruled in those Countries And no other misfortune made way for Pompey to make him Master of Judea then the contention of Hircanus and Aristobulus who in envy of one another pretended to possesse the Crown Philip well knew of what consequence love between brothers was when as beholding the small kindnesse between his sons Porseus and Demetrius he so often commanded them to love one another representing to them that Eumenes and Attalus at the beginning were so small that they were
ashamed to be called Kings and could never have raised themselves so high but by their mutual and reciprocal affections as Plutarch reporteth it in the life of Demetrius Not to look after far fetch'd examples what did ever bring France to so deplorable a condition as the reiterated divisions between our Kings the Dukes of Bourgogne and Orleans Did it not reduce it to an eminent peril of Shipwrack and expose it for a prey to Forraigners who were only chastized by an extraordinary providence of Heave which took a particular care for the preservation of this Monarchy when it was just upon the point of being ruin'd Undoubtedly a State is easily vanquished when divided by those of the Kings own house and family disorders soon follow thick and three-fold The people following their example shake off obedience every one fisheth in the troubled Waters the poor are oppressed by the Souldiers the rich have much ado to enjoy their Estates Governours lose their Soveraigns good wills and do no longer stick to their interests unlesse upon their own private account and in conclusion forreign enemies make what advantages they please out of it The Reasons of the Queen-Mothers Removal THings being at this passe was there any reason to defer the redressing of them what colour could there be after so many perswasions instances and entreaties to leave the Queen-Mother in the Court both animated and discontented where she countenanced a Faction kept a close correspondence with Monsieur against the King and divided the State Had it not been an absolute defect of all sort of Prudence to have endured her keeping up of Combinations without the Kingdom of which we have seen but too many sad consequences To have permitted her party openly to slander the King and his Government to stir up the people to sedition to solicite strangers to make war upon the King under pretence that they had married her children Had it not been an extream basenesse any longer to have dissembled the knowledge of that Faction which would impose a necessity of driving away his most serviceable and confident Ministers and only because they forsooth could not procure from them whatever they desired Had it not been an absolute losse of common sence to have allowed their abrogating that respect which is due to their Soveraign as God Almighties own Image Could any one and not be of this Cabal wink at their endeavours to draw off his Majesties most faithfull servants from that duty which they owe unto him Should one have expected untill the English or Spaniard had brought their Armies into France to assist the revolt or until the Princes who were of this party should have beaten up their drums and sounded their Trumpets for to lead their Souldiers into the field to have ruined the whole Kingdom with fire and sword To have done so had been the most perfect piece of folly that had ever yet been heard of Yet for all this was the King much troubled that he was forced to do such things as would displease the Queen-Mother as to remove her though after he had indeavoured all meek and fair means which her Abettors had rendred in vain though she had laid off al natural thoughts such as a Mother ought to have for a Son and a Subject for a King and though she had to her very utmost stirred up both the French and Forraigners to trouble the quiet of the Kingdom But at last the King began to consider that the businesse would grow worse and worse if convenient order were not taken to prevent it that he was bound to prefer publick before private interests as those of an incensed Mother and if it be proper to use the expression of a Mother revolted against him which were things not to be considered at all according to the judgment of one of the Queen-mothers Grand-mothers who amongst those instructions which she gave her son told him that he ought to prefer without any distinction the safety of the Common-Weal before that of any particular or private persons Withall his Majesty was not ignorant that as God doth ever prepose Universal before Individual benefits so Kings who bear his Image and are his Vicegerents on earth ought to do the same That if the Father Almighty did expose his son who was one and the same with himself to the rage of the Jews he could not then be blamed for removing his Mother a few days from the Court yet continuing to her all Honour Officers Goods Liberty and Power that she could desire and this for the necessary good of the State to the conservation of which God had so obliged him that he ought to prefer nothing before it The King thought with himself that those great Honours and Lands which he had bestowed on her and that almost absolute Authority which he had alwaies intrusted with her whilest she continued in her affection for his Majesty and the publick good would hold him excused from any condemnation and would sufficiently evince to all the World that he had not made use of so violent a remedy but by compulsion and constraint of those her Partisans and by the extremities into which they hurried her so that judging within himself that he ought no longer to defer his resolution he at last proposed it to his Counsel Politique Observation WHen Eagernesse hath laid such deep roots in the mind of Princes of the Blood Royal that they cannot be eradicated by any possibility it will then be absolutely necessary to prevent their forming into Factions which usually arise from such beginnings There will unavoidably great changes soon follow in a Kingdome where partialities have any sway amongst them The very least disorder which can happen between the Heavens is capable of reducing the Universe into its first Chaos and the dissentions of those who are neerest related to the King are able to bring a whole State into Confusion to tie up the hands of Soveraign Authority and to expose all as a prey to Forraigners The opinion which is held that it is proper to nourish several parties and bandyings amongst Grandees whereby to make them lesse able to resist their Kings Will ought not to be understood of Leagues and Combinations to be headed by those of the royal Family which may attempt to impose a necessity on the King to do what even they shall think fit for such a division would lead a Kingdom into utter ruine and undermine the most solid foundations of Monarchy It is no whit lesse inconvenient to let Princes alone in any bad intelligence for their over great union hath produced sad effects it alwaies ought to be limited by the respects and obediences which they ow their King for admitting it to be otherwise their Factions being like impetuous winds the popularity which is gentle and calm like the Sea would receive their impressions with ease become furiously inraged run into all disorders and put a State into desperate hazards On such occasion no
persons ought to be respected As the very greatest are not exempted from those punishments which the Laws have enacted for the Factious so their enterprizes ought to be cut off and destroyed the sooner by reason they are more to be feared then others on the score of the power which they have to work upon the minds of people It is true â—â—e means which conduce to it are very dangerous and on such occasions it is that a great Minister of State ought to testifie his zeal and generosity by taking the power out of their hands who abuse it as Arms from a mad man It is necessary to resolve upon one of these three things so to reconcile them that they may rest in a true â—riendship which is almost impossible at least very difficult amongst Grandees who are once offended with one another And this way ought not to be chosen but after a long time of consideration that the assurance of it may be of some continuance The second is more rigorous and withall more certain which is to take off the lives of the Factious to which however I should not advise but in case of extremity and after all other means have taken no effect by reason of the respect which is due to the Royal Family I esteem the third and last to be most agâ—eeable which is to banish them and take away from them the means of doing any more harm They who are so dealt with cannot with Justice complain of it seeing they have deserved it It is unreasonable to suffer such persons to remain in a Court who make open profession of comptrolling their Kings Actions of blaming his Conduct of setting limits to his Authority of raising Wars and revolts in his State Princes though of the Blood Royal are not exempted from Obedience and Subjection to the Laws of the Kingdom It belongeth not to them to give Orders for the government of affairs That Prerogative is inseparable from the Crown and they who would design the assuming such a power to themselves by other ways then those of his Authority deserve to be catechized as Rebels Do we not all know that that which heretofore brought this State into the danger of falling into the Spaniards hands was the too great condescention of Henry the third towards Monsieur de Guise who was but a stranger Prince too Certainly France had not been exposed to those extream mis-fortunes which it hath suffered had he but had the good luck to have held his hands from those enterprizes The resolution of the Councel for the Removal of the Queen-Mother ALthough the Cardinal did very well know the reasonablenesse nay the necessity of seconding his Majesties inclinations to the Queen-Mothers removal yet such was his modesty and so prevalent over his own discretion and interest that instead of so doing he on the contrary rendred his often entreaties to his Majesty that he would be pleased to give him leave to withdraw himself from the Court He represented to him how that peradventure the Queen-mother might thereby be appeased and induced to leave the State in peace and quiet and that for his own part he should willingly suffer himself to be thrown into the Sea to save the Vessel provided only that his Majesty would preserve him in his affections and not remove him out of any dislike either of his Fidelity or Services Nor did he this as being ignorant of the obligation which lay upon him by reason of the place he held in affairs of truly acquainting him with every thing which concern'd the good of his State but onely that he might let his Majesty perceive how little he regarded private concernments in this occasion Nor that he did not much esteem the honour which his Majesty did him by intrusting him in the first place of the Administration but onely because the respect which he did bear to the Queen mother surmounted the consideration of his own greatnesse Not that he wanted heart in his persecutions and afflictions for it was well known the greater resistances he encountred in the Cabals and intreagues of the Court did so much the more whet his Courage and Resolution insomuch that they could not at all move much lesse shake him but only because the greatest courages are most temperate it being sometimes more generous to destroy then preserve ones self In short not that he wanted affection for his Majesties service seeing nothing could more sensibly have touch'd him then to have been deprived by his removal of the means and opportunities to serve and defend him from the unjust attempts of those who perverted by their wickednesses the minds both of the Queen-mother and Monsieur but only that he could never with a good will be withdrawn from doing her all service who had the honour to be mother unto his Master How really was his advice any whit necessary to perswade his Majesty to remove her Her own Actions bespake her unto his Majesty and shewed him in words at length that it was not fit she should any longer continue at Court untill that time and truth had opened her eyes These were the true reasons which induced the Cardinal to desire his Majesties permission to withdraw himself But his Majesty who well knew how great a losse such a man might prove unto his State seeing many Ages did hardly produce his Equal and how that he had made the same use of him that God doth of the Sun that is to dissipate all those storms which might arise not only refused to grant his request but on the contrary weighing the great services he did him the remarkable advantages which France had enjoyed since his promotion to the Administration as also the condition in which affairs now were in respect of the disorders and confusion into which the Queen-mother endeavoured to bring them And lastly comparing the present state of things with what they were upon his first entrance into the management of them he no longer deliberated on this particular but absolutely resolved to desire the Queen-mother to passe some time away from the Court All the Ministers of State were of the same opinion unwilling belike to fall into the sin of Treason against their King to render an unjust respect to the Queen-mother every of them considering that she had no just ground to complain either of his Majesty or them but only of those who had ingaged her in such wicked designs as made her longer stay at Court incompatible with the good of France Politique Observation AS the end of all Government is the good of the State so all Kings are obliged especially to have a regard unto that as being the Center unto which all their Actions should tend and to avoid all such things as would divert them out of that way In vain do they attempt or begin any great or glorious enterprises if any by-respect to those of their Blood or the consideration of their own pleasure be able to put a stop to
his son had compleated that Faction which he had designed against him and the State but not sparing his own blood he presently clapped him up in prison upon his first notice and assurance of his resolutions Charles the Ninth did not pardon the Duke of Alençon his own Brother no more then he did the King of Navar for upon his first knowledge of their Intreagues he sent them both unto the Boys de Vincennes Did not Henry the Third after conference with his Nobles at Bloys threaten the late Henry the Grand and the Prince de Condè in case they did not conform themselves to those resolutions which had been concluded for the good of Religion and the State Neither had France ever been so much spoiled by those Wars had Monsieur de Guise been imprisoned as soon as ever his wicked designs had been discovered The Queen-mother her self did the same thing for during her Regency she imprisoned Monsieur the Prince upon suspicion lest he might attempt something against her Authority L' Mareschal d' Estree addresseth himself to execute his Majesties pleasure against the Queen-mother DUring the Queen-mothers abode at Campeign the Marshal d' Estrée was very carefull to shew her all manner of respect according to the command given him by the King He went constantly to receive the word from her he sent to know what course she would be pleased to take concerning the Keyes of the City and whether she would have them brought to her All the Officers of her Family prosecuted their charges without any disturbance she her self went abroad when and where she pleased unaccompanied with any who could but seem to restrain her liberty neither did he ever discourse to her in any other dialect but to beseech her from his Majesty that she would be pleased to go to her house of Moulins which her self had made choice of since her Widdow-hood he assured her she should not have any guards about her Insomuch that really she could not have any just cause to complain And in fine she condiscended to go to Moulins Not long after some of her Faction being at liberty reflecting on the neernesse of Paris and how advantagious it might be to their designs in regard it was the Center where all the intelligence of the Kingdom was brought and where all their Contrivances might be managed with the greater security and secresie advised her to change that resolution and perswaded her to continue at Compeign although her self had not long before said that she could not possible live there The King knew that the Neighbour-hood of Paris war of a dangerous consequence for those very reasons which made them aim at it so that he refused to give way to her longer stay thereabouts but offered her the choice of any other town in the heart of the Kingdom she pitched upon Nevers and the King had no sooner approved of it but she presently changed her mind pretending she had not any money for the journey thereupon she was promised a supply and that she should not want for any thing so she pretended a great preparation of Gallies to transport her out of France which was only an invention suggested to her by those who only continued it as a delay The King proffered the Government of Anjou unto her together with the City and Castle Angiers in case she would go thither To all these Proposals she discovered nothing but a resolute stubbornnesse against the Kings Will having forgot belike that she was his Subject as well as his Mother and not at all regarding those instances so often represented from his Majesty that she would depart from Compeign so that her disobedience against his Authority was not the onely offence but her delays in that City being so passionately and stifly by her desired bred the greater jealousie and suspicion of her Politique Obeservation OBstinacy is a fault the more dangerous amongst great persons in regard their example may serve for a Spring to give motion unto the people and their resisting their Kings Will causeth great evils in a State That perversenesse of not being ruled by reason and their Soveraigns Authority serveth only to ingage them in great disorders which instead of advancing ruineth their Interests and shipwracks all their adherents For the King must be obeyed and that by the very greatest of his own Blood and Family Better it is for them to bend then break to turn to any hand rather then go streight on to their ruine and confusion The certainty of Prudence doth not consist in a determinative will of absolutely doing this or that thing but in a resolution of prosecuting with zeal whatever reason doth dictate to be advantagious or proper when it followeth that whenever Prudence discovereth any notable disadvantage likely to attend that which formerly had been concluded necessary and profitable she presently with-draws her self An irrevocable resolution cannot be commendable but in Angels who piercing into the truth of things in an instant and knowing all the Qualities or Accidents which can render them either good or evil may â—â—hout fear of being mistaken remain firm in their first decrees But so it is not with a humane Soul which oftentimes coming to learn that those Subjects by him thought profitable are dangerous is then obliged to reject them with the same earnestnesse as he did before prosecute them That ignorance in which we are all born doth oblige the most powerfull men to follow the Counsels of the wise even against their own opions which rendreth them more inclinable to accommodation then others Hence it is not any inconstancy to change in any evil designs neither then when any unseen misfortune comes to be discovered but it usually happeneth to us in the confusion of affairs as when we are sick we are most eagerly desirous of those things which are quite contrary to our recovery The Discontents of Monsieur's Creatures AMongst the many other complaints made by them who abused the Queen-mothers Name and Seal in their Letters this was one of the chiefest that she had not been removed from the Court but only because she would not hold a fair correspondence with the Cardinal But is not this like the complaining of the sick who being fallen into some shamefull disease by their own faults will by no means accuse themselves but indeavour to impute it to some other cause more likely to justifie themselves Truly the Cardinal was no more the cause of the Queen-mothers Removal then Vertue is the cause that Sin betaking it self to all wickedness out of the hatred it bears to goodness should by that means come to be aliened from God who withdraws himself from it It cannot indeed be denied but that the King before her left he at Compeigne did once and again charm her to love the Cardinal and it were not amisse if the true motives which induced him so to do were here layed down The good of his State was chiefly in his intentions and
induce the Queen-Mother to yeild unto his Majesties Will and Pleasure The Marquis de Sainct Chaumont came divers times to her from his Majesty to assure her that he could no longer permit her stay at Compeigne All which produced nothing but new heart-burnings in her mind and great lamentations at her Imprisonment which in its self was but imaginary seeing she had not any Guards upon her disposed of the keys of the City and went abroad where-ever she pleased This procedure of hers could not but provoke his Majesty neither indeed could it be longer endured in a State where Obedience is the Foundation of Government so his Majesty resolved to dispatch unto her the Mareschal de Schomberg and the Sieur de Roissi who were known to be both prudent and respectful to the end they might deal clearly with her telâ— her the truth which till then had been forborn and discourse at length unto her the disorders of her carriage of which his Majesty till that time seemed not to take any notice notwithstanding the shew which she made of her innocence Accordingly they dealt ingeniously with her represented to her that the King was well informed of those many Cabals contrived against his Authority and Glory that he likewise knew Monsieur's departure first from the Court and then out of the Kingdom was an effect of her only Counsel Lastly that there was not any one in the Kingdom how great soever who could pretend to a Right of imposing a Law on his Majesty for the choice of his Ministers and that his Majesty could not but think it extreamly strange that she above all others in particular should so press him to destroy the Cardinal seeing she knew better then the whole Nation that there was not any person in the Kingdom who had done or was more able to do service to the State then he To be short that she had no such great reason to complain that she was forced to live removed from the King there being not any Law in holy Writ which require children alwaies to live with their Mothers especially when they are of age to dispose of their own good but that it s found written in divers places which command Kings to be obeyed as God's Lieutenants upon earth that his Majesty had just reason to be offended he having so often sent to her to withdraw her self from Compeigne and she having as often slighted it nor could she pretend any excuse for her so doing seeing his Majesty had offered her the choice of any other place to dwell in that they were obliged to tell her that this her disobedience was not to be endured in a well ordered State neither that it were just for his Majesty to put up this resistance of hers that it was the ready way to force him to use her with more rigour and Monsieur de Schomberg did not stick to tell her that it had been his own advice to remove her from the Court so prejudicial was her presence to his Majesties service These discourses so full of Truth and Prudence should have opened her eyes and discovered his Majesties goodness unto her who was satisfied only with a short removal of her for such reasons as have formerly Imprisoned nay condemned divers great Princes to death whereas her mind was so charmed by their devices who had ingaged her in this Cabal that instead of disabusing her they only added extremities to the excess of her choler Politique Reflection ALthough great men should more especially be informed with â—he truth of things seeing their affairs which depend on it are of greater importance then others yet however the most part of them do not much love her she seldome comes within their Courts but naked and if perchance she appear in their presence they turn about from her as if they could not endure to see her They desire things should be related to them as they would have them not as they really are It is very dangerous to find fault with any of their Actions which they undertake in confidence that they are well-beseeming their greatness If any one presume to debate their Designs by discovering the naked Truth to them he will presently be esteemed but an ill servant for his pains whence it is that the most part of their attendants unwilling to run the hazard of displeasing them do not discourse to them of any their affairs but so as they think may be acceptable to them they find by the daylie experience of others both past and present that this complyance of theirs is the most assured supporter of their Fortunes and a far greater prop to them then Truth her self Those Princes who are of this humour never well counsell'd there being but a few who would willingly for their sakes renounce their Fortunes especially seeing by telling truth they should get nothing Such counsels as thwart their Passions are either esteemed extravagant or as proceeding from a naughty servant They are for the most part like that unjust Judge who demanded of our Saviour what Truth was but would not stay to be inform'd Great and many are the inconveniencies which by this means happen to them for those specious appearances of Truth with which they are deluded are like to those Lamps set out on the tops of Rocks by Pirates which insteed of a Harbour entice the vessels to their shipwrack whereby they make a prey of their goods An Ancient Author saith That the greatest pleasure of the mind consisteth in the knowledge of Truth But it ought to be understood of a soul free from Passion and which only prosecuteth the Laws of Justice And the Rule of the Wise says Happy is the Prince who is so disposed and who knoweth how to esteem those who counsel him freely without disguising the Truth for they and only they are the real supporters of his State and greatness Prosecution of the History THis behaviour of the Queen-Mother's seemed incredible considering the goodness which she had hitherto made apparent in her conduct neither indeed could she possibly have fallen into such disorders had she not been lead into them by those very persons in whom she most confided Such and so great was their wickedness that wanting sufficient reasons and inducements to entice her to their own bends they sought for some amongst the Stars and were so bold as to cast the King's Nativity and foretold her that by the Position of the Heavenly Signs his Majesty could not long live which being so the Laws of Prudence obliged her to side with Monsieur that she ought in reason to look on him as the Rising Sun who would shortly sit at the Helm and whose favourable influences would be necessary for the upholding of her greatness This foundation being thus laid it was no hard matter to perswade her in her Passion that she need not much regard the Cardinal for the King once ceasing to be he would of consequence lie at their mercy These were the vain
the Parliament of Paris as conceiving it to concern his reputation to make known the Truth of those passages not only in Burgogne but through the whole Kingdom Now Cogneux together with divers others of that Cabal having gained some principal members of this Court by informing them with all things though quite contrary to the truth had ingaged them so far in their designs that they publikely exclaimed against it as violent for such reasons as had been sent unto them which were as frivolous as false They had raised such a confusion in that honourable Company surprizing them with false informations and untruths that it was debated whether the Declaration should be ratified or not whereas they ought to have remembred that such Declarations as regard the Government of State are sent unto them only to be registred proclaimed and observed by his Majesties Subjects and most commonly they are not acquainted with the true reasons which induced his Majesty to make them The debate was so hot and great that their opinions being equally divided the Declaration remain'd unconfirm'd and unproclaim'd Whereupon the King being upon his return to Paris was forc'd that he might not let such a disorder pass unpunished to command the Parliament unto the â—ouvre with order that they should come on foot as guilty and in a posture to receive that rebuke which they had incurred whereby he might give them to know that to discuss State affairs did not concern them at all that he only sent this and other Declarations of the like nature unto them to be proclaimed inrolled and caused to be observed by his Majesties subjects and that they ought to have been more readily disposed to have passed this Declaration in particular there being a very great difference between a bare Commission to form an Indictment against any one and to adjudge it and between a Declaration published by his Majesty for the information of his Subjects concerning those persons against whom he complains with what reasons he hath so to do and for what causes it is that they are guilty of high Treason for that in a Declaration his Majesty assigns them a certain time within which they may obtain his pardon if they have recourse unto his Grace and moreover for that after all this not any formalities are omitted which are necessary in the processe of Criminals before their Condemnation This was effected in the Louvre the King sitting in his Counsel and the whole body of the Parliament being on their knees before him where after that the Lord Keeper of the Seals had in his Majesties name given them to know that it was not in their jurisdiction to determine concerning any Declarations of State which should be sent unto them the King with his own hands tore the sentence of * Vpon the equal Division of their Members debate they Registred that Division as a Sentence Division which was Registred as a Record and commanded that the Order of his Conncel whereby it was declared void should be entred in its places with prohibitions of intermeddling for the future in debating Declarations of the like nature And lastly for the punishing the fault of the whole Body in some particular Members the Presidents Gayon Battillon and the Sieur Lesne Counsellour were commanded by Order from his Majesty to withdraw themselves for some time from Paris and suspended from executing their Functions in regard they had discoursed too freely and without respect concerning his Majesties proceeding and the Government of the State which notwithstanding his Majesties goodnesse was such that lasted not long for they were soon after recalled and restored unto the Parliament and to the discharge of the Offices of which their integrity and merit had made them very deserving and from which they had been restrained not without the grief of all wise men who were sorry to see that they had blemished their reputations by a zeal too rash and inconsiderate Politique Observation PArliaments are no lesse bound by the Laws of Prudence then those of Justice not to separate themselves from the King in State-affairs I say they are obliged to it by Justice for for them to judge of such affairs were to assume a Power which belongs not to them their first creation was by Kings and that only to do Justice unto the people as the President de la Vaquiere told the Duke of Orleans Chancellour who in his Masters behalf moved the Parliament that they would press his Majesty to come to Paris and make use of their advice in certain weighty matters The self-same answer did the same Parliament make unto Louys de Bourbon after his taking of Orleans and sending his Declaration unto them Francis the first prohibited them from intermedling in affairs of that nature in the proceedings commenc'd against the Chancelly du Prat and after him Charles the ninth did as much in prosecution of the Arrest which had been issued out for the summoning the Prince of the Blood and Peers of France to consult concerning such complaints as tended to the good both of King and State Thus his Majesty having impowered and intrusted them with the hand of his Justice that they might only preserve his Subjects right each to other they may not intermeddle in any other businesse without particular Order from his Majesty who can only confer that Authority upon them But how can they with any reason dissent from his Majesty in State affairs especially in this particular of Declarations which are sent unto them to be proclaimed when as they are not acquainted with the many circumstances which induced them without the cognizance of which it is impossible to make any true Judgement Were not this to determine things without judging of them as also to do it without lawfull power so to do But if they complain of their want of Authority the Stars might as well murmur against the Sun for not imparting a light unto them as glorious as his own They ought to recollect unto their memories that that Power which makes them considerable is no more natural to them then that of the Stars that from the King it is that they receive all their Marks of Greatnesse and Badges of Authority and that from him alone all those rays do proceed which make them shine in the eye of the people And if Magistrates would but look a little neerer into themselves they would easily perceive that they have not any power but what is derived from their Kings it is from them that they hold their Authority and which lasteth no longer then their Will and pleasure Hence it is that all Bodies corporate are bound to take their confirmation from all new Kings who shall succeed to the Crown whereby they might learn that as they were created for the good of their Soveraign so their subsistence depends meerly upon his Will and Grace Peradventure they wil pretend that what they do is to conserve his Majesties Authority but why do they
not then consider how they themselves abuse it by resisting it and that whilest they violate his Authority their own flowing from his cannot remain entire and survive it When as the Moon jealous of the Sun attempts to obscure his Rays and sets her self just before his face she depriveth us of his light but we all know she loseth her own likewise and that she receiveth her whole light from those Rays which she obscureth As true it is that Magistrates who become jealous of their Princes Authority which alone hath cloathed them with lustre and made them to shine in the eye of their fellow Subjects and attempt to abridge their Majesties of their Power and Glory cannot so do without wounding themselves and eclipsing their own light Monsieur's Request to the Parliament to Indict the Cardinal THe Cardinals ruine was the main design at which all they who were with the Queen-mother and Monsieur did drive they verily beleeved that in case they could induce the Parliament to impeach him that then his Majesty would begin to have is Fidelity in suspicion and to give credit unto those Crimes wherewith he should be charged but this was a resolution very inconsiderately taken seeing they could not be ignorant that it lay not in the Parliaments Power and withall seeing they could not but know that his Majesty being better acquainted with his integrity and services then any other person whatever would never permit that he should be intreated with such ingratitude However in order to this design of theirs they caused a request signed by Monsieur to be presented unto the Parliament wherein he protested that the persecutions which he had received from the Cardinal had forced him to go out of the Kingdom He desired an instrument of his Protest that the Declaration made in the Parliament of Bourgogne might not prejudice either himself nor his Dependencies and that he might be admitted as a Party against the Cardinal This Request indeed was one of the causes which ingaged the Parliament in the Declaration of which we shall anon speak and which made them culpable in not publishing that of his Majesty But the King having commanded the Request to be brought unto his Councel it was ordered by Arrest that it should be suppressed as contumelious contrary to the good of his Service the Peace of his Subjects the safety of his State and as presented to that intent by those who had induced Monsieur his Brother to withdraw himself out of the Kingdom whereby they might escape the punishment of their Crimes and traduce his Majesties chief Ministers against whom no charge or complaint can or may be given although there were cause for it but by way of humble Petition to his Majesties own person who hath the particular cognizance of their services and proceedings Besides his Majesty not satisfied with this bare Arrest dispatched a large Declaration unto Fontainbleau to let his Subject know that the evil Counsels which had been given unto Monsieur had carried him out of the Kingdom as those given unto the Queen-mother had caused her removal from the Court and that the Cardinal could not in the least be taxed therewith including a most honourable mention of his Integrity and Sincerity concluding that his Majesty was well satisfied and assured by a long and continued experience that the Cardinals chief ends and designs did only tend to advance the glory of his Crown and the good of his State and lastly conjuring his Subjects and Successours still to preserve his memory in their minds Thus was this great Minister secured by his own sublime vertue and his high services from the violences of a factious potent Party Politique Observation NEeds must that Minister be indued with an extraordinary Prudence and Wisdom who can preserve himself immovable in all the shocks which are raised to his ruine Low and mean souls are frequently constrain'd to stoop under the violence of calumny and to give way unto those storms which are falling upon them but great persons like rocks are not to be shaken though in the greatest turbulence of wind or weather It is said that of all Birds the Eagle alone can soar above the Clouds whereby he may secure himself from storms and upon this reason it is that the ancient Heathens feigned Jupiter to have committed the guard of his Thunder unto the Eagle Now great men are like the Eagle and they only can support themselves amidst all the storms and designs which are raised and contrived for their ruine These are those Suns whom the clouds can only dusk for some small time which once pass'd they dissipate of themselves and become annihilated All the attempts made against their Fortunes are but like so many blows in the Ayr so ineffectual they are either to hit or move them The Prudence wherewith they are endued affordeth them the means to foresee all their enemies designs as also to secure themselves and to command even Fortune her self to be favourable unto them their innocence is so great a Bulwark of their glory that it gives Truth power to tryumph over Calumny There needs nothing more to preserve them in their Masters affection then the services they do him for those alone will easily make apparent that all the slanders spread abroad against them are only inventions of some base people who would endeavour to destroy honest men of their reputation whereby they might be made useless amidst their disgrace and that themselves might get somwhat by their shipwrack notwithstanding all which they still persist in the prosecution of those glorious designs which they have laid and make it daylie evident that souls which are truly great do but laugh at those who endeavour to injure them and wipe off with their fingers such Vipers without receiving any hurt neither will they be discouraged from continuing to act what they have well begun Their generousness is like and armed Souldier prepared to resist what-ever shall oppose their Reputation Their Fidelity is like a Wall impregnable against all Force and Artifice Their Wisdom maketh them Masters of their Passions neither will they suffer themselves to be surprized by them so that any advantage may be taken against them Their address dictates unto them to watch the time when they may gain that from their enemies which they designe to obtain Their Abilities are enough to secure them from discredits and disgraces with their Prince where it is impossible for him to get their like In a word those excellent qualities of theirs do discover unto them their enemies contrivances and renders them Masters of their own Fortune which is impossible to be ravished out of their power The Queen-Mothers Request to the same effect THis Request was only the beginning of those Calumnies wherewith Monsieur's Agents did endeavour to bespatter the Cardinals glory for from that time laying their heads together with those of the Queen-Mother they never ceased from inventing and spreading of defamatory Letters and Libels The
for a King without Conduct who had vanquished the English in so many encounters taken Rochel forced the Alps twice relieved Cazal suppressed his Rebellious Subjects bounded in the ambition of the house of Austria setled religion in divers Provinces of his Kingdom secured the Pope from the Spanish oppression gave peace and liberty unto Italy by his Victories became the Arbitrator of Christendome and whose Arms strangers did apprehend with fear and terrour It cannot be said of him but that he was the most couragâ—ous in his undertakings the most Pious in his Conscience the most Just towards his Subjects the most Daring in any dangers the most Prudent in his Councels and the most deservedly to be admired for all his Actions that ever yet reigned over us Have we not all seen how his zeal and courage for Religion hath ingaged him to expose his person the most flourishing years of his time his Nobility his Treasures and in some kind to hazard his own State and all to abate the Insolencies of the Church's enemies It might indeed have been said that some other besides him had atchieved all those glorious Actions which we dayly see before our eyes provided any enterprise had been done without him Had he not in his own person ordered Battels had he not personally appeared in sundry dangers and had he not been actually assisting at all his Counsels to resolve what orders were most proper to be followed But the one is as visibly apparent as the other and he who would beleeve their aspersions must necessarily be born among the Antipodes All Europe was so sufficiently convinc'd of his Majesties rare and divine endowments as not to suffer themselves to be surprized by the calumnies and devices of such wicked imposters and all such as have had the honour to know though but a little of the Conduct of affairs have had ground enough to admire those great lights of Nature and particular blessings of Heaven wherewith his Majesty was stored by means of which they who were of his Counsel have seen him take such expedients as could not but be so many marks of an extraordinary Prudence Politique Observation IT is a misfortune for a King to be exposed unto slanders Let a Princes actions be never so glorious yet Man is naturally so averse from Government that he is hardly to be restrained from evil speaking against him who rules over him not excepting God himself as may appear in the particular behaviour of the Israelites But however it cannot be esteemed for other then a monstrous ingratitude thus basely to reward the great cares which he undergoes for the publick good neither can it be denied but that such reviling whereby the reputation of his glory is endeavoured to be eclipsed ought to be severely punished and especially when it tends to raise troubles in the State It is much more just to honor the actions of a Soveraign with respect then to asperse them with blame which cannot but be rash and inconsiderate unlesse accompanied with a most exact knowledge of all his designs besides those Calumnies which are laid to their charge are so much the more dangerous in regard that admitting they do not drive men into a distrust of him yet do they undeniably diminiâ—h that confidence which his Subjects would repose in him That Lye which is reported with asseveration does commonly leave some impression in the mind behind it though it beget not an absolute beleef Reputation is a Treasure which Kings cannot sufficiently esteem this is it which makes them venerable not that it adds to their vertues but renders their vertues more conspicuous not that it gives perfection to their abilities but sets off their splendour and this splendour is it which maketh men more obedient and subject to their Wills and Pleasures Opinion governs the whole World and gives Princes themselves Authority in their very Thrones Experience hath told us that we are not apt to credit a truth if reported by a Lyer so likewise no one will easily subject himself to a Prince who is commonly reputed for uncapable of Government being once in dis-repute he may cease to hope either for obedience or respect he loseth with his honour all the Love which was formerly payed unto him and fear will not long stay after the losse of Love Which being so no one can doubt of the Justice nay absolute necessity of inflicting exemplary punishments on such as have the boldnesse to offend their Soveraigns by their Calumnies He who doth not chastize them doth expose himself to eminent dangers for that men having once heard him ill reported of take the lie for a truth if the Authors remain unpunished and thus consequently he will fall into scorn and run the hazard of losing both person and estate And as he who puts one injury incoâ—rageth others to do him more and greater so it may well follow that the same party having first offended him by words may take the boldnesse next time to do it by deeds The King is carefull to justify the Cardinal by his Letters and Declarations ALthough small aspersions raised against a Prince ought not to be chastized with too much severity yet when they tend to the destruction of his Authority and the troubling oâ— his State the greatest rigour is but little enough The Emperour Theodosius did one day upon the score of a fiction raised against him answered as became his Clemency saying If he who scandaleth his Prince doth it by way of Pastime he should scorn it if by ignorance or folly he should pity him if he did it out of Malice he should forgive him Which is only to understood of small injuries such as are not prejudicial to the State and which indeed deserve rather a Princes Scorn then his Anger whereas those others deserve to be punished with severity Whence it follows that no one can doubt but that these Libellers ought to undergo the rigours of Justice their absence having secured them and his Majesty satisfying himself only by setting forth the nake sincerity of his Intentions and the justice of his Proceedings in his Letters and Declarations His Actions indeed were a defence to themselves being accompanyed with so much honour and glory that there was not any aspersion but vanished at their presence But it cannot be expressed with what care his Majesty was affected in the Cardinal's behalf how solicitous he was to vindicate him for he had not only not the least thoughts of abandoning him to the malice of his Calumniators but he rather undertook to justifie him to the life upon all occasions in his Declarations and Letters which he sent unto the Parliaments of Provinces to the Queen-Mother and Monsieur He needed not any Mediator with his Majesty for that he knows better then any other person the solidity of his Counsels the Fidelity of his Zeal the Justice of his Intentions the Generousness of his Courage and the Moderation of his Conduct The greater reason
this But without making of comparisons it shall only suffice to say this complaint was ridiculous seeing the Cardinal had at that time only two places which were of any importance and his Kindred as many whereas some great Houses of France had more Besides what cause of Jealousie could there be seeing he was every week twice or thrice at least with his Majesty and still brought with him a surrender of his Offices it being in his Majesties power not only to dispose of his Charges but of his Person likewise He had indeed over and above the Government of Bretagne But how Was it not at the earnest intreaties of those of the Country who considering themselves to be invironed with Ports concluded that he could most effectually establish their Trade by means of his Superintendency upon the Sea which had been much decayed during the late Governours times because of the frequent differences between them and the Admirals of France each of them pretending to command upon the Sea coast That which made these factious exclaim more loud then all the rest was because his Majesty had discharged some Governours from their places and committed them to him But what Was not his Majesties so doing a piece of great Discretion when he foresaw the ruine of the Kingdom by the little obedience of such Governours who having the possession of Towns and Places in their Families a long time together would hardly be perswaded they were beholding unto his Majesty for continuing them unto them but would presently fly out into Rebellion upon the first noise of any insurrection Hereupon his Majesty resolved to punish them according to their deserts and deprived some of them of their Offices and Governments with intent of bestowing them on such persons of whose fidelity he was well assured as upon those of the Cardinals Family who were never seen to intermeddle in any Cabal against his Majesties service and who knowing the honour of his Majesties favour to be the only support of their Fortunes were careful of not being ingaged in such Designs as might make them unworthy of it The advantage which this alteration brought with it was soon after apparent for how would it have been if one had continued Governour of Brest if another had kept his Government of Brouage and if Calais had not been dispossessed of its Commander would they not have served for so many Citadels and Magazins to countenance all Revolts which they designed And what I pray is become of all those places which were entrusted with the Cardinal or his Allies Have they not continued in their Obedience to his Majesty and those who engaged the Queen-Mother and Monsieur in their differences could not dispose of any of them according to their own desires And that indeed was the only and chief motive of their complaints Politique Observation NOthing gives greater tranquility to a State then the disposal of Governments into the hands of such persons whose affection and fidelity are well known unto their Prince The experience which France hath so often had hath been too sad to be forgotten seeing the most part of Civil wars nay of Forraign too had not been broached but by the defect of Governours more solicitous of their own Interests then of their Masters glory and service Few are the Grandees who are not discontented if they have not Governments conferr'd upon them nay if they have not some kind of assured settlement in their Commands that their Authorities may be greater A King therefore is obliged to be the more inquisitive whether with their Gandeur they have loyalty and zeal for his service otherwise it were only to give them the means of combining one with the other to raise Factions and to diminish the Soveraign by advancing their own private power Admit they be discontented 't is without cause for no one hath any right to prescribe a Law to his Prince how he shall chuse such persons as he is pleased to employ in his service It is prudence not to regard such discontents they are inconsiderable when the publike Peace is in question A King cannot distribute his Governments with more discretion then by intrusting them with such persons whose loyalty is impregnable and who he is assured will never interest themselves with any party but his own if any Division should arise Now of whom can he better be assured then of such a Minister of whose fidelity he receives daily testimonies and who when he sees him brings with his Person all the Governments and Charges which have been conferred upon him As for those related to him seeing they absolutely depend upon him and that their Power is as his own dependant upon his Majesties good favour they are equally obliged to be faithful For this reason it is that the greatest Princes have not only not been backward to bestow the chief Governments upon them but have looked upon it as a thing very necessary for their service Touching the distribution of Governments I add That a King is obliged what he may to displace those persons who have enjoyed their Offices any long time unless he be very well assured of their fidelity they are so used to hold them when long continued that the fear of losing them doth oftentimes engage them in some Faction which gives them hopes of a longer continuance Besides when not received by his Majesty but his Predecessors they are the sooner ingaged in a Faction because they think not themselves beholden to him for them Withal in processe of time they get so absolute a Power that somtimes it exceeds their Masters it being usual that long command is accompanyed with pride and insolence Hence it is that in the most politique States their Governments were never but temporary Rome lost her Liberty by continuing her Magistrates too long in their Power and Caesar could never have mastered his own Country but by acquiring too great a Power over the souldiers by his long command The Cardinals Riches not to be envied NExt of all these factious spirits would have the Cardinal 's possessing of his Majesties favours to pass for a great crime although his free humor acquits him to every one from the guilt of covetousness and concludes him to be so naturally generous that he values not all the goods of the world but only in order to the well disposing of them The place which he holds under his Majesty in the State necessitateth him to great expences and without them sure it is that both he and all those who are in the same employment would fall into dis-esteem and that inevitably unless they be accompanied with some splendour and extraordinary magnificence else how should they cause his Majesty to be obeyed Those charges once defrayed the rest he doth employ in good uses to the poor oâ— some actions becoming his virtue and bounty Ought his moderate estate to be envied who hath done so great services for France We have in our times beheld a
young Prince whose name is fatal to this Crown enjoy more profits then he at four years old we have seen a Treasurer of the Exchequer buy himself out of a disaster by giving the King two millions of Livres which was but a sixth part neither of his estate We have know two Jewellers enrich themselves with between four and five hundred thousand Crowns during the Queen-Mothers Regency Is it not then unjust to complain of those favours which his Majesty hath conferred upon him and wherewith he hath alwaies assisted his Majesty in the wars when the monies of the Exchequer could not be brought in time enough Is he as rich as the Prince of Kemberg the Emperour's Favourite at this day who of a private Gentleman of Styria hath gotten five hundred thousand Crowne per annum in two Provinces which his Master gave him opportunity to effect permitting him likewise â—o gather Contributions from the Imperial and Hans-Towns and causing his expences to be defrayed by his own Officers which could not but exceed an hundred thousand Crowns per annum The most part of the Cardinals Revenues are in Church-livings which are no waies chargeable to the people and ought the lesse to be envied to him in regard he hath deserved them and much more from the Church by his services and that he employs them for the relief of the poor with honour not prodigality in his own Family We shall not find that his moveables would amount to so much as those of the Cardinal d' Amboise did at his death To conclude could his services be rewarded with money his actions have made it apparent he deserves much more His chief end was only to have the glory of serving his Master neither did he regard such low recompences He hath often refused gifts which the King hath proffered him and the greatest care he took for money was to see his Majesties Treasures well ordered when as before they were squandred away in frivolous gifts and superfluous expences little tending to his Majesties glory So that since his coming to the management of affairs there was less expended then before though there was a necessity of maintaining continual Armies both at home and abroad Politique Observation RIches are the least rewards which Kings can bestow upon their Minister for that in themselves they are the least of all other goods Can any one deny Kings to be much indebted to their Ministers seeing they are the most worthy Instruments of their glory and that by their endeavours it is that they effect such exploits as render their memories immortal For how much are such riches beneath such great services They are Fortunes may-games and only useful to pass away the necessities of life most commonly they bring more care then pleasure with them and are equally common with the greatest persons and those who never obliged the State by their services to reward them The Geese of the Capitol were well fed at the expence of the Common-wealth because by their noise they discovered the surprisal which the French intended A Dog that set upon certain sacrilegious men was maintained at the Publike charge An Horse that carried his Master out of danger was for ever freed from labour And shall not a grand Minister after the rendring most signal services to his Master and Country be rewarded with more then common advantages I may add that it is necessary for a great King to confer great benefits upon a Minister whom he hath found faithful and couragious in those things which relate to his service whereby he may give him more authority and power to go through with all sorts of enterprises tending to his glory The greatest genius hath occasion of them to make himself potent in affairs and without them his vigour will be feeble He is compelled to stifle a thousand noble exploits in his thoughts for want of means to bring them forth It is well if he be indued with generous inclinations but if impotency assault him it dis-incourageth him Besides the affairs of the world are so disposed and mans thoughts so fixed that all yeild and give place to riches They may all and do all amongst men and we see them acquire as much credit and authority to their owners whereas they who are destitute of them are inconsiderable To wave these acknowledgements due to Ministers who is ignorant that Royal Majesty attracts no less glory from liberality then justice One of those perfections which render God most worshipful to men is his Bounty that inexhaustible fountain of all good things which like the Sun disperseth his favours like so many rays upon the earth and is as beneficial as active The gifts which Kings bestow carry with them as much credit as profit to the receivers they bind the affections of their servants not by their worth but as so many testimonies of good will the greatest Bond which ties them to their service Liberality in a King is properly termed magnificence they being obliged to do great good and nothing is more beseeming their Majesties then bestowing great gifts The perfection of the work is an assured mark of perfection in the workman whence certain it is that God acquired more glory when he created men and angels the chief workmanship of his hands then when he made other creatures Equally true it is that that which makes the riches of Kings more admired is the establishing of some great Families and our Ancestors did not acquire greater glory of being rich and â—iberal then by the greatnesse of their Favourites Houses which remain as so many monuments of their magnificence Prosecution of the Subject IT is an ancient judicious saying that as Roses grow upon Thorns so truth is ordinarily made to appear amongst the sharpest calumnies for they that find themselves concern'd are compelled to discover it for their own justification so those factious spirits who indeavouring to offend the Cardinal abused the goodnesse of the Queen-mother and Monsieur makes me take notice of those truths which their malice constrains me to publish But as they did not with only two accusations cease from their reproaches we shall have occasion to discover the rest of their falsities They would have the World believe that this eminent Minister of State had so great a dominion over the Kings spirit that his Majesty gave an absolute credit to all he did and was wholly moved by his influences and that all affairs depended on his Empire over him But all Europe knew sufficiently that his Prudence and Generosity equalled his justice and these seditious people seemed like those that shoot against Heaven and see their Arrows fall back again at their feet Nay I am confident they themselves had not that opinion of his Majesty they being in their attendances too near his person to be ignorant how impossible it is to draw him to any resolution without strong and pertinent reason and that Heaven hath so enlightned his spirit that he can discern
own interest who will become spies to give intelligence and agents to draw others into their opinions It seems rigorous indeed that the innocent should suffer with the nocent but how prejudicial would it be to the Common-wealth if not so better it were to preserve the publike tranquility severity then to indaâ—ger it by lenity Never was there yet Law made for the publike good which was not attended with some inconveniences to particular persons and he who would make Laws in which no particular man should be interessed will but deceive himselâ— for want of penetrating into the consequences The best course which can be followed is ever to prefer the universal beâ—ore a particular good remembring that wise saying of Tacitus that all exemplary acts have somwhat of evil in them but the injury they do particular men will be abundantly recompenced by the publick advantage Prosecution of the History THus you have the several Intreagues and the strange attempts which they who abused the favours of the Queen-mother and Monsieur used during this year contrary to their allegiance the Kings Authority and the tranquility of the Kingdom You have likewise the courses which were taken to impede their designs which ended in the ruine of the Complotters The Cardinal used such care addresse and Prudence that all their attempts were only like so many impressions made upon the clouds which vanish with the first breath of Wind they were like Bullets shot at random like blows in the air and like pictures in the water which the waves do as soon deface as designed The Pilot seems sufficiently employed during the Tempest if he preserve his Vessel from the violence of the Winds and fury of the Waves his presence and command being necessary to guide all those who have any charge to the performance of their Offices and his prudence to incourage them to go through stitch with any thing which conduceth to his happy successe so it is hard to beleeve that a Minister of State hath not as much employment as humane wit can undergo when he is obliged to defend himself and the State too from the violence of a faction headed by the chief persons of the royal family seeing he must necessarily every day issue out a thousand several Orders and hardly will any one beleeve that he can be capable of any other thoughts whiles he is agitated in such furious Tempests True it is the highest pitch of glory that a Minister in such encounters can attain to is to avoid shipwrack Experience hath made it evident that great Souls can passe further on and that as the intelligences though taken up in their contemplation and love of the Divinity yet cease not to be solicitous of things here below or neglect the protection of Princes Kingdomes and particular persons so likewise Heaven doth sometimes produce certain sublime wits endued with courage addresse and prudence enough to undertake such encounters a thousand other noble enterprises besides the conservation of the State Hath not all Europe found it so in the Cardinal who without shewing any trouble at all the attempts this year made to embroil France and destroy it under which any other but himself would have sunk not only rendred them successelesse but re-established the Duke of Mantua and defended the Princes of Germany whom the House of Austria had almost swallowed up a thing which I cannot sufficiently admire and of which I find my self obliged to say something that it may serve for instruction in the Government of States Affairs of Germany I Will begin with the assistance of the German Princes concluded with the King of Sweden in January at which time these factious agents did their utmost to destroy this great Minister We have demonstrated in the precedent year with how much justice the King of Sweden entred Germany to defend the liberty of some Princes oppressed by the House of Austria who were allied unto him as also to this Crown and who were not only driven out of their Principalities but also reduced to such extremity that they knew not how to live We have likewise seen that he was the more readily induced to defend them in regard himself had received some injuries from the Emperour particularly when the Emperour caused his Letters sent unto the Prince of Transilvania to be opened and falsly interpreted when he sent the Duke of Holsace with a great Army under his own Colours to make War upon him in Prusse when he confiscated the Ships and Merchandises of the Swedes formerly landed in the Towns of Germany when he not only refused audience to his Embassadours and denied them answer but commanded them upon pain of their lives presently to depart the Empire and when he refused by way of scorn his proffer of Peace in confidence of destroying him not thinking him able to sustain the force of his Arms. The Cardinal knew that a Prince received no lesse glory from defending his Allies then from curbing the Ambition of his Neighbours and therefore thought himself obliged to perswade his Majesty not to forsake the King of Sweden and Princes of Germany in so important an occasion He knew no War was more lawfull then that which tends to the keeping of confederate Princes in their Dominions and to revenge any injuries offered unto them Hence it was that having taken order for the interests of the Catholick Religion in Germany he perswaded his Majesty to conclude and sign the Treaty of Alliance with the King of Sweden the conditions whereof had been concluded about three or four moneths before His Majesty engaged to assist him with Men and Money as he then did and the King of Sweden expresly engaged not to attempt any thing in prejudice of the Church in the Catholick Towns of which he might possibly become Master our invincible Monarch not thinking it enough to follow the generous sentiments of his justice which led him to secure those Princes from oppression unlesse accompanied with those of his Piety so he could not resolve to assist an Heretick King without precaution for the interest of the Church that those violences which are the usual effects of Arms might not be attributed but to the disorders which do necessarily follow the Camp Politique Observation THat War is just saith St. Ambrose which is undertaken in defence of the weak or the Allies of a State against those who oppresse them St. Augustine teacheth us that those Arms are justifiable which are taken up to revenge injuries The defence of Confederates is one of those actions which doth most of all set off a Kings glory and raise it to the highest pitch of greatnesse Nothing doth more assimilate them to the Divinity then the stretching out of their hands to support the weak the protecting of whom is an act well-beseeming their Majesties He who never ought to divide his Crown to any one ought however let his Arms be common to other Soveraigns for their defence They who do otherwise
those Edicts which did contribute thereunto when brought unto them but it was not so with the Messieurs of the Court of Aydes of Paris Mensieur le Comte having informed them that he was going to their Chamber from the King to do as much they fell into such disorder that they all departed thinking by this to disengage themselves from their duty of confirming them so that Monsieur de Compte comming thither found no body there This their inconsideratenesse could not be without mis-prision of the royal Authority and was looked upon as an example the more dangerous in regard Magistrates are like the Primum mobile which draw all the inferior Orbs after it so their motion might be capable of making the people mutiny and refuse succours which they owed the King and which his Majesty might lawfully demand from them to help discharge the necessities of the State as we have formerly said Justice and Prudence did both require that they should be made exemplary they were suspended from the exercise of their Offices and a Commission issued out to some of the Messieurs Masters of Requests and Counsellours of the grand Councel to do justice in their rooms and to determine those affairs which were depending before them This continued for some moneths to teach them against another time how they run into such mis-prisions of his Majesties will which made them unworthy to sit upon the Flower de Luces seeing they had been so little affectionate in contributing to the means necessary to preserve them in their beauty Politique Observation THere is no offence which Kings are more obliged to punish then those which are accompanied with dis-respect for as he who is much respected doth easily retain his Subjects in their obedience so being once fallen into disesteem his commands are little regarded The wisest Polititians have alwaies thought respect to be the greatest support of Authority The lustre of the Sun is that which causeth people to regard it with the more reverence and the authority of a Soveraign is that which doth most of all oblige his subjects to pay him respect and obedience which if violated by disrespect remaineth inconsiderable His Ordinances are laughed at his Will not regarded and attempts are often made against him I think for my part that scorn is more dangerous then hatred for peradventure a King who is hated may yet be feared and fear is of it self sufficient to keep subjects in obedience but he who is once fallen into dis-esteem is neither hated nor feared so that his affairs will soon fall into extream disorder Hatred is a frequent cause of Insurrections but dis-respect is more effectually so because it not only causeth the fear of offending to cease but adds confidence to it Now of all disrespects none is more dangerous then when Magistrates are guilty of it by withdrawing themselves from their Princes Will and Command No one will easily attempt against him whom he sees honoured by his Magistrate and on the contrary men will readily provoke him who is not regarded by them Magistrates are the more obliged to continue their respects unto Authority because their example is sufficient to hold the people in submission They ought rather to comply obediently with their Soveraigns then by denying him to show an example of Rebellion to his Subjects their resistance tends only to raise an irreparable disorder in affairs and obligeth the use of constraint for the ratifying of such Edicts which presently make the people believe them to be unjust In fine they are no less bound to render respect and obedience unto him then justice to his Subiects They flatter themselves with a dangerous vanity if they believe themselves to have been instituted to bound in his power seeing it was only to supply his presence and perform his will All their power vanisheth at his presence as that of the Stars when the Sun appeareth neither ought they to take notice of his Commands further then he gives them liberty Now that liberty which he gives them is by their humble Remonstrances to represent their grievances not absolutely to deny and that with disrespect the execution of his commands especially seeing the custome of confirming of Edicts was not introduced by necessity or for any dependance which Kings have upon Soveraign Courts but that they might be executed with more submission and to discharge them from those commands which the importunity of Courtiers might wrest from their Majesties without regard of Justice or the good of the State The Treaty of Alliance between the King and Duke of Bavaria IT behoved the King so much the more to secure himself against the Emperors Forces in regard he did at this time seem to be discontented concerning the Succours given to the German Princes and the designe of retaking Moyâ—nvic with other lands alienated from the Bishoprick of Metz This induced the Cardinal whose eyes are alwaies open to the interests of State to represent unto the King that it were necessary to make sure of those who might any ways assist him in his enterprises against France and that there being no other persons from whom he could receive a greater support in his desire then the Duke of Bavier and the Elector of Trâ—ves who have the principal Passes by which he must come unto us it would be very advantagious to contract an Alliance with them that they might hinder his Forces or at least that they might not joyn theirs with his The King apprehended this Counsel as an effect of his innate Prudence and this great Ministers foresight having already laid the ground-work of these Alliances his Majesty issued out Orders for the prosecution of them There was concluded by the Treaty that there should be a sincere good and constant Friendship between them and an firm and strict league offensive and defensive for eight yeers in consideration whereof the King bound himself to furnish him with nine thousand Foot two thousand Horse Cannons and Ammunitions of War fit and necessary for the defence of him and his Dominions leaving it to the Electors choice to demand of his Majesty instead of the nine thousand Foot and the rest such monies as might defray the charges The Elector of Bavier did likewise engage himself to furnish his Majesty with three thousand Foot and one thousand Horse and Ammunitions of war necessary for the defence of his Dominions in case of an Invasion with liberty for his Majesty to demand instead of the Souldiers so much money sufficient to pay them Besides they interchangeably promised not to bâ—aâ— Arms one against the other directly or indirectly Thus was France assured on that quarter and the taking of Moyenvic might be attempted without fear or hâ—zard the Emperour not being able to hinder it by reason of the King of Swede's diversion without the Duke of Bavier's assistance Politique Observation DEfensive Alliances cannot but be very useful to all Princes how great soever Few can subsist by themselves and if
any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies it cannot be without danger and somtimes loss to their Countries whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful no one will think of invading them Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body yet it standeth in need of those others and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs hath so established them that they have all occasion to make use of one another This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Alliances but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms that he begins to be terrible On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors because contracting an Alliance with such they not only augment their own Power but weaken that of their enemy and make him incapable of further mischief It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy to take a care that he hath not two for their power being united will be more terrible Thus the Comte de Chaâ—olois son to Philip Duke de Burgogne was very sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third and the less able to hurt him His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen In order hereunto the Sieurs de Moleres de Razilly and de Chaalar were sent to the King of Morocco that an Alliance might be contracted with him and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Barbary He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs that they were well received The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral At â—heir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides and two Companies of Souldiers The King gave them present audience and with as much honour as they could wish so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions whose liberty was presently granted the King of Morocco not taking any thing for their ransom to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty It is true indeed he accepted a Present of Stuffs worth an hundred thousand Livres which the King sent to him â—et his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Master would send unto him to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspondency with him The next thing under consideration was the articles of alliance for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries which was presently accorded the substance of it was thus that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass should not in future be made slaves nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods according to their usual custome that for the better continuing their correspondence Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States but on condition not to exercise their Functions unless only to the French The Treaty was signed and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls at Morocco Male and Saphy In fine The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country Politique Observation IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable the gains being greater and more just That of the Land how advantagious soever seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent and somtimes more and that without giving the least cause of complaint Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable and great States vastly rich and abounding with all sorts of commodities There is another reason which rendreth it the more important and that is Princes being bound to make themselves powerful as well by Sea as by Land which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness for it renders them the more redoubted It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea unless a provision of Ships be made to secure them otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element is the more feared by his Neighbours in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land in case they should presume to offend him Cosmo de Medicis first Duke of Tuscany and the ablest Politician of his time said That a Soveraign can never gain an high repute unless he joyn both those Powers together which are to a State as the Arms to the Body This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable were they but deprived of it they would soon grow weak and poor but maintaining that Power as they do in a good equipage by a long tract of time they want nothing but are capable of undertaking great expeditions Hath not this enabled the Hollanders though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men to sustain the whole power of Spain What makes Gâ—noa so rich but this power by Sea And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories and we know that our late King Henry le grand whose Prudence was no less advantagious to this Kingdom then his Courage was extreamly desirous to settle it in France after he allayed those storms of Civil War to which end he gave order unto the President Janin when he was treating with the Hollanders to learn of them what was necessary in that particular The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Monsieur out of the Kingdom his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instruction of their Processe and to chastise those who were found guilty was not willing to let it fall into their cognizance He well knew that Kings ought not to expose their authority to be dis-respected as his would have been if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders should neglect to prosecute them as was much to be feared they would Those
that it might somtimes be recalled from those on whom it had been bestowed seeing it was conferred on him but for a certain time and the same Historian mentioneth some Lords of those times who were deprived of the Ducal Dignity yet commonly it was given for life As for the Dignity of Peer that is not so ancient but very eminent for that the Peers take place before all other Honours of the Kingdom as may be seen in the example of Philip the first Duke of Burgogne who went before Lewis Duke of Anjou his elder Brother at the Creation of Charls the sixth their Nephew by reason he was a Peer which his brother was not The most common opinion attributeth the first Institution to Charâ—emâ—gne but without other proof then this that History maketh no mention of it before his time and it is believed that they were created to be Judges of State Affairs which were decided by the Parliament in the King's presence That great Prince establishing this Order in the Kingdom to secure it from those misfortunes whereunto the late Merouingiens had exposed it by refusing to take any other care then that of their pleasuâ—es Tâ—ere are some ancient Titles found which make appear That the Comter de Champagne had seven Lords in their Comte who were Peers and did astist them in great Ceremonies and the Decision of chief Affairs In Germany there are some who are chief Ministers of their Princes Justice but although they partake of the Name yet are they but Images and those very imperfect in regard of the greatnesse of those of France who are thought to have been instituted to assist the King to serve him and receive his Oath at his Consecration and by their Office are impowered to advise him in the Government of the State A Synod of the pretended Reformed Religion at Charenton THose of the pretended reformed Religion had obtained permission by the Kings Breviate about the beginning of this year to make a National Assembly of their Ministers of France for the maintaining of their Order and Belief The Cardinal was of opinion that his Majesty should require them to meet at Charenton because being within his view they would have the lesse Freedom to renew such Cabal as they had formerly made in their Assemblies of Guyenne and Languedoc This Order was followed and the Sieur de Galland Councellor to his Majesty was sent to be President in the King's behalf his Loyalty was not to be suspected and they were obliged to accept of him in regard of divers authentique testimonies which made appear that this Order was conformable to that of Councels assembled in the Primitive times which they professed to honour The King especially commanded him to be careful that no Proposition were made which did not concern their Faith or Discipline to silence them in his Majesty's name in case they should discourse of any other affairs and to establish such rules as the Cardinal had proposed necessary to keep that Sect in submission To this end he used his utmost Prudence and Loyalty he perswaded them to enact that there should not any more National Assemblies be made but in the presence of a Commissary from the King who might by testifying their obedience be a means of continuing them in quiet besides he induced them to resolve upon the absolute excluding of all stranger Ministers this being intended of all that were not natural French and to inhibit their Ministers from leaving the Kingdom without his Majesty's licence by this means to prevent all intelligences associations and correspondencies with the enemies of the State according to the Laws of the Kingdom and his Majesty's particular prohibitions in fine he used so much prudence that they required their Ministers not to intermeddle in any affairs Politique or Military and condemned a Book of Berraut Minister of Montauban as erroneous because he maintained that Ministers had a particular Call from God to bear Arms. I shall not relate those other Ordinances there made for the subsistence of their Sect it not being the Designe of my History It sufficeth me to have observed those fore-going which were necessary for the peace of the Kingdom and were so many effects of the Cardinal's prudence who by this means disabled them from making Cabals prejudicial to the King's service broke their correspondency with strangers and left them no arms but the Kings goodness for their defence Politique Observation REligion is the strictest band to assemble people in any designe to conspire unanimously to the Publike good neither is there any thing which doth more disunite them then the diversity of Belief it is a flaming torch which sets the fire of Division among States and aqua fortis which separateth the most moderate minds hence it was that the Kings of Aegypt did heretofore entertain divisions among their subjects that they might render their own Powers over them more absolute by preventing them from uniting themselves in the same designs of revolt and this they did by engaging them in several different Worships Some of them adored a Crocodile others an Eagle this a Dog that some other thing as himself fancied thus they were never able to agree together how to shake off the yoke of their Tyrannie But besides that this maxime is impious and directly repugnant to the Laws of Jesus Christ it is thought to be very dangerous for the most part in the judgement of the wisest Politicians because the diversity of Belief being reduced to two or three parties is most able to carry a people into a revolt agaist their Prince France for these last sixty years hath had but too much trial of it and if our Kings had not been necessitated to permit this diversity as the wise Pilots who in a Storm let their Sails go they well knowing their resistance might endanger their Shipwrack they might have had secured the Estate from many misfortunes could they have prevented it in the beginning Now what better advice can be taken then to deprive Heretiques of the means to Revolt which are their holding Intelligences with Strangers their being headed by Leaders who are Turbulent and Factious their being able to make Assemblies at their pleasures and there to deliberate what they think fit without informing their Prince of any thing He who depriveth them of these Liberties striketh a great stroak in setling the Publike Peace and after despoiling them of their Arms which never ought to be allowed them he cutteth off their power of being ever able to recover it Besides it is necessary to repress their insolency the inseparable companion of Heresie They have a certain insatiable fiercenesse which makes them alwaies discontented and the only way to tame them is absolutely to refuse them all things which are not absolutely necessary for the exercise of their Religion That resistance which they meet in the soul of a generous and vigorous Prince hindreth them whereas if they find him weak and â—asie to be
make himselt Master of them but that so doing he followeth the most ancient Law of the world which gives leave to the strong to take whatever they lay hold of This indeed is not tolerable by the Law of Christianity which hath ordained Justice to bound in the covetous Ambition of Princes although birth and succession in States at this present are bars enough to defend them Usurpation was pardonable in Caesar who lived in Paganism but he who professeth himself a Christian ought to regulate his designs by the Law of Jesus Christ It is true indeed Ambition of all the passions of the Soul is most incurable because never to be totally eradicated and a Pince is the more obliged to suppresse such motions which perswade him to make himself Master of that which belongeth nothing to him in regard the vivacity of his spirit may raise a War in his own Country and the heat of his covetousnesse may without reason shed the blood and destroy the lives of his people It were to be wished that Princes were as solicitous to preserve the bloud of their subiects as Pericles the prime man of Greece in his time who being to die thought himself very happy that no Athenian had ever wore mourning through his occasion they would then be lovers of peace and the preservation of their subject would be powerfull enough to extinguish the heat of their Ambition it being most certain that the usurper of anothers right pulleth his Arms against his own State and indangereth his Subjects to undergo a thousand mis-fortunes ANNO 1632. EVery one esteems the work of those poor men as unprofitable who that they may inlarge their habitations do build and make incroachments upon the Banks of large Rivers whose Waters upon the first great rain break out of their Channels and by a thousand re-inforced Waves carry away whatever opposeth their violence it being certain they will not spare the weak indeavours of their hands Who will not in like manner conclude the attempts of a petty Prince to be equally vain who that he may gain some repute and make himself considerable offereth violence to the glory of a great Monarch whose victorious Arms are soon able to reduce the forgetfull to their duties and to over-run whatever resisteth his power Just thus ought we to consider the D. of Lorrain's rashness in taking of Vic in the Emperors name and fortifying it against France when as his Majesties Forces if bent against him could not but chastize his proceedings break his designs and render all his endeavours uselesse His Majesties recovery of it quickly shewed the whole world how vain his attempts were Neither did his Majesties Forces rest there for the Marshals de la Force and de Schomberg forthwith besieged Moyenvic which rendred upon composition and also invested Marsal a place of importance belonging to the Duke and one of those which his Predecessors had usurped from the Bishoprick of Mets. Now the Duke though mastered by ambition and filled with hatred against France was not however so sencelesse but that finding with what celerity Vic was reduced in despite of his Fortifications wherewith he had encompassed it he began to suspect lest all the rest of his Country might shortly run the same chance in case he had not the sooner recourse unto the Kings mercy rather then his own forces or power Hereupon he resolved to send unto his Majesty propositions of peace but in effect he was unwilling totally to relinquish his unjust designs which he would be sure to re-inforce whenever any favourable opportunity or an exâ—raordinary succour from the Emperour or Spaniard should afford him the means such deep root had the hatred which is almost natural to that Family against this Kingdom taken in him It is also true that finding himself straitned in point of time and knowing that the least delay would give the Kings Forces opportunity to take other places he at last resolved to go in person and meet the King at Mets that he might appease his Majesty by his feigned submissions and hinder the progresse of his Armies by a pretended Treaty of peace Had this resolution been frank and sincere the visit had been commendable but such was his malice against his Majesty that those things were the least of his thoughts Not but that he was particularly and I may say strictly obliged unto the King who was very carefull of his education during his youth which he spent in this Court who had patiently expected for eight years together the homage of Barr whereas be might justly have seized upon it within one year after the late Duke's death for non-performance thereof who had passed by the several troubles and intreagues raised by him and his against this State and Kingdom But all these things wrought not upon him and he continued insensible of them He sent word unto his Majesty that he was comming to wait on him and to give him al satisfaction accordingly he came to Mets upon the 26 of December with his face composed of sorrow and sadnesse for his late misbehaviour The King being informed of his approach neer Mets sent the Prince de Joinville with his own and the Queen Coaches who met him half a league from the City and conducted him to his lodging where his Majesty had given order to his Officers to defray his and his Retinues expences The Duke after a short repose went to see his Majesty and shewed himself very submissive protesting that he would flie unto no other refuge but his Majesties goodnesse in order to which alone it was that he had been so desirous of the honour to see him The King received him with all the demonstrations of kindnesse which an offended Majesty may be permitted to use and shortly after being entred into discourse freely told him that he would say before him an infallible sign of his ill-behaviour the Duke indeavoured to justifie himself but he could not alledge any other reason then only his being discontented with the Sieur de Bret Conseiller d' Estaâ— for having used too much rigour in the Borders of his Country in his Inquest concerning the Rights of the Crown of France and his having been assured from the Marshal de Marillac that his Majesty had resolved to invade and ruine him Unto this the King replied every one might justly enquire after â—is own Rights so that what rigours the Sieur de Bret had used were only the effects of Justice and as for matter of invading him with hostility there needed no other proof to assure him of thâ— contrary then that he would not at that time imploy his power any more against him in case he returned to his devoir whereas he then might easily ruine him it being impossible for those persons who had ingaged him in those imbroils to afford him any succour or relief whereas his Majesty would assuredly protect him from the victorious Arms of the Swedish King who was upon the point of
where they best liked The Emperour and Infanta promise to protect the Duke of Lorrain THe enemies of France were much afflicted at the news of the Treaty between the King and Duke of Lorrain The Emperour sent Montecuculli unto the Duke to animate and assure him of a potent Army when-ever he was in a condition to defend himself from the King of Sâ—ede The Baron de â—â—eâ—de came to him from the Infanta to give him the like assurance and to beseech him to believe that the King of Spain's Forces and Treasure should ever be at his disposal when the Emperour should think it proper to attempt the recovery of his Towns Nay the Queen-Mother too though tyed by all sorts of Reason to embrace the King's Interests resolved by perswasion of Chaâ—teloupe to send a Letter unto the Parliament of Paris to engage them if possible in a Revolt which undoubtedly would have been seconded by that of Paris it self with divers other Cities of the Kingdom and all to force the King to withdraw his Army from Lorrain that he might extinguish the fire nearer home That Enemy of the publike Peace took occasion from the Parliaments discontents for that the King had sent some of the chief Officers of Mets to give them a check for their disorderly behaviour in the confirmation of those letters whereof we discoursed the fore-going year There need no other indicium to prove the letter to be his then the bare reading of it Not a person who had the honour to be near her Majesty could ever be perswaded that it proceeded from her inclination though signed with her hand but that it was by the wicked insinuations and devices of that seditious conspirator who in peace being inconsiderable would needs make himself famous and remarkable by raising war and troubles He well knew how to work upon this great Princesses weakness who being extreamly exasperated against the Cardinal would easily be perswaded unto any thing which might disadvantage him Hereupon he made her believe that this propitious Genius of France was upon the point of breaking the Peace with Spain That he had carried on the King to fall upon the Low Countries and that in fine the Spaniards and Emperours Forces would joyntly strike into France seize upon the Cities over-run the whole Champaigne country pillage the Towns rob the people pull down the Churches That Religion would be laid aside the Nobility ruined The Royal Houses errazed and the French Nation exposed unto death or such miseries as were a terror to her very thoughts This was the purport of the letter and these were the considerations which obliged her to signe it Strange it is to look upon the many disguisements tending to engage that honourable company in a revolt which hath ever been the main support of this State It was only desired that they would oppose the Cardinal's designes although all the enterprises wherein he ingaged the King were indeed so many additions to his and the Kingdoms glory as was apparent in the relief of Casal and Treaty of Pignerol They were sollicited to ruine this great Minister of State whose prudent conduct was the chiefest sword which his Majesty employed in defence of his Kingdom and whose every action did like a Thunderbolt annihilate the ambitious designs of the House of Austria But especially were they wooed to induce his Majesty to make a peace with Germany though it was sufficiently apparent how that that concluded in the year 1622. had been the cause of all those misfortunes whereunto our Allies have been exposed that relaxation having afforded opportunity unto the Emperour to take those advantages which he obtained in the Palatinate and upon divers other Princes I cannot omit one strange piece of Indiscretion which Chanteloupe committed in this letter viz. his oversight in letting the Queen-Mother publikely profess her giving credit to the predictions of those Astrologers who assured her that the Cardinal should not hold out above three or four moneths and in not considering how that one included another much more sad for France and which could not but beget her the hatred of all those who had any sense of a good Frenchman or loyal Subject But the blame of this defect as likewise of the whole Letter was laid upon him as the true Author thereof who had been so sollicitous in procuring her to signe it whose goodness like that of the Sun cannot do any hurt unlesse when in conjunction with some other Star of a malignant quality Neither had the Parliament any regard thereunto but reputed it as an aspersion animated by the Spaniards who then finding themselves reduced to an exigency were apprehensive of those Forces which his Majesty was dispatching into Germany and began to look about them when they saw the King imploying the courage of his Subjects in assisting his Allies and also a likelyhood of Breach between the two Crowns whereunto indeed his Majesty was invited by divers although he would never be induced so to do having alwaies thought it more glorious to preserve Treaties of peace with integrity then to conquer the Countries of his Neighbours Politique Observation ONe of those many and chief causes which perswaded the wise Politicians to seclude women from the Government of States is their being easily circumvented either by their own passions or the ill advices of others If the person enterprising any thing be but in discredit with them that is cause enough to mislike the whole affair or if it be not managed by a man whom they fancy Their passions are extream and lead them to discommend whatever is undertaken by those who are in their displeasure and on the contrary they are apt to approve of defects and faults in them whom they affect They are born with such inclinations that there is no mediocrity in their distinctions their Love and Hatred are ever in the highest and hottest degree and on the contrary when they pass from one passion to another they evidence to the whole world how little they can esteem him who was once their best beloved whereupon the wisest of Kings and one whose Pen was guided by the holy Ghost said There is no malice like that of a Woman Now if to their hatred any enterprise be attempted which clasheth with their inclinations as all War doth work upon their Fears which are natural unto them there cannot then be any War how just or necessary soever but shall assuredly be condemned by them In vain it is to endeavour to perswade them that it is needful to make war or to carry that war into a Forraign Country which is designed to be brought into our own it were bootless to represent unto them how the wisest Kings have ever kept the War at a distance from their own Countries and endeavoured to extinguish the fire in their Neighbours houses as knowing their own to be the next in danger It were but time and labour lost to offer unto their thoughts that it is
before the Ambition of any Soveraign unto whom they are only rued by the bonds of Friendship Should they do otherwise what could they reasonably expect from so profane a scorn but the inflicting of that curse wherewith God threatned Solomon for not preserving his contracts with him nor observing his Commandments viz. That he would pluck away his Crow and give it to his servant The King taketh the Archbishop of Treves into his Protection AT the same time the Sieur de Charnace made several journeys unto the Elector to represent unto him the same considerations which he had offered unto the Duke of Baviers and Elector of Cologne his Success with him was better then with the other two because he found him in a great Alarum The Swedis were at his Gates and the Spaniards had already seiz'd upon his chief City of Coblen with divers other places of his State insomuch that he had only Hermestine left in his own disposal He had then sent the Sieur de Scoâ—k Gentleman of his Bed chamber unto the King of Sweden to secure himself from that storm which most threatned him but his reception had been none of the best in regard he had not only furnished his own State with Souldiers and made great contributions towards the supporting of the League but had lately taken the Castle of Stolberg and slain a young Comte de Solms with two of his Trayn and his Letters too were none of the most respectful All the answer this Gentleman received was That he should advise his Master to keep his Purse well provided to satisfie all those guests who were coming into his Country That for his part he was not unmindful of the Treaty of Alliance made with France which engaged him to preseve all such Catholique Princes in the enjoyment of their Estates who should accept of the Neutrality which he should not fail to perform when the Elector should adhere unto the conditions of the said Treaty which obliged him to come off from the Emperors party the which if he refused he knew how to compel him to render him an account thereof as all the rest of his Associates This answer seemed very high yet indeed it was but reasonable seeing he promised all fair usage if he became Neuter and observ'd the conditions contained in the Treaty France Could more favour be expected from a Prince against whom one committeth acts of Hostility Now the Elector being naturally fearful was so surpriz'd that be expected the Swedes every hour at his Gates and the same usage from them as the Bishop oâ— Wittsbourg had already received so that he resolved to cast himself into his Majesty's Arms who undertook to make his peace with the Swede and to protect him from all violence Not that he wanted to say the Truth any affection for the House of Austria it being easie to read his inclinations in his very looks but because he knew in cases of Necessity no one is obliged to assist another to his own prejudice especially if it cannot be attempted without exposing himself to the danger of a manifest ruine These were the chief reasons which induced him to shelter himself under his Majestie wings and although his Proposals proceeded not from any good will to France yet they were such as were too important to be refused viz. That he would surrender part of his Towns lying on the Borders of this Kingdom unto his Majesty That he would retire himself unto Trives and there deliver his person as a gage of his Fâ—delity These Proposals were the more considerable in regard his Majesty having him in his power and the Electors of Saxony and Brandebourg at his disposal it would be impossible for the Emperor to get his Son crowned King of the Romans and King of Hungary and this made his Majesty the more willing to receive him into his Protection and to perswade him to sit as Neuter in relation to the King of Swede Politique Observation ALthough Neutrality of it self carrieth little assurance with it it being frequently observed that he who becomes Neuter seeth his Country exposed as a Prey unto the Conqueror yet the case is much altered when his Neutrality is countenanced by the protection of a great Monarch who being his Neighbour secureth him from all danger I should hardly advise a Petty Prince to put himself under the defence if a King far distant from him because in case of an Invasion his succours cannot without difficulty arrive unto him and if they come at all it will be unseasonably and too late for his defence Every one knoweth that an Army in a long march disbandeth of it self and those few who hold out to the end have more need to rest then fight Hence it is those Protections our Kings have embraced in Italy find such ill success Lewis the XII undertook the protection of John and Hannibal Bentivogli who vere both thrust out of Boulogne when it was least suspected neither was there any means to prevent it Octavian Fregose put himself under the same protection but all would not keep him in the Dutchy of Genoa Pisa threw it self into the hands of the French but was deserted it being impossile to dispatch Forces timely enough to defend it Otherwise it is in the protection of a Prince living under the eye of a great Monarch nothing is so easie as his assistance and such a King is in honour bound to defend such a Prince with and against all men that no inconveniency betide him The Law of Protection obligeth him who craveth it to pay all honour and respect unto his Defender and that with such submission that in case he recede from his devoir it may become lawful for his Protector to seize upon his State and on the contrary his Protector ought to undertake his defence and secure him from the oppression of any other whosoever That which rendereth the Protection of a Neighbour Monarch to be valid and full of safety doth most especially consist in the prudent Government of him who is protected as when he doth wisely observe and regard the Laws of Neutrality which are neither to assist or provoke either party in so managing his affairs he giveth no occasion of offence and if the prevalent power attempt against him his Injustice will appear the greater because a petty Prince is not obliged to declare himself when his ruine is in danger His Conduct indeed cannot please either party neither can it reasonably offend either which if so neither can with reason attempt against him whereas if he declare himself against a great Prince lying on the skirts of his State his utter destruction will be unavoidable The King sendeth the Mareschals de la Force and d' Effiat into Germany THe Catholique Princes had no sooner proposed to become Neuters but the Cardinal whose eyes are alwaies open to see and Judge of what is fit and proper for his masters glory advised his Majesty to send a strong army into
Luzern and Roche-Britant and in fine by that of the Cardinal led by the Marquis de Mony and Coeslin so that the skirmish became very hot and many Charges pass'd on both sides untill at last they fell to it with their Swords only so long that in conclusion the Comte de Ysembourg's horse having long sustained the French were repelled and falling in upon their own foot disordered them so that the French had the pursuit of t hem untill the night concluded the businesse and favoured the enemies retreit The Imperialists left four score Nobles forty prisoners their Convoy and two Cornets behind them which were presented unto the King by the Sieur de Chezelles Bautru After this dafeit the Marshal d' Estree looking more strictly into the siege found some things in disorder which he quickly rectified and brought all things into such method that the garrison was soon forced to surrender The Chapter were sensible of their Treason and acknowledge their lawfull Prince and thus the Town was taken by composition of which the Chevalier de Seneterre was made Governour This piece of service thus happily effected the conquest of those other places in the Spanish hands was not long in agitation the Arch-Bishop being restored to the possession of his States and Revenues by which he became sensible what a happinesse it was to injoy the protection of France which secured him from all those dangers fallen upon the rest of his neighbours Politique Observation AMongst the most heroick actions of Kings the defence of those who desire their protection is one which addeth very much to their glory and raiseth their power to an eminent greatnesse Nothing doth more liken them unto the Divinity then the defence of the weak and feeble and if in petty Princes it be a mark of weaknesse to follow the fortune of the Conquerour it cannot but be a sign of great power in a King not to deny those who sue for his protection The defending of them who request it is an act well beseeroing the Majesty of a King who as he ought not to admit any Rival in his Crown so ought he not to deny the communicating of his power unto them who flie unto him for refuge This is it which maketh a King Arbitrator of all his Neighbours affairs who gladly submit their differences unto the judgement of a Monarch who imployeth his power for the maintaining of Justice No one can be ignorant how this is it which rendreth them invincible it being most certain that who so lendeth a hand to help his friends in their necessities ingageth so many serveral defendors whenever his occsions shall require it To be able to subsist alone without the help of others is very honoursble for a King yet his glory will be imperfect if he do not imploy his power to redresse his oppressed Neighbours in their necessities Tyranny doth build its greatnesse on the usurpations of others rights whereas Justice foundeth her glory on the defending the oppressed And if a King may at any time send his forces abroad out of his own State it ought to be either in preservation of his Allies under his protection or in revenge of injuries offered unto him The Emperour endeavoureth at Rome to break the Kings Alliance with the Swede THe League between the Swede and France together with the Elector of Treves inclination made such an Alarum in the house of Austria now unable to divert the storm hanging over them that they resolved to have recourse unto Rome and there to represent the Churches grievances in such terms that they might receive the same advantages which the Spaniards heretofore did upon the like pretences The Cardinal Pasman was dispatched thither in order thereunto where being come he used is utmost endeavours to ingage the Pope in their affaris his Holinesse was press'd to make a Croisade for preservation of the German Catholicks for the suppressing of Heresie and establishing the Church in its former splendor There were divers calumnies published abroad against the Swedes the disasters of the Church and miseries of the Catholicks were aggravated unto excesse but not a word to be heard how that the Interests of the Church had not been in question but by their unjust supporting the ambitious designs of the Austrian family He indeavoured to perswade the Pope that the King of Sweden like another Attila had resolved to besiege Rome and force his Holinesse from his Seat but especially was he charged to declaim against the Alliance between the Swede and France and to solicite his Holiness to send a Legate or extraordinary Nuncio to break the knot as prejudicial to the Catholick church The Duke de Savelly his Imperial Majesties Embassadour and the Spanish Embassadour had order to second him Cardinal Borgia newly tied unto the Spanish party by the gift of the Arch-Bishoprick of Sevill did not only underhand indeavour to procure the suffrages of particular Cardinals but in the open consistory did violently exclaim in blaming the Pope for abandoning the House of Austria and in it the Church it self highly exalting the King of Spain's zeal for Religion and crying out against the cold rewarding his good intentions Now divers of the Consistory being unacquainted with the affairs of Germany and how the misfortunes befallen on some Catholique Princes was the only effect of their own faults were at first divided and the Spanish Partisans became so stout that his Hosinesse had just cause to dislike their proceedings But his Holinesse informing the Consistory with the true state of affairs made it appear unto the Cardinals that the War of Germany was a War of state not Religion and the matter was so manag'd that the house of Austria had no great cause to rejoyce The Popes answer to their party was that the Emperour had drawn upon himself those evils which he now indured that the men and monies wasted in the plundering of Italy the Sacking of Mantua and threatning of the Holy Sea would better have served to hinder the Swedes and put a stop to their conquests that the Remoustrances of his Legats and Nuntioes had been deluded Germany neglected the Swedes slighted Italy invaded and the Holy Sea forced to lay out it 's Treasure in the preservation of it self and St. Peters Patrimony that in fine his Government might possible be traduced not blamed that his indeavours already used and which he resolved to continue were capable enough to justifie his cares for the Churches good that he would willingly contribute the remainder of his power which was but small having consumed the Treasures of the Church in the War of Italy And lastly that he would gladly imploy any remedy which he should find expedient to destroy Heresie and preserve the Church and that he might unto this Temporal add a Spiritual remedy he proclaimed an universal Jubile exhorting all men to assist the Church of Germany with their Prayers The Deputies of Germany were but little comforted herewith but departed
from Rome unsatisfied They might easily have obtained as heretofore thundring Excommunications against France and have exposed the Kingdom to ruine had Gregory the Fourteenth been yet alive but we do not now live in those times The Masque of Religion wherewith the House of Austria use to cover their designs is now taken off and the Cardinal who knoweth of what concernment it is for States to hold Rome in friendship was not backward both for the good of the Church and this Kingdom to inform his Holinesse of the design contrived by the House of Austria for the over-running of Italy and bringing the Holy Sea into such subjection that themselves might overaw the Censures Decrees and Excommunications of the Church so the Pope convinced of the truth hereof was not possibly to be surprized but blamed the German Princes for exposing their States to such miseries in behalf of the ambitious design of the House of Austria and on the contrary commended his Majesty for his readinesse and willingnesse to protect the Church and those very Princes in case they would recede from their wicked designs That Catholick Princes ought to hold good correspondence with Rome IT was not without great reason what Antonio Peres once told the late Henry the Great viz. that the French being unmatchable for courage would undoubtedly conquer the whole earth if to their natural valour the favour of Rome the mastery of the Sea and a fix'd Council of able Statesmen were adjoyned These three things make a Prince truly great And the course of affairs now leadeth me to discourse of one of them viz of the necessity of holding a fair correspondence with the Roman Sea which I may well say is necessary partly for the avoiding of those evils which may happen by want thereof and partly for the inducing the people by its approbation to admit of the many and several undertakings in a State The Empire of Souls is both great and tickleth if it were only in relation of those Anathemas which may be darted out against Princes One of the most conspicuous church-lights said and that with great judgement that the Thunders of the Church are to be feared how unjust soever and indeed so they are because the execrations of Christ Jesus Vicar are of great efficacy before God who holdeth the Government of Kingdomes in his hands and also because of the terrours they strike into the people who concluding a Prince reproved by God as soon as by the Holy Sea do not only lose their respect due to such rulers but even run into disobedience and insurrection Did not those Thunders in the times of the late League kindle the flames which did long consume this Kingdom what was it which brought Navar into the Spaniards hands but the imbroils between Lewis the Twelfth and Julius the Second Now if a good intelligence with the Sea of Rome is security from such like misfortunes it is no lesse an advantage to a State in regard of its approbation of a Soveraigns enterprizes This is it which holdeth the people in quiet which maketh them think the yoak of obedience to be easie which preserveth the love of their Prince in their minds and which rendreth contributions imposed by necessity the more supportable and in general it may be said that there is not any thing how bad soever which they will distast if approved by the Holy Sea so great a respect doth Religion produce in the minds of men King Numa had no better invention to make his actions received by the people of Rome then by telling them he did nothing but by the Counsel of the Nymph Egeria who communicated the Will of the Gods unto him No one is ignorant of the repute which the South-sayers had with the people of Rome in perswading them to approve of their Consuls and Emperours designs and undertakings Could then any more likely way be invented both to justifie their undertakings and incourage their Souldiers then by telling them the Gods approved of them Neither can it be doubted but the Pope's approbation is an effectual way to perswade people to like their Princes designs to live in quiet and to be well satisfied with the Government under which they live But how much then are the Popes obliged to be favourable towards France which hath ever been their Refuge their Asylum their Prop and Protection Besides their Interests are the same with ours seeing the French use not such under-hand shuffling as the Spaniards and are far enough from such ambitious designs as the House of Austria who are still contriving to oppress the Liberties of the Church to subjugate the holy See and to over-awe its Decrees whereas the French endeavour only to preserve every one in his own Right and to be contented with a good Pope an honest and stout man who will not suffer himself to be surprized by their Enemies but shew himself a common Father to all without procuring any ditriment to one by the suggestion of another The Cardinal endeth a difference between the Bishops and Friers NOt long after the Kings return from Lorrain the Cardinal undertook to compose a difference between the Bishops and Friers which had made a great noise for sundry ages together The Friers relying upon their priviledges obtained from the holy See pretended to have power both to Preach and Confess without permission from the Bishops and the Bishops unto whom all people within their Diocess are subject by common right did perpetually thwart that pretension They could not down with the Friers Priviledges alledging they ought to be declared void as being oppugnant to the primitive constitutions of the Church which ought to be preserved in the same model for the continuation thereof in its pristine splendour This quarrel had been especially fomented during the last year by reason some Books had been published in the name of the English Catholiques which preferr'd the Monastical life before that of the Prelats and seemed to imply that Friers were more necessary at least more useful to the Church then the ordinary Pastors To say the Truth these Propositions were bold and without offence to any one may safely be termed rash and inconsiderate But that likelyhood was there of composing these differences Was it probable that the whole Society of Friers would relinquish the priviledges they had obtained from the holy See On the other side What reason was there that the Prelats should have so little authority over them in Administration of Sacraments and the Word of God seeing in the Primitive times Friers were only mix'd amongst the Laity and addressed themselves unto the Bishops Congregations to receive the Sacraments from their hands or those who executed their charge No one but the Cardinal could give an end to these differences there being not a man who durst so much as make a a Proposal whereby each party might receive satisfaction neither did he wave the trouble but willingly took it upon himself though he was
Goncales de Cordoue MOnsieur perceiving the Spring to come on and the time for leading Armies into the Field draw neer resolved to leave Bruxelles and joyn with Dom Gonçcales de Cordoue who expected him at Treves Before his departure he took leave of the Infanta at a publick Audience who after he had been re-conducted by all the great Lords of the Court unto his Lodgings sent him a Present to three Coffers which bespoke her no lesse magnificence then noblenesse of mind The first was of perfumed Leather imbroidred the Lock Key and Arms of Gold enamelled within were two suits very rich the second was of crimson Velvet embroidered fill'd with very fine linnen and the third was full of all sorts of sweet meats She likewise presented him with a Suit of Arms and two handsom Horses fitter for shew then use neither was she unmindful of gratifying the chief Gentlemen of his Retinue some with Rings some with Diamonds and others with Chains of Gold having Meddals of the King of Spain hanging at the ends of them Monsieur being once departed from Bruxels made his usual speed towards Treves whither Dom Gonçales de Cordoue was advanced with design to fall upon the Palatinate as he pretended and there to establish his Masters affairs which the Swedes had much disordered but in truth to invade France with Monsieur which was most probable The King of Spain had dispatched him from Court about the beginning of January with Commission to command the Army in the Palatinate and Order to go into France as an extraordinary Embassadour to indeavour some way of accommodation for the affairs of Germany and from thence to go unto the Arch Dutchess who should give him instructions for his further procedure Accordingly he came to Paris and thence went to Saint Germain en Lare about mid March the King being then there His Majesty treated him with a great deal of splendour and caused his Musquetiers to exercise before him that he might see how dextrous he was to imbattle an Army and to lead them on to fight with more judgement then the ablest Commander in his Kingdom The next thing he did was to visit the Cardinal by whom he was very civilly receiv'd but having never seen him before he thought to surprize him and in his discourses upon the affairs of Germany to make him swallow shadows for real substances But his Eminency let him perceive that the Emperors and his Masters designs were but too well known and that it was but a trick â—o perswade the World that the War of Germany was a War of Religion and not of State so that in conclusion he saw his devices were eluded and that there is not any Fetch able to circumvent the prudence oâ— that grand Minister Hereupon he made no long stay at Court his design thither being for other ends then to receive bare complements and civilities yet in going off he committed one Act absolutely contrary to the custom of all Embassadours viz. his refusing of a Sword beset with Diamonds which with the Scabbard was worth ten thousand Crowns sent unto him from the King for a Present shewing by this Action that having left Spain to trouble France he would not receive any Present which might oblige him to lessen his ill will Not but that he was soon payed in his own coin and that by the Sieur de Guron who was the presenter of the Sword for Dom Gonçales his Secretary coming to him and offering him some Present from his Master was told that he would not receive any thing from a Minister of Spain who had refused the Liberalities of his Master and that it was hard to surprize him at Paris as at Cazal After he had continued some few days in this Court he departed towards Bruxels and from thence having received Orders from the Infanta went towards Treves in expectation of Monsieur who came to him about the end of May. Dom Gonçales received him with all imaginable honour went to meet him with the Spanish Nobility entertain'd him and his retinue at Supper with a great deal of splendour and in fine left his own lodgings unto him Treves was the Randezvouz for the forces of Dom Gonçales of the Comte de Mâ—rode of the Comte de Embden had he not been diverted Monsieur was in consultation with them hoping he might carry most of their Forces into France but they let him see how the Spaniards have not yet lost their old custom of promising much and performing little to such as expect relief from them The King indeed had by the Cardinals perswasion taken a good course to divert their designs viz. by giving them work enough in Germany and the Low-countries so to keep them off from invading their neighbours For just at that nick of time it was that the Hollanders by his advice went and besieged Maestry with so potent an Army that the whole force of Spain and the Empire could not possibly relieve it Dom Gonçales found himself necessitated to draw thither that one affair being work enough to imploy his utmost force so that Monsieur was necessitated to be satisfied with such few men as could be spared and to dispatch the Sieur de Fargis unto Spain there to negotiate a greater assistance in the interim he advanced towards Nancy hoping to supply this defect by the forces which he expected from the Duke of Lorrain Politique Observation IT is great Prudence in a Minister of State having once discovered that the designs of a Forraign Prince are to foment and support Revolts in his State to cause an enemy to encounter him that being a most infallible way to break his resolutions for most certain it is every one will sooner bestir himself to quench the fire which burneth his own house then to kindle a fire in his neighbours Prevention and Diversion are too great advantages in War saith Alphonsus de Arragon thus did the Syracusians procure the Lacedemonians to invade the Athenlans whereby they might prevent their sending of succors to Nice in Sicily Thus Hannibal advised Anâ—iochus to go and Forrage the country of Philip to the end that finding new work for his Forces he might be disabled from sending them to the Romans to fight against him and thus Avitus a Roman Captain invaded the Country of Tentari to hinder them from assisting the Ansibarians with their Forces To provide great Armies for the defence of a State and for the suppressing of an insurrection is not all no there ought to be prudence and discretion in the management of affairs and to make a strong diversion is as necessary as to fight well Besides Prudence is of so much the more advantage in regard by such diversions it weakneth those who revolt reduceth them to exigencies and inability of doing any thing considerable and in fine maketh them easie to be overcome wheras without it it would be a hard matter to secure any thing from their violence The Indictment of the
Interests in any thing That Town is of no small consideration it having formerly given the English when and as often as they desired an uncontrouled entrance into the Kingdom and with them Monsieur held but too strict an intelligence at this very time This was a disease not to be suffered to grow any older yet the cure of it had been almost desperate to any other but the King for Calais as it is far removed from Paris so is it likewise more distant from Lorrain But his Majesty whose vigilance doth oftentimes give him great Victories did easily endure the troubles of the Journey He knew from his cradle it was not without great reason that an Emperour designing to represent upon the Reverse of a Medail the means which the Roman Republique had used in conquering the Universe contrived a Rome with wings upon its feet and hands intimating that Vigilance had made her Mistress of the world In order whereunto he never apprehended any embroyl elther within or without the Kingdom which he did not readily encounter in his own person upon the least assurance that he might take them unproprovided who had contrived any thing against his State or person and thereby overcome them with less trouble and more ease The King departed then from Saint Germain about the beginning of May and not long after came to Calais where being arrived he placed six Companies of the Regiment of Navarre in the Cittadel commanded the Sieur de Vaâ—ance to retire himself to one of his Houses left the Sieur de Râ—mbures to command it until his Majesty should otherwise dispose of it and having stay'd two days he departed towards Lorrain that he might let the Duke know his proceedings had made him guilty both of Injustice and Rashness which two things he was come to chastise by the force of his Arms. Politique Observation GOd having constituted Kings as the Images of his Power doth no less require them to punish any injuries committed against their Majesty then the crimes of their Subjects To what other end is it that they have the sword of Justice intrusted with them unless it be as an assured testimony of the power they have to Right themselves for any injuries He who hath so little courage as to pass them by will soon become the object of his Neighbours scorn every one will trample on him and God himself being offended at his little care in preserving those stamps of his Majesty which he hath imprinted on his Forehead will justly permit him to be despoyled of that honour which he had bestowed upon him God hath unto private men given no other means to repel the injuries offered unto them then the Justice of their Soveraigns whom he hath commanded to right them but otherwise it is with Kings unto them he hath given power to punish those who offend them be they of what quality soever There is not a man above them who can arbitrate their differences themselves are the only Judges of their own Rights and they may lawfully take up Arms both when and as often as their Prudence and Justice shall think fit The Primum Mobile hath no dependence on any other Orb in point of his motion and Kings those primary causes of a State have no superiour authority over them to direct them in point of War It is sufficient that they against whom they take up Arms have given them cause so to do Hence it is that one of the eminent'st lights of the Church calleth that War just which is undertaken to revenge injuries And Archidamus in Thucydides saith Every War is just which is made to revenge any groundless injury Now amongst all the things which may provoke a Prince to take up Arms that of raising Forces to invade his Kingdom of violating Treaties and recommencing old Quarrels are most justifiable The Rules of Politique Justice do not only permit a War as lawful against them who come and besiege Towns and commit disorders in another State no they are not bound to sit still in expectation of that storm but it sufficeth to have only known discovered their designs and malicious intentions for otherwise it were a very great imprudence the ablest Commanders having ever concluded it better to carry a war into his Country who designeth to invade then to expect him in our own In fine The Breach of Treaties and Promises hath alwaies been accounted highly injurious unto Princes Gentlemen have their throats cut for breach of word and Princes may not put it up if it be of never so little concernment without making war upon it With the Spaniards indeed it is proverbial Wind carries Words and Feathers The wisest Politicians do tell us That to promise in a Treaty what is not intended to be performed is to scorn a Prince and Homer saith He who promiseth one thing and intendeth another ought to be reputed for an Enemy Mounsieur entreth Lorrain in Arms. THe King being at Laon was inform'd by a Courier from the Mareschal de la Force that Monsieur had pass'd by Malatour a little Village between Verdun and Mets and that his Forces were joyned with the Duke's and by another near the same time that Monsieur no sooner arrived but he began the war having cut off a Troop of Carabines sent by the Mareschal d' Effiat in peace the Duke being obliged to give his Ma Majesties Troops free passage and in fine that he was entred the Kingdom in Arms. Hereupon the King advanced in â—ast towards the Army which was numerous and strong the Mareschal d' Effiat being arrived from Germany and commanded the Duke de Chaune and Mareschal d' Effiat to draw together the Nobility which came to attend him upon the Frontiers To make short he came to Saint Monehoust the 15. of June ready to fall with his Army upon the Duke of Lorrain in case he offered to stir a foot or send and Forces with Monsieur into France but he was better advised as it fell out then so to do The Mareschal d' Effiat without more loss of time presented his Army before Pont-a Mousson which so terrified the Inhabitants that they opened their Garet without resistance The Duke of Lorrain was no less astonished and now beginning to foresee his ruine desired a meeting with the Mareschal d' Effiat where he accused Monsieur's arrival at Nancy protesting it was not by his procurement and telling him he would give his Majesty any satisfaction or assurance of his fidelity The Mareschal acquainted his Majesty therewith who thought it not best to pardon him a second time without some kind of revenge especially seeing there was no trust to be given to his promises after so manifest a discovery of his malice and designs against France whereupon he drew up to Vaubecourt to enter upon Lorrain In the mean time having Intelligence brought that a Regiment of the Duke's Horse commanded by the Sieur de Lenoncourt was not far from Rouuray that he might teach him
Majesties Forces should have free passage through his Country In consideration whereof the Cardinal undertook in his Majesty's behalf to surrender the City and Castle of Bar unto the Duke as also the City and Castle of Saint Mihel Pont-a-Mousson and generally what-ever his Majesty had taken from him to with-draw his Forces from Lorrain and to protect the Person and Estates of the said Duke against all persons without exception The Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to confirm these conditions which could not be well misliked they being advantagious for the glory of France and leaving his Majesty at full liberty to go and chastise them who abusing Monsieurs name had set the Kingdom in an uproar And thus was the Treaty of Liverdun signed upon the 26. day of June This Treaty being thus concluded the King went to Pont-a-Mousson where the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet him and to give caution for performance of his Brothers promises in order whereunto Stenay was put into the possession of the Sieur de Lambertie Jametts of the Sieur de Plessis who entred with their several Regiments into them and the King surrendred what places he had lately taken in Lorrain From thence the King went to Sechâ—pre whither the Duke came to wait upon him testifying himself to be sorrowful for having given his Majesty any cause of discontent and beseeching him to forget what was pass'd The King receiv'd his Highness with all demonstrations of kindness assuring him he should no more remember what was pass'd and hoping his good conduct for the future would never give him occasion to think of it hereafter The Duke was not backward to make many protestations though he little intended to perform any part of them In conclusion his Majesty returned into France and so to Paris chusing rather to follow the instigations of his goodness then of distrust which he had however cause to return Politique Observation IT is ever more commendable in a Prince to exceed rather in credulity then jealousie especially if it be not to his disadvantage whereas on the other side Distrust is praise-worthy in Treaties with a person not to be credited and where an easie Belief may breed inconveniences It is equally bad to believe no man and to believe every man and as it is prudence not to trust a man whom there is cause to suspect so it is a signe of courage not to fear where there is no cause of distrust It somtimes hapneth that confidence breaketh the courage of an enemy reduceth him to his devoir and forceth him to relinquish his Designs For as distrust doth extreamly much dis-oblige the truest friends so confidence hath such charms that it is able to captivate the most mortal enemies Mens passions are not unconquerable somtimes clemency and bounty may effect more then force and violence A soyl though bad of it self and apt to produce nothing but Thistles and Brambles yet when cultivated and manured with industry may bring forth good grain and spirits though naturally deceitful and false yet may be reformed by reason and generous dealing The Venetians did heretofore shew a notable example hereof when having taken a certain Prince of Mantua prisoner who extreamly much slighted them and had sworn their ruine they not only restored him to Liberty but withal made him General of theâ—r Armies and he finding himself overcome by so great a confidence layed out the utmost of his care and courage to serve them And th'Emperour Augustus by his confidence in Lucius Cinna accused for having designed to murther him so absolutely wrought upon him that he had not afterwards any person more faithful or affectionate to his service Monsieur goeth into Burgogne WE have before declared how the King being just upon his March into Lorrain Monsieur pass'd by with his Forces The sight of his Majesty's Forces hindred him from making any great stay as also from carrying the Duke of Lorrain's Troops along with him which he intended and was a thing very necessary in order to his designs because the business in Languedoc was not yet so forward as was expected From Lorrain he went into Bassigny and quartered at Andelot on the 13 of June where they who abused his favour and made use of his Name published the most seditious Libel that was ever yet heard it was fraught with infinite protestations of doing his Majesty service their usual pretexts who imbroyl the State As if to trouble the whole Kingdom to besiege Towns and Cities to oppress his Subjects to seize on the money belonging to the Exchequer to engage the Nobility in a Revolt were to do his Majesty service and all this expresly against his Majesty's command and inhibition Were not these Protestations a specious veyl wherewith Monsieurs followers endeavoured to hide the impatiency of their spirits when they saw those predictions which foretold the King's death above two years before come to nothing upon which they built all the hopes of their advancements That indeed was the true cause which induced them to spread those libellous calumnies against the Cardinal with such absurd exaggerations that they made them incredible so true it is that slanders of excess and contrary to any probable appearance make but small impressions upon them who are masters but of never so little reason Indeed who could well believe him to be a disturber of the Publike peace an enemy to the King and Royal Family as they published in their Manifest who in fifteen days time procured by his prudent conduct so many glories for France and his Majesty in Lorrain What probability was there to perswade the world that he would make himself Master of the State as they endeavoured to convince unto Monsieur who had used such great industry to cause his return into France when he first left the Kingdom and who never stirred towards Piedmont until his return was certainly concluded And in the end he forced them to dis-own that imputation by his perswading the King to shew him so much clemency and such extraordinary magnificence to oblige him to a second return What reason could they then have to take up Arms upon his accompt They had not any the least just ground for it which is evident to all the world neither were all their slanders able to sully his glory in any particular what-ever But rather on the contrary as Musk and Civet acquire a pleasant and delightful smell amidst the dunghil and Ordure by the same Anti-peristasis that fire is hottest in the coldest of Winter so all their slanders proclaimed against him serv'd only to increase the sweet odour of his Reputation which his Services and Qualities more then humane had acquired unto him That I may say somthing touching his own particular resentment it is most certain his soul was more affected with compassion for France then concern'd for his own Interests amidst all those Thunders which did not much trouble him All the vain attempts of those storms did but redouble his
every little Town to stand upon their guard Some of his Forces attempted to seize upon about thirty or forty Mules neer Corcone but the Inhabitants falling upon them beat them back and saved their Mules but with the losse of twelve men left dead in the place which so incens'd his Highnesse that he resolv'd to besiege the Town and make them pay dearly for it But the Bishop de Mande whose Loyalty and Courage was well known hearing thereof raised a hundred Gentlemen and four hundred foot and with them got into the Town and resolved to defend it Whereupon Monsieur who had no leisure to stay in any place marched off traversing the whole Kingdom without any considerable thing done untill he came to Languedoc such good order had the Cardinal taken under his Majesties Authority Politique Observation IT is great Prudence not to neglect or slight the smallest Revolts but to cut them off in the first growth Some are so fatally blind as to perswade themselves that having great Forces a small Army can hardly get any advantage upon them But the wisest men have learnt from Reason and Experience that mean beginnings have sometimes had dangerous ends and that insurrections are like Rivers which the further they run the more they increase their Channels and inlarge their Banks They are not ignorant of the instability of humane affairs and that of all others the chances of War are most incertain They know that to disregard an enemy giveth him a great advantage for that he is thereby permitted to raise Forces and to fortifie himself so that in conclusion it will be as hard a task to subdue him as at first it would have been easie to have prevented him from making the least progress in his design One of the Pharaohs of Egypt was so inconsiderate as to slight the Caldeans being thereunto perswaded by some eminent men of Tunis who told him that for a Prince of his birth descended from a stem of ancient Kings Lord of a large Country and esteemed by every one as the Arbitrator of War and Peace to fear so inconsiderable an enemy would be injurious and dishonourable to him but he was not long unpayed for the Caldeans invaded his Country assaulted his Cities and ruin'd his Kingdom they meeting with no opposition at all The small esteem which those of Ninive made of their Besiegers and the great confidence they put in their own Walls and Power were the causes of their being taken in the middest of their mirth There need no more but one small sparkle to kindle a great Fire and but a small Revolt to over-run a whole Kingdom if there be not some preventive Force used Do we not see how the greatest Storms begin with a little Gale of Wind and that the greatest darknesses are Ushered in by small Clouds so do we likewise often see the greatest Wars to grow from little beginnings A State is seldome without I think I may safely say never some discontented persons who would be very glad to joyn their forces with those of any Revolted Prince if they could have but a small opportunity And some indeed too too many Ransâ—ckers who would be extraordinary glad to be under any protection where they might be permitted to forrage Pillage and Plunder The surest remedy in such cases is to prevent them betimes and to wait upon the first appearers in the field with such power and force that they may not have time to know where they are and that others may not dare to stir a foot to joyn with them Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontents THe Duke of Montmorency was the man who had ingaged Monsieur to come into Languedoc giving him to hope for great assistance in those parts and that himself had credit and power enough to arm all that Province in his behalf He had been much discontented from the year 1629. when the Esleus were established of such concern was the Creation of those new Officers unto him for they were then impowered to impose the Contributions upon the people which formerly belonged unto the States and especially the Governour Who sometimes would exact a hundred thousand Livres for his own share which losse he could ill brook by reason he was used to make great expences It is true indeed the Sieur de Emery Intendent of the Treasuries being sent into Languedoc to execute the Edict about the year 1631 found a means to content him which was to levy the said Contributions by certain Commissioners from whom the King should receive as great advantage as from the Esleus and yet who should act nothing but by direction from the States and thus had the Governour of the Province still liberty to make his usual profits But the Marshal d'Effiat Super-intendent of the Treasuries could not approve hereof either by reason of the disgusts which happened between them whilest they commanded the Army together in Piedmont or else because it was not just that the Governours of Provinces should raise such sums upon the people already too much oppressed and that without any benefit to the King So that Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontent rendred Monsieur de Emery's Proposal of accommodation of no use Besides he was resolved to prosecute the Office of Marshal General of his Majesties Camps and Armies which would have conferred upon him almost all the Functions of Constable which he could not obtain upon just considerations he having ever shewed more of Courage then Prudence in his Conduct The Refusal hereof was the more sensibly resented by him in regard his birth and the honour his Ancestors had in being Constables perswaded him that he deserved it These were the chief causes of his discontents which ingaged him to revolt whereunto may be added his Wifes perswasions who being an Italian born for which and her particular merits rice Queen-Mother much honoured her she so dealt with him that he imbraced her interests and consequently Monsieur who was then strictly leagued with the Queen-Mother for to ruine the Cardinal For most certain it is she did very much contribute to ingage him in those designs unto which he was of himself sufficiently inclined having naturally more fire then earth in his temper Besides he verily believed that the great acquaintances which his fore-fathers Governours of that Province for a long tract of tisâ—e had left unto him together with what himself had acquired would enable him to dispose the Cities the Nobility the States and people as himself pleased whereby he might raile the whole Province as one man and being then countenanced by Monsieur that he might force the Cardinal and suppresse the Edict of Esleus and to obtain for him what honours he should desire In order to this design he used his utmost indeavours with the Bishops and Nobility of Languedoc to oblige them to him well knowing that the people are like the small stars in the Firmament which having no particular motions of themselves are guided by the higher Orbs.
By this his Highnesse was reduced to such extremity that he knew not well where to make any sure retreat his forces being many of them disbanded and those of Beziers it self now in his Majesties obedience and who after his departure from them had made fresh protestations of fidelity to him refused to receive him and in conclusion had not admitted him at all but by order from his Majesty who commanded them to receive him but with his Train onely and to render him all the honour due to his quality The King approved of the overture and seeing Monsieur was at Beziers sent unto him the Sieur de Bullion Superintendent of the Treasury and the Marquesse de Fossez Governour of Montpellier but without any other conditions then those proposed by the Sieur de Aiguebonne At their first arrival Monsieur declared that he could not resolve to abandon the D of Montmorency who had not ingaged himself in that War but for his sake no more than the rest of his adherents that for any thing else he was unalterably fixt to render all obedience and service to his Majesty They replied that indeed such sentiments could not but be commendable neither could they proceed from any thing beside the goodnesse of his nature and beseeched his Highnesse to consider that if he had any interest in their concerns the King had incomparably much more reason not to capitulate at all with him or to grant by way of compulsion any grace to such Rebellious Subjects who had deferved the most rigorous chastizements of his Justice They represented to him that capitulations ought not to be made but between Soveraigns and that Princes though of his quality had no other way to obtain grace but by submission and acknowledgement of their faults that he might reasonably expect any favour from his Majesties goodnesse seeing his Majesty had of his own meer motion and that before any overtures made by him unto him to obtain his favour sent to invite him that after all this to mistrust his Clemency would be injurious that for their parts they could not ensure him of any favour for the D. de Montmorency or any other his Domesticks having no order but the former but that they might safely tell him that in case it should stand with his Majesties service to extend his favour towards all those whom his Highnesse desired his own innate Clemency would invite him thereunto that in fine his Majesty was doubtlesse obliged to inflict some exemplary punishment upon the chief Authors of that Revolt as a thing necessary to secure the tranquility of the State to maintain his Majesties authority to deter others and to chastize this Rebellion which of it self compelled his Majesty to execute some justice unlesse he would render himself culpable against his own estate These reasons were urged with such addresse moderation and prudence that Monsieur was from that time almost absolutely resolved to submit himself unto his Majesties Will yet some time he desired to consider of it which was in effect that he might the better confer with the Sieur de Puy-Laurens who finding no other way left then that of accommodation whereby to secure himself from the danger he was in induced Monsieur to resolve to treat he alledged to him that he ought to make the lesse difficulty of it in regard he might afterwards take his own advantage and put himself in a condition to obtain more advantagious terms and in fine he acquainted the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez with Monsieurs resolution they took his word and the Articles of accommodation were concluded by which Monsieur acknowledging his fault beseeched his Majesty First That he would forget and forgive him He promised his Majesty to relapse no more that he would relinquish all intelligences with Forreigners and with the Queen-Mother during her abode out of the Kingdom contrary to his Majesties Will. That he would dwell in such place as his Majesty would prescribe and live like a true Brother and Subject Moreover Monsieur obliged himself not to take any part in their Interest who were ingaged with him nor complain if at any time the King should bring them to condigne punishment To receive such persons as his Majesty should nominate into the Offices which should at any time become vacant in his family and to remove such as should be disagreeable to his Majesty Briefly It was agreed that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens having been the chief Agent of those evil Councels which had ingaged Monsieur in the War should be obliged sincerely to inform his Majesty of what ever had been negotiated for the time past by which the State might receive any prejudice and that under penalty of being reputed Criminal and to have incurred his Majesties displeasure These were the chief Articles whereunto Monsieur consented an assured testimony they were of his natural inclination to live quietly and submissely They were signed by him for his Majesties greater assurance and thereupon the Sieurs de Bullion and Fossex promised him in his Majesty behalf that his Majesty should receive him into his favor establish him in al his goods and pensions give him liberty to live peaceably in such of his houses as should be thought fit and that a pardon should be granted to Monsieur de Elboeuf and all others then residing neer his person without ingaging any thing for the rest His Majesty received these Articles by the Marquesse de Fossez and accordingly ratified them and thus was this desired agreement concluded which every one considered as one of the most certain foundations of France its happinesse Nothing was discoursed of but Peace the King permitted the strangers six days time to march out of France by Roussillon who scattering themselves abroad from one Coast to another received the same entertainment from the Country people as they had before offered unto them Monsieur retired to his house of Champigzy near Tours seemed to be satisfied in his very soul and withall writ several Letters to the Cardinal full of affectionate expressions disowning those aspersions published against him under his name assuring him that he had never consented to them in a though and that in his greatest Passion he had ever much esteem for him not only in regard of his loyalty towards the King but also for his eminent vertues and the great services he had done the State And thus every one saw an agreeable calm succeed that storm wherewith France had been so much agitated Politique Observation AS Kings are obliged to chastize some of the chief Authors of a revolt as shall hereafter be declared so ought they readily to pardon the rest Caesar was more esteemed for his easie condiscension to be reconciled to his enemies that Hannibal for his harsh courage It was his usual saying that nothing was lesse proper for those who aspired unto great things than willfully to persist in enmities which oftentimes cause those forces which were design'd for
in obedience and defend them from oppressions Kingdomes saith Plato are then well governed when the guilty are punished The Lawyer saith that the chiefest care which a Governour of a Province ought to have is to dreseree Peace to which end he must purge the Country of those who are likely to create troubles by punishing them according to their demerits in a word private men propose the well-ordering of their families for the end of heir businesse and so ought Kings to prefer nothing before the good of their Kingdomes It is the property of private men to be solicitous of private concernments and it is the duty of a King to regard nothing in regard of the publick good Mosieur de Montmorency's Death THese were the just considerations which moved the Parliament of Tholose after processe made against him withall legal proceedings to condemn him to be beheaded by their sentence of the 30. October But before I proceed to the execution I cannot but observe the Fortitude and Piety wherewith he received his death The Cardinal de la Valette fore-seeing no probability of saving him beseeched the King would be pleased to allow him a Confessor the better to dispose him to receive with submission the sentence of the Parliament His Majesty was easily intreated to admit therof being glad to contribute any thing towards the saving of his Soul by making his body an example of Rebellion which favour although it be not usually granted to persons indicted before their sentence be passed yet his Majesty gave oder to the Marshal de Breze to conduct Father Arnoux Superior of the Jesuits particularly desired by the Duke of Montmorency and to charge him to assist him day and night for so long time as he should thing fit and requiâ—te for his consoation The Father went to him and found that God bestowed may Graces upon him in order to his well-dying to which end he desired to make a general Confession One thing did somewhat trouble him which was this he beleeved that to acquit himself of this pious duty there would be longer time required then was probably left for him he supposing as accordingly it was that they had resolv'd to sentence him the next morning whereupon he earnestly conjured the Father Arnoux and the Sieur de Launay to go and acquaint his Majesty that he beseeched him to bestow the next whole morning upon him that he might the more deliberately and without molestation look back into his Conscience that he might make such a Confession as might cause him to die without inquietude of mind and that he should take this for one of the greatest favours he had ever received from him The King condescended thereunto and his Piety being no lesse resplendent then his Justice he readily granted him that liberty commanding that the sentencing of him should be deferr'd for one day and also permitting him to communicate although contrary to the use for persons in his condition He ended those holy duties which once passed over he employed the afternoon in making his Will according as his Majesty had permitted him wherein he bequeathed unto Monsieur the Cardinal one esteemed for the rarest peece of France being a Picture representing Saint Sebastian dying and beseeched him to believe that he died his servant The morning following he was called unto the Palace to be examined at the Bar where be answered unto all Interrogations such submission and generousnesse that he discovered no other fear of death but with what is natural to the greatest courages and at the same time that he went out of the grand Chamber the whole Court the Lord Keeper being President condemned him to be beheaded in the place du Salin as guilty of High Treason in the highest degree The Sentence was pronounced to him with the usual forms of Justice which when he heard he told the Commissaries how he thanked them and the whole Company beseeching them to tell them in his behalf that he receiv'd the Judgement from the Kings Justice as a sentence of Mercy from God After this his thoughts were altogether taken up in disposing of himself to die like a Christian And having shewed all imaginable proofs of so dying he was executed in the Court of the Town-house where his Majesty commanded it to be performed though he was not intreated to bestow that last favour upon him Politique Observation TO pardon every one is a cruelty more dangerous then to pardon no one this only injureth the nocent but that the innocent seeing it exposeth all men to great misfortunes This only destroyeth particular families whereas that is commonly the occasion of the breaking out again of civil Wars which were thought to have been quite extinguished by Clemency but do then indanger the absolute ruine of a whole Kingdom by their second eruptions Now amongst those many which deserve to be chastiz'd the chief heads of a Revolt ought to be punished much rather then the hands and feet which were but accessaries thereunto It is the order prescribed by Justice and in effect it is more equitable to punish those who are the original and true causes of evil then those who could hardly defend themselves from following their violent motions The greatnesse of their qualities may not priviledge them from the punishment due to the hainousnesse of their Crimes although the faults of common mean persons are usually pardon'd by the too too great indulgence of Magistrates On the contrary if at any time Ambition transporteth them into seditions it likewise rendreth them much more culpable and consequently more deserving of punishment then the least and most obscure persons of the Kingdome Their lapses are not only equal and liable to the inflictions provided for other Subjects but they are the more notorious by how much their quality is more conspicuous because their exorbitances are of a more dangerous consequence Every one is more concern'd at the Eclipses of the Sun then those of other Stars because such are commonly attended by sad events so the crimes of the chief leading men in a Nation are more to be regarded because their effects are more to be feared then those of private men The revolt of a mean Gentleman is seldom capable to raise any great troubles in a Kingdom but that of a Governour of a Province or some chief person in the State cannot happen without carrying great misfortunes along with it It is great Prudence in such occasions to follow the councel give by Thrasibulus to Periander who sent his Ambassadours to him desiring to be inform'd how he might happily govern his State He carried them out into a large field and discoursing to them of things indifferent he cut of the highest ears of Corn and then told them they should acquaint their Master with what they had seen him do and how that was the best advice he could give him Periander understood the meaning and well concluded that the only means to rule in quiet was to cut off
their heads who might any ways trouble the State and that Prince who followeth not this Rule when Justice requireth it shall quickly find himself necessitated to sustain the inconveniences of a Civil War He who cherisheth that Serpent which hath formerly stung him exposeth himself to the danger of a second wound and that Prince who once pardoneth the Ring-leader of a Rebellion giveth life to a man who may in time find an opportunity to raise a second and more dangerous revolt because he may then better provide in prevension of those evils which caused his first ruine whereas him death were a Quietus est In a word a Prince cannot but be commended for sacrificing the life of a Rebel to the quiet of his State A Design to surprize the Dutchesse d' Esguillon THe news of Monsieur de Montmorency's taking being brought to Bruxels the Queen-Mother and Spaniards received it with no less sorrow then astonishment concluding that seeing the strongest Pillar of the Rebellion by them raised in France was surpriz'd and carried to a place where he was onely in a condition of suffering the whole contrivance which they had so finely spun to force the King to stoop unto their Wills would now vanish into nothing The Queen-Mother in particular who had ever a great kindnesse for the Duke of Montmorency was in great fear for him lest the King should make him the object of his Justice for an example to others as he had well deserved But Father Chanteloupe who never wanteth remedies at least imaginary ones for all accidents which do never so little provoke the Queen-Mothers passion knowing that in Womens affairs a Man is ever acceptable to them in case he do but sooth them in their affections advised to surprize Madam de Combalet and to bring her away to Bruxels assuring themselves that having that Lady in their hands who being the Cardinals Neece and indued with such qualities as rendred her not only the most amiable but the most deserving person of the Court was the object of his affections that grand Minister would be compelled to obtain his pardon for very fear lest she might find some harsh usage in case they should put him to death I may safely say that the important services of this favourable Genius ought to have hindred the Queen-Mother who knew him better then any other person whatever from consenting to so unjust a design when it was first proposed for that consideration alone ought to have been an inviolable security to all his relations But I will only say the merit of that Lady was sufficient of it self to oblige her to punish the Authors of such rash Councels seeing she is the Ornament and Glory of the Court the honour of her Sex a miracle of Virtues and replenished with exemplary Piety not precise or disagreeable but attractive and taking that she doth as it were force a respective love in the Souls of all who behold the many Graces wherewith Heaven hath inriched her But what reason was there or indeed what reason could there be alledged to expiate the Duke de Montmorency's Crimes of Rebellion upon a person whose acquired Vertues and innate Graces did oblige all Man-kind to pay her all imaginable honour and respect Yet Passion having no eys to behold any truth which thwarts it the Queen-Mother approved of Chanteloup's design thought good to command the execution thereof at Beçançon writ unto sundry Gentlemen whom she intrusted to assist the attempt and took care that for the safer bringing her away horses should be layed ready upon the Road between Bruxels and Paris But God who is pleased to defend Justice and willingly protecteth such as are by him indued with any extraordinary qualities discovered the Plot by one Rouure one of the chief Conspirators who acquainted Madam de Combalet with the whole contrivance and moreover furnished her with the means of taking nine principal Agents therein by the Chevalier du Gâ—â—t who were all carried to the Bastille It was not long before there were Commissioners appointed for their Examination and their design being proved by many undeniable testimonies they could not have escaped the reward due to such crimes had not Madam de Combalet of her own good nature whose charity shineth among her other virtues hindred the execution by her humble Petition unto the King It was satisfaction enough for her that she was safe from the danger and she was more solicitous of rewarding Rouure who had been instrumental in her escape then of causiing them to be punished who would have acted so outragious a violence Politique Observation ALthough besides the injustice it be an impudent boldnesse to injure Ladies of Quality and Honour their Sex and Merit having ever secured them from all outrages even in the hottest times of War yet they receive no little glory by pardoning such rudenesse if any be offered unto them It is not the same thing in matter of forgiving wrongs between private persons and Princes the latter being often obliged to follow the rigor of the Laws for the good of his State whereas it is alwaies honourable for the former to forgive especially for Ladies sweetnesse being a becomming Vertue of their Sex although cruelty be a usual ingredient in their constitutions It is a most assured mark of Generosity then to pardon injuries when one is able to revenge them None but great Courages are touched with pitty for those who have shewed themselves most inhumane they only convert their Anger into Compassion whereas they might justly enough take exceptions against them Julius Caesar whose Vertue is not only notorious but admired by all the World was hardly to be moved to anger by the common fry of men thinking them belike beneath his Passion and too inconsiderable to disquiet him In a word it is one of the highest points of Moral vertue but Christianity inhanceth in somewhat further obliging us to forgive those who have offended us for Gods sake who invites us unto it an advantage it is and that much more advantagious against offenders then punishing of them seeing there is not any thing wherein we can more lively resemble the Divine Bounty then in pardoning of injuries Kings themselves are not more considerable for their Justice then their Clemency Many there have been ingenious enough in punishing the guilty but few are the examples of Clemency it being rarely seen that a grand patience cohabits with a Soveraign power though the Sun be the most worthy Ornament of the Heavens yet he is only respected by men in regard of his benigne influences which he sendeth amongst them and true it is that let a Lady be never so great yet nothing can so much recommend her as Clemency especially such as carrieth her on to do good unto them who have made themselves unworthy thereof by their indeavours to do her a mischief Monsieur leaveth France and goeth into Lorrain MOnsieur's accommodation being concluded and his Majesties prudence having disposed
or three months time at Rome and Loretta The King was very glad of it and readily granted his desire as knowing that travel doth often correct passion in matters of revolt and love yet was it neverthelesse upon condition that after his return he should come to Court and clear some suspicions which had been taken at the manner of his late Conduct But instead of returning back from Italy he dispatched the Sieur de Grand Pre one of his Domestiques to beseech his Majesty then at Vic to bestow some employment upon him amongst those forces which were then marching towards Italy for the safety of his Allies His Majesty denied to grant his request conceiving that he rather aimed to palliate his disobedience then to do any real service and thereupon renewed his former command that he should come to him and justifie himself as to divers particulars whereof he was suspected But he being never inclined to obey this command and on the contrary living out of the Kingdom without his Majesties permission against the inhibition contained in the Law which declares such Princes as violate it guilty of High-Treason withall residing there to entertain intelligences to the King's disservice of which he had particular advice there was no other way to look on him but in the quality of a Rebel and to deprive him of the Government of Provence which lay convenient for him to let in a Forraign enemy he being further to be suspected in regard the House of Lorrain layeth some ancient claim although upon weak pretences to this Province whereupon the King provoked by these important reasons resolved to discharge him of that Government and to bestow it on the Marshal de Vitry whose valour prudence and affection his Majesty might rely on with confidence that the D.o Guise could attempt nothing in prejudice of the State which would not as quickly be repelled and withall caused him to take the Oath of Governour the same day that the Peace was concluded with Monsieur though his Letters Patents had been dispatched in April Politique Observation IT is very dangerous to commit the Government of a Province to a Grandee who hath once had his hand in a Revolt who hath declared his discontent or hath any pretence to the place in his charge The disloyalty which ingaged him in any faction rendreth him more deserving of punishment then preferment and the least chastisement which can be inflicted on him is to deprive him of all imployments it being a thing of great concern exemplarily to chastize those Governors which are guilty of such offences The punishment inflicted on them serveth for an example to others and keepeth them in their duties whereas impunity incourageth others to run into the same faults Besides he who hath once had the impudence to imbark himself in a rebellious design will be ever ready to put it in execution when a fair opportunity invites him Great sicknesses administer suspicion of relapses and the wisest Kings having once seen a Grandee fall off from his Allegiance have ever distrusted him and never afforded him the opportunity of doing the least evill Small things may be hazarded but amongst such the Government of a Province one of the most important charges of a State may not be reckoned It is likewise equally dangerous to trust a Grandee who hath once shewed himself to be discontented it were to be ignorant of the usual consequences which attend great mens discontents to intrust the Government of a Province with them There is not any thing more natural to a man who is either provoked or beleeveth himself injured then to study revenge and to use his utmost indeavour to retort it To give such a man authority were to impower him to satisfie his Passion which attended with weaknesse would be ineffectual The great imployments of the Marshal de Marillac did only serve to render him the more culpable neither indeed may any thing else be reasonably suspected from those men that give themselves over to a male-contented humor But above all it is a most signal imprudence to commit the government of great Provinces to such as have any pretensions unto them how old or ancient soever This latter age hath afforded us a memorable example hereof in the person of the Duke de Mercoeur who had not raised a faction in Bretaign but upon some pretences as antient as frivolous Doth not every one know how much the late King was troubled to get him out And was not the deceased King blamed for having bestowed the Government of it upon the Sieur do Vendosm his son-in-law who in processe of time was suspected to have designed to make himself Duke thereof Ambition doth easily ground new designs upon ancient pretences it teacheth Grandees disloyalty and maketh them like Moles alwaies undermining it maketh them slight their quiet Life Health Laws and Religion it self and all that they may gain the ends unto which they aspire nay it sometimes so puffeth them up that some of them have carried in their hearts the Crowns which their Kings have wore on their heads Mark Anthony made a discreet Order when Cassius had made himself Master of Syria his native Country whose inhabitants had assisted him in that design whereby he inhibited the conferring any command upon a man in his own Country How dangerous is it then to bestow it upon such who perswade themselves it is their brith-right If Ambition be to be feared though without a pretext how much more is it then to be suspected when there is some apparent justice for the ground of it If the Province be divided into parties he need then onely adhere to the strongest and then much may be done but if it be united he may possibly ingage the whole in revolt if he once get the affections of the people which is easily brought to passe if a man designs it and makes it his businesse The King returneth from Languedoc to Paris THe King having setled all things in Languedoc in such a posture as there remained nothing to be feared his Majesty parted from Tholose upon the 29. of October to return towards Parisâ— Now having formerly understood that Monsieur had onely made his Peace with a resolution to flie out again upon the first fair invitation he intended to march thither with all speed to which end he would only be attended with some Light-horse certain Companies of Musquetiers and Pikemen on horseback The Cardianl whose body is not so vigorous as his Soul could not resolve to make such speed especially considering the labours he had undergone in the voyages and much more the pains he had taken in smothering the Wars of Lorrain and Languedoc in their birth had much decayed his strength Whereupon he thought better to wait upon the Queen but scarce was he gone two daies journey from Tholose when he found himself seized with violent sicknesse which forced him to retire to Bourdeaux where is pains so increased that France was
desired not to live but to serve his Majesty that he dayly begg'd of God that his services might be the boundaries of his life and that his health would soon be recruited since he found his Majesty in so good condition After this they retired two hours in private together to consider of divers affairs which his Majesty would not conclude without him after which his Majesty returned to Paris Politique Observation EXtraordinary honours are justly due to great Ministers of State as the only lustre of their fair attempts The joy of their return from a long voyage hath often invited the people to go forth and meet them and to render them all imaginable respects Thus Pompey returning after he had been some time detained at Naples by a dangerous sicknesse the greatest part of the Romans marched out of the City the ways the Port and the streets were so full that there was hardly any Passage Some were offering sacrifice for his health others feasting and making merry in sign of joy some march'd before him with Torches and others strewd the way with flowers Thus likewise Scipio returning from Germany where he atchieved glorious exploits every one long'd to see him return triumphing to Rome that they might render him the glory which he deserved yet because the Triumph was not a custom to be granted to such who were neither Pro-consuls nor Magistrates the Senate could not resolve to grant him that honour neither did he desire it but on the other side it is observed in History that there never was so great a concourse of people in Rome as at his return either to see him or to testifie their acknowledgements they had of his services by their going out to receive him I will passe a little further and add that justice and prudence do oblige Kings to joyn with their people on such occasions and so render extraordinary honours unto their Ministers either for the more ample acknowledgement of the services they have receiv'd from them or for the more countenancing of them in the execution of their commands or to incourage others to be affectionate to their service Acknowledgement is a Virtue requisite both in Prince and people and seeing the service done to a State is of no lesse advantage to a Prince then to his Subjects he is no lesse obliged to testifie his gratitude if these proofs of his good will confer a great honour on those who have served him himself receives no mean advantage thereby because the Nobility who are extream sensible of honour will not then sticke at any thing which may tend to his service and the Agents of his Will have more credit and authority to execute his Commands It there any thing more glorious said the great Chancellor of Thiery King of the Goths then to deserve praise and approbation who by reason of their Soveraignty are not to be suspected of Flattery Surely no the honour which they confer upon any one proceeding from the favourable Judgements which they give of his actions and their authority permitting not them to be guilty of adulation Which if true as doubtlesse it is there is not any thing then which doth more incourage Nobility then the glory wherewith Princes honour their servants nor is there any thing which doth more impower a Minister then the carresses which his Prince bestoweth upon him they confer no lesse credit upon their Ministers then their stamps do on their monies Tiberius one of the wisest Roman Emperours did well understand the importance of this maxime in the honours which he bestowed on the Consuls those chief Ministers of his Will when he went to receive them at the Gate of his Palace at such time as they came to sup with him and waited on them back again when they took their leaves Ferdinand King of Spain the man who layed the foundation of that great power which this Monarchy hath since obtained was not to seek in it when as Gonzalve one of his greatest Captains returning to Burgos after having rendred him such important services as are well known to every one he went out to receive him with such honour as cannot be exprest Neither was the manner of his entertaining Cardinal Xinimes lesse remarkable for he seldom spake to him but bare headed and sometimes received him upon his knee He well knew that the honour wherewith he acknowledged his services did animate others to follow his example and gave that grand Minister so powerfull an authority to execute his commands that there was not a person of what condition soever durst oppose him A dispatch sent to the Hollanders to hinder the Treaty IT being of great concernment to prevent the conclusion of any Treaty between the Spaniard and Hollander his Majesty bent his chief care to take order accordingly Indeed it was at that time a matter of so great concernment that the Fortunes of most Princes of Europe seemed to depend thereupon and so much the more circumspection ought his Majesty to use in regard of the Procedures of the Spaniard who had contrary to form permitted the States of the Provinces obeying the Low Countries to negotiate the particulars of the Treaty with the Hollanders and the advantagious proffers by him made to obtain it gave great cause to look about lest they might be induced to assent thereunto Neither was it unknown how that he designed the League once concluded to assist the Duke of Orleans with an Army as also the Duke of Lorrain to invade France and to send the residue of his Forces unto the Emperour the better to curb the Swede and to prosecute those advantages he had lately obtained against them The Cardinal who pierceth into the depth of their pretensions was industrious to fortifie his Majesty in the resolution of preventing the conclusion of that Treaty in order to which he likewise made him certain Proposals well-becomming the acutenesse of his more then humane spirit He committed the management of that negotiation unto the Sieur of Charnace who was newly returned from Germany where he had given such sundry proofs of his prudence amongst divers Princes that his well-acquitting himself of that imployment could not be any ways suspected I shall not say any thing concerning his instructions onely this the Orders contained in them were so many incomparable effects of the Cardinal to whom nothing was impossible but I shall passe on to the addresse which he used in the execution of it so happy I say it was that he obtained all that could be desired After having pass'd the usual Complements in his Majesties behalf to the Prince of Orange the Governours and Deputies of the States of Holland he told them that his Majesty was very solicitous of such a League which may conclude their differences in an happy peace but not finding any likelihood thereof in that now proposed unto them he was pleased out of his affection and good will to their interests to send him unto them to communicate such
not only because they would no more esteem their conduct after they should fee them run on to so disadvantagious a resolution but the more in regard they did in such a conjuncture of time as would be very prejudicial to their neighbours especially those of Germany who finding themselves thereby dis-obliged could not for the future be so assisting to them as formerly they had been He beseeched them to remember that a State which injureth its Allies injureth it self and that in fine if after so many victories they should humonr the Spaniard in his passionate desire of the Treaty there could no other esteem be had of them but such as Caesar had of Pompey when he was well handled by him at Duras but not prosecuted who openly said Pompey knows not how to overcome This was the substance of most of the reasons no lesse judicious then powerfull which the Sieur de Charnace imployed at divers meetings had with the Ministers of Holland to prevent the Treaty so dextrously did he manage them so vigorously and with such addresse that he easily convinc'd the Prince of Orange who for some particular interest was indifferent well inclined thereunto and perswaded the Governours and Deputies of the States to confesse that there was no more to be thought but how to force the Spaniard by Arms to an absolute relinquishing his pretensions over their country in a Treaty of Peace wherein all the Princes their Allies should be included to oblige him the more firmly to observe the conditions thereof neither satisfied with this resolution he assured them according as he was commanded that they might the more readily take the field how the King would cause a succour of then or twelve thousand men to be sent unto them from the Swede who accordingly were conducted unto them about August by the Collonell Melander so that about the beginning of Spring the Prince of Orange besieged Rimberg and carried it and sent Count William of Nassau to the confines of Flanders to divert the Spaniard Politique Observation VVHatever terrour the horrour of Arms do naturally carry with them yet do I think that Peace ought not to be concluded but on four occasions The first is when there is a just ground to believe that it will carry things to an advantagious Peace for seeing War ought not to be undertaken but in order to the obtaining of a good Peace and that the end is ever to be preferred before the means it cannot be doubted but that Arms are to be layed by when there are any more likely means to obtain it The Olive Trees true Symbols of Peace bearing fruit use-full for mans life are doubtlesse more to be esteemed then Lawrels which only put forth unprofitable berries and the great advantages which are obtained by Peace are more to be esteemed then the greatest glory acquired to Wars I have formerly sufficiently proved this truth nor wil I longer dwel upon it The second is when the eexpences and incommodities of War do in force a Treaty There is not any courage which is not obliged to submit to the law of necessity and the impossibility of prosecuting an enterprize how just and glorious soever hath exempted the greatest Princes from any blame War ought not to be continued but to obtain Victory which when there is no likelihood of amidst the ruines of a Country it is then much more expedient to make a League then totally to fall The Gods themselves saith an Ancient do submit to necessity there is nothing stronger then it and the greatest vertue must stoop to it neither is any valour or prudence obliged to oppose it The third is when it may reasonably be hoped that the League will weaken the enemy whom at that time we despair to overcome and that either by sowing some division among them or by effeminating them by the discontinuation of their warlike exercise The wise Pilot doth not obstinately withstand the Tempest when he seeth his Vessel extreamly bruised but letting fall the Sails runneth into some shelter where he may ride at Anchor untill such time as the fury of the Winds be abated that he may put to Sea again Thus is it an effect of discretion to lay by the Sword for some time when an enemy is so potent that there is no likelihood of any thing but losse by the prosecution of the War The fourth is that a League ought to be concluded when it will afford the means of taking more advantage War is a kind of sicknesse in the State and as sick people are permitted to rest the better to recover their lost strength so I think it cannot but be commendable in a Prince to surcease the War for some time the better to refresh his forces to recruit them and to raise monies necessary to maintain them If on such occasions it be reasonable to conclude a Treaty it will then be very improper to conclude it when a Country is flourishing and raiseth more advantages by War then Peace Most certain it is that sometimes so it happens and Hannibal well knew it when seeing the Carthaginians weep upon the first demand of the Tribute granted to the Romans at the end of the second Punick War he reproached them as Livy observeth it Ye had much more reason quoth he to have weep'd when you were prohibited to War against strangers that was the would which killed you The Lacedemonians and the Romans were not ignorant of it it being upon this ground that they would never discontinue the use of Arms unlesse when Fortune designing the ruine of their Empires perswaded them to taste the sweets of Idlenesse which opening the door to delight and luxury might in a little time dul their courages and make them easily conquered by their enemies This if true among most States it is certainly much more apparent in relation to those who have received their Beings from War nor can be preserved but by War It were likewise great imprudence to make a League which might afford an enemy time to recruit Had King Perseus known the condition of the Romans he would have been more wary in concluding that Peace with them which he did as Livy recordeth which gave their Ambassadours accasion at their return to laugh at him for having suffered himself to be surprized by them for he had then ready all provisions necessary for the War of which the Romans were altogether unprovided so that concluding a League he gave them time to settle their affairs and take an advantage upon him besides all these considerations if a League doth not at least serve to obtain an happy peace it cannot but be esteemed for disadvantagious For what reason can there be to deprive ones self of power and to give a weakned enemy leave and leisure to re-inforce himself when there is not an assurance that it will end in a peace of use and profit So to proceed were some kind of blindnesse neither can any one so act unlesse
maximes of Government the Fundamental Laws of Monarchy the Statutes and Customes and generally whatever concerns the duty of Magistrates the Office of Judges and art of Lawyers To this Doctrine I may adde Experience a thing so necessary in a Lord-Keeper and Chancellor that without it the very greatest lights wherewith their natural parts or study can furnish them are as little usefull as the instrument in the hand of a workman skill'd in the Theory but not the Practick Integrity ought to accompany him being the Mother of Loyalty and the Father of that zeal which all publick persons are obliged to evidence in the Administration of their Charges The Integrity of a person of small ability will indeed so far carry him that the publick good will be the end at which he aims but he cannot contribute so much unto it as willingly he would whereas he who is destitute thereof doth most frequently look after his own interest It was not the want of capacity but fidelity which so often exposed the Athenians and those other Common-Wealths of Greece to the fury of Forraign and Civil Wars Never was that illustrious corner of the World so replenished with Phylosophers Orators and great Statesmen as when it first began to decay but that unbridled Passion which leadeth great men to prefer their own interests before that of the States which they govern hurrieth them into that misfortune which betides the body of man where the Stomach which ought to concoct nutriment for the individual parts digesteth it onely for it self Eloquence will be of no small use to them in many occasions where they are obliged to pronounce judgements and declare their Masters Wills it elevateth a man so much above others saith the Roman Orator as speech raiseth him above his fellow creatures If it be befitting and usefull to any it is particularly to Statesmen for there is not any thing which acquires more authority to a man appearing in publick then good elocution For my part I think Eloquence so much the more proper for them in regard it perswades the people to approve what Wisedom directeth what Prudence resolveth and what Justice requireth without it the wisest Counsels have oftentimes been ineffectual I will not dis-approve the advancing of rich persons to such dignities because riches if lawfully acquired do give much credit to vertue serve to excite it and execute their just and generous designs I think them very necessary for a man who is to serve the publick experience teaching us that without them vertue is often weak and languishing Though vertue alone merit before God it is unactive unfruitfull and inglorious among men To be short where the Goods of the body co-habit with those of the mind and fortune in eminent persons it adds no small authority unto them seeing the beauty and Majesty of the body hath certain attractions to captivate the courage to inforce respect and reverence and to perswade men to what ever they please infomuch that the ancients have thought them worthy of Crowns and Empires His Majesties choice of Learned and Religious Prelates at the Cardinal's request THe Church ought necessarily to be governed by Bishops whose Doctrine and Piety may serve for a guide to the people to instruct them in the ways of Heaven The State receiveth no small advantage by them Hereupon the Cardinal did very wel resolve to perswade his Majesty not to bestow any Bishoprick but upon persons well-deserving who might be capable of serving God and the State especially not to grant them unto children or persons of a licentious life or such as lay under any ignominy as had formerly been practiced so that in a few yeas the face of the Clergy of France was much altered being replenished with persons of ability and virtue This was put in execution in all vacant places after the Cardinal's promotion to the Ministery I shall forbear to speak of it till the History of this year because it furnisheth us with many examples The Cardinal propos'd unto his Majesty to be admitted into the Bishopricks of Languedoc whose Pastors had been deposed Le Sieur Cohon for Nismes the Sieur Grillet for Vssez the Sieur Vilazel for St. Brieu His Majesty whose Piety is no lesse illustrious then his Ju-Justice which rendreth him venerable to all his people being well satisfied of their merit concluded them fit for that honour The were persons who for above ten years past had appeared in the most eminent Pulpits of Paris to the great admiration of their auditory and whereas the Doctrine of Preachers ought to be animated by a good life their conduct had testified for them that they had no lesse vertue and eloquence then zeal for his Majesties service to preserve the people in the obedience they ow him as Gods Lievtenant on earth That the right of presenting to Bishopricks is one of the most ancient Priviledges of the Crown and what Bishops ought to be chosen for the good of the State AMong the Rights of this Crown that of the presenting to Bishopricks is one of the most signal as most ancient The Primitive Bishops of the French Church who have been the most shining lights of our Faith have acknowledged it from the beginning of this Monarchy in the fifth Councel of Orleans where they ordained that none should consecrate any Bishop without his Majesty's consent the practice whereof is so frequent in History that nothing but ignorance can question it Gregory of Tours reporteth that Bishop Quintianus being dead Gallus was substituted in his place and created Bishop of Overgne by his Majesty's means and that after Gallus his decease there was some design to elect one Cato but that the Arch-Deacon Cantinus having prevented the King and first acquainted him with the news of Gallus his death was constituted Bishop in his place He likewise reporteth that Nonnichius was established in the Bishoprick of Nantes in the room of Felix by the Kings Order as also Vitus in that of Vieâ—na that Childebert made St. German Bishop of Paris Clodomir Omatius Bishop of Tours Clotair St. Medard Bishop of Vermandoiâ— and Euphronius Bishop of Tours History is pregnant with the like examples so that to cite them were but vain those already alledged being sufficient to confirm it which who can question seeing our Kings have with their Crown received power to dispose of all things which concern the good of their Kingdom and tranquility of their people and that the election of Bishops is not an act meerly Ecclesiastical but as much reflecting on the good of the State as the Salvation of Souls Bishops have a great influence over the peoples sprits to draw them by the links of Piety and Religion unto what they please as experience hath evidenced in the time of Lewis the Debonnair who was almost Deposed by a Faction they raise against him and as was afterward seen in Languedoc where five or six of them fomented a Civil War The Empire of Souls iâ—
as often as occasion required discovered unto him so that finding himself at leisure about the beginning of the Spring and without a necessity of being over early in the field he resolved to perform the Ceremony of the Knights of the Holy Ghost and to fill up all the vacant places It is impossible in such affairs to content all men because there are never so many places vacant as men who think their services worthy of that honour All that can be done is to prefer those who are most considerable either for their birth their services or the particular inclination of the Prince who in such things ought to have his own liberty His Majesty took this course but that he might totally follow the Orders of the Primitive constitution he gave a Commission to the Cardinal de Lyon great Almner of France and Commander of the Order to inform him of their Religion Life and Works who were proposed and to send him his informations seal'd up The next thing his Majesty did was to assemble the Chapter of the Order at Fountainbleau where the Ceremony was performed and where all the Knights met and told them by the mouth of the Sieur de Bullion Lord Keeper of that Order that he should be very glad before the Creation of the Knights to have their opinions about the Rebellion and Felony of the Duke d' Elboeuf and the Marquess de la Vieville who being fled out of the Kingdom and having born Arms contrary to his Majesties service and consequently broken the Statutes of the Order had rendred themselves unworthy of Knight-hood and deserved to be degraded the Sieur de Bullion adding that his advice was to follow the example of Charles Duke de Bourgogne towards Charles Duke de Brabant his cousin viz. to erase their Arms and that in their Escutcheon should be inserted their judgement and degradation All the Knights were of the same opinion with the Lord Keeper excepting only the Marquesse de Trajanel So that the judgement of their degradation was pronounced and executed before the new Creation In prosecution of this judgement his Majesty caused the Role of those whom he would have of this Order to be read aloud and nominated eight Knights to assist at the tryal of the proofs of their Nobility Life and Manners and the proposing the difference which was between those who were Dukes and Peers and those who were only Dukes concerning their order and place in the Ceremony it was ordered that all the Dukes in general should march according to the Order of their Creation because the Peers hold no place in Assemblies It was likewise decreed that if any of those who were name to be Knights did not appear at the time of the promotion to receive their Order it should not be sent unto them The 14 of May was the day assigned for the Ceremony and his Majesty being there punctually followed the Statutes of that Order and conferred it upon Monsieur the Cardinal of Richelieu The Cardinal de la Valette The Arch-Bishop of Paris The Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux The Arch-Bishop of Narbone The Duc de Longueville The Comte d' Harcourt The Comte d' Alets The Duc de la Trimouille The Duc de Vantadour The Duc d' Alvin The Duc de Brissac The Duc de Candale The Duc de la Valette The Comte de Tonnerre The Mareschal d' Estree The Sieurs de Vaubecourt de Seneterre The Vicomte de Pompadour The Marquis de Nesse The Marquis de Gordes The Comte de Lannoy The Marquis de Varennes The Maresâ—hal de Breze The Comte de Brassac The Comte de Noailles The Sieur de Popanne The Marquis de Fossez The Marquis de Bourbonne The Vicomte de Pollignac The Vicomte d' Arpajon The Marquis d' Aluye The Comte de Saulx The Comte d' Orval The Sieur de St. Simon premiers Escuyer The Baron de Pont-Chasteau The Sieur de Pont-Courlay The Sieur de la Messeray The Marquis de Mortemart The Sieur de Villequier The Comte de Teurnon The Sieur de la Mailleraye The Comte de Tianges The Marquis d' Ambres The Comte de Parabere The Sieurs de Montcaurel De Liancourt De St. Simon l'aisne I will not trouble my self to describe the particulars of the Ceremony it is beyond my design only for conclusion I will say his Majesty by this conferring of Honour shewed that he did as well acknowledge as know the services of his Nobility Politique Observation THe reward of Services and the punishment of Crimes are equally great supporters to a State whereupon Socrates being demanded what Estate could be esteemed the best governed answered that where honest men are rewarded and knaves punished Xenophon likewise thought that a man being naturally more couragious the fearfull should be excited sooner to great actions by praise riches or honours after a Victory For this reason it was that Plato in the Fifth of his Republicks would that all men who behaved themselves couragiously in the War should be gratified in all reasonable things nay they were permitted to marry divers women the better to replenish the Common-Wealth with valiant men This licentiousnesse I must confesse is contrary to the Laws of Christianity and Experience hath told us that it is seldom seen brave men beget children like themselves but in the main the gratifying of valiant men in all reasonable things is conformable to the rules of all politick States Thus Homer to give a testimony of Agamemnon's conduct doth usually bring him in at all feasts in the Greek Army honoured with an whole Chine of Beef being the greatest rarity among them Upon the same example Plato grounded his Decrees for the honouring of those at publick Feasts who had given proofs of their valour by serving them with the greatest dainties and the best Wines and by singing of songs in their praise to invite others to imitate them To speak the truth if the flame dies for want of Wood generosity languisheth if unrewarded All goeth to rack in that State where men of courage are no better treated then uselesse cowards It should seem the greatest courages are as it were benum'd where the splendour of honour the reward of handsom actions doth not incourage them All that can be further observed is that recompences be proportioned to the qualities of the persons Souldiers are more usually pleas'd with riches then honour and are more proper to be acknowledged with reward accordingly The Nobility on the other side are better satisfied with honour Let them have it This course did the Common-Wealth of Venice take after that memorable battle of Tar they exalted the Marquis of Mantua from that government to be general of the Army and as to those Souldiers who had behav'd themselves couragiously they increas'd their pay They gave divers recompences to the Sons of such as were slain Dowries to their daughters and good Pensions to such as were maim'd The Romans did much more esteem the rewards
July next following and that those Forces were appointed to invade France together with those which the Emperor and King of Spain had promised him These designs were of great importance of all which he gave his Majesty advice as they came to his knowledge The King unable to put up so insolent behaviour presently resolved by the wise Counsel of the Cardinal to reduce this small Prince by force of Arms to such a passe that he should not be in a condition to attempt any thing but what would make him be pitied That it is important to send Embassadours to such Princes against whom War is design'd to discover their intentions and how it may be done IF it be necessary to be well inform'd of an enemies designs of his humour of his Forces of the succours he expecteth and generally of all things which may strengthen or weaken him as all Polititians are of opinion it is no lesse usefull to send persons to him who under pretence of some familiarity may give advice thereof Tiberius one of the Roman Emperours was so solicitous in this kind as Tacitus observeth that he was not ignorant of one of his enemies resolutions so that he oft times raised great advantages from their stratagems Amongst all persons fit for this imployment none are so proper as Embassadours because having the liberty of speaking to an enemy to his Ministers and Statesmen the may wel discover more then men of inferiour condition who converse with none but those of their own quality Xenophon reporteth that Cyrus sent Embassadours of a certain King of the Indies toward the King of the Assyrians under pretence of making a Treaty of League with him but in effect to discover his designs Not but that I think it necessary to send with them persons of inferiour qualities who may be crafty and capable to find admission every where to get acquaintance to inform themselves of all passages and make their discoveries thereof for such men give no small light to affairs Thus did Scipio as Plutarch observeth in his life that he might discover the State of the Carthaginians and Siphax Merchants used to Traffique in an Enemies Country are not improper for this purpose in regard of their general acquaintance as Xenophon one of the ablest Statesmen of his time hath declared but one thing especially ought to be observed in employing such persons that is that they be men of understanding and fidelity for if they be defective in the former their advices will not only be frivolous but hurtfull because they may ingage resolutions contrary to what is fit and if they be deficient in the latter it is easie to conclude how dangerously inconvenient it may be As to the means which all in general are to use for their information none are better then those which ingage men to talk much and discover themselves Anger hath been ever esteemed a fit subject to work upon because it depriveth the use of reason and giveth only the tongue liberty and therefore it would not be amisse that an Embassadour should dextrously provoke an Enemy-Prince or his Ministers to drive them into this Passion however this ought to be managed both with ingenuity and respect lest he so far exasperate them as to refuse him any more audience It will not a little conduce to this end to visit such Grandees of State who they find talkative it being usual with great talkers to let fall whatever is in their thoughts just as Torrents hurry away all that oppose them Ladies are very proper to discover secrets especially where a man may partake of their favours For this reason did Augustus usually make love to his Enemies Wives and indeed it is impossible the should keep any thing secret from their Gallants Nor ought they to be defective in feasting those who know the Country because Wine is as much an enemy to a secret as love but especially money makes the Mare go That is it which discovereth all and was one of the means used by that great Captain Gonzalvus to inform himself of all his Masters enemies affairs during his abode in Naples as was to be seen in his account after the War where to this end he had spent 600494 crowns The King sendeth the Sieur de la Nauve to seiz upon Bar for defect of Homage and to re-unite to the Crown all his lost Royalties THe King intending to be reveng'd on Monsieur de Lorrain thought good to begin it by seizing upon Bar as the best remedy in hopes that by letting him see his Majesties resolution no longer to indure the effects of his hatred he would in fine return to his duty without ingaging himself in greater extremities Upon this design he caused him to be summoned to the Parliament of Paris to try whether the said Dutchy were not laps'd to the Crown for default of Homage upon whose non-appearance the Parliament decreed by the Judgement of the 30. of July that a Commission should be issued out to the Attorney General to seiz upon it and deliver it into his Majesties hands together with its dependances untill the said Duke should do his Homage In prosecution of this Decree the Parliament gave a Commission to the Sieur de la Nauve one of their most ancient Counsellors whose ability in learning experience in affairs and integrity in the Administration of Justice together with his birth and manners were thought capable enough to cause his Majesties name to be honoured in Bar and to re-establish his Authority in that lustre of which Monsieur de Lorrain's Ambition had deprived him His Majesty approved of their choice and the Sieur de la Nauve going to take his leave of his Majesty and receive the honour of his commands he gave them another Commission under the Great Seal not only to execute the Parliaments Decree but also to re-unite unto the Crown the Royal Prerogatives of Bar the grant of which had heretofore been made by Charles the Ninth and Henry the Third to the then Duke Lorrain without mature consideration of the consequence of such alienation These things thus ended the Sieur de la Nauve bent all his thought towards Bar together with such Officers as the Parliament doth usually appoint to attend upon their Commissaries on such occasions The Officers of the City receiv'd him with all honour but not long after his arrival the Baron de Couuonges Bayliff and Governour of Bar came to meet him on the behalf of the Duke of Lorrain to intreat him to deliver him a Copy of his Commission assuring him in the interim that the Duke had given leave to all the inhabitants and Officers of the City to obey such commands as he had brought from his Majesty it being the order of Soveraignty that the weaker should obey the stronger This discourse did not at all surprise him he knowing that such an affair could not be ended without some contest and accordingly bee answered the Baron de Couuanges without any
that he might not exasperate him and preserve him affectionate to the accommodation whereby some advantage might be made upon the conclusion he would not harp any more upon that string As to his demand of Madam de Combalet he told him that he took it for a very great honour and did not reject it but that he thought it improper to treat of it at that time to avoid the report of having ingag'd his Majesty to come into Lorrain with a great Army for his private ends and intreated him not to insert this affair with the publick though for his part he was not waies averse from it These words of agreement were only an effect of his Purdence which advised him not to estrange this Cardinals good will but to preserve it to be made use of as occasion should require for discoursing to the chief Ministers concerning this Proposition he told them that neither the present nor the future age should have cause to believe that he had mingle his own interests in this affair where his only end was the Kings service and the good of the State that heretofore the Cardinal de Amboise had made Lewis the Twelfth undertake a War in Italy only upon an ambitious design of being Pope but that for his part he should alwaies shun the blame of managing the affairs of State by his own particular Interest and as to that which concern'd the Princesse Marguerite he assured him that the King would willingly accept thereof any that the executing of it would give a great stroke to a conclusion seeing she might much dispose his Majesty to relinquish somewhat of his resolution because he could not but receive her as a pledge of Monsieur de Lorrain's good inclination to be at peace with his Majesty but he told him that his Majesty beleeved it was not in their power for that he was inform'd of what had past The Cardinal de Lorrain made himself ingnorant and assured the Cardinal she was in a place where they could dispose of her but that only served to make the Cardinal distrust his intentions who knoweth that in matters of Treaty an enemies actions are more to be regarded them his words After this they brake up their conference departed each from other and the next morning the Cardinal de Lorrain took his leave of the King That a wise Minister ought to foresee the inconveniences of all Propositions made to him in Treaties It is the property of a wise Minister to foresee the inconveniences of such Propositions as are made in Treaties to surprize him and to be carefull that an enemy who hath not been able to get any advantage by War should not gain it by an accommodation It is to this end that many have thought Prudence to be more necessary for him then valour because the occasions of fighting are but seldom in War whereas Propositions of Peace are daily made which if he should admit of to his Masters detriment would be no lesse prejudicial to him then a defeat To speak truth this vertue is as needfull for him as Art for a Work-man and as the ignorant Workman doth only spoil that substance which he pretendeth to form so the imprudent Minister ruineth the affairs of a State if he accept of injurious conditions for want of fore-seeing the consequences Prudence it is which causeth him to know the means by which he may attain his proposed end preventeth his being deceived serveth to regulate his counsels guideth his actions maketh him speak in agreeable terms conducteth all his motions teacheth him what to do in all Occurrences maketh him clear sighted amidst the Artifices of his enemies and giveth him addresse to obtain whatever he desires The Philosopher saith it is a virtue proper to him that governeth not that it is unnecessary for private persons but because it is so highly necessary for Kings and Ministers that without it they are no more able to govern a State than a Pilot to guide his Vessel without Steer and Rudder He who is Master of it doth easily master all others in matters of negotiation and if his birth hath not made him a Soveraign yet doth it afford him the means to work Soveraigns to what he pleaseth so saith the wise man in his Proverbs The pleasure of a King dependeth upon the Prudence of his servant To make a right use of this vertue he ought advisedly to consider the parts which are proposed to him and to bring them to the Touch-stone of those maximes which he hath laid down for the ground of the Treaty To this end the wise Minister often retires in private as knowing that then he hath full liberty to discusse the Propositions made unto him and is at leisure to consider them a thing saith Periander able to overcome all things He is not ignorant that who so taketh resolutions without due consideration is like those liquorish men who charging their stomacks over hastily do repent it as soon as they rise from the Table wherefore he taketh great care to weigh the Propositions made to him he applieth the Hypothesis to the Thesis particular affairs to general maximes he recollecteth the Experience of things past proportioneth the means to the end observeth if by granting any thing it may not serve the enemy to obtain his pretences examineth what assurance he shall find of performance and generally all other circumstances And lastly being thus secure from all surprizes he is not only in a condition of being not cheated but in a way of obtaining whatever he desireth The King besiegeth Nancy and presseth hard upon the Duke of Lorrain DUring the Cardinal de Lorrains journying too and fro and the divers Propositions of Peace by him made his Majesties Army was not idle The King gave Order to his Commanders that they should seize upon all principal places he summoned in person the Towns of St. Michael and Ponto au Mousson which presently surrendred Espinal surrendred to the Marshal de la Force Charmes to the Comte de la Suze and Luneville to the Marquesse de Sourdis besides these Halon du Chastel and the Castles de Conde la Chausset Trognon Malatour Pargny and Boucouville received the Garisons sent to them so that his Majesty had no sooner entred into the Country but he became Master of the Field but that which was most of all was his Majesty having cause his Army to come to him from the Country of Treves under the command of the Marquesse de St. Chaumond and ordered divers other Troops to draw thither which so invested the City of Nancy that nothing could get in or out without a good passe-port The Regiment de Florinville designing to get in by night was led by M. de Lorrains Huntsmen though Woods and by unknown waies yet they could not carry it so secretly but some French discovered them which strook them into such fear that flying back again through the same Woods they totally routed themselves On the other
would give Monsieur any counsel â—ending to peace or sweetness knowing most assuredly that he oftentimes egg'd him on to such discourses as offended the King and the Cardinal even to threaten him as is well known to those who treated with him To say the truth if there was no great trust to be repos'd in Chanteloup considering the extremities into which he had run and the inalterable resolution wherein he had fixed the Queen-Mother not to forsake him surely there was not much more confidence to be put in Puy-Laurens upon the score of his inclination and for fear lest he might once again make use of Monsieurs person to raise another civil War in France or lest he might a fourth time carry him out of France upon the least cause of mistrust There was the less reason to trust him because his Soul was possess'd by Ambition a Passion which imboldneth men to undertake any thing and Monsieur honoured him with such extraordinary favour as impower'd him to carry him where he pleas'd so that thus to recall Monsieur with one from whose presence he would never be perswaded to depart were to raise a fire in the bosom of France which was at that time the more heedfully to be preserved in a strict union in regard Forraigners had raised great advantages from the divisions by them fomented in the royal family In short what likelihood was there to permit him to continue neer Monsieur unlesse he changed his procedure and humour so long as he had the boldness to treat with the King in that manner as he did rejecting the conditions upon which his Majesty desired Monsieur should return and proposing others as if he had treated between Soveraign and Soveraign presuming to drive on his own interests instead of casting himself at his Majesties feet whom he had so highly offended Surely this could not have been done without a great blemish to the Kings honour by discovering so much weaknesse in the sight of all Europe as to be compell'd to receive the Law from a Subject who deserv'd rather to be punish'd by the rigours of his justice The common people who had not insight enough to dive into these consequences seem'd to wonder that Monsieur and the Queen-Mothers accommodation could not be ended after so many journies to and fro but all wise men well satisfi'd with the reasons of it could not sufficiently admire the Kings Prudence in making use of that authority which the Laws give all Soveraigns over their Parents when the interest of their State is in question and in not precipitating their return which considering the ill inclination of those whom they honoured with their confidence could only serve to trouble the Kingdom and hinder the prosecution of the Lorrain expedition That it is great discretion not to precipitate accommodations where there is any danger in the State IT is great wisedom not to hasten any Treaty wherein there may be any danger to the State It is most certain in general that precipitation is an enemy to wise counsels that instead of ending affairs it imbroileth them and that it hath alwaies been receiv'd for an ill servant because being blind and without foresight it seldom makes any Treaties which are not disadvantagious but most particularly true it is in such Treaties as are concluded where the parties are not well dispos'd to keep a Peace though they seem very plausible at first sight yet are they seldom of long continuance by reason of the sharpnes remaining in their minds when they are concluded which coming to increase by some new discontents division presently re-assumeth her first place and thus instead of any satisfaction from it there oftentimes arise more causes of repentance In effect they ought to be the further from ending affairs because the easinesse of concluding them hath often begotten more distrusts among great men than if there had been great difficulties in the making their peace Hatred doth easily revive among Princes and they sooner forget any thing then injuries they pretend to have received which though for some time they dissemble yet are they never deficient to testifie their resentments when they find opportunity proper for it There were heretofore divers accommodations made between Lewis the Eleventh and Charls Duc de Borgogne which seemed to settle their States in peace but as they were oftentimes made more by necessity on the Dukes part which rather forc'd him then inclin'd him to live in friendship with the King the main business was still to be begun anew nor was any thing but death able to give a period to their divisions How often hath the house of Orleans and Bourgogne been reconcil'd yet alwaies to little purpose because the Princes not laying by the hatred which was between them did presently fly out again upon the least cause of suspicion Henry the Third wrought nothing upon the Duke of Guise by pardoning him for he forbore not to prosecute the enterprizes which his Ambition suggested They who are little acquainted in State-affairs are not very solicitous of the great trouble which is in making Peace between Princes but think that it is enough so they are made friends yet it may so fall out that great inconveniences may arise from want of care when civil Wars break out again which they re-ingaging in may indanger the whole State at least afford Forraigners great advantages It is much better that Grandees should continue out of the Kingdom in discord and impotency that in the Court or in some Province where they might easily raise Cabals and insurrections I think that rash considerations may not more fitly be compar'd to any thing then to too quick a digestion which as Physicians say replenisheth the body with many crudities the cause of divers diseases and it often happens that such considerations like jealousies and new differences serve only to sow the seeds of civil Wars so that better it is to defer the resolution of them for some time than to precipitate them into a short continuance and a production of new broils Differences between the Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon ABout the end of this year there happened great disputes between Messieur Henry de Sourdis Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon Governour of Guyenne The Arch Bishop whose Genius is capable of all kind of imployments had charge during the siege of Rochel of some men of War in this Province by a particular Commission exempted from all other dependances and the Duke who was of an humour never to let feathers be pluck'd out of his wings did not a little resent it though for the present he dissembled it expecting an opportunity to shew it with the more advantage which did not so soon offer it self the Arch Bishop being imployed at Court and at Poiton in his Majesties service but as he had no lesse memory then courage he preserv'd the memory of it untill the latter end of this year at which time the
Archers and to hinder any Religious person from entring in pretending it might disturb the publique Peace for which by his charge he was oblig'd to provide The Arch-Bishop was very sensibly displeas'd to see his designs so forcibly countermin'd and not resolved so to relinquish them he went in person to the Religious to carry them to his Palace a resolution which was the cause of all the misfortune that happened what had pass'd till then being look'd upon by most people only as a gallantry of spirit The Duke having never learn'd patience enough to suffer the Arch-Bishop to incroach upon his power by any Ecclesiastical priviledge went to meet him in person with his guards and some other Gentlemen at the entrance of the Cathedral Cloister and the Arch-Bishop coming thither he went up to him spoke some angry words struck off his Hat and Cap and as some witnesses depos'd in the information taken by authority of Parliament put the end of the stick which he had in his hand to his breast This Procedure made a great noise in the City and the Arch-Bishop losing no time the very next morning being the eleventh of November assembled those of his Clergy and by common consent Excommunicated the Duke and his Assistants interdicted the Cities and Suburbs of Bourdeaux and Cadillac The Parliament seeing this great trouble did what they could to make an accommodation but it was to little purpose all they could obtain was that the Parliament might hear masse in the Palace Chappel He likewise sent to the King informations of what had pass'd whereupon his Majesty sent order to the Arch-Bishop to take away the interdiction and to the Duke to go to his house of Plassac which is out of the Diocess of Bourdeaux to expect the Popes resolution to whom the decision of that controversie properly belong'd seeing they had appeal'd to his Holiness which hung in suspence about five or six moneths nor was it ended untill the yeer following till when I forbear to say any more of it That much respect hath been alwaies given to Prelates and Bishops THe Function of Prelates and Priests is so eminent and holy that all people nay Emperors themselves have been oblig'd to respect them Plutarch alledging the cause saith it is because they pray to the Gods not only for themselves and friends but for all mankind The Romans in the times of Paganism did so much honour them that the Priests of Jupiter going in the City had a Lictor and a cella curulis and condemned Cneux Cornelius Praetor of Rome for having injuriously disputed with Aemilius Lepidus the High Priest Alexander Severus had so great a respect to them in such causes where religion was interessed that he was not offended when their judgements were contrary to his and how respectfully did Alexander treat the High Priest of the Jews when in his fury going to Jerusalem with a design to ruine it he met him comming in his Pontisicalibus he was not only appeas'd but as the History saith worshipped God in his person with a great deal of reverence All Pagans in general have next to their Kings ascrib'd the chief place to their Priests and held it a great crime to offend them If the light of nature hath induc'd them so to respect them Christianity obligeth us to honour them much more seeing Bishops are receiv'd for Fathers and Pastors of the Church for the Successors of Religion and the Pastors of Jesus Christ they ought to be respected as the Law of well-living as certain rules of good works as Angels who have intelligence of the mysteries of our faith and who are more purified by the flames of the Holy Ghost they ought to be respected as persons of an eminent dignity who ought to have their minds rais'd in the contemplation of heavenly things to live in a noble scorn of al earthly things as so māy bright stars whose lustre is never sullied by the Clouds of Vice as heavenly men who have familiar converse with God as living books of the true Doctrine as the true Organs of Christianity and the Idea by which the people ought to frame their lives Constantine the great said he did not consider them as common men but as so many Thrones where the Divinity inhabited for which reason he could not indure that any should speak of them slightly and threatned those with death who offended him as is to be seen in History and chiefly commanded all governours of Provinces especially to honour them I shall likewise add a particular care in punishing those who injure them History is full of examples which the brevity of these maximes give me not leave to insert I shall only add that Prelates to render themselves worthy of this extraordinary honour are oblig'd to contain themselves within the limits of their condition because as the shadow cannot be without the body so it is unreasonable to pretend to glory without meriting it by virtue An Edict to abate superfluous expences THough the Forraign Wars undertaken by his Majesty of late years consum'd great sums of money and forc'd the King to levy great Taxes which did not a little diminish private mens Revenues yet such was the fruitfulnesse of France that they found means to satisfie their natural inclination of going richly cloath'd His Majesty dislik'd the ill deportment of many who notwithstanding the great necessities of the State did not cease to make superfluous expences in Stuffs Embroideries gold and silver Laces Bone-laces and other like vanities not to be permitted but in a full and long Peace It was the more needfull to redress these disorders because for the satisfying of such excessive curiosities there was a great deal of silver transported out of France which thereby was much impoverished whereby his Majesty was disabled at a time of need to raise monies for the supplying of his occasions or to exact those contributions which the glory and interest of his state did really require These reasons oblig'd him to make an Edict in the moneth of December by which the wearing of any Stuffs Embroideries gold and silver lace or any bone-lace of above nine Livres the Ell was prohibited upon pain of confiscation and six hundred Livres to be levied on them on them who should wear it and a thousand Crowns upon the Merchants who should sell it His Majesty knowing how powerfull the example of a Soveraign is amongst his people taught the French by his habit how to follow this rule and was so carefull in it that this Edict was better observed then any of the like quality had a long time been That Edicts inhibiting superfluous Expences are profitable both to Soveraign and People EDicts which forbid vain Expences are no lesse profitable to Soveraigns than the people especially in times of War Private mens plenty is the Princes treasure which he may make use of in time of necessity and as it cannot be preserv'd without frugality which prohibiteth the use of
approaches unto must not be neglected for such a deficiency were to put their Armes for a prey and to render their being taken infallible There is no need of a surprisal for in such assaults as are made the Enemy not finding any to resist them do as it were seize upon it The slighting which we make of our Enemies in neglecting to fortefie our selves against them exposeth us to the danger of receiving a far greater losse and in consequence the shame to be overcome by them which is almost inevitable Cazal assaulted by the Marquis of Spinola THE Cardinal had too much Prudence and Generosity not to secure Cazal against such an accident though exposed to a far greater danger But for the better understanding of his Conduct it will be good to look back upon the beginning of the Siege After the taking of Pignoral both the Cardinal and Spinola had the same designs of quitting Piedmont the one that he might joyn with the King at Grenoble and accompany him in the Conquest of Savoy the t'other to lay siege to Cazal and to recover if possible the honour he had there lost the precedent year when he drew off at the same time that he had the news of the Kings arrival at Suze without abiding that his Majesties Army might approach his neerer then six great dayes march He was provoked in point of Honour in the design his courage inflamed his passion and the shame he had to find the glory which he had got by so many victories blasted with this disgrace gave him an extream impatiency to repair that fault which occasioned it He resolved either to perish or carry the place not being able to survive the losse of his Honour and in prosecution thereof there was no Stratageme or force omitted which might render him Master of it Never was place so vigorously assaulted as never more stoutly defended Few dayes passed without fresh assaults or sallies Nothing which the Cannon could do was left unassayed almost continually the Place was undermined on every side wild-fires were made use of in such abundance that the Town had been sundry times burn't to Ashes had then not taken a very great care to hinder the effect of them In a word the discontent which accompanied his Courage suffered him not to forget any invention that the art of War or Passion could suggest to overcome Politique Observation SHame is a venemous root from whence we sometimes see excellent effects produced and it cannot better be compared then to certain plants which we observe in Nature whose roots are deadly and whose leaves on the contrary proper to cure many diseases Is it not that which hath often excited the courages of the greatest Commanders to that height that perceiving Victory to encline to their Enemies they have precipitated themselves into the fight and goared their Weapons and their hands in the Blood of their Enemies by which they have ingaged their own party to make new endeavour and fortune hath thereupon accorded them that glory which they were upon the very point of loosing Have we not seen the like amongst Souldiers who after they behaved themselves ill one day have presently after appeared like so many Lions in the pursuit of their Enemies and so have defended themselves from that disgrace with which they had been branded The shame which the Persians had as Justin reports to see their wife 's come towards them with their Coats trust up made them face about and charge the Enemy before whence they fled And T. Livie writes how that the Roman Consul Agrippa did commonly use to throw some of Ensigns among the middest of his Enemies to the end the shame the Souldiers should have had to loose them might oblige them to redouble their courages and regain them Both the Greek and Roman Histories are fall of such like examples needless to the rehearsed The shame that Caesar had seeing the the Image of Alexander who had won so many remarkable victories as soon as ever age had made him fit to bear Armes so touched him that afterwards he never ceased bending his mind to generous actions which have eternized his glory A Treaty to renew the Alliance with Holland NOw for the perserving of this place notwithstanding Spinola's extraordinary passion to take it two things were necessary First to hinder the Spaniards from having such numbers of men as they would have desired Secondly that the Kings Army might want nothing but be recruited from time to time by the supply of new Troops in the place of those whom the plague had wasted The Cardinal had foreseen and provided for the first before he parted from Paris giving such exercise to the Spaniards in the Low Countries that they had much a do to furnish themselves with the Troops there requisite without diverting them to new enterprises especially seeing the King of Swede of whom we shall speak hereafter began to give them employment in Germany The Cardinal having discovered about the end of the Precedent year that the Sparniards were upon the design of offering great advantages to the Hollanders to bring them to a truce whereby to have means to draw Troops out of the Low Countries to send into Italy acquainted the King how much this truce was prejudicial to the rest of Europe giving way to the Spaniards to maintain themselves in the injust user patation of the States of many Princes of Germany as well as of the Duke of Mantua's The King apprehended that danger and his Majesty thereupon impowered Monsieur de Bangy his Embassador in Holland to renew with them the ancient Treaties of alliance upon condition that they might not for some years come to any truce with their Enemies That power was given him from the month of December of the Precedent year 1629. and yet as affairs of that nature are not so readily determined the Treaty was not signed till the month of June of the Present year The Cardinal thus preventing by his unparralel'd Prudence the most crafty subtilities of the Spaniard Politique Observation AS it is glorious for a Minister to prevent the force of the Enemies by a contrary force as we have said so is it very honourable to prevent the effects of their Prudence by an opposite Prudence He ought to be like a good Pilate who have attained great experince at Sea can discover a Tempest before it comes and prepears all that is necessary to resist it or I will compear him to a wise Physician who preserves those he takes into his care not only from sickness but even from the danger of falling-sick and to say the truth therein consists one of the highest points of Politique wisdome and I have alwayes esteem'd that one of the greatest services he can render that Governes a State is to prevent by his Prudence the craft from which the Enemy pretends to draw advantage to avoid his undermining by a Counter-mine and by his good conduct to slight all the works of
It is a great good fortune for a Minister never to be put upon such a rock and therefore it is that he will indeavour to work upon them by good offices which are the most powerfull means to oblige men and tie them very strictly the chains wherewith they are fettered being so pleasant and agreeable to them Interest is that which doth most efficaciously more them And indeed it is in a manner impossible to gain them by other means then by making provision for their advancement There is no design which they will not approve of alwaies provided that they have but satisfaction in their own particulars They perswade their Masters to rest contented if they themselves are once satisfied The most part of affairs of the world are like those Pictures wherein you shall behold different Figures and shapes according to the divers positions and scituations of them who look upon them They never represent any thing to their Masters but on that side which they best like and thus they can as easily retain him in quiet There ought to be care had that all which is intended for them be not done at once Ambition still increaseth and those benefits which are done to a favourite do but whet his appetite for the receiving of others Therefore it is that one should alwaies reserve something to keep them in breath by the expectations of greater benefits to come The Queen Mothers Resolution to win Monsieur THe Declaration which Monsieur made to the King of his resentment strook a great astonishment into the Queen-Mother she having before-hand placed all her confidence in him as also chosen him for the chief instrument of her designs They had perswaded her that could she but ingage him in her interests she might soon find men enough to uphold them and such as would put themselves into the field in Arms to carry on her designs to their very utmost and yet her natural goodnesse was so great to oblige her to preserve Monsieur constant and faithfull to the Kings interests But this factious seditious Cabal which inverted her strongest inclinations made her mislike those procedures and carried her on even to reproach him for that after she had so particularly cherished him he should take so little care for her concerns It is true it was heretofore verily beleeved in the first yeers of her Regency though I think without just grounds that she was more affectionate and tender towards Monsieur then towards the King and that she might well cast her eyes upon him as many others of her quality have done to make use of him for the upholding of such designs as she might have to which the King might not be so favourable But it must be confessed that she governed her self so prudently by those sage Councels which were given to her after her first going off from the Court that no one could discover any thing in her behaviour but real intentions to preserve her children in a good intelligence with one another and never to attempt any thing which was not conformable to the Kings Will insomuch that this prudent Conduct of hers gained her a great esteem with the people who being desirous of nothing more then peace they regarded her Majesty with extraordinary affections as her who was the greatest advancement of publick tranquillity by her preserving the bond of union between her children Though now she gave them just cause to change their good opinions of her by her frequent entertainments of Monsieur and his chiefest Officers in that design which all men knew she had to gain him to her party whatever it cost that he might become instrumental for her in the resolution which she had taken to destroy the Cardinal Politique Observation JT is very usual with Mothers to love their youngest better then their eldest children and to rely upon them to be maintained in the greater authority It should seem it is with Children as with fruits the newest are still most agreeable so it frequently comes to passe that the youngest are pleasures and diversions to their Parents when as they who are older shake off the yoke of obedience and follow the inclinations of unbridled youth but most especially so it is when as mothers are become Widdows and have lost that protection of their husbands which kept their children within their bounds that they do cast themselves upon the interest of the younger ones whom they look on as the supporters of their old age and as those who must uphold their Authority against the eldest whom they look upon very often as men do upon Creditors who come to take away their goods from them withall they are dependent upon them in several respects because by the deaths of their Fathers they are become the heads of their Families and this dependency upon them is insupportable If this be ordinary in private Families how much more is it in those of Kings History is pregnant with relations of such Queens as have advanced their youngest children to the Government in prejudice of their brother Ptolomeus Phiseus gave at his wifes perswasions the Crown of Egypt to his youngest son and to go no further then France it self Lewis the Debonnair did not he prefer at his Wifes entreaty Charls the Bauld before Lothair who was the eldest Did not Constance wife of Robert seeing her husband intended after the death of his eldest son to Crown Henry her second son King oppose it in her earnest desires that he would prefer Robert her third son whom she loved most intirely And when she saw she could not arrive to the end of her design did she not embroyl all things even whilest the King yet lived but much more after his death by fomenting the divisions between her children that she her self might have the more Authority This occasioned a most sad Civil War to the great damage of the Kingdom and that good King both in the declining of his age and Kingdom when as he expected repose and tranquility in his family especially after he had suffered upon his first coming to the Crown so great afflictions by reason of the misfortunes of his first marriages their dissolutions which afterwards hapned for the remedying whereof the godly Abbot of Fleury Abby was employed Not to seek for examples far from us is not that of Katharine de Medicis very certain it being yet fresh in the memory of man for she was ever know to favour some of her children against other some Was she not likewise suspected to have hastned the death of her eldest that she might make way to raise the Duke of Anjou to the Crown And was she not seen after he was attained to the Government to enter into the Combination against him because he did not relie enough upon her for the the Government of affairs It is so frequent in history that we shall need no other proofs for it it may safely be said that it hath alwaies been a very dangerous