now to flatter themselves for the future with obtaining the Superiority they formerly had over the House of Bourbon yet they did not despair at least to rival the Princes of the Blood But they found at home a great Obstacle to their coming into the Council Two Lords of the same House could not be called to it The Duke of Guise was the eldest but the Age and Experience of the Duke of Mayenne his Uncle requir'd him to be preferr'd Henry being dangerously ill some Years before had a mind to form a Council He named this Lord then who was heartily reconciled to him and since that time had given the King Marks of his inviolable Fidelity This was a great Prejudice in his Favour The Duke of Nevers too demanded to be admitted and disputed the Precedence with the Guises New Perplexities on all sides The Emulation between the Marechal of Bouillon and the Duke of Epernon was grown to so great a height that it was not possible the one should be in the Council to the Prejudice of the other This latter was considerable for his Charge of Colonel General of the Foot and other great Places The Queen did not dare to give distaste to a haughty and powerful Man who had just served her in a very Handsome manner Bouillon had a great Heart a capacious and discerning Mind kept a strict Alliance and constant Intelligence with Foreign Princes The Sovereignty of Sedan made him considerable at home and abroad No one had more Interest than he with the Protestants of France The late King stood in fear of him He gave a Check to his turbulent and ambitious Humour but would not push the Matter to an Extremity So that the Marechal was capable of doing a great deal of good if he followed his Reason or a great deal of Mischief if he abandoned himself to his Passion There were other Lords of great Bitth who might pretend to have a place in the Council but they were yet of an Age in which Men of Quality have stronger Inclinations to Pleasure than to concern themselves in Matters of State Of this number were the Duke of Vendome the Grand Prior of France both Natural Sons of Henry Duke of Longueville and the Count of St. Paul a younger Brother of the same House The Chancellor de Sillery the Duke of Sully Villeroy and the President Jeannin saw all this Emulation with Pleasure This left the entire Direction of Affairs to themselves under the Name of the Queen Therefore in the first place they advised her not to give Distaste to any Person till the first Prince of the Blood should return and to admit into her Council all the great Lords who demanded a Place there The greater the number of these was the less Interest and Power any particular Persons could have In the mean time each took his Opportunity to entertain the Regent They took care to prepare Matters to be proposed to give seemingly some Employment to the Assembly But these Gentlemen foresaw it would soon degenerate into Confusion That some would take a distaste themselves and others might be removed under colour of sending them to execute their Places and Governments While these Intrigues employ'd the Courtiers The Tryal and Execution of Ravillac the Parliament was busie in the Process of Ravillac The first President assisted by another and Two Counsellors examin'd him several times All that can be drawn from the Interrogatories now extant are That Ravillac was an Enthusiast who imagining on some Reports that he had heard that the King was about to make War on the Pope and did not concern himself for the Conversion of the Hugonots took a Resolution to kill a Prince whom he looked on as an unjust Tyrant What Ravillac had learnt from the Sermons ef the execrable Preachers of the League who justified James Clâ—…ment confirm'd him in his Belief that any private Man might take away the Life of a Prince who was an Enemy of the Holy Father Mercure François 1610. To make War on the Pope says Ravillac to his Judges is to make War on God in as much as the Pope is God and God is the Pope This moves our Pity indeed But do not those Princes who by a strange sort of Politicks submit their Dominions to the Pope deserve our Pity more than Assassins seduced by the Emissaries of the Court of Rome After the Attempt of John Chastel Henry was always afraid of the Knife of the League The Desire he had to keep himself from it did not a little conduce to make him recal a sort of People who have the Secret to make themselves formidable to Sovereigns He loaded the Jesuites with his Favours But had he not better provided for the Security of his Life and the Publick Good by giving Ear to the wise Remonstrances of the first President De Harlay Ravillac otherwise ignorant knew so well how to maintain the Dogm of the Society of Jesuites and the Leaguing Sorbon one might easily guess a certain set of Men had taken care to instruct him But whether to pleasure a Religious who call'd him his Friend and recommended to him in express Words at the Hôtel of Retz not to accuse honest Men or that he conceiv'd himself â—…he horrible Design the Criminal constantly affirmed to the end of his Life that no Person whatever Frenchman or Forigner had put him upon killing a Prince who had never done him any wrong and whose Death though unpunish'd could do him no good He was condemned to suffer the Punishment which the Laws of France appoint for such Parricides and the Sentence was executed on the 27th of May. The Proceedings of Parlement the same Day Ravillac was executed are an evident Proof that that Body saw that the Writings and Sermons of some Doctors of the Sorbon The Condemnation of the Book and Doctrine of Mariana the Jesuite engaged in the League and poison'd by the Books which the Jesuites publish'd to revive that pernicious Doctrine which the Faculty of Paris had censur'd in the Year 1413. and was confirm'd by the Council of Constance The Decree I say made the same Day Ravillac suffered convinc'd the World that they thought those Books and Preachments had plunged the Knife in the Heart of Henry and his Predecessor The Parlement therefore ordered the Faculty of Paris to meet and confirm anew their ancient Censure authorized by the Council of Constance against those who teach That a Vassal or a Subject may and ought in Conscience to kill any Tyrant whatever and Assault him all sort of ways and that this Action is not contrary to that Oath of Fidelity which Vassals and Subjects take to their Soveraigns The Doctors obey'd the order signified to them The Parlement on the 10th of June gave another Sentence condemning the Book de Rege Regis institutione of Mariana the Jesuit to be burnt by the hands of the Hangman as containing says the Decree diverse execrable
of others and there is no need of â—…our preaching to us on that Chapter I cannot tell whether this answer made the Duke suspect these Men went to seize the Arsenal and the Bastile and that his Enemies were resolved to drive him out as soon as they could However this was Sully returns back shuts himself up in the Bastile takes away all the Bread in the Markets and Bakers Shops and writes to the Duke of Rohan his Son-in-Law Colonel General of the Swisses to come to Paris with six Thousand Men of that Nation which he commanded in Champagne In a word he seems to make Provisions to sustain a Siege in case any Attempt should be made to Dispossess him without his consent An Imprudent step and subject to the most Sinister Interpretations especially in a time of universal Jealousie and Distrust Whilst Sully confin'd himself in the Bastile Vie du Due de Epernon L. VI. others were providing for themselves by labouring for the Queen The Duke of Epernon had placed the Regiment oâ—… French Guards on the Pontneuf and in thâ—… Streets round the Convent of Augustinâ—… The Parlement was there at that time because the Courts were fitted up for the Feasts prepared against the Crowning oâ—… the Queen As soon as the Chamber were met by the care of the Presidenâ—… Seguier with whom the Duke haâ—… conferr'd he entered boldly into thâ—… Hall with his Sword taken out of thâ—… Belt It is yet says he in the Scabbarâ—… with a Rough Menacing Air. If the Queeâ—… be not declared Regent before the Court break up it must be drawn and I foresee there will be Blood spilt Some of you Gentlemen says he demand time to consider This is an unseasonable Prudence What I propose may be done now without Peril but to morrow it cannot without Blood The Duke added somewhat to soften so violent an Advance The Members lookt on one another astonished at the Novelty of the Proposition to put the Administration of the Government into the hands of the Queen without the participation of the Princes of the Blood and the Officers of the Crown The Magistrates remained for some time in a pensive Silence The first President de Harlay broke this at last and said in few words the Court was obliged to the Duke of Epernon for the Zeal he had shown for the Publick good and exhorted him always to retain Sentiments worthy of his Rank and Virtue This short and general Answer made Epernon reflect a little Far enough from perswading them the Soldiers were placed â—…round the Covent only to secure 〈◊〉 free Debate the Duke gave occasion to believe he intended to extort a Vote at any rate He went out of the Hall to give the Chambers liberty to deliver their Opinions without Constraint I â—…ave proposed said he as he withdrew the â—…est way There is no time to be lost La â—…uesle Procurator General who had his Hopes as well as the rest concluded in favour of the Queen and the Parlement awed declared her Regent during the under Age of her Son In the breaking up of the Assembly the wisest Men deplored more than before the Misfortune of their Country in losing a King whose Life was so necessary for its Welfare Now said they are we once again at the Discretion of an Italian Woman What good is to be expected from a Regent Prodigal Imperious and unexperienced Our dependance must be now on Galigai and Conchini her Husband Confidents of the Queen and Pensioners of Spain What Confusions will not their Covetousness and Ambition cause in the Court and Kingdom If the King added others had followed the Advice given him and drove out that Rabble who were always cherishing Jealousie and Discontent in the Queen perhaps we might not have had occasion now to bemoan the loss of so good a Prince It is well known Conchini and his Wife threatned the Person of the King if he attempted to punish their Villanies Might not People of this stamp suborn an Assassin â—â—â—moiâ—…es de â—â—â—â—gence de Mâ—…rie de Medicis The next day all was ferene at Paris Guise so well managed the humour of the Duke of Sully that he brought him to the Louvre to pay his Duty to the King and Queen Villeroy had disposed them to receive him kindly He insinuated incessantly to the new Regent that the ancient Ministers of her Husband being most acquainted with Affairs at home and abroad it would not be convenient to make any alteration in the Council The Secretary of State was afraid the Disgrace of the Superintendant might be of dangerous Consequence to the rest This was an Example might be made use of against Villeroy himself Sully made a set Speech to the Queen and being perswaded she was averse to the War with Spain and would unite her self with those her Husband sought to depress the Duke assured her Majesty he had endeavoured to divert the late King from his Designs The Duke of Vendome being luckily there Sully appeal'd to him for the truth of what he had said to his Father in his presence Base Courtier who Sacrificed so early the Reputation of his Benefactour to his wavering Fortune The Provinces followed the Example of the Capital Catholicks and Protestants alike submitted to the Regency of Mary All was calm in the Armies At the Sollicitation of his Father-in-Law the Duke of Rohan had brought the Swisses a days march towards Paris but Sully content with the good Reception of the Queen sending a speedy Countermand he returned back Gonzague Duke of Nevers who commanded the Army in Champagne made all the Officers swear Allegiance and the Mareschal Lesdiguieres kept that in Dauphine to their Duty The News being dispersed on all sides that the new King was Recognized by the Parlement the day after his Fathers Death and the Regency of the Widow was confirmed there in a Solemn manner this did not a little conduce to settle the Tranquility of the Remote Provinces The Constable the Peers of the Kingdom and the great Officers of the Crown Lewis XIII sits in his Seat of Justice the first time appear'd in the Parlement The King came thither followed by the Queen his Mother the Prince of Conti and the Count of Enghien Son of Soissons who was retired to an Estate in the Country Disgusted that some mark of Distinction was refused to his Wise at the Queens Coronation After every one had taken their place Mary began a small Discourse which she had premeditated Scarce had she uttered two or three Words but a shower of Tears hindred her from proceeding farther It was doubtful whether they proceeded from Grief or Joy Every one made what construction he pleased Resuming her Discourse after a sew Sighs Mercure Francois 1610. either Affected or Sincere I have brought you here my Son says the Queen to intreat you to take that care of him which you are obliged to do I conjure you to do this by
their Masters This occasioned a great difference in Religion between the Churchmen and the Magistrates The one and the other formed a different Idea of what they call'd the Reformation or the Reformed Doctrine The Ministers meant by these Words the Opinions in Divinity explained by their great Authors and inserted into the Confessions of Faith which the first Reformers had drawn up These Servants of God meant well But they did not consider that by aiming in their Formularies of Faith and Catechisms to compile a compleat and regular Body of Divinity they inserted their own Speculations as certain and essential Truths The Magistrates and wise Laity of Holland urged that the Reformation being only a purer Worship and more free from vain Superstitions than the Church of Rome with a greater Latitude of Opinions in things not plainly revealed in the Holy Writings it could not be said the Reformation stood on what some Persons thought the most crabbed and difficult Questions of School Divinity The Ministers always warm for their Opinions and Prejudiced often cried the Magistrates wanted Zeal for the true Doctrine And these in their turn complained that the other were stubborn and inflexible and would force all the World to be of their Mind When the Churchmen fir'd with Zeal brought befor the Magistrates those who opposed the Hypothesis of Calvin and Beza about Predestination and Grace as Men who subverted the Foundations of the Reformation the more wise and discerning asked these new Inquisitors if it were impossible to be a true Reformed Christian without embracing the Opinions of St. Austin and his Disciples From the first Reformation in Holland the contrary Sentiments had always prevailed in the City of Tergow The States of Holland too had not solemnly approved the Confession of Faith received in the Belgick Churches Is not this a Proof that those wife Magistrates thought there were Articles put in this Formulary which were not absolutely necessary which ought to be expressed in a more soft manner and less offensive to those of a different Persuasion from the first Reformers This appears very probable since we read in History that the States of Holland in other respects very averse to the Convocation of a General Synod of the Seven United Provinces consented in the Year 1597. to the holding such an Assembly where the Confession of the Faith should be exactly revised and amended in a Spirit of Charity and Peace For my own part when I consider the Disputes which have caused such a fatal Division in Holland I am in pain to comprehend how Men of Sense can be perswaded that the Opinions of St. Austin concerning Predestination and Grace are essential to a Reformation of Christianity How many Holy Men were there in the Times of the greatest Purity of the Church of Rome whose Thoughts were differenâ—… from the Fathers Cannot we renounce the monstrous and ridiculous Dogm oâ—… Transubstantiation the Religious Worship of Saints and Images the Fable oâ—… Purgatory Indulgences the false Traditions of the Church of Rome the Tyranny of the Pope without believing absolute Predestination and irresistiblâ—… Grace Did all those honest Men who convinced of the Absurdity and Falsity oâ—… the Things which I mentioned embraceâ—… the Reformation think of the Hypothesâ—… of the Bishop of Hippo Were they anxious to know if it were true or false 〈◊〉 These abstract and difficult Questions only employed some Doctors who were projecting to make a compleat System of Divinity Among these who took this pains there were some who preferred the moderate Sense of the ancient Greek Fathers Calvin himself was not perswaded thaâ—… his Thoughts of Grace and Predestination were essential to Religion He took the pains to translate the Common Places oâ—… Melancthon into French whose Thoughts of these Matters were quite different from his own In his preface he gives all imaginable Praises to Melancthon Could he in Conscience have done this if he had been perswaded the Opinions of his Author undermined the Foundations of the Reformation Able Divines of the Reformed Churches have publickly maintained that â—…e Opinons of Universal Grace of the â—…ower of resisting its Operation and â—…onditional Predestination are of the numâ—…er of those Articles which every one may â—…elieve without renouncing the Principles â—…f his Religion Several learned Hollanders had highly â—…efended this Doctrine before Arminius â—…ad preach'd it at Amsterdam and taught 〈◊〉 at Leyden before Gomar rose up against â—…im These Books are still extant It is â—…ue certain warm Ministers made a stir 〈◊〉 blast those Works and ruin their Auâ—…ors But the States of Holland always â—…op'd this impetuous Zeal The Professors â—â—d an entire Liberty to teach according to â—…e Sense of Melancthon And when Arâ—…inius was called into that University â—…one were ignorant of his Opinions He â—…ad declared them in the Church of Amâ—…erdam which gave an advantageous â—…estimony of them Gomar himself and â—…vers more of the same Mind with him â—…tring into a Conference with Arminius â—…ade no Scruple to say their Differences â—â—d not concern the Grounds of Reformaâ—â—on It is true Gomar did not long live 〈◊〉 a good Understanding with Arminius his â—…ew Collegue either because his Reputaâ—â—on gave him Umbrage or the Enemies â—…f Arminius kindled his Choler by some â—…sinuation and then he vigorously oppoâ—…d a Man whom he look'd on as Orthoâ—…x but a little before The two Professors had soon their Disciples and Party The Division was so great in the University of Leyden that the Affair was brought before the Synod held at Rotterdam Gomar's Party was the strongest there The Assembly ordered that all the Pastors should subscribe the Confession of Faith and the Catechism Arminius and his Party refused to obey There are some things to be amended in both of them said they They ought to be considered in a National Synod We hope to see one meet in a little time The manner in which Questions should be treated and determined in this Synod caused new Difficulties One side required certain Conditions others rejected all In the meantime the ordinary Synods press'd Arminius and his Party to declare publickly what Exceptions they had against the Confession oâ—… Faith and the Catechism in order to have the Matter duly determined Arminius perswaded his greatest Enemieâ—… would be Judges in such an Assembly declined the Jurisdiction of a Synod as much as possibly he could Vtenbogard a Minister of great Reputation in the Hague his Friend and of the same Opinion with himself did him considerable Service with several of the chief Persons of the Government Never did Synod in its first Steps and perhaps thro' the whole Course of it more follow the Council of Trent than the Synod of Dort except that there were more able Divines at Dort than at Trent This is not in any manner surprizing almost all Councils are alike The same Interests give occasion to them and the same Passions reign in them Arminius presented a Petition to the States of
Holland and Westfriezland In this he desires that the Council of the Province might take Cognizance of his Affair His Adversaries on the contrary asserted that a Dispute which was purely Theological ought to be decided in an Assembly of Churchmen Arminius carried it Gomar and he were heard by the Magistrates These Gentlemen made their Report to the States That the Contest of the two Parties was only about certain subtil Meâ—…aphysical Questions concerning Grace and Predestination and that both Parties would do better to leave their Disputes and Animosity and support themselves mutually with Charity Gomar was not of this Mind How Preface before the Acts of the Synod of Dort The Dispute is of the last importance cryed he I would not appear before the Supreme Tribunal of God with the Sentiments of Arminius If the States do not find a speedy Remedy to the Evil which so pernicious a Doctrine is like to cause we shall soon see Altar against Altar Town against Town Province against Province All will be in Disorder and Confusion The States of Holland and Westfriezland always composed of wise and discerning Men are not so easily carried away with the Passions of Divines To give their hot heads times to cool they deferred as long as they could the holding of the ordinary Synod And when they were obliged to permit it to meet they ordered no one should speak there of the Controversies between the Arminians and the Gomarists In the mean time Arminius and his Party found themselves always prest by their warm zealous Enemies to communicate to the other Ministers their Remarks on the Confession of Faith and Catechism They threatned to proceed against them by way of Church-Censure if they persisted to refuse The States of Holland who desired to stifle this Difference if possible saw well that if Arminius published his Reasons this would only serve to make the Dispute hotter The Gomarisâ—… would have refuted them the Arminians would have replied the Synodâ—… would have Matter to make their Determinations on For this Reason the Stateâ—… ordered wisely the Arminian Ministeâ—… should send to them their Remarks in Writing and sealed to be kept till the first extraordinary Synod should meet to examin the Controversie All this did noâ—… content the Gomarists Nothing would serve but he must explain himself And now he desires again to be heard in a Meeting of the States of Holland being perswaded these Gentlement would have more Equity and Moderation than prejudiced and passionate Ministers Gomar and he appeared Arminius delivered his Thoughts on the Principal Articles of Religion and particularly on Predestination Grace the Liberty of Man's Will the certainty of Salvation and the Perseverance of the Regenerate He did not forget at the same time to shew his Adversaries Sentiments were repugnant to the Justice and Goodness of God That his System deprives Man of that Liberty which God has given him that it conduces to throw Sinners into Despair to harden 'em in Impenitence to extinguish the Love and Ardour of Prayer in Believers and makes the Preaching of the Gospel and the Remonstrances of their Pastors useless in a Word that it Subverts all Morality and Religion Arminius said nothing new in all this Several Persons and Learned Men in Gaul made the same Objections against the New Doctrine which S. Austin introduced in the West Gomar spoke next Convinced that the solid Proofs of Arminius ought to make a great Impression in the Minds of the States he thought to elude the Force of them by Reproaches which signified nothing at bottom Is it not a deplorable Thing said he that a Professor of our Vniversity should inspire into his Disciples the Opinions of the Jesuits and weaken the Proofs which our first Reformers brought to ruin the Reformation by strengthning the Arguments of the Papists against us These Declamations are only proper to move an ignorant Populace Can the Jesuits speak no Truth Calvin Beza and the rest are they Infallible Has the Reformation no solid Foundations but the Speculative Questions of Grace and Predestination The States did not give any great Attention to Gomar's Discourse His Party persuaded they should have more Advantage in an Assembly of Ministers persisted to demand that this Dispute should be decided in a Synod But the States had just reason to fear the Issue The Experience of several Ages teaches us that Councils rather increase than end Divisions The way of Conference appeared less dangerous to the States The two Professors of Leyden had order to come to the Hague This happened in 1610. Arminius took four Ministers with him and Gomar as many There in Presence of the States of Holland Arminius began to reduce the Controversie to five Principal Points which were after the five Famous Articles of the Arminians concerning Predestination the Death of Jesus Christ for all Men the necessity of Grace its Operation on us and Perseverance It was not Surprizing at the end of this Conference to see what ever happens on the like occasions The Heat was greater than before Arminius fell ill and died in a few days after His Friends and Disciples maintained what he had advanced They boldly preached their Thoughts and refuted the Gomarists with great Vigour and Courage Afterwards they United themselves more strictly and then they concerted a Remonstrance to present in a Body to the States of Holland they laid down their Sentiments and the Gomarists on the five Articles After this they most Humbly begg'd the Protection of the States against all Sentences with which the Synods would blast the Persons and Doctrines of the Arminians Since this Remonstrance they had the Name of Remonstrants given them Vorstius is chosen to succeed Arminius In the mean time it was necessary to Elect a Successor to Arminius in the Divinity Chair at Leyden Vorstius Professor and Minister at Steinfurt was chosen by the Interest of the Remonstrants This did them a great deal of Mischief Vorstius was suspected of Socinianism and not without some Ground He had published a Book in which he speaks of the Divine Nature in a very Absurd and Gross manner From that time the Gomarists charged their Adversaries with secretly favouring the Impious Doctrines of Socinus Their Complaints did not appear ill grounded to a great many Persons They procured such Disadvantagious Accounts of Vorstius that he was not permitted to enter upon the Functions of his Employment though he was called to it in a Legal manner and brought good Certificates with him In the year 1611. there was a more famous Conference at the Hague than before in the Presence of the States of Holland These Gentlemen had a mind to pacifie the Troubles without lying under a necessity of calling an Extraordinary Synod But Divines are not so easily stopt when their Heads are once hot There were six Gomarist Ministers on one side and six Remonstrants on the other The Learned Episcopius was one of these He has wondrously well
defended the Cause of his Party but has done it a great Injury too Though he do's not think as Socinus do's of the Trinity the Incarnation the Nature and Operations of God yet he maintains that the Socinian Doctrine is tolerable and not contrary to the Fundamental Articles of Christianity The Arminians of Holland embraced the same Sentiment which makes it to be believed that Arminianism and Socinianism are near a kin Yet these two things are very different It is common in the Church of England to find Learned Divines who think in the same manner as Arminius did on the five Articles and yet vigorously Defend the Decisions of the four first General Councils James King of England opposes the Election of Vorstius I will not speak of this Conference at the Hague This was as Fruitless as the preceding ones Vorstius appeared here He made a Harangue to the States to justifie himself against the Errors imputed to him These Gentlemen were well satisfied They demanded next of the Ministers of both Parties if they had any thing to say against Vorstius The Remonstrants declared they thought him Orthodox But the others alledg'd so much against him and intervened with so great Opposition that he continued still without doing any thing tho' the States were well affected to him Mercure Francois 1611. The Opposition of James I. King of Great Britain made the greatest Noise in Europe Vorstius's Books were brought to the King when he was taking the Diversion of Hunting in the Country King James run over these in less than an Hours time He saw such Shoals of Heresies with one cast of his Eye he immediately sent an Extract to his Ambassador to the States-General with an express Order to declare to them from him that if they suffered such a dangerous Man at Leyden his Majesty would publish a Manifesto to shew the World his Aversion against the Authors of these Heresies and those who allow them to be taught in their Universities The Ambassador punctually executed his Master's Orders The States-General were a little surprized to see the King concern himself in an Affair that was purely Domestick The Zeal which a King shews for the preserving the Purity of the Faith is not to be blamed He do's well to extend it beyond his Kingdom But however there are Measures to be kept towards his Allies and Neighbours His Britannick Majesty's Threat was very high and brisk The States-General gave their Answer some days after to the Ambassador If Vorstius said they with great Discretion and Respect be guilty of the Errors he is accused of we will not suffer him to teach in Holland The High Esteem we have of the King of Great Britain's Goodness and Wisdom gives us grounds to hope that his Majesty will be satisfied with our Conduct when he shall be better informed of this Matter and the Vprightness of our Intentions In the mean time James burnt the Books of Vorstius at London Oxford and Cambridge The Reply of the States-General did not satisfie him He wrote a long Letter exhorting them to Banish Vorstius out of their Provinces Arminius was treated in this as an Enemy of God and for Vorstius his Majesty looked upon him as a downright Atheist He concluded his Letter with threatning the States to separate from the Communion of their Churches if they suffered so abominable a Man as Vorstius amongst them He was at Leyden before this Letter of King James came The English Ambassador made a long Remonstrance when he delivered it to the States-General He gave them the Propositions which his Majesty had extracted out of Vorstius's Books and exhorted them to shew no less Zeal and Courage to preserve the Purity of the Faith against so pernicious an Heretick than they had done in the Defence of their Liberty against the Spaniards The States-General did not know what to think of the Letter nor the Harangue They answered the Ambassador that the Matter in Question only regarded the particular States of Holland who were Sovereigns in their own Province That Vorstius was only at Leyden as a simple Inhabitant in the Town and waited till he should justifie himself in the next Meeting of the States of Holland For the rest said they we humbly thank his Majesty for his Concern for the good of these Provinces and the preserving the Purity of the Gospel in our Churches The States of Holland were not to meet till three or four Months after This made the English Embassador look upon this Delay as a Civil Denial And now there was a New Remonstrance from the King his Master to the States-General This bad a Text after the manner of Sermons The Ambassador began with that place of the Gospel which orders Brotherly Correction and will have those brought before the Church who will not hearken to it He complained of their want of Respect to the King in receiving Vorstius not only in their Country but in a Famous University The States-General were threatned a second time with a Manifesto from his Britannick Majesty These Gentlemen kept their Flegm They answered the King should have Satisfaction in the next Meeting of the States of Holland This was to be in the Month of February the following year In the mean time the King of England saw his Zeal against Vorstius was not so favourably Interpreted The King of England's Apology for his Conduct in the Business of Vorstius as he hoped for Ill-natured Wits Censured him for making Ostentation of his Learning and Divinity Others imputed this to his Ambition and thought it an Usurpation on the Liberty of the Provinces for him to concern himself in Matters which Sovereigns are not obliged to give their Neighbours an Account of The King of Sweden this year sent a Challenge to the King of Denmark to fight a Duel with him A thing not seen since Francis the I and Charles V. James I. like another sort of Fighting better To justifie himself from the Sinister Interpretations put on his Conduct he took his Pen in Hand and printed his Apology In this the King gave an account to the Publick of what had passed between the States-General and him His Majesty farther protested he had no other design than to oppose the Rise of a Heresie to give the States-General a new Mark of his Kindness and to hinder the young Hollanders and the English themselves who should go to Study at Leyden from being infected with the Pernicious Opinions Vorstius should spread there The King's Apology had the same Fate with all Personal Quarrels Every one believed as he pleased The Revolution in Sweden after the Death of Gustavus Ericson Let us conclude this year with the Death of Charles the IX King of Sweden and speak something of his Elevation to the Throne He was the youngest Son of Gustavus Ericson so Famous in History for having delivered his Country from the Oppression of the Danes for having by his Great Services Merited the
Religion They abolished the Liturgy and Ceremonies introduced by the late King and reassumed those of the Protestants of the Ausburgh Confession They elected an Archbishop who was well affected and deprived those of the Clergy who had devoted themselves to serve the late King in his Innovations The Swedes and the Goths only assisted aâ—… this Assembly The other Provinces weâ—â— afraid of displeasing King Sigismond iâ—… they engaged without his Consent Thâ—… Decrees of the Council were confirmed by the Duke of Sudermannia by the Senate the Clergy the Nobility the Ministers of State and the Burgo-Masterâ—… who were present Those who were noâ—… there subscribed after Sigismond and his Uncle Charles observed each other The Nephew's Distrust was encreased by Charles his demanding that before he left Sweden his Majesty would give him a Promise under his Hand that he would confirm the Liberties and Priviledges of the States of the Kingdom and suffer them to enjoy the same Freedom of Religion they had done under the Reign of Gustavus Ericson and in the beginning of the late King 's The Duke of Sudermannia farther represented to the King that the ill Condition of his Country would not admit him to carry much People away with him These Instructions and Demands increased Sigismond's Jealousie He thought his Uncle plainly discovered he had vast Designs Sigismond was resolved not to heed the Duke's Remonstrances And now Charles had greater Hopes than ever to embarass the new King when he saw the Poles gave Sigismond leave to go into his Hereditary Country under Condition to keep his ancient Oath not to abandon Poland as Henry III. King of France had done â—…nd that his Majesty should return when he â—…ad setled his Affairs in Sweden and have â—…is usual Residence amongst them The Swedes were disatisfied the new King had plainly declared the Decrees â—…ade at Vpsal in his Absence and without â—…is Consent to be null However they reâ—…eived him with great Marks of Joy â—…nd Affection Duke Charles withdrew â—â—fter he had made his Compliments to his Majesty He thought it proper to leave â—…im alone with the Council of his Kingâ—…om The Pope's Nuncio who was with â—…igismond much disquieted the Swedes â—…t was visible the new King hearkened to â—…he Councils of the Court of Rome He â—…roke the Regulations made at Vpsal and commanded another Archbishop to be chosen He who was raised to that Digâ—…ity was in his Opinion an Enemy to the late King Afterwards he demanded a Church in every great Town for the Roman Catholicks The States of the Kingdom and the Clergy vigorously opposed his Enterprize being assured of the Protection of the Duke of Sudermannia The time of the Coronation approaching the Senators demanded in the Name of the States of Sweden that the King should first promise under his Hand-writing not to hinder the Exercise of the Protestant Religion Sigismond replied only in general Terms that he would give his Subjects satisfaction after his Coronation All these Difficulties retarded the Ceremony The Quarrel between King Sigismond and Charles Duke of Sudermannia Men cover Liberty and Independence only for themselves Very far from procuring it for others they strive by all ways possible to enslave the rest of the World The Polish Nobility so Jealous of their Privileges and Liberty but accustomed to keep other People in Slavery incessantly cried to their King Sigismond that an Hereditary State is Governed otherwise than an Elective Kingdom That in Poland he was subject to the Laws but in Sweden he was above them These Maxims easily insinuate themselves into the Mind of a Prince Sigismond displeased to see himself dependant on the Senat of Poland was better satisfied with being Absolute in Sweden He Rejected the Petitions presented to him The Duke of Sudermannia stood Neuter in the beginning of the Dispute He advised the King to have regard to the just Requests of his Subjects but he was not very uneasie to find a Difference arise between them by his Denials and Delays The States secure of Charles Assistance abated nothing of their Pretensions The stubbornness of the King strangely incensed them and the Sermons of some zealous Preachers of the Protestant Religion warmed the most cold â—…nd indifferent They talked of offering â—…he Crown to the Duke and giving it to Prince John in case he would not accept â—…t Being persuaded it was not yet time â—…o hear a Proposition of this kind he conâ—…ented himself with going to wait upon â—…he King at Vpsal and strongly backing â—…he Pretensions of the States The Neâ—…hew and the Uncle so heated each other â—…hey were upon the point of Fighting They were parted and as soon reconcil'd â—…o prevent any Confusion and Disorder in â—…he Kingdom These Accidents conâ—…irm'd the States the more in the Resoâ—…ution they took to make the King Exâ—…lain himself before they would proceed â—…o his Coronation The Popes Nuncio and such of the Poâ—…ish Nation as then attended at Sigismond's Court now perceived clearly that in Pruâ—…ence he ought not to stand it out any â—…onger but must yield to the present Exgency of Affairs They told him withal That he was not bound to keep a Promise exâ—…orted from him by Violence Now Sigismond promises 'em any thing they 'd have He reserved only that he might have the â—…ree Exercise of the Popish Religion for himself within the private Walls of the Castle where he should make his Residence But he from that very time took a Resolution of destroying his Uncle The Plot of Murdering him at a Play having miscarried they undertook to drive at him with all the Vigour and open Violence that was possible Immediate Orders were given to the Polish Army to march toward Stockholm This made the States of that Kingdom begin to think of their own Security They Summoned the Inhabitants of the Highlands to come down to their Assistance In the mean time during all this bustle the King took no care of the Government nor of securing the quiet of the Kingdom When any Proposal was made to him by the States he likewise would make a demand of some other thing at their Hands The Polanders were still at him to return home and to come to no Conclusion with the Swedes They flattered themselves that the wider the Breaches and Divisions grew in Swedeland the easier it would be to reduce it So that Sigismond in fine following their Advice took thipping for Dantzick He left Orders how he would have the Kingdom Governed in his Absence but neither the Duke of Sudermannia nor the States would submit to any of them as judging the Persons imploy'd therein to be averse to the Treaty concluded at Vpsal before the King's Coronation The States of Swedeland commits the Government of the Kingdom during the King's Absence to the Duke of Sudermannia Soon after his Departure the States of Swedeland pray'd Charles of Sudermannia to take upon him the Government The Duke desired to be excused yet
as you have already done to the Resentments of the Princes of the Blood The Duke of Epernon was yet more necessary to the Queen upon this occasion he was gone from Court much discontented but he was gently dealt with during his Absence as soon as he came back to Court they made him all imaginable Caresses The Prince of Conti the Duke de Guise and the House of Lorrain the Duke de Nevers all the Courtiers except the Creatures of the Prince of Conde and Count Soissons paid him extraordinary Honours The Chancellor Villeroy and Conchini shewed him as much respect and deference as he could possibly wish from them T' was the surest way to engage this proud and haughty Man by letting him gain to himself a point of Honour of being Victorious over the Princes of the Blood and opposing them vigorously when ever they should undertake to break the Treaty of the double Match The Ambassador of England complain'd aloud of this Alliance but t' was hop'd they could appease his Master by sending to him the Mareschal de Bouillon Aersens Ambassador from the Vnited Provinces made a great Noise he moved Heaven and Earth to hinder this Affair the Consequences of which appeared to be dreadful to his Republick Refuge was order'd to go to the Hague to secure the Amity of Prince Maurice and the States-General Lastly Schomberg was sent to the Protestant Princes in Germany in order to dissipate the jealousies which this Alliance might give them The Double Marriage is in fine carryed in Council The Prince of Conde and the Count de Soissons being come back to Court about the beginning of the year 1612. all Persons were brought about to consent to the double Match whensoever it should be proposed in Council but the two Princes were not yet satisfied Siri Memorie recondite To. II. pag. 618. 619 ctc. The same day they were call'd to Council Conde first demanded that every one might declare his Opinion according to his degree Chancellor Sileri spoke much in praise of the Queen's Administration of Affairs and laid open the great benefit which would accrue to the State from this double Match The Duke de Guise set forth the Eloquence which was natural to his Family There 's no need said he of Deliberation upon so Advantageous a Proposition we ought only to thank God that her Majesty hath happily brought about the Noble design which Heaven had inspired into her The Constable Montmorency with the Dukes of Nevers and Epernon extreamly approved of what was said The Mareschal Bouillon and Lesdiguieres said only this that they ought to take care the New Treaty with the Spaniards might not be prejudicial to the ancient Alliances of the Crown with other Sovereigns At last came the Prince of Conde's turn to speak but he was so startled with the Duke of Guise's positive way of delivering himself as that he was quite dasht out of Countenance and after an indifferent manner said that since this was an Affair resolved upon it was needless to ask our Opinion It was believ'd that the two Princes came with a design to oppose the Treaty The words which the Count de Soissons let fall confirm'd Persons in this Opinion You see Sir said he turning himself to the Prince of Conde that we are dealt with here as Fools and Serving-men The Queen vext at this Reproach would have spoke but the Chancellor cunningly turn'd her by from it by proposing some other matter to discourse upon and so it was concluded that the double Match should be publisht the 25th day of March following and the New Duke of Mayenne was design'd for an extraordinary Embassy to Spain to demand the Infanta with the usual Ceremonies The Prince of Conde and Count Soissons shewed a great weakness upon this occasion their Consciences would not suffer them to approve the thing and either fear or hope hinder'd them from speaking as they ought to have done Sir then said the Constable to his Son-in-Law the Prince of Conde you neither know how to Fight with Courage or yield with Prudence The Popes Nuncio's Complaint of the Edict of Parliament given in favour of the Vniversity against the Jesuits The Queen Regent found her self otherwise troubled upon the occasion of an Edict which the Parliament had made upon the Contest of the University of Paris with the Jesuits for the opening of their College of Clermont The good Fathers flatter'd themselves that the chief President de Verdun would be as favourable to them as his Predecessor had been to the contrary but they were deceived in their Hopes whether it was that this Magistrate affected to appear Zealous for the Liberties of the Gallican Church or that the Remonstrances of Dr. Richer Syndick of the faculty of Paris Siri Memorie recondite To. II. pag. 624 625 c. or the pleadings of the Advocate General Servin had convinc'd the chief President that if once the Society should set footing in the University of Paris it would Establish there its pernicious Doctrine or Lastly whether it was that Verdun did not love so much the Jesuits at the bottom of his Heart as other Magistrates had done before he pronounc'd the Edict he put on so gay and content a Countenance as the good Fathers believ'd they had gain'd their Cause But what was their Mortification when they understood that t' was ordered them forthwith to Sign a Conformity to the Doctrine of the Sorbonne Schools and even in what concerned the preservation of the sacred Persons of Kings the maintaining their Royal Authority and the Liberties of the Gallican Church according as it was mentioned in the four Articles which had been proposed to them and were recited in express words in the Edict From hence was the Society brought to great Extremity They must Subscribe a Doctrine detested by the Court of Rome or must be exposed a second time to leave the Kingdom The Curates of Paris had now bound themselves to present joyntly a Petition to the Parliament that they should be hinder'd from hearing of Confession The University put up another Petition that the Jesuits might be enjoyn'd to shut up their Colleges in all the Towns of the Parlement of Paris's Jurisdiction where they have taught without allowing their Letters Patent which the late King had granted them to be made good in Parlement Now the good Fathers had no other Remedy but to make use of the Nuncio's Intercession and cause the Cardinals and Prelates devoted to the Court of Rome to act for them Vbaldini the Popes Nuncio was very forward to bestir himself in favour of them he was no less alarm'd than the Jesuits The chief President brag'd that he would make the four Articles proposed to the Jesuits be made Solemnly received in the faculty of Paris and whatever the Advocate-General maintain'd in his Pleading The Nuncio in his first Audience he had of the Queen greatly complain'd against the New Edict and Servin
His Discourse ended in earnest Prayers to her Majesty for this speedy prevention of the Mischief which this forward undertaking of the Parlement was making said he against Religion Mary de Medicis gave the Nuncio good words But it was not sufficient to have Circumvented a Woman not so clear-sighted Superstitious to the utmost degree and absolutely depending upon the Pope for the Ministers of State and the principal Men in Parlement were to be brought over The Queen was not in a capacity to do any thing without them upon this occasion The Nuncio sent first his Auditor to the Ministers of State 's Houses There he made a great noise Is it then come to this pass saith this Italian that the Kings Advocates General believe they have right to propose in Parlements Questions which respect the administration of Sacraments Doth this Assembly pretend to be the Sovereign Judges of them If the Edict which it hath set forth did only oblige the Jesuits to follow the Doctrine received in ev'ry Church or at least what the Prelats of the Gallican Church profess to believe the Matter might have been born withal but when a Parlement shall constrain them to conform to what is not taught but in so small a Corporation as Sorbonne the Pope must needs condemn so unsufferarable a procedure Then the Auditor insisted from the Nuncio that the Kings Privy Council might make void the Edict of Parlement or at least Suspend the Execution of it The Nuncio's Railing against the Advocate General Servin Then the Master on his part bawl'd and ask'd if the Sorbonne pretended to make a Schism in the Church by the Adoption of a Doctrine which was contrary to any received in all other Universities If this continue saith he the Pope will be obliged to call a National Council in France in order to have the Sorbonne Doctrine Condemned there as Rash False and Erroneous In the mean time his Holiness shall proceed by way of Ecclesiastical Censure against those Doctors who shall subscribe the Articles which the Parlement proposes to the Jesuits As for Servin added this Italian Minister all the World knows how he is a downright Hugonot and a Pentioner to the King of England His Office ought to be taken from him or he for the future be prohibited to speak any thing that concerns Religion the Pope the Court of Rome and the Immunities of the Church This Man infects the young Lawyers with his evil Sentiments he strives to serve the Hugonot Party by breaking the good intelligence betwixt the Court of France and the Holy Chair and by sowing Jealousie and Distrust betwixt the Pope and the most Christian King The Nuncio maintain'd further that the Clergy of France ought to Excommunicate the Advocate General If Humane respect he added stop the Bishops from doing this the Pope himself shall proceed against a Man who meddles with making of New Articles of Faith and Condemns for Heresie Doctrines conformable to the Truth which the Catholick Church teacheth Paul the 5th could he have dared to undertake the Excommunication of the principal Magistrates of France for having stood up for the Interests of the King and State Would to God this bold Pope had undertaken it One might have seen then how the Gallican Church would have defended this great Article of its Liberties viz. That a Magistrate cannot be Excommunicated for any thing that regards the exercise of his Office I question whether Paul the 5th could have got rid of this Affair as well as of his Interdiction fulminated against the Republick of Venice The Nuncio complain'd chiefly of the Article touching the Seal of Confession as it refers to ill Attempts upon the Persons of Kings and the State he spoke of this as if 't was nothing less than Impiety and Sacrilege This Doctrine said he is against the Security of the Persons of Princes This is Surprizing for the Parlement intended to do the King good Service in Establishing that the Confessor is obliged to Reveal what he knows of ill Attempts upon the Person of the Prince and State Observe here how the Popes Minister argued Should this be received he continued Those who conceive such black Designs will never come to Confession a Priest will be no longer able to disswade his Penitent from the execution of his wicked Enterprize When such sorts of Practices are made known by way of Confession it s permitted to give the Prince or Magistrate notice of them in general Terms without Naming or describing the Persons but to use such a way of dissuasion Discourageth Men from Confession of the Crime they intend and deprives their Confessors of the means to do this good Service for the Publick What Vbaldini said against the Article touching the Popes Superiority over the Council was more Malitious and more capable to affright the Queen Regent The same Arguments said he aloud which the Sorbonne use to establish this Doctrine prove likewise that the States General of the Kingdom are above the King The Hugonots or at least the troublesom Catholicks will be able to appeal to a future Council from the Sentence of Divorce which Clement VIII hath pronounced betwixt the Deceased King and Queen Margaret The Birth of the King is not certain according to these Principles and that Man is in the Right who provides against the Queen's Regency This is that which Servin aims at He 's a declared Enemy to the Queen and her Council This great bustle rais'd through the Nuncio's means was the reason why Mary de Medicis and her Ministers resolved to appease the Italian But the Grandees and Ministers of State could not well agree amongst themselves about the Expedients which ought to be taken The Grandees were for the Queen 's Suspending the Execution of the Parlement's Edict for the calling of this Affair to her Counsel and that the Advocate General should receive a sound Reprimand and be advised never to engage the Queen again to such Difficulties The Ministers of State were not of the Grandees mind They were afraid least this high dealing should provoke the Parlement Prudence required they should handle this Matter much more discreetly in a time of the King's Minority than at any other time T' was found at last more convenient to hinder the Sorbonne with soft words from explaining themselves upon the four Articles and to engage the Parlement it self to Limit the Edict and not to receive any more New Petitions against the Jesuits The Nuncio's tampering with the Members of Parliament to get this Sentence Mitigated Conchini was ordered to speak to the Presidents of Parlement from the Queen and inform them that her Majesty wisht their Edict were Limited The Chancellor Sileri and Villeroy were further employ'd for the obtaining the same from the Magistrates This Resolution did not at all please the Nuncio He sees himself sent back to the Parlement to Limit an Edict by a Negotiation with them which might not be to
Dr. Duval at the Head of his Party promis'd to answer in case the Parlement press't them to it that the Faculty could do nothing without the Bishops or without an express Order from the Queen that the Articles in question had not only a Reference to Religion but to State Affairs also In the mean time the Jesuits were at a stand they long'd to open their College of Clermont To obtain this Permission The Jesuits puzl'd how they could content the Court of Rome and the Parlement at the same time they were to follow the Advice which the President Seguier their good Friend and some others gave to the Society which was to content the Parlement by a Promise to conform to the Doctrine generally received in the University of Paris But this exposed them too to the Indignation of the Holy Father and Court of Rome The Cardinal Perron the Bishop of Paris and many other Prelates Counsell'd them not to content the Parlement so far Vbaldini entreated them from it being persuaded that the Honour of the Holy Chair was concern'd in this Affair After great Consults the Provincial accompanied by five other Jesuits goes without giving notice to the Nuncio or Cardinals to make a Declaration in Writing before the Register of Parlement like to that which the Provincial had made in Parlement vivâ voce The good Fathers believed they should easily Extricate themselves in this Affair with the Court of Rome when the thing was done and should escape with only a chiding from the Nuncio and their General who would not be sorry for it at the bottom of his Heart As soon as the Nuncio had understood what the Jesuits had done he was in a furious Passion Father Coton was order'd to wait on him to Appease him The oily Tongu'd Jesuit represented to him to little purpose that his Provincial did not think to do any Mischief in signing what he had already said viz. That the Rules of the Society required it should conform to the Sentiments of the Universities where it had Colleges that their good Friends counsell'd them to prevent the Troubles which the Parlement would not fail to give them if the Society should obstinately refuse to obey the Edict Lastly that they had believ'd the Pope to have Reasons why he did not give them expresly Permission to submit to a Law which the Parlement would impose upon them but that they hop'd the Pope would not take it ill from them likewise to have contented the Parlement without the knowledge of the Court of Rome The Nuncio was not paid with these Reasons Doth it belong to you said he to Coton to guess the Intentions of his Holiness You should have consulted his Minister who knows them better than any one else And since you ought to conform to the Sentiments of Vniversities why have you not tarried till the Sorbonne explain'd clearly what it believes In stead of consulting your President Seguier and the Lawyers it might have been more expedient to have taken mine and the Prelates their Advice who have good Intentions and have expected Orders from your Father General Coton had nothing to reply but the business was over The Nuncio likewise could not further complain to the Queen of the violence the Parlement had done the Jesuits for one might have answer'd him that the good Fathers went of their own accord without any new Summons to promise to conform to the Sentiments of the University and Intentions of the Parlement As Equivocations Silence keeping and Mental Reservation are always the Society's great help the Jesuits of Paris made wonderful use of them in the Letters they wrote to the Pope and Cardinal Borghese his Nephew Can any one forbear laughing and see Coton speaking down right to his Holiness that by the Liberties of the Gallican Church they understood nothing but the Concordate made betwixt Leo X. and Francis I. A Book of Doctor Richer Sindic of the Doctors of Paris occasions there a great stir Vbaldini bestirr'd himself yet farther with the Clergy and Sorbonne to ruine Richer Doctor and Syndic of the Faculty at Paris At the beginning of the year two Books were put out one of which brought great trouble to the Author tho' his Name was not put to it The first was but a Collection of some Decrees of the Faculty at Paris upon the Authority of the Pope T' was intended to prove herein that the ancient Doctrine of Sorbonne is That Jesus Christ hath instituted an Aristocratical Government in his Church And because the Court of Rome accuseth all those of Huguenotism who oppose it's Usurpations the Author of this Collection was willing to prevent this Reproach against the Faculty in joyning to his Collection the Sorbonne Decrees against Luther and du Plessis Mornai The second Book unfolds the Hypothesis of the Aristocratical Government of the Church The Title of the Book is Of Ecclesiastical and Politick Power The Author pretended that Spiritual Jurisdiction belongs properly to the Church and that the Pope and Bishops are but the Instruments and Ministers whom she makes use of to exercise this Jurisdiction that Jesus Christ is the Essential Head of the Church of which the Pope is only Head Ministerial as they term it and that the Authority of the Pope extends only to particular Churches where he is to see that the Decrees and Canons publish't in General Councils be observ'd that the Church ought not to be govern'd by one Absolute Monarch but by the Canons that Infallibility is given to the Church in general that is to say to the Body of the chief Pastors every particular Bishop and Pope likewise being subject to Error that the frequent calling of General Councils is necessary that the Decrees of the Pope oblige no further than they are Conformable to the Canons Lastly that the Pope cannot impose any Obligation upon the Church against her will and without her consent to it As to politick Power the Author maintains that Jesus Christ hath given no Temporal Jurisdiction to the Church and that she hath not any power to use the Sword or Constraint that Censures and Excommunications are the Spiritual Arms of the Church and that they could not heretofore be employ'd without the Counsel of the Assembly which they call'd Presbyters that the King is the Defender and Protector of the Natural Divine and Canonical Law and that in this Quality he hath right to make Laws and use the Sword to maintain what God and the Councils have ordain'd that Christian Emperors have by Right call'd the first General Council That Appeals as Appeals from Abuse or Error are lawful and that Sovereigns ought to receive them in quality of being Protectors of the Canons that the Church hath an indirect Power over Temporal Matters by way of Persuasion and Excommunication but not by way of Constraint and Deposition of Sovereigns that the Decrees of Popes wherein Sovereigns who don 't Exterminate Hereticks are Excommunicated have no
more Authority than the Decrees of Boniface VIII and other Constitutions of Ambitious and Usurping Popes that the Examples of Emperors and Princes Excommunicated and Deposed by Popes are facts which can't prove a Right lawfully acquired And so this Work ended in submitting all these Propositions to the Judgment of the Church Richer's Testament at the end of the 2d Vol. of his Works Edmund Richer had composed this Book at the Entreaty of the chief President Verdun He put it into the Press after the Sentence made betwixt the University of Paris and the Jesuits As soon as this Book appear'd Duval and other Doctors of the Popes Faction excited by the Nuncio made a fearful noise they got at first too strong and numerous a Cabal for having the Work to be censur'd at Sorbonne Vbaldini's Auditor and Forgemont Mercure Francois 1612. went from Door to Door to Sollicite the Censure When the Parlement had cognisance of it they sent for Richer and Forgemont The first was Reprimanded for that he had publish't his Book without permission and any Precedent Examination according to the Statutes The other Doctor was much blam'd because he was in League with a Foreigner to procure by extraordinary ways an Assembly of the faculty at Paris which was to Deliberate upon a Work where the Author treated of many Important Questions touching the Rights and Liberties of the Gallican Church The Parlement put forth another Act to prohibit the Faculty from proceeding to the Examination of Richer's Book and to order that all the Copies should be carried to the Registry of Parlement The most Prudent and most Apprehensive Doctors declared themselves for Richer but Duval and some hot Spirited Men penn'd bloody Books against him The Cardinal Perron and the Bishops of the Province of Sens condemn Richer's Book in an Assembly The outcry was so furious as they threatned him with nothing less than Transportation to Rome and sending of him to the Inquisition to be burn't there afterwards The greatest and most dangerous Enemy of Richer was Cardinal Perron push't on by the Cardinal Gonzaga and the Nuncio Vbaldini Perron had the Malice to say in the Queen's Council that he had been a long time heretofore in the party of the League that he did not set the Council above the Pope but because he supposed that the States General are above Kings Lastly that he had it in his Eye to fling at the birth of the King and his State with the Children of Henry IV. and the Validity of the Marriage of the late King with the Queen Mother Richer ask't leave to defend himself against the Calumnies of the Cardinal but the Nuncio made so great a noise on his side as so just a Request could not be granted him Vbaldini even threatned to depart presently from Paris without taking his leave of the King The Cardinal de Bonzi declar'd one day to Richer from the Chancellor Sileri that he should be taken into Custody if he answer'd any of the Libels which his Adversaries publish't against him How said Bonzi The King and Queen his Mother know how to deal with the little Republick of Geneva And why will you say can't their Majesties as well keep the Pope in awe who is otherwise more powerful than the Seignory of Geneva Besides that his Spiritual Dominion extends over all the World he is Sovereign of many Provinces in Italy T' was thus that the Grandees imagined their Elevation gave them right to pay others with most extravagant Answers The Enemies of Richer seeing there was nothing to do in the Sorbonne by reason of the Parlement they sought some other Means to stain the Reputation of this good Man Cardinal du Perron was to hold an Assembly at Paris consisting of the Bishops of the Province of Sens of which he 's the Metropolitan for to depute at a General Assembly of the Clergy to be held in the Month of May and to Nominate an Agent of the Clergy An occasion was taken to present Richer's Book to this sort of Provincial Council The President fail'd not to have it condemn'd there as containing many false Propositions Erroneous Scandalous Schismatical and Heretical without touching however said they the Rights of the King and Crown of France or the Rights Immunities and Liberties of the Gallican Church Never was there a more Irregular Censure than this The Prelates had not power to Assemble but upon some certain Temporal Affairs of the Clergy of their Province The pretended Cardinal's Council was not therefore call'd according to the rightful Form Of eight Bishops who compos'd it five Signed the Condemnation without having been present at the Examination of the Book One might have been surpriz'd to find there the Name of Gabriel de l'Aubespine Bishop of Orleans well known by his Books wherein he endeavours to clear some curious Passages of Ecclesiastical Antiquity if one did not otherwise know that this Prelate was a Courtier who led a Disorderly Life The Bishop of Orleans they were won't to say in those days is writing for the Church when he hath no more Money to game withal The Parlement having taken in hand the Affair of Richer's Book the Bishops of the Province of Sens could not pronounce upon it without encroaching upon the King and Parlement's Authority They ought to send for the Author and hear his Defence At last the Cardinals condemn'd and absolv'd at the same time All the Propositions pretended to be erroneous and heretical in Richer's Book respected the Rights of the King and Liberties of the Gallican Church and this was the reason why the Fathers of the Council would not meddle 'T was expected from their Knowledge and Equity that they would have declared to the Publick Richer's Heresies which have no Relation to the Rights of the Crown and Privileges of the Gallican Church Gondi Bishop of Paris having caused to be publish't in all his Parishes the Decree of the Council where he was present Richer appealed as from an Abuse He presented a Relief of Appeal to be Sealed but they refused him the Letters he askt for without any regard to the good Reasons he alledg'd in offering to justifie himself The Cabal was so strong as the Parlement dared not receive the Petition which Richer had presented to demand from the Court that they would be pleased to order his Letters of Relief should be Sealed Perron was too subtile to suffer that the Decree of his Provincial Council should be examin'd in Parlement The Advocate General would not have fail'd to prove to the Cardinal that t' was himself who was downright ignorant or at least a Malicious Accuser and Cowardly Flatterer of the Pope Recher is devested of his Sindic or Headship of the Doctors of the faculty of Paris Injustice was push't to the utmost against poor Richer Some Months after Harlai de Chanvalon Abbot of St. Victor at Paris a Man who according to the Nature of his Family declared for
Guises and Eperâ—…on and who pretended to drive away â—…rom Court the Ministers of State Conchini had a mind especially to do this good â—…urn for the Chancellor He was busied â—…o obtain for Dole his Creature and his â—â—timate Friend the Office of Attorney General at the Parlement of Paris vaâ—â—ant by the Death of De la Guesle but â—…ileri had procured it for Belieure Allied â—…o the Chancellor's House To revenge â—…imself of this Affront Conchini took a â—…esolution to get the Seals taken away from Sileri and to cause them to be given to Dole The Duke of Mayenne is sent to Spain to make a demand of the Infanta in the King's Name In the mean time the Affair of the double Marriage was to be made an end of and Dispatches given to the Duke of Mayenne which were necessary for to demand the Infanta Ann in the King's Name The Presence and express consent of all the Princes of the Blood were of the greatest importance upon this occasion The Ministers of State employ'd divers Persons to Negotiate the return of the Prince of Conde and Count Soissons But the Uncle and Nephew would not hearken to the Ministers whom they had undertaken to ruine Memoires de la Regence de Marie de medicis The Marquess d'Ancre who had need of the Princes for his own ends willingly took upon him the Office of going to invite both of them to come to Court All considerations were promis't which were due to their Birth Soissons suffer'd himself to be Lured by the hopes of being Governor of Quilleboeuf in Normandy After this it was noâ—… hard to persuade Conde The two Princes at first went to Paris accompanied with 500 Horsemen The Regent seem'd to be afraid of this but she recovered her Spirits They came in few days after to Fontainbleau where the Courâ—… pass't away the Spring The Count de Soissons Friends counsell'd him to refuse his consent to the double Marriage till he was more assured oâ—… what he was to hope for and hinder thâ—… Prince of Conde from giving his but the Mareschal Lesdiguieres always deceived by the hopes of having made good in Parlement his Brief to be made Duke and Peer though the Court had amus'd him for more than Six Months Lesdiguieres I say persuaded the Count of Soissons to do what the Regent would have him do The double Match having been then proposed in Council with the Envoy of the Duke of Mayenne and de Puisieux Secretary of State and Son to the Chancellor the Business came to a conclusion without any one's opposing of it Moreover the Procuration and Instruuctions prepared for the Duke of Mayenne were read who immediately set out on his Journey with Puiseux The Duke de Pastrana came on his side into France to demand from the King and Prince of Spain Madam Elizabeth the Eldest Daughter of France Matthias King of Hungary and of Bohemia is chosen Emperor after the Death of Rodolphus the Second The year 1612 was stiled the year of Magnificences by reason of the Festivals and Shews set up in France Spain and Naples for the Publication of the double Marriage betwixt the two Crowns and in Germany at the Election of Matthias King of Hungary and Bohemia who was Proclaim'd and Crown'd Emperor at Francfort Rodolph the Second his Brother died at Prague in the beginning of this year of a Distemper in his Legs T' was in the 60th year of his Age and 23d of his Reign A Prince whom one might judge would Govern well if he never had arrived to the Sovereign power Mercure Francois 1611. After his Death the Duke of Neubourg contended for the Vicegerency of the Empire with the Duke de Deux-Ponts as he had already contested the Administration of the â—…alatinate and the Tutelage of the young Elector The two Dukes sent their Letters Patents into the Provinces of the Vicariat Palatine as the Elector of Saxony had sent into his Vicariat for to Exhort all the People to remain Peaceable and seek for Redress before the Vicegerent of the Empire in all Affairs which are needful till the approaching Election But the Duke de Deux-Ponts having been received as Administrator at the Diet at Neuremberg the preceding year it was a great step to promote his interest He was present in the same Quality at the Election of the New Emperor and there gave his Vote The Elector of Mentz according to the right which the Golden Bull gives him had convok't a Diet at Francfort to be on the 24th of May. Ferdinand of Bavaria New Elector of Cologne since the Death of Ernest his Kinsman arriv'd in the Month of February whom he Succeeded in full Right in Quality of Coadjutor nominated The Archbishop of Treves and John George Duke of Saxony render'd themselves there John Sigismond Marquess of Brandenburg sent thither his Embassador to stand in his place Matthias came the last as King of Bohemia accompanied with the Queen his Spouse and follow'd by 3000 Persons He had ask't leave of the Electoral College to have with him a great number of Men which the Golden Bull does not allow of to Electors in the like occasion They held their first Meeting in the Town-Hall at Francfort They observed there all the Formalities which were to precede the Election The 13th of June the Electors went to St. Bartholomew's Church After they had taken the usual Oath they went into the Imperial Chamber and Matthias II. King of Hungary and Bâ—â—emia and Arch-Duke of Austria was Elected and Proclaimed Emperor This is not a place to give a Description in of all the Ceremonies which are practis'd on this occasion The Concourse of the Princes and Nobility of Germany makes the finest Sight Besides the Princes of Sovereign Houses who came in crouds to Francfort Besides the Barons which the Emperor and the Electors had in their Train there were counted Ninety others who paid their Devoirs to Matthias He was Crown'd the 24th of June with the usual Pomp. The Oath cannot but be approved of which they made him take viz. to be a Defender and Protector of the Church in General and in particular to govern the Empire according to the Justice of his Predecessors to preserve carefully all the Rights of it to defend the Poor the Rich Widows and Orphans Lastly to submit himself and obey Jesus Christ But is not this the greatest Indignity in the World that they should put into this Oath the Roman High-Priest immediately after the Saviour of the World The Emperor promises to obey God and the Pope alike Strange blindness of Princes who will not know the Spirit of the Religion they swear to maintain Let the Bishop of Rome be Sovereign of the same Provinces in Italy t' is a grand abuse in Religion But the Emperors and Kings engage to obey him this is an entire overthrow of the Gospel They were wont heretofore to say that the Church is in the Empire
de Coeuvres was informed before his departure from Italy that the Prince of Conde and the Regent were upon the point of Agreement This News unravelled the Designs of the Duke of Savoy He flatterr'd himself he should have time to make good his pretensions to Monferrat in spight of the King of Spain whilst his Catholick Majesty should be busied in Supporting the Authority of Mary de Medicis shaken by a Civil War rais'd by the Prince of Conde in France The Treaty which the Regent was about to Conclude at St. Meneboud in Champagne Memoires de la Regence de Marie de Medicis with the Malecontents was not so Binding but that the Prince de Conde held still a great Correspondence with Savoy Mercure Francois 1614. and there was still great Confusions in France These Considerations gave Charles Emanuel some hopes of being in a Condition to make the Governor of Milan know that his Catholick Majesty was not powerful enough to be absolute Master of all the Affairs in Italy Before we relate this new Quarrel which the Duke of Savoy had with the Marquiss of Inojosa or rather with the Court of Madrid it is necessary to look back on the Course of the Affairs in France and to give an account of the Negociation of the Duke of Ventadour and the other Commissioners of the King of France with the Prince of Conde and the Lords of his Party at the Conference of Soissons The latter came thither attended by Six or Seven hundred Horse and Four thousand Foot The Duke de Mayenne Governor of the Isle of France had put a strong Garrison into Soissons for the Security of the Prince and the Lords that came with him The 14th April they assembled in the Castle of Soissons After the Prince of Conde and the Malecontented Lords had protested that they had no other Design but to Serve his Majesty and to secure the Peace of France they desired Three things of the Regent that the States of the Kingdom should be Conven'd as soon as possible that the double Marriage with Spain should be Superseded and that both Sides should lay down their Arms. Hitherto things went very smoothly they pretended to design nothing but the publick Good But they reserv'd a Power to Treat not only concerning the Liberty and Security of the Assembly of the States of the Kingdom but also concerning the particular Interests of each of the Lords The Convocation of the States were granted without any difficulty The Regent had offered that in her Answer to the Prince de Conde's Manifesto There was a dispute about the Second Article They demanded a Suspention of the double Marriage till the End of the Assembly of the States The Commissioners of the Court had only Orders to grant it till the Majority of the King And to save the Authority of the Regent in an Affair which she had Negociated and solemnly Concluded with Spain the Court would not allow that this Article should be inserted in the publick Treaty They offered a particular Letter of the Regent to the Prince in which her Majesty would engage her self to defer the double Marriage till the Majority of the King The thing was accepted of with this modification There was only a formality wanting The day appointed for the opening of the Assembly of the States falling out before the Majority the double Marriage could not be Celebrated before the end thereof The Prince de Conde retires from Soissons and goes into Champagne The proposals which the Prince de Conde and the Lords of his Party made with Relation to their particular Interests raised great disputes in the Council of Mary de Medicis under a pretence of providing for their own Security The Prince and the other Malecontents demanded that they would put some important Place into their Hands and grant them several things for their own convenience 'T was necessary to send Couriers to Court Memoirs de Bassompierre Mercure Francois 1614. and to receive Instructions concerning these Affairs Thus the King's Army gained time to reinforce it self considerably Galati brought Six thousand Swisses which he had Commission to Levy Memoires de la Regence de Marie de Medicis Bassompierre their New Collonel General went to receive them at Troies in Champagne from thence he Conducted them to Vitri where Praslain was gathering together the King's Army These motions made the Prince de Conde Jealous who immediately left Soissons He had written to the Queen before to thank her for the Three Articles which she had consented too and to Advertise her Majesty that the Duke de Maierne and the Mareschal de Bovillon remained at Soissons with full power to Treat of those other Conditions which his Highness and the Lords of the Party had demanded Conde had a mind to seize Vitri with his little Army which he led towards Sedan But the Kings Troops prevented him He made amends for this by assisting the Duke of Nevers to make himself Master of St. Menehoud When the particular Demands of the Prince and the Malecontented Lords were proposed in the Queen's Council their Opinions were divided The Dukes de Guise d' Epernon de Bellegarde The Regents Council divided about the demands which the P. of Conde the Malecontents make with relation to their particular Interests the Cardinal de Joieuse and Villeroi Secretary of State cried out upon them as unworthy Conditions which the Queen could not grant with Honour and without parting with too much of her Authority Guise and Epernon said boldly that if the Regent granted Places of Security to their Enemies they likewise would demand the same and that they would look for Assistance out of the Kingdom This was plainly to threaten Siri Meme recondite Tom. III. p. 238 239 c. that they would join themselves with the Crown of Spain This appeared so much the more a contriv'd Design because the Ministers of Philip declar'd that the King their Master would not send the Infanta his Daughter into France as long as the Enemies of the House of Austria were there the Strongest Mary de Medicis began to be shaken by their Reasons who were of Opinion that she should suppress the Prince of Conde by Force The Parliaments the greater part of the military Officers in a word almost the whole Kingdom were at her Majesties disposal The Hugonots did not Rise only the Duke of Rohan was perhaps tempted to join with the Prince of Conde But Rohan did not eare to embark himself without having a prospect what was like to be the Success However 't was easie to stop him by giving some Satisfaction to the Reformed Churches concerning the Edicts of Pacification and above all in not accepting the assistance which the King of Spain offer'd and of which the Regent had no need Her Majesty did not want Money she had a good Army Conde and the Lords of his Party lying in the extreame parts of
would willingly have excused himself but he was forc'd to obey He was afraid that his Enemies procur'd him this troublesome Commission that so he might fall out with the Queen and the Duke Memoires de Mary de Medicis whose near Kinsman he was by the Side of the famous Gabriel d' Etrees The Marquiss at first made no Impression on him only brought some Complaints of the Dukes de Vendome Retz who thought that the Treaty of St. Menehoud was injurious to him Mary de Medicis ordered him to Return and to tell the Duke de Vendome that her Majesty would not Demolish the new Fortifications of Blevet provided he would let the Garrison March out and suffer Swisses to be sent in their Room Mercure Francois 1614. Vendome Subscrib'd this and some other Conditions which were offered him The King and the Queen his Mother advanc'd towards Orleans with a design to pass the Loire and to go into Poìtou and Bretagne The Marquiss de Coeuvres made a Third Journey into Britagne He Garrisoned Blevet with the Swisse And the Duke de Vendome having laid down his Arms was re-established in his Government by Letters Patents from her Majesty dated at O leans the 14th July New Discontents of the Prince of Conde The Prince of Conde was come to take Possession of his new Government of Amboise He there observed that the Court had not granted him any thing considerable and that he should reap no great advantage from that Place of Security which he had Demanded with so much Earnestness Discontent seizes him he seeks for new Occasions for falling out Vie de Mr. du Plessis Liv III. he endeavours to render himself formidable to the Regent Accordingly he goes to find out du Plessis Mornay at Saumur and has a meeting with the Duke of Rohan at Roche des Aubiers in Anjou He thought if he could have at his Devotion those Two Men who had the greatest Reputation in the Reformed Churches in France that all the Huguenot Party would Declare for him upon the first oportunity The Prince affected to discover a great Confidence in du Plessis Mornai He endeavoured to justifie his Retreat from Court and his Enterprise against the Regent he told him his pretended Designs in desiring a Convocation of the States of the Kingdom and how it was the likeliest way to promote the Reformation of Abuses he desired du Plessis Mornai to give him his Advice freely This experinc'd Gentleman knew very well what Conde was able to do He exhorted him only in general Terms to preserve the Peace of the Kingdom to take those measures which were most agreeable to the welfare thereof whose present Condition could not bear violent Remedies to manage Affairs in concert with the Queen lest a misunderstanding between them should hinder that good success of the next Assembly of the States lastly to listen to the Advice of the most wise and understanding Persons with relation to the rectifying such Abuses which the present posture of Affairs would admit of When Conde saw that du Plessis was not so easily to be perswaded he pretended to take in good part the Counsels which he gave him He desired du Plessis to prepare a Memorial of those things which were necessary to be done in the Assembly of the States But his Highness who did not care for such wise Remonstrances and so contrary to his Inclinations went immediately to la Roche des Aubiers where Rohan and Soubize expected him The Prince made great Complaints of the Mareschal de Bovillon 'T is he The Interview of the P. de Conde and D. de Rohan said he who hath drawn off the principal Men from my Party He hath endeavoured to make his advantage of every thing If the â—…est had testified as good an Affection for me as the Duke de Nevers I should not have been forc'd to so suddain an Accommodation with the Court I know very well that you have the same reason to Complain that I would have Engaged you in the Treaty when it was almost Concluded 't was none of my design to be so hasty But how could I help it The Mareschal de Bovillon deceived me Thanks be to God there is yet some Remedy left us I shall have a powerful and numerous Party in the Assembly of the States The great Men of the Kingdom in Conjunction with my self will be able to oblige the Queen to change her Conduct It will be easie to set Bounds to her Authority and to make Considerable Alterations in the Administration of Affairs If the Queen absolutely refuses to grant our desires we shall have a fair pretence to Arms. We are never without Malecontents in France There is a great number of Gentlemen and Soldiers ready to Declare themselves Althô the Duke de Rohan had other Principles than du Plessis Mornai and his displeasure against the Court inclined him to a violent Resolution yet he had the Prudence not to Engage himself with the Prince de Conde He only remonstrated to his Highness that he ought not to depend so much on the States of the Kingdom The Queen will have more Authority there than you added he Those which you reckon upon at present will leave you instead of Supporting you Fear and Hope are the Two great Springs which move the Members of these Assemblies You are not in a Condition to promise them great matters nor to fright them by Menaces The Queen has Preferments and Places to dispose of she can do a great deal of mischief to those that oppose her Will. Who is there that will Declare openly for you against her Majesty Believe it Sir the States General will oppose your Designs Conde seeing that this Interview did not at all incourage his new Projects he was afraid that his Discourses with the Duke of Rohan should raise some Jealousie in the Regent He writ immediately to the President Jeannin to tell him that his Discourse with the Duke of Rohan only tended to hinder him from joining with the Duke de Vendome What meanness what shameful Artifices are these for Men of high Birth Was it necessary that Conde to excuse himself to the Court should render the Duke of Rohan suspected that he held Intelligence with the Duke of Vendome The Prince knew that Rohan had advised Vendome to consent to the Treaty at St. Menehoud Rohan told Conde this who appear'd very well pleas'd that he had given this Advice to a young Man who was like to Ruine himself The Prince of Conde designs to make himself Master of Poitiers The Prince de Conde had yet another Design in his head He thought to make himself Master of Poitiers The Duke de Roannez Governor of the City favoured his Design and the Marquiss de Bonnivet was to assemble the Gentlemen to serve this purpose The time for choosing the Mayor was at hand there were a great many Factions in the Town Roannez and some other
was afterwards Confirmed in all its Articles in the Orders and Acts which were made and lastly in every thing that was since agreed to either in the Interpretation of it or in its Execution which they would as 't was said inviolably keep and observe After having forbid his Subjects to enter into any Leagues contrary to the Well-being of the State with foreign Princes and to receive any secret Pensions from 'em the King confirm'd his Father's Edicts against Duels and the Ordinances of his Predecessors against Swearing and Blasphemy I should not refuse to give so pious and just a Declaration in all appearance its just Praises if the Son of him who made it had not declared Solemnly that neither his Father or his Grandfather had ever any Intention to continue such an Edict which they had promised so many times to maintain as a Perpetual and Irrevocable Law How then Were these Two Kings who had the magnificent Sirnames conferred upon them of Great and Just by the Confession of their Son Men without Conscience and Probity Will Posterity ever believe a thing of this Nature As for my self I shall always preserve a better Opinion of Henry IV. and Lewis XIII I can't be persuaded that they were so bad as Lewis XIV represents them to us The K. takes his Seat of Justice in the Parlement at Paris The next Morning being the Second day of October the King went to take his Seat of Justice in the Parlement at Paris as he was going and in his Seat he was accompanied with all imaginable Pomp and Splendour Mary de Medicis made a short Discourse there Mercure Francois 1614. in which her Majesty declared That she put the Administration of Affairs into her Son's hands who for some days had been in his Majority Lewis greatly thank't his Mother and ended in declaring that he was willing that his Mother should always continue to take Care of him and Govern the State and this is what the good Princess had discreetly brought about with a great deal of diligence She preserved her Authority without making her self Responsible for what should be done hereafter Too happy If the Favourite who began already to insinuate himself into the young King had not banisht her from the Court and the Chief Minister of State whom shâ—… her self had Establisht in the place of the deceased Favourite had not drove her away out of the Kingdom Sileri Chancellour and Verdun Chief President made Speeches upon the Majority of the Kings of France Servin the Advocate General 's Discourse was more remarkable for the prudent and Religious Remonstrances he made to the young King There 's only this one thing I have to find fault with that so grave a Magistrate was himself ensnared with this base flattery which was introduc'd then into the Parlement and is since establisht there so shamefully Servin heap'd up upon Mary de Medicis excessive Praises for her Administration of the Government Amongst the good Counsels he gave Lewis with a Christian and French liberty ought he to have inserted that he should behave himself as his Mother should Advise who rather aimed at the maintaining of her Authority and the Advancement of her Creatures and Favourites than at the Instruction of her Son in Religion and Virtue and the making of his People happy and satisfied in her Administration of the Government The Ceremony ended with reading and registring a Declaration despatcht the day before Searching as carefully as 't was possible for me what regarded the History of Lewis XIII in his Minority I oftentimes wondered to find so little matter touching the young King's Education His Father had made Gilles de Souvrè his Governor But it seems that upon this occasion Henry IV. less thought of choosing a Gentleman who had the Qualities which this important Employment required than of Recompensing the faithfulness of an old Servant I can find out that Souvrè bestirr'd himself to settle his Family and procure his Son the Marquiss of Courtenvaux a considerable Office But I could never learn what he did to give Lewis a Royal Education Souvrè's Family which this Prince hath made Illustrious did not continue long after his death The Heiress carried all the Means away into another Person 's House who was a Minister of State and whose Father of an obscure Birth was advanc'd to the chief Dignity of the long Robe Memoires de la Regence de Maried Medicis Melanges d'Histoire de Litte-rature par Vigneul-Marville Vanquelin des Ivetaux was the King's first Tutour A Person of Quality whose Memoires we have saith that Vanquelin was a Man of great Merit and very capable to Instruct a Prince But the Character which a Modern Author gives us of the exâ—â—vagant and romantick Amours and of the Epicurean Life and Death of this Man is a certain proof that Henry IV. did not well distinguish Men of Worth The Cardinal Perron used many Intrigues to get his Brother into the place of being his Tutour He offered himself to take the care and directions of the Dauphin's Studies Yet Henry IV. of his own Inclination chose Vanquelin He did not long continue in the Employment The envy and jealousie of some caused him to be removed from it in a years time after the death of Henry IV. Nicholas le Fevre succeeded him This was a Person noted for his Knowledge and Piety The late King had sent him to the Prince of Conde who was willing to Recompense le Fevre in being a means to procure Vanquelin's place in which he behaved himself with much approbation Le Fevre died the year after and Fleurance Rivant an able Mathematician as 't is said rose from the Office of being Sub-Tutour to be Tutour in Chief A Youth who passeth through so many different hands doth not usually become a Man of Abilities Bernard Historie de Louis XIII Liv. 1. Lewis XIII learnt very little Latin Falconry and the exercise of Hunting pleased him more than Study he lookt very well after Hawks and became in Hunting the greatest Rider in his Kingdom His Majesty saith an Historian called to his Dogs in Perfection Had it not been much more to the purpose to have taught him how to speak to Men 'T was likewise observed that Lewis was no bad Gunner and that he very well understood Fortification These Qualifications which might be of some use to a younger Brother of the Nobility who is to seek and make out his own Fortune are not in any wise fit for a King if you except from hence understanding and knowledge in Fortifications He may for his diversion Hunt and flie his Hawks but he ought to Employ his time in something that 's better than to be expert in Falcons and Hounds I should have nothing to say against Lewis's having some knowledge in Artillery which is necessary for a King who ought to make himself capable of Commanding his Armies when the publick-good requires it But is not this ridiculous that he is suffer'd to burden his Memory with the names and use of the smallest things in Artillery They ought to have been constantly instilling into his Head Precepts useful and important to one who intends to Govern well In a Pack of Hounds he could call every one of them by their Names But t is a business more worthy of a Prince to learn the knowledge of Men to distinguish from others those who are more capable of Places of greatest Dignitiy in the State and to Reward those who are of good Use and Service to the Publick Lewis XIII had always good Inclinations and Principles in him of Virtue and Equity Courtiers dared not speak any thing of obscenity or Swear in his Presence He feared God loved Justice and was willing to do good to his People If Souvrè and others had been diligent to Instruct and Cultivate what God had given him of Judgement and Integrity they might have done considerable Service to their Prince and Country Lewis then might not have been in the unhappy necessity of leaving all to a Favourite or Minister of State who did not think of any thing but the better Establishment of their Credit and Fortunes in raising to day a Civil War and to morrow a Foreign one The End of the First Tome Books Printed for and Sold by T. Cockerill at the Three Legs in the Poultry ANnotations on the Holy Bible by Matthew Pool in Two Volumes Folio The Works of the Reverend and Learned Divine Stephen Charnock B. D. in Two Volumes in Folio Historical Collections by John Rushworth Esq the Third Part in Two Volumes in Folio Sermons Preached on several occasions by John Conant D. D. in Three Volumes in Octavo A Discourse against customary Swearing by the Honourable Robert Boyle Esq Geography Anatomized or the Compleat Geographical Grammar being a short and exact Analysis of the whole Body of Modern Geography after a new and curious Method by Patrick Gordon M. A. and Fellow of the Royal Society The private Christian's Witness for Christianity in Octavo A Preservative against Deism by N. Taylor in Octavo Memoirs of the Countess of Dunois Author of the Ladies Travels into Spain written by her self before her Retirement in Octavo Essays on several Projects in Octavo A Practical Discourse of God's Sovereignty with other material Points deriving thence by Elisha Cole in Octavo English Exercise for School-Boys to Translate into Latin by J. Garretson in Duodecimo An Exposition on the Assemblies Catechism by J. Flavel Tales of the Fairies by the Author of the Ladies Travels into Spain in Duodecimo The Reasonableness of a Personal Reformation by John Flavel History of England by James Tyrril Esq in the Press and will shortly be Published in Folio Geography Rectified by Robert Modern in Quarto Devotions for every Day in the Week by Dr. Dumoulin